SUMMARY OF FACTS, INVEST. CIA INVOLVE. IN PLANS TO ASSASS...LEADERS
Agency: BUCHEN/DAN
Originator: ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION
To: BELIN, DAVID
Document date: 6/5/75
Document type: REPORT

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JFK Assassination System

Identification Form

Agency Information

Date:

8/27/201

AGENCY :

RECORD NUMBER :

BUCHEN/DAN

178-10003-10355

RECORD SERIES: ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION

AGENCY FILE NUMBER: ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION (3)

Document Information

ORIGINATOR:

ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION

FROM:

BELIN, DAVID

TO :

TITLE:

SUMMARY OF FACTS, INVEST. CIA INVOLVE. IN PLANS TO ASSASS...LEADERS

DATE: 06/05/1975

PAGES:

89

SUBJECTS:

ORGANIZED CRIME

CUBAN EXILES

CIA

BELIN, DAVID

ASSASSINATIONS, FOREIGN LEADERS

ANTI-CASTRO ACTIVITIES

ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION

DOCUMENT TYPE: REPORT

CLASSIFICATION: Top Secret

RESTRICTIONS: IB

CURRENT STATUS: Redact

DATE OF LAST REVIEW: 07/28/1993

OPENING CRITERIA:

COMMENTS:

Released under the John F. kennedy assassinatio!

Records Collection act of

1992 144 USC 2107 Notel

Case#:NW 53244 Date: 06-12-2017

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TOP SECRET

SUMMARY OF FACTS

INVESTIGATION OF CIA INVOLVEMENT IN PLANS TO

ASSASSINATE FOREIGN LEADERS

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178-10004-10189

178-10004-10116

178-10003-10355

178-10003-10241

Table of Contents

Page

A.

The Scope of the Investigation

Determining Jurisdiction

2.

Patrice Lumumba

3.

President Achmed

4.

Sukarno

Concurrence of the President on

Interpretation of Authority

B.

Participation of CIA Personnel in Plans

to Attempt to Assassinate Fidel Castro. 6

1.

Flying Cuban Exiles into Cuba

7

2. 1960-61 and the Phase I Plans

a.

b.

When the Plans Began

The Development of the Phase I

Plans According to the May 14,

1962 Memorandum to the Attorney

General

c.

,d.

The Carrying Out of the Phase I

Plan

10

13

The Balletti Wiretap--Why the

May 14, 1962 Memorandum was

Prepared

e.

FBI Memoranda Concerning CIA

£.

Assassination Plans

Additional Statements of Colonel

Edwards re May 7, 1962 Briefing.

9.

ih.

i.

Statements of Colonel Edwards re

Knowledge Inside CIA

How the Plans Got Started

15

19

23

24

24

Possible White House

Direction or

Approval

of

Plans

26

(1) The Testimony of Richard

Bissell

(a) Eisenhower Administration

(b). Kennedy Administration

(2)

The Testimony of Gordon Gray

(3)

The Testimony of Walt Rostow

26

26

26

29

29

(4).

The Interrogation of the

Phase

I Case Officer

29

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3.

(5) The Interrogation of Colonel

Edwards

(6) The Testimony of McGeorge Bundy

(7I The Subsequent Interrogation of

McGeorge Bundy

(8) Documents of the National

Security Council

(a[November 3, 1960 Minutes of

Special Group Meeting

(5) Other Documents

k.

June 13, 1961 Taylor Report

Relationship of Phase I Plan with

1.

Bay of Pigs

Knowledge of Phase I Plans Inside

Cuba

m.

n.

Termination of Phase I Plan

Other Plans During Phase I

1962-63 and the Phase II Plans

a.

Possible Authorization--the Testimony

of Richard Bissell

b.

The Interrogation of the Phase II

Case Officer

(1) Developing an "Executive Action"

Capability

(2) Discussions with Edwards and

• Helms

(3) The Phase II Plans

.C.

d.

The Testimony of Colonel Edwards

Ie Knowledge of Phase II

Knowledge of John McCone, Director

of Central Intelligence re Phase II

e.

f.

The Testimony of Richard Helms re

Phase II

The August 10, 1962 Meeting of the

Special Group

(Augmented)

(1) The Interrogation öf the Phase II

Case Officer

(2) Interrogation of Robert M.

McNamara

(3) The Testimony of John McCone

Rage

29

29

32

33

35

36

36

36

37

37

38

39

39

39

39

40

40

43

43

44

45

46

47

49

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c.

D.

(4) The Affidavit of General

Lemnitzer

(5)

The Testimony of General

Lansdale

(6)

Additional Testimony of

General Lansdale

(a) Discussions with and Written

Proposals to President

Kennedy

(6) Cuban Exile Groups

(c) Requests for "possibility"

Plans--but No Authority to

Carry Out

Interrogation of General Taylor

Testimony of Richard Helms Re Unseat-

ing Castro Government and Possible

Plans

(1) White House Pressure

(2)

Possible Assassination Plans

i. The August 16, 1963 Memorandum to

John McCone about Phase I

4.

5.

6.

Miscellaneous 1963 Schemes

The Phase III

Plan--1963-1965

Miscellaneous 1964 Schemes Involving

7.

Cuban Exile Community

Summary

The Dominican Republic

1.

The Chronology

a. The Background

b. The Rifles

c. Explosives

a. Revölvers

e. Carbines

f. Submachine

Guns

g. The Policy

Statement

2.

Summary

Conclusion

Page

49

5Q

50

51

51

52

53

54

54

55

56

59

60

65

69

70

70

70

71

72

74

77

79

82

85

86.

