Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution The Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution ( / , or " Sepāh " for short ) , often called Revolutionary Guards , is a branch of Iran ' s military , founded after the Iranian revolution on 5 May 1979 . Whereas the regular military ( " artesh " ) defends Iran ' s borders and maintains internal order , according to the Iranian constitution , the Revolutionary Guard ( " pasdaran " ) is intended to protect the country ' s Islamic system . The Revolutionary Guards state that their role in protecting the Islamic system is preventing foreign interference as well as coups by the military or " deviant movements " . The IRGC has roughly 125 , 000 military personnel including ground , aerospace and naval forces . Its naval forces are now the primary forces tasked with operational control of the Persian Gulf . It also controls the paramilitary Basij militia which has about 90 , 000 active personnel , and in recent years has developed into a " multibillion - dollar business empire , " and is reportedly the " third - wealthiest organization in Iran " after the National Iranian Oil Company and the Imam Reza Endowment . Since its origin as an ideologically driven militia , the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution has taken an ever more assertive role in virtually every aspect of Iranian society . Its expanded social , political , military , and economic role under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad ' s administration – especially during the 2009 presidential election and post - election suppression of protest — has led many analysts to argue that its political power has surpassed even that of the . The media arm of Iran ’ s Revolutionary Guard is Sepah News . The Chief Commander of the Guardians is Mohammad Ali Jafari , who was preceded by Yahya Rahim Safavi . Terminology . In Iran , due to the frequent use of referencing government organizations with one word names ( that generally denote their function ) as opposed to acronyms or shortened versions , the entire general populace universally refer to the organization as Sepāh ( Army ) . Although " Artesh " means army as well , Sepāh has a connotation of security . By contrast Artesh has a more militaristic meaning and is therefore used to refer to the general Armed Forces . The Iranian Government , media , and those who identify with the organization generally use Sepāh e Pāsdārān ( Army of Guardians ) , although it is not uncommon to hear Pāsdārān e Enqelāb ( پاسداران انقلاب ) ( Guardians of the Revolution ) , or simply Pāsdārān ( پاسداران ) ( Guardians ) as well . It should be noted though that among the Iranian population , especially among the diaspora , using the other names ( especially when using the word Pasdaran ) can indicate loyalty to the Islamic Republic or affiliation with the organization . Most foreign Governments and the English - speaking mass media tend to use the term Iranian Revolutionary Guards ( " IRG " ) or simply the Revolutionary Guards . In the US media , the force is frequently referred to as the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps ( " IRGC " ) , although this force is rarely described as a " corps " by non - US media . Organization . The force ' s main role is in national security . It is responsible for internal and border security , law enforcement , and also Iran ' s missile forces . IRGC operations are geared towards asymmetric warfare and less traditional duties . These include the control of smuggling , control of the Strait of Hormuz , and resistance operations . The IRGC is intended to complement the more traditional role of the regular Iranian military , with the two forces operating separately and focusing on different operational roles . The IRGC is a combined arms force with its own ground forces , navy , air force , intelligence , and special forces . It also controls the Basij militia . The Basij is a volunteer - based force , with 90 , 000 regular soldiers and 300 , 000 reservists . The IRGC is officially recognized as a component of the Iranian military under Article 150 of the Iranian Constitution . It is separate from , and parallel to , the other arm of the Iran ' s military , which is called Artesh ( another Persian word for army ) . Especially in the waters of the Persian Gulf , the IRGC is expected to assume control of any Iranian response to attacks on its nuclear facilities . History and structure . The IRGC was formed on 5 May 1979 following the Islamic Revolution of 1979 in an effort to consolidate several paramilitary forces into a single force loyal to the new regime and to function as a counter to the influence and power of the regular military , initially seen as a potential source of opposition and loyalty to the Shah . From the beginning of the new Islamic regime , the Pasdaran ( Pasdaran - e Enghelab - e Islami ) functioned as a corps of the faithful . The