2009 Honduran constitutional crisis The 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis was a political dispute over plans to rewrite the Constitution of Honduras . It began when Honduran President Manuel Zelaya planned to hold a poll on a referendum on a constituent assembly to change the constitution . A majority of the government , including the Supreme Court and prominent members of his own party , saw such plans as unconstitutional , as they could lead to presidential re - election , which is permanently outlawed by the Honduran constitution . The Honduran Supreme Court had upheld a lower court injunction against the 28 June poll , However , the constitutional process for dealing with this situation was unclear ; there were no clear procedures for removing or prosecuting a sitting president . The crisis culminated in the removal and exile of Honduran President Manuel Zelaya by the Honduran military in a coup d ' état . On the morning of 28 June 2009 , approximately one hundred soldiers stormed the president ' s residence in Tegucigalpa and flew him to San José , Costa Rica , actions which he immediately called a " coup " upon his arrival there . Later that day , the National Congress voted to remove Zelaya , having read without objection a letter of resignation that Zelaya says was forged . Roberto Micheletti , the Speaker of Congress and next in the presidential line of succession , was sworn in as Interim President . A " state of exception " suspending civil liberties was declared on 1 July by Micheletti ' s government and various curfews were imposed , some nationwide . On 21 September 2009 , Zelaya returned in secret to Honduras , after several attempts to return had been rebuffed . It was announced that he was in the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa . The following day five constitutional rights were suspended for 45 days by the Honduras government . Specifically the government suspended : personal liberty ( Article 69 ) , freedom of expression ( Article 72 ) , freedom of movement ( Article 81 ) , habeas corpus ( Article 84 ) and freedom of association and assembly . The decree suspending human rights was officially revoked on 19 October 2009 in La Gaceta . International reaction to the 2009 Honduran crisis garnered widespread condemnation of the events as a coup d ' état . The United Nations , the Organization of American States ( OAS ) , and the European Union was to condemn the removal of Zelaya as a military coup , and some of these condemnations may still remain unretracted . The OAS rejected an attempt by Honduras to withdraw from the organisation and then suspended Honduras the next day . Domestic opinion remains very much divided , and there have been demonstrations for and against Zelaya . Efforts by Costa Rican President Óscar Arias and the United States to effect a diplomatic solution between Micheletti and Zelaya initially resulted in a proposal by President Arias calling for Zelaya ' s return to the presidency , albeit with curtailed powers . Arias ' s proposal also stipulated political amnesty and advanced the Honduran general elections by a month , pushing them to take place in October . In spite of U . S . support for the ( dubbed ) San José Accord , negotiations ultimately broke down as the two parties were unwilling to come to any lasting agreement . Zelaya also insisted that he would not recognize the elections of 29 November as a precondition to returning to power . Honduran leaders refused to reinstate Zelaya before the elections , and international support for the elections remained scant leading up to the polls . Many Hondurans sought to move past the crisis with the elections , which had been scheduled previous to Zelaya ' s ouster . While Zelaya had urged abstention from the vote , initial returns indicated a larger than usual turnout , around 60 % , a figure which was subsequently revised downward to 49 % . Zelaya also disputed those figures at the time . Some Honduran activists have ended daily protests demanding the reinstatement of Zelaya since he was ousted in a coup , saying they are moving on since Congress had voted to keep Manuel Zelaya out of office . The crisis drew to a close with the inauguration of the newly elected president , Porfirio Lobo , on 27 January 2010 and a deal to allow Zelaya to leave the Brazilian embassy into exile in the Dominican Republic . Background . Political and socioeconomic divide in Honduras . Two - thirds of Honduras citizens live below the poverty line , and unemployment is estimated at 28 % . It has one of Latin America ' s most unequal distributions of wealth : the poorest 10 % of the population receives just 1 . 2 % of the country ' s wealth , while the richest 10 % collect 42 % . Approximately twenty per cent of the nation ' s GDP comes from remittances of workers from abroad . The BBC describe the huge wealth gap in a poor country as one of the reasons why the relations between the president and the other institutions were so strained and that his leftward movement alarmed certain sectors . Zelaya pushed for a referendum , insisting that Honduras ' grinding poverty stemmed from a constitution – written in 1982 at the height of that country ' s brutal repression of leftists – that rigs the game for the most powerful families and interests . Zelaya supporters , largely from labor unions and the poor , claim conservative business leaders are actually concerned because Zelaya had sharply increased the minimum wage . Víctor Meza , formerly Zelaya ' s interior minister , stated that : " The impression that stuck with the traditional political class and with the most conservative business leaders of the country was that Zelaya had taken a dangerous turn to the left , and therefore that their interests were in jeopardy . " " We underestimated the conservatism of the Honduran political class and the military leadership . " According to John Donaghy , of Caritas , the real conflict in Honduras is between the poor and wealthy : " It ' s a system that has kept the poor down for years . " To some members of Honduras ’ s small upper class , Zelaya was ousted because of his blossoming leftist alliance with President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela which they recognized as a threat to their interests . To the working - class , it appears Zelaya was ousted because the elite felt threatened by his efforts to improve their lives – most notably with a 60 percent increase in the minimum wage to about US $ 9 . 