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6/5/75

SUMMARY OF FACTS

INVESTIGATION OF CIA INVULVEMENT IN PLANS TO

ASSASSINATE FOREIGN LEADERS

O3ZHINVS SY

INJWADOO SIND

3S3738

DECLASSIFICATION AND/OR

HAS NO OBJECTION TO

The following is a summary of facts gathered by the Executive

Director of the CIA Commission concerning possible CIA involve-

ment in plans to assassinate foreign leaders.

A.

The Scope of the Investigation

The first knowledge that the Commission had concerning

possible involvement of the CIA in assassination plans directed at

foreign leaders was when the CIA informed the Commission staff at

the outset of the Commission's work, in response to an overall staff

request for possible unlawful activities of the CIA, that such plans

existed. The Commission staff was told that there was no evidence

of murders or plots for murder against persons in the United States

carried on by the CIA. However, the Commission staff was told

that there had been discussion of plans for assassination atlempts

involving overt acts occurring within the boundaries of this country

with regard to attempts on the life of Cuban Premier Fidel Castro.

1. Determining Jurisdiction

Although there was some question whether or not an

assassination plan aimed at a foreign leader fell technically within

the charter of the Commission, even though overt acts may have

This summary of facts was prepared by David W. Belin, Executive

Director of the CIA Commission, except for the portions on pages 70-

85 pertaining to the Dominican Republic, which was prepared by Marvin

L. Gray, Jr., a Counsel to the Commission.

not been

reviewed by the stall nor minibeen reviested by the Commission.

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taken place in this country, the Commission and its staff determined

that because of the nature and seriousness of the matters involved,

the doubts would be resolved in favor of undertaking an investigation

of the facts. Only after such investigation could the Commission make

an informed decision as to its jurisdiction.

On the basis of the investigation, the evidence shows

that agents of the CIA were involved in planning in this country with

certain citizens and others to seek to assassinate Premier Castro.

The evidence also shows that the CIA was involved in

shipping arms

from this country to persons in the Dominican Republic, who sought

to assassinate Generalissimo Irujillo (who himself had been involved

in an attempt to assassinate the President of Venezuela).

No evidence has been found involving any other attempts

to assassinate any other foreign leader which had significant overt

activities within the United States. However, the nature of the activity

and the degree of secrecy and compartmentation within the Agency is

such that it is difficult to find any evidence of this kind unless

specific facts are brought to the attention of an investigative body.

With regard to activities outside

of the United States, no evidence has

been found of CIA participation in plans to assassinate foreign leaders,

except as described in the next four paragraphs.

However, the

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investigation in such areas, which had no domestic aspect which

might bring it within the Commission's jurisdictional mandate under

the President's Order, has not been extensive.

2. Patrice Lumumba

In the course of the first stage of its investigation to

determine its jurisdiction, a preliminary investigation was made of

charges that the CIA was involved in the death of Patrice Lumumba,

who was killed in early 1961. No evidence was found that the CIA

participated in that killing, although there is evidence that prior to

Lumumba's death some CIA personnel and others discussed the

possibility of undertaking a plan to assassinate Lumumba. *

According to Richard Bissell, who was the CIA Deputy

Director of Plans at the time, he was aware of discussion of plans

within the Agency concerning the possible assassination of Patrice

Lumumba and that "a case officer was directed to look into the

possibilities. He reported back in a matter of weeks and convinced

me that this was probably unfeasible, and probably an undesirable

course of action.

According to the case officer, who is now retired,

*In an affidavit,

C. Douglas Dillon, a member of this Commission,

stated that while he served as Under Secretary of State from June 1959

until early January 1961, he heard no discussion of assassination

attempts against anyone, except discussions which occurred in late

July or early August of 1960 at a meeting at the Pentagon which covered

a great variety of matters in which "... a question regarding the pos-

sibility of an assassination attempt against Lumumba was briefly

raised.

The CIA representative indicated that the Agency did not under-

take this

sort of operation. This ended consideration of this subjert."

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Bissell asked him to go to the Congo and there murder or arrange

for the murder of Lumumba, and the case officer said that he told

Bissell that he refused to be a party to such an act.* Bissell said

the Agency had nothing whatsoever to do with the death of Lumumba.

3.

President Achmed Sukarno

Bissell also testified that there was discussion within

the Agency of the possibility of an attempt on the life of President

Achmed Sukarno of Indonesia which "progressed as far as the identi-

fication of an asset who it was felt might be recruited for this purpose.

The plan was never reached, was never perfected to the point where

it seemed feasible." He said the Agency had "absolutely nothing" to

do with the death of Sukarno.

With regard to both plans, he stated that no assassination

plans would have been undertaken without authorization outside the

Agency, and that no such authorization was undertaken for plans against

either Lumumba or Sukarno.

4. Concurrence of the President on Interpretation of Authority

Since no evidence was found to bring the Sukarno and

Lumumba matters within the scope of the Commission's investigative

*The case officer gave this information in an oral telephone conference

at which time an appointment was arranged for the taking of his testimony

before a member of the Commission staff and a court reporter. The

case officer failed to keep his appointment.

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authority, no further investigation in these two areas was undertaken.

However, sufficient domestic aspects in the Castro and Trujillo plans

were found to constitute grounds for undertaking additional investiga-

tion. The President concurred in the approach of the Commission to

interpret its authority so that the Commission would (1) ascertain

whether the charges of assassination plots have a basis in fact and

involve unlawful domestic CIA activities and (2) determine whether

existing safeguards would prevent activities of that nature in the future

regardless of whether they might involve domestic of foreign conspiracy.