Constitution of the Islamic Republic entrusted the defense of Iran ' s territorial integrity and political independence to the military , while it gave the Pasdaran the responsibility of preserving the Revolution itself . Days after Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini ' s return to Tehran on 1 February 1979 , the Bazargan interim administration established the Pasdaran under a decree issued by Khomeini on 5 May . The Pasdaran was intended to protect the Revolution and to assist the ruling clerics in the day - to - day enforcement of the new government ' s Islamic codes and morality . There were other , perhaps more important , reasons for establishing the Pasdaran . The Revolution needed to rely on a force of its own rather than borrowing the previous regime ' s tainted units . As one of the first revolutionary institutions , the Pasdaran helped legitimize the Revolution and gave the new regime an armed basis of support . Moreover , the establishment of the Pasdaran served notice to both the population and the regular armed forces that the Khomeini regime was quickly developing its own enforcement body . Thus , the Pasdaran , along with its political counterpart , Crusade for Reconstruction , brought a new order to Iran . In time , the Pasdaran would rival the police and the judiciary in terms of its functions . It would even challenge the performance of the regular armed forces on the battlefield . Although the IRGC operated independently of the regular armed forces , it was often considered to be a military force in its own right due to its important role in Iranian defense . The IRGC consists of ground , naval , and aviation troops , which parallel the structure of the regular military . Unique to the Pasdaran , however , has been control of Iran ' s strategic missile and rocket forces . Also contained under the umbrella of the more conventional Pasdaran , were the Basij Forces ( Mobilization Resistance Force ) , a network of potentially up to a million active individuals who could be called upon in times of need . The Basij could be committed to assist in the defense of the country against internal or external threats , but by 2008 had also been deployed in mobilizing voters in elections and alleged tampering during such activities . Another element was the Qods Force , a special forces element tasked with unconventional warfare roles and known to be involved providing assistance and training to various militant organizations around the world . Yahya Rahim Safavi , head of the IRGC since 1997 , was dismissed as commander in chief of the Revolutionary Guards ( Pasdarans ) in August 2007 . The dismissal of general Yahya Rahim Safavi disrupted the balance of power in Iran to the advantage of conservatives . Analysis in the international press considered the removal of Yahya Rahim Safavi to be a sign of change in the defense strategies of Iran , but the general policies of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps are not personally determined by its commander . Military Structure . In late July 2008 reports originating that the IRGC was in the process of dramatically changing its structure . In a shake - up , in September 2008 Iran ' s Revolutionary Guards ( Pasdarans ) established 31 divisions and an autonomous missile command . The new structure changes the IRGC from a centralized to a decentralized force with 31 provincial corps , whose commanders wield extensive authority and power . According to the plan , each of Iran ’ s thirty provinces will have a provincial corps , except Tehran Province , which will have two . Basij . The Basij is a paramilitary volunteer militia founded by the order of the Ayatollah Khomeini in November 1979 . The Basij are ( at least in theory ) subordinate to , and receive their orders from , the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and current Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei . However they have also been described as " a loosely allied group of organizations " including " many groups controlled by local clerics . " Currently , the Basij serve as an auxiliary force engaged in activities such as internal security as well as law enforcement auxiliary , the providing of social service , organizing of public religious ceremonies , and more famously morals policing and the suppression of dissident gatherings . Quds Force . The elite Quds Force ( or Jerusalem Force ) , sometimes described as the successor to the Shah ' s Imperial Guard s , is estimated to be 2 , 000 – 5 , 000 in number . It is a special operations unit , handling activities abroad . Ansar - Ul - Mehdi Corps . The Ansar - Ul - Mehdi ( Followers of Imam Mehdi ( a . s ) ( 12th Shia Imam ) Corps is primarily responsible for the protection of top officials of government and parliament ( excluding the Supreme Leader ) . As an elite , secretive force within the I . R . G . C Ground force , its officers are entrusted with many