60 a day from about $ 6 a day . Some who protested in support of Zelaya had never voted for him . Zelaya presidency . Manuel Zelaya , a businessman born into a wealthy Honduran family , was elected in 2005 as the candidate of the country ' s historically powerful Liberal Party . Since taking office , Zelaya ' s economic and social policies earned him praise from labor unions and civil society groups , but alienated him from parts of his own party . which were particularly upset by Zelaya ' s forging a regional alliance with the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas ( ALBA ) , established by Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and other leaders in Latin America as a counter to the trade and security policies sponsored by the United States . Zelaya also planned to convert the Soto Cano Air Base ( " Palmerola " ) , where one of the three United States Southern Command Task Forces is located , into a civilian airport ( it is already in use for many civilian flights because of safety concerns about Toncontín International Airport ) , partly using financing from ALBA and Petrocaribe . " The New York Times " reports that much of Zelaya ' s support is derived from labor unions and the nation ' s poor , while the middle and upper class fear Zelaya is seeking to establish Hugo Chávez ’ s type of socialist populism with a powerful leader in the country . Zelaya ' s government was accused of harassing journalists and also accused by The Organization of American States ( OAS ) of imposing " subtle censorship " in Honduras . According to " The Economist " , " Mr . Zelaya ’ s presidency has been marked by a rise in crime , corruption scandals and economic populism . " By April 2009 , a Mitofsky opinion poll showed that , of those consulted , only one in four respondents approved of Zelaya – the lowest approval rating of 18 regional leaders . Alliance with ALBA . On 22 July 2008 , Zelaya revealed that he was seeking to incorporate the country into the ALBA , an organization founded by Hugo Chávez . In fact , he said that the country had been an " observer member " " four or more months " . The Associated Press , citing Manuel Orozco of the Inter American Dialogue , said that " His [ Zelaya ' s ] campaign for changing the constitution has energized his support base of labour groups , farmers and civil organisations who have long felt marginalized in a country where a wealthy elite controls the media and much of politics . " The Honduran right opposed the ALBA alliance , and were concerned that Zelaya would move to eliminate his term limit as had other ALBA leaders , whom they considered would - be dictators . According to National Party analyst Raul Pineda Alvarado , Zelaya ' s attempt to modify constitution was a " carbon copy " of what has happened in Venezuela , Ecuador and Nicaragua . US Republican Newt Gingrich wrote in the Washington Examiner that Chavez had used ALBA to create " a tide of incipient dictatorship " flowing out of Venezuela into other countries in Latin America . He noted that Chavez had subverted democracy in Venezuela to ensure his rule will be uncontested for decades , and " one - by - one , each of the members of ALBA have followed Chavez ' s lead and changed their constitutions to remove limits on the number of terms their presidents can serve . " However , the notion of extending term limits in Latin America is not unique to ALBA countries , as efforts in Colombia have been made towards allowing President Álvaro Uribe to seek reelection . The major difference however , is that unlike the existing ALBA members whose heads of state sought 3rd and 4th terms by taking personal measures to change their respective constitutions , it was the people of Colombia who were actively seeking reforms to the constitution calling for President Uribe ’ s 3rd term potential election . Constitutional assembly plans . As early as August 2006 , " Central America Report " stated that " liberal sectors " were proposing to reform " obsolete articles " in the constitution , including one against presidential reelection . The " Report " said that this was causing controversy . Debate regarding the convening of a constituent assembly took place in Honduras , with support from many groups . " The constitution has since 1980 been tweaked in other areas around thirty times , to the point where politicians of all camps are convinced that the document in no longer adequate . This is where the formal change proposed by Manuel Zelaya comes in : that in the November 2009 election - round , the voters will be presented with four ballot - boxes – the fourth one being used for a referendum on the question : " Do you agree with convening a constituent assembly to draw up a new constitution ? " On 11 November 2008 , President Zelaya announced a non - binding referendum to see if the people wanted to have a fourth ballot box ( or " Cuarta Urna " ) during the November 2009 election . The fourth ballot would ask voters whether they wanted to hold a National Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution . Zelaya , whose presidential term was to expire on 27 January 2010 , would be ineligible , under the term - limitations of the present