The following is a summary of facts pertaining to CIA

participation in assassination plans to assassinate Premier Fidel

Castro and CIA participation in the shipping of arms to persons in

the Dominican Republic who sought to assassinate Generalissimo

Trujillo. The facts have been developed through a review of the

internal investigation of the CIA, examination of documents, and

interviews and testimony. The Executive Director reguested complete

access to papers of the National Security Council including papers

of the Forty Committee and its predecessors and papers of any

special groups or special operating groups. Such access was

granted. Also, time did not permit examination of documents that

might be available in the Eisenhower, Kennedy or Johnson presidential

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libraries. Consequently, the investigation is not complete with regard

to the question of who, if anyone outside the CIA, authorized or

directed the planning of any assassination attempts against foreign

leaders.

However,

with particular reference io the plans directed

against Fidel Castro, the investigation is sufficiently complete io

show that plans were undertaken by the CIA.

B. Participation of CIA Personnel in Plans to Atiempt lo

Assassinate Fidel Castro

In the late nineteen-fifties, there was increasing dissatis-

faction with the government of Cuban leader Batista. As Castro's

influence increased, attempts were made to persuade Batista to resign

and turn over the reins of government to a group that was more attuned

to the needs and desires of the Cuban people, particularly in areas of

democratic government and social reforms. According to an inter-

view with the former Chief of the CIA Western Hemisphere Division,

an unofficial ambassador from this country approached Batista in

December 1958, asking that he resign and turn over the reins of govern-

ment to new leadership. This request was refused.

Fidel Castro shortly thereafter took over the Cuban govern-

ment. There was great concern on the part of American leadership

about the presence of a government so closely aligned with the Soviet

Union barely ninety miles from American shores.

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Therefore, the CIA, with appropriate authorization, under-

took the development of an operation in support of Cuban exiles seeking

to overthrow the Castro Government, the culmination of which became

the Bay of Pigs disaster in April 1961.

As the plans for the attempted overthrow of the, Cuban govern-

ment were developed, one of the considerations related to Fidel Castro

as the dominant figure.

1. Flying Cuban Exiles into Cuba.

There has been testimony before the Commission staff

that at the request of the CIA the Air Force provided a plane in late

1959 or early 1960 which was used to fly two Cuban exiles into Cuba.

The witness was unable to provide names of these two Cuban exiles

or names of any CIA personnel which he said were involved. However,

at the time of the events the witness was an Air Force officer who

had liaison functions between the Department of Defense and the CIA.

He testified that he believes a plane was provided and that the two

Cuban exiles were to carry with them one or more rifles with tele-

scopic sites to be used in an attempt to assassinate Fidel Castro.

The Commission staff sought to investigate this maiter.

In a "Memorandum for the Record" dated May 15, 1975, the CIA

admitted that in reviewing its files relating to Cuban operations

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during the period 1959-1961: "a number of documents were found that

referred to the intent on the part of some of the Cuban teams operating

inside Cuba to attempt to assassinate Castro.... Additionally, the

files indicate that there was considerable interest in procurement of

Helio Courier (the civil version of the L-28), but there is no

definite indication that they were intended for Cuban operations. Also,

there is mention of the air drop of Springfield rifles with telescopic

sights."

2. 1960-61 and the Phase I Plans

The Phase I plans involved the preparation of poison

botulism pills by the CIA, the delivery of those pills to organized

crime figures who in turn were to get the pills delivered to contacts

they had in Cuba for placement in a beverage to be drunk by Premier

Castro.

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a. When the Plans Began

There is some disagreement about exactly when the

Phase I plans began. The two people in the CIA who were the most

intimately involved were Richard Bissell, Deputy Director of Plans,

who was the person in the CIA who had direct responsibility for the

Bay of Pigs operation (April 17-19, 1961), and Colonel Sheffield

Edwards, the Director of the Office of Security of the CIA.

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According to Richard Bissell, the plans relating to

Fidel Castro started in "the very beginning of 1961" when he said he

became aware "of the possibility that an assassination attempt might

be planned using Mafia resources,

or syndicate resources. My very

uncertain recollection is that I first heard of this possibility from

Shef Edwards."

According to Sheffield Edwards, his first contact

with these plans "was about the time of the Bay of Pigs." He said he

did not "remember exactly" if it was before or after the Bay of Pigs,

but when asked whether or not it was in the Eisenhower Administration

or the Kennedy Administration for purposes of determining the time

of the inception of the plan, he said that "It was in the Kennedy

Administration."

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Although oral testimony of both said that this began

in the early stages of the Kennedy Administration, there is docu-

mentation which indicates that these conversations took place in the

latter part of 1960 during the Eisenhower Administration. This

documentation includes a May 14, 1962 "Memorandum for the Record"

entitled "Arthur James Balletti et al

-- Unauthorized Publication or

Use of Communications. " The opening sentence of the memorandum

states:

"This memorandum for the record was prepared at the request

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of the Attorney General of the United States following a complete oral

briefing

of him relevant to a sensitive CIA operation conducted during

the period approximately August 1960 to May 1961." The oral briefing

actually occurred in the offices of the Attorney General of the United

States, Robert Kennedy, on May 7, 1962, and Attorney General

Kennedy received a copy of the May 14, 1962 memorandum for the

record. Attending the oral briefing were three people: Attorney

General Kennedy, Sheffield Edwards and Lawrence Houston, General

Counsel of the CLA.

b. The Development of the Phase I Plans According to

the May 14, 1962 Memorandum to the Attorney General

The May 14, 1962 memorandum was prepared by

Sheffield Edwards and continued after the opening sentence: "In

August 1960 the undersigned was approached by Mr. Richard Bissell,

then Deputy Director for Plans of CIA, to explore the possibility of

mounting this sensitive operation against Fidel Castro. It was

thought that certain gambling interests, which had formerly been

active in Cuba, might be willing and able to assist and further, might

have both intelligence assets in Cuba and communication between

Miami, Florida and Cuba. "

The memorandum then related that an intermediary

who was known to the CIA (Robert Maheu) was approached by Colonel

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Sheffield Edwards "and asked to establish contact with a member or

members of the gambling syndicate to

explore their capabilities."