other special assignments , such as Counter Intelligence & Covert Operations beyond Iran ' s borders . The corps has four layers of protection for top officials and the agents go to each layer according to their experience and loyalty . The current commander of Ansar - Ul - Mehdi is Colonel Asad Zadeh . Size . The IISS Military Balance 2007 says the IRGC has 125 , 000 + personnel and controls the Basij on mobilisation . It estimates the IRGC Ground and Aerospace Forces are 100 , 000 strong and is ' very lightly manned ' in peacetime . It estimates there are up to 20 infantry divisions , some independent brigades , and one airborne brigade . The IISS estimates the IRGC Naval Forces are 20 , 000 strong including 5 , 000 Marines in one brigade of three or four Marine Battalions . , and are equipped with some coastal defence weapons ( some HY - 2 / CSS - C - 3 Seersucker SSM batteries and some artillery batteries ) and 50 patrol boats ( including 10 Chinese Houdang fast attack craft ) . The IRGC air arm , says the IISS , controls Iran ' s strategic missile force and has an estimated one brigade of Shahab - 1 / 2 with 12 – 18 launchers , and a Shahab - 3 unit . The IISS says of the Shahab - 3 unit ' estimated 1 battalion with estimated 6 single launchers each with estimated 4 Shahab - 3 strategic IRBM . ' Combat history . Lebanon Civil War . During the Lebanese Civil War , the IRGC allegedly sent troops to train fighters in response to the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon . In Lebanon , political parties had staunch opinions regarding the IRGC ' s presence . Some , mainly the Christian militias such as the Lebanese Forces , Phalanges , and most of the Christian groups declared war on the IRGC , claiming they violated Lebanese sovereignty , while others , including Muslim militias , were neutral to their presence . Groups such as the PSP and Mourabiton did not approve of their presence , but to serve political alliances they decided to remain silent on the matter . 2006 Lebanon War . During the 2006 Lebanon War , several Iranian Revolutionary Guards were reportedly killed by Israeli forces in Baalbek , a town close to the Syrian border . 2006 plane crash . In January 2006 , an IRGC Falcon crashed near Oroumieh . All fifteen passengers died , including twelve senior IRGC commanders . Among the dead was General Ahmad Kazemi , the IRGC ground forces commander . Possible attacks on Quds Force . On 7 July 2008 , investigative journalist and author Seymour Hersh wrote an article in the " New Yorker " stating that the Bush Administration had signed a Presidential Finding authorizing the CIA ' s Special Activities Division to begin cross border paramilitary operations from Iraq and Afghanistan into Iran . These operations would be against the Quds Force , the commando arm of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard that had been blamed for repeated acts of violence in Iraq , and “ high - value targets ” in the President ’ s war on terror . October 2009 Pishin bombing . In October 2009 , several top commanders of the Revolutionary Guards were killed in a suicide bombing in the Pishin region of Sistan - Baluchistan , in the south - east of Iran . The Iranian state television said 31 people died in the attack , and more than 25 were injured . Shia and Sunni tribal leaders were also killed . The Sunni Baluchi insurgent group , Jundullah claimed responsibility for the attack . The Iranian government initially blamed the United States for involvement in the attacks , as well as Saudi Arabia , the United Kingdom and later Pakistan for their alleged support of the Jundallah group . The United States denied involvement , but some reports of US assistance to Jundallah during the Bush administration have come from Western sources . The attacks appear to have originated in Pakistan and several suspects have been arrested . In Syria 2011 – 2013 . General Qa ` ani - Senior officer of Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution – said : “ If the Islamic Republic was not present in Syria , the massacre of civilians would have been twice as bad . Had physically and non - physically stopped the rebels from killing many more among the Syrian people . ” Iranian Revolutionary Guard soldiers , along with fellow Shi ' ite forces from Hezbollah and members of Iran ' s Basij militia participated in the capture of Qusair from rebel forces on 9 June 2013 . Influence . Political . Ayatollah Khomeini urged that the country ' s military forces should remain unpoliticized . However , the Constitution , in Article 150 , defines the IRGC as the " guardian of the Revolution and of its achievements " which is at least partly a political mission . His original views have therefore been the subject of debate . Supporters of the Basiji have argued for politicization , while reformists , moderates and Hassan Khomeini opposed it . President Rafsanjani forced military professionalization