constitution , to run in the 2009 election . On 22 December 2008 Zelaya issued two emergency executive agreements ( " acuerdos " ) , both numbered 46 - A - 2008 , which each authorized transfer of 30 million lempiras of public money to advertising of his fourth ballot box . Only one was published in the official Gazette . The supposed advertisers paid no sales tax . The Supreme Audit Court ' s investigation of the advertising money raised concerns of irregularities . On 17 February , at a public showcasing of tractor equipment received from Venezuela , Manuel Zelaya states that he will propose a fourth ballot box . On 24 March 2009 , Zelaya called for a preliminary poll to be held on 28 June 2009 to gauge popular support for including the Constituent Assembly question in the November 2009 election . Constitutionality of referendum . The President of the Congress , Micheletti , observed that Article 374 of the constitution states that no referendum can be used to alter the entrenched articles in the constitution that are specified in article 384 . He went on to insist that even to announce such a referendum privately is a crime ( " . . . " porque eso , incluso , anunciarlo privadamente es un delito . " " ) Article 373 of the Constitution of Honduras states that the constitution can be modified by a two - thirds majority of the National Congress . Article 374 , however , specifies that several articles are permanently entrenched ; that is , they cannot be modified under any circumstances ( Spanish : " " en ningún caso " " ) . The entrenched clauses include those on the system of government that is permitted , and the presidential succession . Article 239 specifically prohibits the president from attempting to amend restrictions on succession , and states that whoever does so will cease " immediately " in his or her functions . Zelaya ' s statement - " [ t ] he only one who can ' t be re - elected is the President , but re - election is a topic of the next National Constitutional Assembly " - is a declaration that some have argued violates Article 239 . Article 239 , however , is not mentioned at all in the judicial case file . The plan is officially ruled illegal . On 25 March , the Attorney General ' s office formally notified President Zelaya that he would face criminal charges of abusing power if he proceeded with the referendum . In late May the court of contentious administration ruled the poll illegal . Honduras ’ Supreme Electoral Tribunal also ruled that such a poll would be illegal . The lower court ' s injunction , against the poll , was upheld by the Supreme Court . In late June the intended consultative poll was also rejected by Congress . On 3 June , Congress passed a resolution warning Zelaya to correct his administrative conduct . On 11 June , the Bar Association of Honduras unanimously agreed that Zelaya was violating the law . It asked Zelaya to stop the illegalities and recommended officials not follow his illegal orders . On 23 June 2009 , Congress passed a law forbidding holding official polls or referenda less than 180 days before the next general election , which would have made the 28 June poll illegal . Since this bill was passed after the poll was scheduled , Zelaya rejected its applicability to this case . The military is in charge of security and logistics in elections in Honduras . Zelaya asked them to perform their election role for the poll , but the head of the military command , General Romeo Vásquez Velásquez , refused the order to pass out the poll materials because the Supreme Court had ruled the poll to be illegal . On 24 June Zelaya fired him . Later that day , the defense minister and heads of the army , navy and air force resigned . On 25 June the Supreme Court ruled 5 – 0 that General Velásquez be reinstated . Tribunal member David Matamoros affirmed the Electoral Tribunal ’ s support for the military ' s actions . On 24 June , surveillance cameras captured how about $ 2 million in cash was withdrawn from the Central Bank of Honduras and allegedly driven to the office of Enrique Flores Lanza , Zelaya ' s chief of staff . The suspicious money was possibly used to finance the referendum . Just days before the referendum , Zelaya published executive decree PCM - 019 - 2009 , which revoked the earlier decree PCM - 05 - 2009 . Zelaya issued a new executive decree PCM - 020 - 2009 , another attempt to legalize the referendum . According a legal analysis by former Supreme Court President Vilma Morales , Zelaya stopped being President of Honduras . Ballots seized . Ballots arrived from Venezuela on a plane and the ballot boxes were kept at the Tegucigalpa airport . The Supreme Electoral Tribunal ordered the illegal ballots to be confiscated . Investigators from the Ministerio Público and the Honduran attorney general ' s office arrived at the airport . Zelaya led several hundred people to an air force base and took possession of the disputed poll ballots , which were then kept in the presidential palace to avoid their destruction . In late June , there were large marches both for and against the proposed fourth ballot box . The Supreme Court , Congress , and the military and the National Human Rights Commissioner recommended that voters stay home because the poll would be neither fair nor safe for voters . Coup d ' état . Supreme court detention order . On 27 May 2009 , the Administrative Law Tribunal issued an injunction against holding the poll at the request of the Honduran Attorney General Luis Alberto Rubi . On 16 June the Court of Appeals unanimously upheld the 27 May injunction . On 18 June , the Administrative Law Tribunal ordered Zelaya to comply with the ruling in writing within five days . On 26 June the Supreme Court unanimously found that the Presidency had not complied with the 18 June court order . It also found he was answerable to charges , brought by the Attorney General , for the crimes against the form of government , treason to the motherland , abuse of office and usurpation of functions that damaged the administration . To initiate the case , the Supreme Court appointed member Tomás Arita Valle , who , on 26 June , issued a sealed ( secret ) order to detain Zelaya for the purposes of taking a statement . Some pro - Zelaya supporters have sought to cast doubt on the Supreme Court ' s documentation . Zelaya ' s detention and first exile . Soldiers stormed the president ' s residence in Tegucigalpa early in the morning of 28 June , disarming the presidential guard , waking Zelaya and putting him on a plane to Costa Rica . In San José , Costa Rica , Zelaya told TeleSUR that he had been awakened by gunshots . Masked soldiers took his cell phone , shoved him into a van and took him to an air force base , where he was put on a plane . He said he did not know that he was being taken to Costa Rica until he landed at the airport in San José . To the media , he described the events as " a coup " and " a kidnapping . " Tanks patrolled the streets and military planes flew overhead . Soldiers guarded the main government buildings . The government television station and a television station that supported the president were taken off the air . Television and radio stations broadcast no news . The electrical power , phone lines , and international cable TV were cut or blocked throughout Honduras . Public transportation was suspended . Later that day , the Supreme Court issued a statement that it had ordered the army to arrest Zelaya . On 30 June , the military ' s chief lawyer , Colonel Herberth Inestroza , showed Judge Arita ' s arrest order . Colonel Inestroza later stated that deporting Zelaya did not comply with the court order , but that military leadership had decided to do so in order to avoid violence in Honduras , asking " What was more beneficial , remove this gentleman from Honduras or present him to prosecutors and have a mob assault and burn and destroy and for us to have to shoot ? " . Inestroza also stated that Zelaya ' s allegiance to Chávez was hard to stomach and " It would be difficult for us , with our training , to have a relationship with a leftist government . That ' s impossible . I personally would have retired , because my thinking , my principles , would not have allowed me to participate in that . " Ramón Custodio , the head of the country ’ s human rights commission , said that Zelaya ’ s exile was a mistake and that the military made an " error " sending Zelaya into exile rather than holding him for trial . Honduras ’ s Supreme Court has agreed to hear a case brought by a group of lawyers and judges arguing that the military broke the law taking Zelaya out of the country . In August 2009 , Micheletti himself said that a mistake was made when Zelaya was exiled . Alleged impeachment and presidential succession . A document purporting to be a resignation letter written by President Zelaya , dated 25 June , was read to congress . Zelaya has said he did not write the letter . Later that day , in an extraordinary session Congress voted to remove Zelaya for manifest irregular conduct and putting in present danger the state of law . The President of the National Congress was the next on the presidential line of succession because Vice - President had earlier quit to run in the 2009 elections . The President of the National Congress was Roberto Micheletti , a member of Zelaya ' s party . By a show of hands , the National Congress – the majority of whom belonged to Zelaya ' s own Liberal party – named Micheletti to complete the remaining months of the presidential term . At around 12 : 37 the Honduran National Congress unanimously agreed to : Honduran institutions , including the National Congress , the Supreme Court , and the interim government , maintain Zelaya was replaced constitutionally . Arguments that Zelaya ' s ouster was illegal because the proper legal procedures were not used has been advanced by several lawyers . Acting Honduran President Roberto Micheletti said forcing deposed President Manuel Zelaya to leave the country , instead of arresting him , was a mistake . Emergency measures by the interim government . Acting President Roberto Micheletti ordered a curfew which initially lasted for the 48 hours from Sunday night ( 28 June ) and to Tuesday ( 30 June ) . The curfew law was not published in the official journal " La Gaceta " and was not approved by Congress . Originally the curfew ran from 9 : 00 p . m . to 6 : 00 a . m . That curfew was extended , changed , or renewed several times , in ways Amnesty International and the International Observation Mission called " arbitrary " . On 1 July , Congress issued an order ( decreto ejecutivo N° 011 - 2009 ) which extended restrictions between 22 : 00 and 05 : 00 local time and also suspended four constitutional guarantees , including freedom of transit , due process , and freedom from unwarranted search and seizure . The ambassadors of Cuba , Venezuela , and Nicaragua stated that on 29 June that they were detained and beaten by Honduran troops before being released . Also , several allies of Zelaya were taken into custody by the military . Among them were : Foreign Minister Patricia Rodas ; the mayor of the city San Pedro Sula , Rodolfo Padilla Sunseri ; several congressmen of the Democratic Unification Party ( PUD ) ; and several other government officials . A dozen former ministers from the Zelaya government , as well as PUD presidential candidate Cesar Ham , went into in hiding . A Venezuelan state - owned media outlet claimed that Tomás Andino Mencías , a member of the party , said that PUD lawmakers were led away by the military when they tried to enter the parliament building for the 28 June vote on Zelaya ' s deposal . Several TV stations , radio stations , and newspaper ' s websites were temporarily shut down . The " Miami Herald " reported that the " crackdown on the media " began before dawn on the 28th . It said that only pro - Micheletti stations were allowed to broadcast and that they carried only news friendly to the new government . Associated Press personnel were detained and removed from their hotel , but later released . A number of local reporters and media sources reported on harassment and restrictions . Alejandro Villatoro , director of Radio Globo , said that he was arrested and " kidnapped " for some hours by the military . Honduran newspaper " La Prensa " reported on 30 June that an armed group of Zelaya supporters , attacked its main headquarters by throwing stones and other objects at their windows , until police intervened . Events after 28 June . Protests against the coup began almost immediately , as several thousand Zelaya supporters gathered near the Presidential Palace , confronting the guarding soldiers and lit tires on fire . In response to daily pro - Zelaya protests , Congress approved a decree on 1 July that applied an overnight curfew and allowed security forces to arrest people at home and hold them for more than 24 hours . On 30 June , the United Nations General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution which called for the reinstatement of Zelaya as the President of Honduras . Zelaya spoke in front of the General Assembly where he was applauded several times . In his speech , Zelaya promised not to seek another term as President and said that he would not accept a second term if he were asked to serve again . 30 June also saw the first rally in support of Zelaya ' s removal take place in the capital , as thousands of Zelaya opponents took to the main square . Roberto Micheletti made an appearance and said that the November general elections will be held as scheduled and that a new president will be sworn in on 27 January 2010 . General Romeo Vásquez Velásquez also attended and spoke at the rally . Honduras was formally suspended from the Organization of American States on 4 July , after the Micheletti government ignored an ultimatum by the OAS to re - instate Zelaya as president . OAS Secretary General José Miguel Insulza had arrived in Honduras the previous day to negotiate Zelaya ' s return . Zelaya met with U . S . Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Washington on 7 July . At this meeting , Zelaya agreed to a U . S . - backed proposal for negotiation talks with Micheletti government representatives in Costa Rica set for 9 July . The talks , with Costa Rican President Óscar Arias serving as mediator , proved unsuccessful , as both sides remained far apart according to regional leaders . The participants only agreed to meet again sometime in the future , as Zelaya left Costa Rica to gather more international support . Meanwhile , Micheletti announced that he accepted the resignation of his Foreign Minister Enrique Ortez , who , in a TV interview , had called U . S . President Barack Obama " " [ un ] negrito que no sabe nada de nada " " ( " a little black man who knows nothing about nothing " ) . The U . S . Embassy in Honduras strongly condemned the comments , which Micheletti described as " a scandalous epithet " . However , Micheletti immediately reinstated Ortez as Minister of Government and Justice . In mid - July Honduran Roman Catholic Cardinal Óscar Andrés Rodríguez Maradiaga said that he supported Zelaya ' s removal from office , saying that Zelaya now " doesn ’ t have any authority , moral or legal " , while opposing his expulsion from the country . On 15 July 2009 , interim president Roberto Micheletti stated he would be prepared to step down " if at some point that decision is needed to bring peace and tranquility to the country , but without the return , and I stress this , of former President Zelaya . " In a 16 July interview President Óscar Arias said that he had a mandate from 34 world governments to restore constitutional order in Honduras , by which he meant restore President Zelaya . He rejected Micheletti ' s proposal to step down if Zelaya did not return to power . He said , " we will see if we can talk of an amnesty , and for who , over political crimes ( veremos si se puede hablar de una amnistía , y para quiénes , sobre delitos políticos ) " . " Zelaya must abandon his goal of installing a fourth ballot box " , he continued . Arias indicated he intended to propose a reconciliation government headed by Zelaya combined with political amnesty . Meanwhile , both pro - and anti - Zelaya demonstrations continued on an almost daily basis throughout the deeply polarized country . Venezuela , Nicaragua and Cuba . After Zelaya ' s exile , Chavez alleged that the Venezuelan ambassador was assaulted by Honduran soldiers ; Chavez said that if the ambassador were killed or the Venezuelan Embassy were violated , this would constitute an act of war requiring a military response . On 2 July , Honduran police arrested several Cubans and Nicaraguans present at demonstrations , and police sources claimed Venezuelans were active in the anti - coup movement . On 5 July , Venezuelan media showed Hugo Chávez watching Zelaya ' s attempt to land . Accidentally visible in Chávez ' s office was the text " 051345JUL09 Swarm of africanized bees , Presidential Podium , wounded by stings and desperation of the people " , the military - style code for 5 , 13 July : 45 coincided with a violent confrontation in Honduras . On 8 July , Colombia arrested 80 Venezuelans who attempted to travel to Honduras . On 27 July , police confiscated a booklet in a car owned by Carlos Eduardo Reina , a leader of pro - Zelaya operations . It allegedly contained a list of 15 receipts , dated 24 July , and references to a meeting near Nicaraguan border . The receipts totaled 160 , 000 