The approach was to be made "

...to

the syndicate as appearing to

represent big business organizations which wished to protect their

interests in Cuba." The contact was made with a "syndicate" member

who "showed interest in the possibility and indicated he had some con-

tacts in Miami that he might use." The syndicate member supposedly

told the CIA intermediary that the syndicate person "was not interested

in any remuneration but would seek to establish capabilities in Cuba

to perform the desired project."

The memorandum continued: "Towards the end of

September 1960"' contact with another' syndicate member from Chicago,

Sam Giancana, was made, and in turn an arrangement was made

through Giancana for the CIA intermediary and his contact "to meet

with a 'courier' who was going back and forth to Havana.

From

information

received back by the courier the proposed operation

appeared to be feasible and it was decided to obtain an official Agency

approval in this regard. A figure of one hundred fifty thousand dollars

was set by the Agency as a payment to be made on completion of the

operation and to be paid only to the principal or principals who would

conduct the operation in Cuba."

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The CIA intermediary reported that Giancana and

the other contact "emphatically stated that they wished no part of any

payment. The undersigned (Sheffield Edwards) then briefed the proper

senior officers of this Agency of the proposal. Knowledge of this

project during its life was kept to a total of six persons and never

became a part of the project current at the time for the invasion of

Cuba. There were no memoranda on the project nor were there other

written documents or agreements.

The project was duly orally

approved by the said senior officials of the Agency."

The memorandum continued that during the period

from September 1960 to 1961, "efforts were continued" by the CIA

intermediary and the Mafia personnel "to proceed with the operation.

The first principal in Cuba withdrew and another principal was selected

as has been briefed to the Attorney General. Ten thousand dollars

was passed for expenses to the second principal. He was further

furnished with approximately one thousand dollars worth of communi-

cation equipment to establish communications between his headquarters

in Miami and assets in Cuba. No monies were ever paid" to the

syndicate personnel. There was expense money paid to the CLA

intermediary. The memorandum stated that "After the failure of the

invasion of Cuba word was sent through" the CIA intermediary to the

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syndicate personnel "to call off the operation" with the further direction

that the syndicate person "was told to tell his principal that the pro-

posal to pay one hundred fifty thousand dollars for completion of the

operation had been definitely withdrawn." Only two copies of the

memorandum were prepared -- one for the Attorney General and one

to be retained by the CIA,

c.

The Carrying Out of the Phase I Plan

The following facts primarily come from inter-

rogation of Colonel Edwards and the Phase I case officer:

The particular means by which the plans were to be

carried out was "by placing botulism pills in his food."

The syndicate personnel were to get the pills to a

person in Cuba who would have access to Castro.

Supposedly, the reason |pills were used was that

the syndicate personnel could not recruit personnel to undertake the

assassination through gunfire because the chance of survival and

escape was small. However, the case officer felt that it was the

Agency itself that desired to have pills used rather than gunfire.

Colonel Edwards said that he, himself, checked

out the pills on some guinea pigs "because I wanted to be sure they

worked."

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Corroboration of the Phase I plans was also made

by another retired medical officer who was familiar with the pre-

paration of the pills inside the Agency.

Edwards said he did not know of any plans other

than those that involved the use of these botulism pills.

Edwards did not have any first-hand knowledge

about whether or not the pills ever got to Cuba.

According to the Phase I case officer, he delivered

the pills to the syndicate member and was subsequently advised by the

syndicate member that the pills were in Cuba, but the case officer

had no direct knowledge of his own that the pills actually got there.

Richard Bissell said he did not have any personal

recollection as to whether or not poison pills of any kind were ever

delivered into Cuba.

According to the case officer and the CIA Inspector

General files, there were two passages of pills to Cuba in the first

part of 1961. The first passage was in late February or March from

the syndicate through their courier to a Cuban who supposedly had a

position inithe Cuban PrimerMinister's office where he had access to

Fidel Castro.

According to the interview of Sheffield Edwards with

the Executive Director, the Cuban asset "got scared" and did not try

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to pass the pill. Pills were subsequently delivered to another "asset"

who was in a position to slip the

pills to Castro at a restaurant where

the

asset worked.

This took place in the March-April 1961 period.

Fidel Castro ceased visiting

that particular restaurant at approxi-

mately the same time the pills

purportedly arrived. The case officer

said it was his recollection that there were two passages of pills to

Cuba, the second one which was made to someone who had access to

a restaurant which Castro frequented. After the second attempt failed,

the case officer said the pills were returned to the CIA.

d. The Balletti Wiretap - Why the May 14, 1962

Memorandum was Prepared

The factual situation underlying the preparation of

the May 14, 1962 memorandum was that sometime in the fall of 1960

Sam Giancana asked the CIA intermediary to arrange for putting a

listening device in the room of an entertainer who at the time was in

Las Vegas and who Giancana thought was having an affair with another

entertainer, who was reputed to be Giancana's mistress.

According to the Phase I CIA case officer, the

request by Giancana came at a crucial time when plans were underway

for Phase I. Giancana supposedly stated that if he did not get help

to install the listening device, he would have to go to Las Vegas

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himself.

The case officer said "this would have interrupted the project

at a very critical time," and therefore he sought the assistance of the

CIA intermediary to get a private detective agency to undertake the

installation of the listening device.

The CIA intermediary passed the request over to

another private investigator, who in turn contacted Arthur James

Balletti (the name of the subject of the May 14, 1962 memorandum

for the record given to Attorney General Kennedy!. Instead of putting

a listening device in the room, Balletti put a listening device on the

telephone.