and ideological deradicalization on the IRGC to curb its political role , but the Pasdaran became natural allies of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei when reformists threatened him . The IRGC grew stronger under President Ahmedinejad , and assumed formal command of the Basiji militia in early 2009 . Although never explicitly endorsing or affiliating themselves with any political parties , the Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran ( or Abadgaran ) , is widely viewed as a political front for the Revolutionary Guards . Many former members ( including Ahmadinejad ) have joined this party in recent years and the Revolutionary Guards have reportedly given them financial support . As an elite group , members of Pasdaran have influence in Iran ' s political world . President Ahmadinejad joined the IRGC in 1985 , serving first in military operation in Iraqi Kurdistan before leaving the front line to take charge of logistics . A majority of his first cabinet consisted of IRGC veterans . Nearly one third of the members elected to Iran ' s Majlis in 2004 are also " " Pásdárán " " . Others have been appointed as ambassadors , mayors , provincial governors and senior bureaucrats . However , IRGC veteran status does not imply a single viewpoint . In the days before the 2009 presidential election , the Revolutionary Guard warned against a " velvet revolution " and vowed to crush any attempt at one . Three weeks after the election the Guard ' s commander , Maj . Gen . Mohammad Ali Jafari , " publicly acknowledged they had taken over the nation ' s security during the post - election unrest " and called this ` a revival of the revolution , ` in a press conference . Another Guard general Yadollah Javani , stated that there would be no middle ground in the dispute over the election results , there being only two currents – " those who defend and support the revolution and the establishment , and those who are trying to topple it . " Several sources have commented on increased power of the Guard following the election , saying that " it appears that the military likely will become the strongest stakeholder " in Iran , that " many Iranians " fear " the outcome of the election was just a thinly - veiled military coup " by the Guard , or even that Iran has now become a " regular military security government " with only " a facade of a Shiite clerical system . ” On 5 July 2011 the head of the Guard ( Mohammad Ali Jaffari ) declared former president Mohammad Khatami unfit to return to Iranian politics . This vetting power was traditionally the purview of the Guardian Council , but two days later the highest judicial authority of Iran , ( Sadegh Larijani ) issued a statement in support of Jaffari saying “ the responsibility of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards [ has ] been based in the constitution . . . " and includes all activities necessary for the “ defense of Islam . . . " Also in July 2011 , the first Pasdaran commander was nominated to a post in Iran ' s cabinet not related to defense when Brig . Gen . Rostam Ghasemi ( head of " Khatam al - Anbiya " , " the most powerful economic wing of the Revolutionary Guards " ) was nominated for minister of petroleum . Petroleum is Iran ' s " most strategic sector " , and if confirmed Ghasemi will be " in a position to oversee energy contracts " . Economic activity . IRGC first expanded into commercial activity through informal social networking of veterans and former officials . IRGC officials confiscated assets of many refugees who had fled Iran after the fall of the Bani - sadr regime . It is now a vast conglomerate , controlling Iran ’ s missile batteries and nuclear program but also a multibillion - dollar business empire reaching almost all economic sectors . Estimates have it controlling between a tenth and around a third of Iran ' s economy through a series of subsidiaries and trusts . The Los Angeles Times estimates that IRGC has ties to over one hundred companies , with its annual revenue exceeding $ 12 billion in business and construction . IRGC has been awarded billions of dollars in contracts in the oil , gas and petrochemical industries , as well as major infrastructure projects . The following commercial entities have been named by the United States as owned or controlled by the IRGC and its leaders . In September 2009 , the Government of Iran sold 51 % of the shares of the Telecommunication Company of Iran to the Mobin Trust Consortium ( Etemad - e - Mobin ) , a group affiliated with the Guards , for the sum of $ 7 . 