U . S . dollars . Hugo Chávez allegedly made payments to ambassadors of Honduras . In October 2009 , Daniel Ortega hinted that the " Resistance " is searching for weapons and training centers . Hugo Chávez said " I ' m just warning . . . no one to be surprised if there is an armed movement in the mountains of Honduras " . Opposition to the interim government . Much of the opposition to the " de facto " Micheletti government and its actions were coordinated through a wide coalition of grassroots organisations and political parties and movements formerly known as Frente Nacional contra el Golpe de Estado en Honduras ( FNGE ) , now Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular . The FNGE aimed to restore elected President Manuel Zelaya in replacement of the " de facto " Roberto Micheletti government , which is perceived by the participating organisations as a dictatorship , considering the documented human rights violations since the coup d ' état and the reappearance of figures involved in disappearances and torture in former coup ' s d ' état . The FNGE supports a process of participatory democracy that should lead to a national constituent assembly . FNGE held marches every day since 28 June , except the days when a curfew was imposed , where demonstrations took place in grassroot neighborhoods . Notable marches on 5 July , 15 September , and 27 January involved over 200 , 000 people per day . Human rights complaints . A number of groups have published reports , including COFADEH , International Federation of Human Rights , " La Misión Internacional de Solidaridad , Observación y Acompañamiento a Honduras " , " Quixote Center Emergency Delegation of Solidarity , Accompaniment and Witness " , Amnesty International , the Inter - American Commission on Human Rights ( IACHR ) , and Human Rights Watch that documented instances of sexual violence , excessive use of military force , arbitrary detentions , threats at gunpoint against judges responsible for habeas corpus detention and beating members of the media and several confirmed deaths and disappearances allegedly attributable to the de facto government . 19 - year - old Isis Obed Murillo Mencías was shot in the head on 5 July when Zelaya ' s plane was trying to land at Toncontin Airport ; Roger Iván Bados , former union leader , member of the Democratic Unification Party and Bloque Popular , shot dead on 11 July while entering his home in San Pedro Sula ; 40 - year - old campesino leader and Democratic Unification Party member Ramón García on 12 July , after he was forced by unknown people to get off a bus ; 23 - year - old Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador , allegedly detained by police during anti - coup protests and taken to an El Paraíso police station on 24 July , was allegedly found at 6 : 30 am the following morning with 42 stab wounds ; 38 - year - old high school teacher Roger Abraham Vallejo Soriano , shot in the head allegedly by security forces during protests on 31 July , died on 1 August On 3 July , Radio América journalist Gabriel Fino Noriega was murdered near La Ceiba . On or just before 4 August 2009 , the National Telecommunications Commission ( CONATEL ) terminated Radio Globo ' s transmission frequency rights . The Paris - based press freedom group Reporters Without Borders released a statement on 29 June stating that , " The suspension or closure of local and international broadcast media indicates that the coup leaders want to hide what is happening . " Carlos Lauría of the New York - based Committee to Protect Journalists said : " The de facto government clearly used the security forces to restrict the news . . . Hondurans did not know what was going on . They clearly acted to create an information vacuum to keep people unaware of what was actually happening . " However , in an interview published on 9 July 2009 in the " Washington Post " , Ramón Custodio López , Honduras ' s human rights ombudsman , said he had received no official complaints from journalists : " This is the first I have heard about an occupation or military raid of a station , " he said . " I try to do the best job I can , but there are things that escape my knowledge . " On 21 August 2009 , the Inter - American Commission on Human Rights ( IACHR ) dispatched a six - member delegation which reported accusations it received . The delegation was told of alleged violent confrontations and arbitrary arrests . Someone even accused police of rape . Some alleged that judges were threatened " at gunpoint " . According to the received allegations , 3 , 500 and 4 , 000 people had been arrested . The IACHR also received accusations that the government has threatened , detained and beaten members of the media . Based on the statements it received , the delegation concluded that there was " an atmosphere of intimidation that inhibits the free exercise of freedom of expression . " On the same day , 93 academics and authors , mostly from United States universities , criticised Human Rights Watch ' s lack of statements and reports on Honduras between 8 July and 21 August . Four days later , Human Rights Watch published a summary of the IACHR report and stated that it had published reports up to 8 July and that human rights supporters had encouraged the IACHR to " directly [ intervene ] " . ABC News ( United States ) claimed that HRW had " commissioned " the IACHR report . Violent confrontations with media continued from both Zelaya supporters and opponents during the week of 12 August 2009 . On 10 October , Honduras ' interim leaders put in place new rules that threaten broadasters with closure for airing reports that " attack national security , " further restricting media freedom following the closure of two opposition stations . Zelaya ' s secret return to Honduras . Zelaya made two initial , open attempts to return to his