The listening device was discovered and Balletti was

arrested by the sheriff of Las Vegas, Nevada. At the time of the

incident, the CIA did not know of the specific proposed wiretap.

According to the Agency investigation by the Inspector

General's Office in 1967, Edwards had once told the Agency intermediary

that if the intermediary ever got in trouble he could say to the FBI

that he was working on an intelligence operation being handled by the

Agency. An FBI memorandum on that matter stated that the inter-

mediary claimed the telephone tap was ordered on behalf of the Agency's

effort to obtain intelligence through hoodlum elements in Cuba. The

Agency investigation file also states that a March 23, 1962 FBI

memorandum confirmed a meeting with Sheffield Edwards in which

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Edwards told the FBI that the intermediary was involved in a sensitive

project and that the CIA would object to prosecution because it would

necessitate CIA information and it could embarrass the United States

Government. Subsequently there was a meeting between Sheffield

Edwards and Sam Papich, the FBI liaison with the Agency, in which

Edwards advised Papich that it would not be in the national interest

to prosecute. At the time of that meeting, according to Edwards,

those who had initially authorized the assassination plans (Allen

Dulles and Richard Bissell) were gone and no one else in authority

(including Richard Helms, who replaced Bissell) had been "cut in on

the operation." Thereafter, Sheffield Edwards briefed Lawrence

Houston, General Counsel for the CIA, who in turn briefed General

Carter, McCone's Deputy Director of Central Intelligence.

(General Carter, who is now retired, lives in

Colorado.

When interviewed by a member of the Commission staff

by long distance telephone, General Carter said that he had no

recollection of this.)

Edwards, in his 1975 recorded interview, said

that there was nothing that he knew about the plan to assassinate Castro

that he didn't tell Attorney General Kennedy and that the briefing

lasted 'about a half an hour, at least," He said that he told Attorney

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General Kennedy "everything," and that after the briefing was completed

Robert Kennedy had no comment to him but Robert Kennedy "cautioned

Larry Houston to the effect that he was to know about these things.

Words to that effect." When asked whether or not the Attorney General

had told Colonel Edwards that "you shouldn't do this at all, " Colonel

Edwards replied "No." When asked whether or not the Attorney

General in any way said "that he disapproved of whatever was done

in the past, " Colonel Edwards said "no."

Lawrence Houston testified, "I was briefed on this

subject after it was dropped. I was not party to nor was I asked in

advance about it.... By the time I heard about it, I think it had been

terminated some little time, but there were personalities involved...

who were both regarded as part of the Mafia organization, and these

were people" that the CIA intermediary "had introduced to us. They

had former gambling interests in Havana, and at one time thought

they may be able to take action against Castro. After it fell through !

my recollection is that they had potential criminal indictments" against

the Mafia people "and it seems to me that the bug in the Las Vegas

hotel was involved more peripherally, but I cannot remember the

details."

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Houston also testified that he told Edwards "that I

thought the only thing to do was to go and tell the whole story to the

Attorney General. So with the approval of the Director at the time--,

well, it was '63, it must have been McCone. We went down to brief

Mr. Kennedy on the full story" that the Agency "had set up a project

with its aim the demise of Castro, that the project had fallen through,

that these following people were involved, and we gave them the names,

and this is what made him unhappy, because at that time he felt he

was making a very strong drive to try to get after the Mafia. And so

his comment was to us that if we were going to get involved with the

Mafia, in the future at any time, to make sure you see me first.", i

(This is the only evidence in the record to show that

John McCone knew about the existence of any specific assassination

plan in 1962. There is evidence in the CIA files to show that the actual

person with whom the matter was discussed was the Deputy Director

o Central Intelligence, and this evidence is supported by an August

16, 1963 memorandum from Helms to McCone, which will be discussed

in the Phase Il portion of this report.)

e. FBI Memoranda Concerning CIA Assassination Plans

According to a May 22, 1961 FBI memorandum entitled

"Arthur James Balletti, et al"':

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"On May 3, 1961, Colonel Sheffield Edwards,

Director of Security, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) furnished

the following information:

"Colonel Edwards advised that in connection with

CIA's operation against Castro he personally contacted Robert Maheu

during the fall of 1960 for the purpose of using Maheu as a 'cut-out'

in contacts with Sam Giancana, a known hoodlum in the Chicago area.

Colonel Edwards said that since the underworld controlled gambling

activities in Cuba under the Batista government, it was assumed that

this element would still continue to have sources and contacts in Cuba

which perhaps could be utilized successfully in connection with CLA's

clandestine efforts against the Castro government. As a result,

Maheu's services were solicited as

a 'cut-out' because of his possible

entry into underworld circles. Maheu obtained Sam Giancana's

assistance in this regard and according to Edwards, Giancana gave

every indication of cooperating through Maheu in attempting to

accomplish several clandestine efforts in Cuba. Edwards added that

none of Giancana's efforts have materialized to date and that several

of the plans still are working and may eventually 'pay off.'''

The memorandum then went into the Balletti situation

and reported that Colonel Edwards had no knowledge of the wire tap.

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The memorandum concluded with the following

paragraph:

"Colonel Edwards advised that only Mr. Bissell

(Deputy Director of Plans, CIA) and two others in CIA were aware of

the Giancana-Maheu activity in behalf of CIA's program and that Allen

Dulles was completely unaware of Edwards' contact with Maheu in

this connection. He added that Mr. Bissell, during his recent briefings

of General Taylor and the Attorney General in connection with their

inquiries into CIA relating to the Cuban situation told the Attorney

General that some of the CIA's associated planning included the use

of Giancana and the underworld against Castro."