8 billion . This was the largest transaction on the Tehran Stock Exchange in history . IRGC also owns 45 % participation in automotive Bahman Group and has a majority stake in Iran ' s naval giant SADRA through Khatam al - Anbia . The IRGC also exerts influence over " bonyad s " , wealthy , non - governmental ostensibly charitable foundations controlled by key clerics . The pattern of revolutionary foundations mimics the style of informal and extralegal economic networks from the time of the Shah . Their development started in the early 1990s , gathered pace over the next decade , and accelerated even more with many lucrative no - bid contract s from the Ahmadinejad presidency . The IRGC exerts informal , but real , influence over many such organizations including : Scholarly Analysis . Mehdi Khalaji of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy argues that the IRGC is “ the spine of the current political structure and a major player in the Iranian economy . ” The once theocratic state has evolved into a garrison state , like Burma and North Korea , whereby the military dominates social , cultural , political , and economic life , protecting the regime from internal rather than external opponents . Greg Bruno and Jayshree Bajoria of the Council on Foreign Relations agree , stating that the IRGC has expanded well beyond its mandate and into a “ socio - military - political - economic force ” that deeply penetrates Iran ’ s power structure . “ The Guards ’ involvement in politics has grown to unprecedented levels since 2004 , when IRCG won at least 16 percent of the 290 seats " in the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran . During the elections of March 2008 , IRGC veterans won 182 out of 290 seats , helping Mahmoud Ahmadinejad consolidate power . Half of Ahmadinejad ’ s cabinet is composed of former IRGC officers while several others have been appointed to provincial governorships . Ali Alfoneh of the American Enterprise Institute contends that “ While the presence of former IRGC officers in the cabinet is not a new phenomenon , their numbers under Ahmadinejad — they occupy nine of the twenty - one ministry portfolios — are unprecedented . ” Additionally , Ahmadinejad successfully purged provincial governorships of Rafsanjani and Khatami supporters and replaced them not only with IRGC members , but also members of the Basij and the Islamic Republic prison administration . The IRGC chief , General Mohammad Ali Ja ’ fari , announced that the Guards ’ would go through internal restructuring in order to counter “ internal threats to the Islamic Republic . ” Bruce Riedel , a Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution and former CIA analyst , argues the Guards was created to protect the regime against a possible coup . Since the disputed 2009 presidential elections , debate over how powerful the IRGC is has reemerged . Danielle Pletka and Ali Alfoneh see the irreversible militarization of Iran ’ s government . Abbas Milani , director of Iranian Studies at Stanford University , believes the Guards ’ power actually exceeds that of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei . Frederic Wehry , adjunct Senior Fellow at the RAND Corporation believes the Revolutionary Guards is not a cohesive unit of similar - minded conservatives but rather a factionalized institution that is hardly bent on overthrowing their masters . Controversy . From its origin as an ideologically driven militia , the IRGC has taken an ever more assertive role in virtually every aspect of Iranian society . Its part in suppressing dissent has led many analysts to describe the events surrounding the 12 June 2009 presidential election as a military coup , and the IRGC as an authoritarian military security government for which its Shiite clerical system is no more than a facade . Since its establishment , IRGC has been involved in many economic and military activities among which some raised controversies . The organization has been accused of smuggling ( including importing illegal alcoholic beverages , cigarettes and satellite dishes , into Iran via jetties not supervised by the Government ) , training Hezbollah and Hamas fighters , and of being involved in the Iraq War . In December 2009 evidence uncovered during an investigation by the Guardian newspaper and Guardian Films linked the IRGC to the kidnappings of 5 Britons from a government ministry building in Baghdad in 2007 . Three of the hostages , Jason Creswell , Jason Swindlehurst and Alec Maclachlan , were killed . Alan Mcmenemy ' s body was never found but Peter Moore was released on 30 December 2009 . The investigation uncovered evidence that Moore , 37 , a computer expert from Lincoln was targeted because he was installing a system for the Iraqi Government that would show how a vast amount of international aid was diverted to Iran ' s militia groups in Iraq . According to Geneive Abdo IRGC members were appointed " as ambassadors , mayors , cabinet ministers , and high - ranking officials at state - run economic institutions " during the administration of president Ahmadinejad Appointments in 2009 by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei have given " hard - liners " in the guard " unprecedented power " and included " some of the most feared and brutal men in Iran . "