country , which were rebuffed . On 5 July he attempted to return by air , and the Micheletti government responded by closing Toncontín International Airport and sending the military to guard the runways . As thousands of Zelaya supporters gathered at the airport to meet him , one was confirmed dead and scores injured , when " several soldiers walked through [ the crowd ] and began firing indiscriminately " . On 26 July , Zelaya briefly entered into Honduran territory , at a border crossing between Honduras and Nicaragua near Las Manos in El Paraíso Department . On 21 September 2009 , Zelaya and his wife arrived at the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa . Zelaya stated that to reach the embassy he travelled through mountains for fifteen hours , and took back roads to avoid checkpoints , but he did not state from which country he entered Honduras . He stated to Canal 36 that " I am here in Tegucigalpa . I am here for the restoration of democracy , to call for dialogue " . Michelletti initially denied that Zelaya had returned . After admitting the return , he issued a curfew and asked the Brazilian government to put Zelaya in Honduran custody to be put on trial . Brazilian foreign minister Celso Amorim stated that Brazil did not aid Zelaya ' s return . Thousands of Zelaya supporters soon congregated around the embassy . Security Vice Minister Mario Perdomo ordered checkpoints to be placed on highways leading to Tegucigalpa , to " stop those people coming to start trouble . " Defense Minister Lionel Sevilla suspended all air flights to Tegucigalpa . Late that day , Honduran security forces used tear gas and batons to disperse the crowds outside the Brazilian embassy . The interim government also surrounded the area with military and several agencies reported that ' hooded men ' had stormed the building next to the embassy . About 50 pro - Zelaya supporters have been reported wounded by police . Electricity was cut off to the embassy area and Canal 36 TV ; however , Radio Globo sent out a broadcast that included a call for generators and a pledge by the head of the electrical workers union to send technicians which shortly led to power being restored to the immediate area . The curfew was then extended until 6 : 00 pm the following day , a drastic measure because it means that all workplaces will be closed during daylight hours . Installed inside the embassy , Zelaya complained of harassment from the Micheletti government aided by Israeli mercenaries . He claimed they had installed a mobile phone jammer , which he showed to the press , and assaulted the occupants of the embasssy with toxic gases and radiation , which allegedly caused nose or stomach bleeding or related symptoms in over 25 people inside the embassy . On 24 September , Brazil called an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council . The Brazilian foreign minister Celso Amorim told the Security Council that " since the day it has sheltered President Zelaya at its premises , the Brazilian Embassy has been virtually under siege " and that " it has been submitted to acts of harassment and intimidation by the de facto authorities " . The UN Security Council defended the inviolability of Brazilian embassy and " called upon the de facto government of Honduras to cease harassing the Brazilian embassy and to provide all necessary utilities and services , including water , electricity , food and continuity of communications " . Amnesty International representative Susan Lee described human rights violations by Micheletti ' s security forces following Zelaya ' s return as " alarming " . These included a " sharp rise in police beatings " and hundreds of arrests of political demonstrators throughout Honduras , and intimidation of human rights defenders by police firing tear gas canisters into the building of the human rights NGO Comité de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos en Honduras ( COFADEH ) , at a moment when about 100 people were in the COFADEH office , many who were in COFADEH in order to report human rights violations earlier that day . Dozens of the protestors detained were held in unauthorised detention sites in Tegucigalpa on 22 September . Amnesty International also reported limits imposed by the " de facto " authorities on free speech , in which Radio Globo and the TV channel 36 " suffered power stoppages or constant interruptions to their transmissions which prevented them from broadcasting " . Susan Lee stated " The only way forward is for the de facto authorities to stop the policy of repression and violence and instead respect the rights of freedom of expression and association . " On 28 September 2009 , after pressure from home and abroad , Micheletti said that he would lift his decree suspending civil liberties . As of 2 October 2009 , Mr . Micheletti had not done so , but told a visiting delegation of Republican members of the U . S . Congress that he would lift the decree and restore civil liberties by Monday , 5 October 2009 at the latest , according to a spokesman for a member of the delegation . On 5 October 2009 , Micheletti said that he was lifting the decree but also said that the pro - Zelaya media that had been closed down by the de facto government , Radio Globo and Canal 36 TV , would have to appear before the courts in order to regain their broadcast permits . On 19 October 2009 , the decree was reversed in the official gazette . Negotiations and accord . On 29 October 2009 , the de facto Micheletti government signed an agreement with Zelaya ’ s negotiators that would allow the Honduran Congress to vote on whether the ousted president would be restored and allowed to serve out the few remaining months of his term . Zelaya chose not to give a list of candidates for the unity government to Micheletti , arguing that the Congress was unacceptably delaying