Subsequently, on March 6, 1967, J. Edgar Hoover

sent to the Attorney General a letter with an accompanying March 6,

1967, FBI memorandum entitled "Central Intelligence Agency's

Intentions to Send Hoodlums to Cuba to Assassinate Castro." The

memorandum referred to the Balletti wiretap matter and stated

that the FBI "checked matter with CIA on 5/3/61 and learned CIA

was using Robert Maheu as intermediary with Sam Giancana relative

to CIA's 'dirty business' anti-Castro activities.

"By letter 5/22/61 we furnished former Attorney

General Kennedy a memorandum containing a

rundown on CIA's involvement in this. The original

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of the letter and memorandum were returned to us

for filing purposes. A copy of that memorandum

is being attached to instant letter being sent to

Attorney General.

"On 5/9/62 Kennedy discussed with the Director a

number of matters, including admission by CIA

that Robert Maheu had been hired by that Agency to

approach Sam Giancana to have Castro assassinated

at a cost of $150, 000. Kennedy stated he had issued

orders that CIA should never undertake such steps

again without first checking with the Department of

Justice and stated because of this matter it would be

difficult to prosecute Giancana or Robert Maheu

then or in the future."

The memorandum stated that the FBI had learned

on June 20, 1963 that the CIA contacts with the Mafia had "continued

up until that time when they were reportedly cut off. " The FBI

memorandum also stated that it appeared that one Mafia member

involved in the plans "is using his prior connections with the CIA to

his best advantage."

A contemporaneous FBI memorandum dated March 6,

1967 stated that Robert Kennedy following his briefing in May of 1962

informed the FBI on May 9, 1962 about the briefing. "He (Robert

Kennedy) indicated that a few days prior thereto he had been advised

by CIA" that an intermediary had been hired by CIA to approach Sam

Giancana with a proposition of paying $150, 000 to hire some gunman

to go into Cuba and kill Castro. The memorandum further continued

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that "Mr. Kennedy stated that upon learning CIA had not cleared its

action in hiring (the intermediary) and Giancana with the Department

of Justice he issued orders that CIA should never take such steps without

checking with the Department of Justice.

"Mr. Kennedy further advised that because of this

matter it would be very difficult to initiate any prosection against

Giancana, as Giancana could immediately bring out the fact that the

United States Government had approached him to arrange for the

assassination of Castro."

Additional Statements of Colonel Edwards re May 7,

1962 Briefing

When Sheffield Edwards and the CIA's General.

Counsel briefed Robert Kennedy on May 7, 1962 concerning the Phase I

assassination efforts by the CIA, there is no evidence to indicate that

during that briefing Robert Kennedy told the CIA personnel that he

already had known of this information because of prior information

received from the FBI.

Colonel Edwards in his 1975 recorded interview

confirmed the statement in the March 6, 1967 FBI memorandum

that Attorney General Kennedy stated that the CIA should never under-

take the use of Mafia people again without first checking with the

Department of Justice because it would be difficult to prosecute

such

people in the future.

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g.

Statements of Colonel Edwards re Knowledge

Inside CLA

According to Edwards the CIA people that knew

about the plans while they were going on were himself, his case

officer, Bissell,

Allen Dulles,

Director of Central Intelligence until

November 1961,

and General Cabell; Deputy Director of Intelligence

during this period of time. Both Dulles and Cabell are now dead.

h. How the Plans Got Started

There is inconsistency between the testimony of

Richard Bissell and Colonel Edwards concerning how the plans got

started.

According to Bissell the original approach was made

to the Agency by the syndicate personnel because "they had their

own very strong motivations for carrying out this... they had been

powerful under Batista in Cuba, and they had a very lucrative set

of interests for the syndicates,

and they had in effect been thrown

out, and so they had the strongest sort of reasons for anti-Castro

sentiment on their own." Bissell said he first learned about this

from Sheffield Edwards and that he had also talked with Allen Dulles

about the matter.

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Whereas Bissell testified that he "first heard of

this possibility (of using Mafia or syndicate resources) from Sheffield

Edwards," Edwards testified that his first contact was a request by

Bissell who asked Edwards "If I had any assets... that would be avail-

able into the syndicate. "

When asked about the inconsistency between his own

testimony and that of Sheffield Edwards concerning whether of not

Edwards approached Bissell first or Bissell approached Edwards first,

Bissell stated that "it is possible that my recollection is wrong... I

think I will stand on that as my recollection... but I seem to remember

rather clearly that it was from him (Edwards) that I first learned of

the possibility of this operation, and that he came to see me for this

purpose rather than my sending for him.. Now, could I just say that I

had several conversations with Shef Edwards on this matter, and it is

very possible that I, that in a subsequent conversation I did take the

initiative and send for and discuss it with him."

The Phase I case officer stated that he believed it

was Bissell who first approached Edwards about making the contacts

with a CIA intermediary. The case officer further stated that although

he ultimately became aware of the fact that the people contacted by

the CIA intermediary were "syndicate" members, initially neither

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he nor the intermediary knew this to be the fact.

Rather, he said he

thought these people whom the intermediary contacted were gangster-

type people who were not necessarily members of the syndicate.

Possible White House Direction of Approval of Plans

(1)

The Testimony of Richard Bissell

(a)

Eisenhower Administration

When asked whether or not he had any

discussions with any official in the Eisenhower Administration con-

cerning the development of an "executive action" capability, Bissell

replied, "not to my recollection, and I think I am almost sure that I

did not." Bissell stated that he had "no clear recollection of any

discussion with anyone in the Eisenhower Administration concerning

any possible plan to assassinate Castro." but there could have been.

He said that if it would have occurred at all during the Eisenhower

Administration, "it would have been with Gordon Gray. "

(b) Kennedy Administration

Bissell testified that although "my recol-

lection of this is far from clear... I am satisfied that very early in

the Kennedy Administration I did participate" in conversations with

someone in the White House concerning the planning of what was called

an executive action capability, which was defined in substance as a

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capability of the Agency to carry out assassinations, if required.