the agreed - upon vote on his restoration . When Micheletti announced he had , unilaterally , formed the unity government without input from Zelaya , Zelaya declared the agreement " dead " early on 6 November . The United States sent diplomats to help to resurrect the pact , but Zelaya insisted that he would not accept any deal to restore him to office if it meant he must recognize the elections of 29 November . Elections . With Micheletti indicating that he would temporarily step down to allow voters to concentrate on the upcoming presidential elections , and congressional and judicial leadership refusing to reinstate Zelaya before the elections , Panamá , Costa Rica , and the United States indicated that they would support the outcome , but international support for the elections remained scant leading up to the polls . In the days preceding the elections , United States , Israel , Italy , Colombia , Panama , Peru , Germany , Costa Rica and Japan also announced their intentions to recognize the results of the elections . Organisations and individuals in Honduras , including the National Resistance Front against the coup d ' État in Honduras , Marvin Ponce of the Democratic Unification Party , and Bertha Oliva of Comité de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos en Honduras , and internationally , including Mercosur , President Cristina Kirchner of Argentina and the Union of South American Nations , said that elections held on 29 November under Micheletti would not be legitimate . On 29 November 2009 , a presidential election was held , according to the Honduran constitution . Five candidates ran for president . Many Hondurans sought to move past the crisis with the elections , which had been scheduled previous to Zelaya ' s ouster . Early returns indicate that conservative Porfirio Lobo was elected with around 55 % of the votes . Official numbers for the turnout of the election place it at around 60 % , which was subsequently officially revised down to 49 % – a considerable decline on the 55 % 2005 election turnout . The European Parliament did not send obsevers . However , observers were sent by the centre - right European People ' s Party , who reported a " high degree of civic maturity and exemplar democratic behaviour " during the elections . Zelaya - reinstatement proposal rejected by Congress . On 2 December , the National Congress debated regarding the possible reinstatement of Zelaya to the presidency . A vast majority of the lawmakers voted against Zelaya ' s reinstatement . The 128 member Congress voted 111 to 14 against reinstating Zelaya , affirming its 28 June decision . This decision was made as part of the Tegucigalpa / San Jose Accord , and called on the International Community to respect the decision . Almost all congressmen from Zelaya ' s own political party as well as the opposition National Party voted against the reinstatement , and supported the victory of Porfirio Lobo Sosa as the new president of Honduras in the November 2009 elections . Zelaya criticized the vote and urged governments not to restore ties with the incoming administration of Porfirio Lobo . " Today , the lawmakers at the service of the dominant classes ratified the coup d ' etat in Honduras , " Zelaya said in a statement released shortly after the vote . " They have condemned Honduran to exist outside the rule of law . " . On 4 December , Juan Barahona - led activists ended five months of daily protests demanding the reinstatement of Zelaya , saying they are moving on now that Congress has voted to keep Manuel Zelaya out of office . Juan Barahona , who had been leading protests since late June when Zelaya was forced out of the country , said that his supporters are " closing that chapter " of their struggle . Barahona said it ' s time for Hondurans who support policies in favor of the poor and other themes that Zelaya espoused to shift their focus to the 2014 elections . Second exile . On 20 January 2010 , the Dominican Republic and President - elect Porfirio Lobo agreed to a deal that would allow Zelaya to be transported safely from the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa where he had been , to the Dominican Republic upon Lobo taking office on 27 January . Lobo stated that he would ensure Zelaya would leave safely and " with dignity . " Lobo negotiated with Dominican President Leonel Fernández . Lobo also discussed the situation with former presidential candidates who signed a statement on the agreement , as well as requesting that sanctions placed against Honduras as a result of the incident be lifted . The next day , Zelaya agreed to the deal , while a close advisor said he would remain political active and hope to later return to political activity . Zelaya ' s return after charges dropped . In May 2011 a court in Honduras dropped all corruption charges against Zelaya , allowing him to return to Honduras . He did so on 28 May 2011 to a massive reception at Toncontin International Airport . On 1 June the OAS voted to re - admit Honduras into the OAS . International reaction . No foreign government recognized Micheletti as president . US President Barack Obama , along with leaders and officials of governments throughout the hemisphere and the rest of the world , condemned the removal of President Zelaya as undemocratic and called the action taken against him a coup d ' état . Americas - based international organizations such as the Organization of American States , Mercosur , and the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas also condemned the events . Over ten Latin American countries , as well as all European Union countries , agreed to withdraw their ambassadors from Honduras until Zelaya is returned to power . Reactions of individual countries are dealt with in the International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d ' état .