When asked with whom these conversations occurred, Bissell said "I

am almost certain it was either Walt Rostow (Deputy Assistant to the

President for National Security) or McGeorge Bundy (Presidential

Assistant for National Security), or probably the former, and possibly

both."

When asked to state what specifically was

discussed in these conversations, Bissell said: "My recollection, which

isn't too specific, is that this was a discussion of the desirability of

developing such a capability within the CIA that presumably would be

a small, special unit, and highly compartmented from the rest of the

organization."

Bissell said that he had no specific knowledge

but that he "had a great deal of confidence that the two gentlemen

whose names I have mentioned, would not have discussed this

discussed with me or encouraged any course of action that they were

not confident the President would approve."

Later in his testimony Bissell said that

the possibility of using syndicate people to carry out an assassination

attempt against Castro "was discussed by me, again I think probably with

Walt Rostow. It may possibly have been discussed directly with

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McGeorge Bundy, but I suspect that it was through Rostow, who was

then Bundy's assistant and on his staff. My impression, but again I

must emphasize that this is uncertain impression, was that I was

encouraged to go ahead with the investigation and planning of this

operation, and by investigation I mean simply to find out what would

be involved to make some assessment of the likelihood of success,

and other aspects of the matter."

According to Bissell, he was "vague as to

the final outcome of that attempt." He said that he had "no recol-

lection of a specific authorization that it should go forward. I believe,

however, that we probably did move to be in a position to carry it

out, or authorize it, if authorization were received." He said that he

believed "my own recollection of the final stages of the plan is vague"

because the plan involved "furnishing probably some money and such

items as pills or other devices through a number of cut-outs or

intermediaries to a group which we ourselves, of course, did not, in

any direct sense, control. This was not an operation of such a

character that the communications would run through Agency channels,

or that authorization on the spot would be by Agency personnel, or

that the Agency could precisely and tightly control it."

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(2) The Testimony of Gordon Gray

Gordon Gray testified that he had no conversa-.

tions with Richard Bissell or anyone else pertaining to assassination

plans.

(3) The Testimony of Walt Rostow

Walt Rostow testified that he did not have any

recollection of having any discussions with Bissell pertaining to any

attempt at assassination plots.

(4) The Interrogation of the Phase I Case Officer.

The case officer stated that he had been told

that the project had been approved by Allen Dulles, Director of Central

Intelligence, but he (the case officer) had no knowledge of whether or

not there had been any discussion of approval from the White House.

(5) The Interrogation of Colonel Edwards

Edwards said that he believed the plans were

developed by Bissell and that he was "sure that there were not" any

people in the White House that knew about these plans. He also said

that he did not know of any attempt of plans to assassinate people

other than Fidel Castro.

(6) The Testimony of McGeorge Bundy

McGeorge Bundy said that he was never aware

of any "actual decision" to go about seeking to assassinate any foreign

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leader. However, he said that he did "have a vague recollection of

the existence or the possible existence of contingency planning in this

area. I am sorry to say I cannot help you much with details about it

because I can't fish them out of my memory, but I could not exclude

that there were contingency plans,

and a contingency capability of

some sort,

or plans for such a capability at some time." He said

that he did not know of any case where plans went beyond the con-

tingency |stage "and I know of no such authorization or any involve-

ment by anybody in the White House staff or anybody else, for that

matter."

When asked whether or not he ever heard any

discussion concerning a plot or plan to assassinate Cuban leaders,

Bundy replied, "Not that I can remember... I certainly cannot exclude

the possibility that you could have had the kind of discussion in which

one or another individual would have said it would be, that there is a

possibility that thus and such a Cuban group, if landed and infiltrated,

might have as one of its missions the following, which might have

included an attack on one or

another Cuban leader.

I do not have any

direct recollection that this did happen, but I cannot exclude that it

did happen."

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Bundy testified that he did not know of any decision

to go ahead and actually undertake a plan of assassination. "That

contingent capability may have been authorized in this field I cannot

exclude, although I have no direct recollection of it. It is the decision

to go ahead that I am sure I do not remember."

Bundy said that he would have been "surprised"

if any effort to assassinate a foreign leader had been undertaken without

his approval as the President's Assistant for Security Affairs, and

said that he himself would "not have authorized anything of that kind

without much higher authority than my own. I could not exclude that

there would be communication with the President by other channels.

Neither President Kennedy nor President Johnson always used any

one channel. "

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There was direct access of the Director of

Central Intelligence to the President, according to Mr. Bundy. He

said that based upon his experience, "I would not have expected... the

Agency would have undertaken anything like an attack on the life of

a foreign leader without direct order from higher authority"'... it

did not happen in the time I was there... but I can conceive of the

President saying to somebody, I do not want to make this decision

but giving some indication of the kind of decision he wanted made."

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(7) The Subsequent Interrogation of McGeorge Bundy

After Mr. Bundy completed his testimony before

the Commission, he contacted the Executive Director the next morning

and volunteered that in thinking about the matter overnight "I have

had a vague recollection, which I cannot pinpoint in time, that there

was discussion that I knew about at some time of a proposal or scheme

or project!' in relation to the Castro regime "that did involve poison,

and the characteristic that sticks in my memory is that it would have

involved a rather large scale use of poison and, as I recollect it, it

never came anywhere near approval." Proposals under the overall

plan with regard to Cuba "which did come from time to time (mostly

not with respect to assassination) were reviewed in the first instance

for practicability and only after that for wisdom or political rightness,

and I recall no proposal for liquidation that ever got past the first

stage to the second. "

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A memorandum of the interview with the Exec-

utive Director was prepared the next morning to record these addi-

tional comments. In this memorandum which was signed by Mr.

Bundy and sworn to before

a notary public in the form of an affidavit,

Bundy said that "I simply have no recollection of plans" that "existed

in January or February 1961" which involved the attempted poisoning

of any Cuban leader. "I believe my memory tells me in a more general li

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way that my knowledge of a scheme or idea of using poison probably

relates to the year 1962."

Bundy further stated: "I am absolutely certain

that I never knew of or believed that there was any authorization to

go ahead with an effort to liquidate Castro, or any other Cuban leader. "

With reference to his testimony concerning an

executive action capability, Bundy said that "I recall the words 'exec-

utive action capability' more clearly today than I did yesterday... but

I do not have any recollection as to what I knew about that or who

requested it or how much was done under it. I don't recall having

any particular continuing interest in or information about that particular

activity' which was "something like" a "plan to have some kind of

stand-by capability for action against individuals."

(8) Documents of the National Security Council

On April 17, 1975, the Executive Director wrote

to the National Security Council requesting immediate access to all

files and documents relating to the operations affecting Cuba and the

Dominican Republic during the period 1960-1964 and in particular

asked for access to the records of the National Security Council, the

Special Group and the Special Group augmented,

The request of the

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Executive Director was denied on May 9, 1975. However, on May 9, the

National Security Council (NSC) purported to deliver to the Executive Directo

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all National Security Council documents in its possession which per-

tained to the question of possible assassination attempts on the life

of Castro or Trujillo. One of these documents was

an excerpt from

a paper on "United States Policy Toward Cuba" dated May 4, 1961 and

prepared for discussion by the National Security Council at its meeting

оп May 5, 1961.

Paragraphs No. 79 and No. 80 from this excerpt

are as follows:

79.

Castro. A political vulnerability of the

regime lies in the person of Castro himself. It

is not clear whether the regime could continue to

operate for long without him. There is no question

that the bureaucracy operates relatively freely,

and probably makes many decisions without con-

sulting Castro. However, it is equally certain that

the Castro personality and his appeal to the Cuban

people is an important element in maintaining

popular support for the regime.

If Castro were

removed from the scene the regime might collapse

for lack of this central rallying point. On the other

hand, the bureaucracy may now be so firmly entrenched

that it could function independently--although

admittedly without the degree of popular support now

enjoyed.

Further, by using Castro as a martyr

it might be possible to generate ai least à

temporary

support for his successor.

80. A further possibility attendant upon the death

of Castro would be the attitude of the PSP.

The

party would like to assume a moreopen and dominant

role in the Cuban Government. Castro's death might

force or encourage the party into a precipitate move

to seize power.

If this happened it would probably

have an adverse reaction of Latin American opinion,

though principally at the government level.

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Subsequently the Executive Director renewed

his request orally and also in writing on May 22. On May 30, the

National Security Council stated that it had completed a review of all

records of the predecessor groups of the Forty Committee and trans-

mitted some additional documents, although still denying overall

access.

Included in the copies of the documents transferred on May 30,

1975 were the following:

(a.) Copy of the November 3, 1960 "Minutes of

Special Group Meeting"' attended by Messrs. Merchant, Douglas, Gray,

General Cabell and General Lansdale.

The last paragraph stated:

"Finally, Mr. Merchant asked whether any

real planning has been done for taking direct positive action against

Fidel, Raul and Che Guevara. He said that without these three the

Cuban Government would be leaderless and probably brainless. He

conceded that it would be necessary to act against all three simultaneously

Gen. Cabell pointed out that action of this kind is uncertain of results and

highly dangerous in conception and execution, because the instruments

must be Cubans. He felt that, particularly because of the necessity

of simultaneous action, it would have to be concluded that Mr. Merchant's

suggestion is beyond our capabilities."

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(b) The remaining documents all related to

1964 and will be discussed in the concluding part of the section of the

Statement of Facts pertaining to possible assassination plans directed

against Premier Castro.

June 13, 1961 Taylor Report

According to a June 13, 1961 paper, Allen Dulles

and Richard Bissell briefed President-elect Kennedy in November

1960 at Palm Beach about the Bay of Pigs planning. The Taylor paper

was prepared pursuant to an April 22, 1961 directive by the President

to Taylor, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, Admiral Arley Burke

and Allen Dulles for an overall analysis and study of governmental

practices for military, paramilitary, guerrilla and anti-guerrilla

activity with special attention "to the lessons that can be learned from

recent events in Cuba. " There is nothing in the June 13, 1961 Taylor

report which specifically discusses assassination.

However, during the time the study was being under-

taken the aforementioned May 22, 1961, FBI memorandum was prepared

and sent to Attorney General Kennedy.

k. Relationship of Phase I Plan with Bay of Pigs

Sheffield Edwards, himself, thought that these plans

were developed in connection with the Bay of Pigs, and it was Bissell

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who

was in charge of the overall coordination of the Bay of Pigs

operation.

Bissell denies that these plans were part of the Bay of

Pigs planning. He testified that he was "quite clear" that the plans.

for attempted assassination of Fidel Castro were not developed as

a part of the Bay of Pigs operation.

1. Knowledge of Phase I Plans Inside Cuba

Bissell stated that he did not think the actual attempt

was ever made, although it is physically possible that the poison

pills did reach Cuba. He also said that although he did not remember

having any evidence that Castro knew of these attempts, "it is perfectly

possible that, with some time lag, Castro would have come on some

evidence of this operation."

Bissell also testified that to the extent individuals in

the Cuban exile community in Miami may have been involved, "our

belief was that Castro was extremely well informed on what was going

on. "

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m. Termination of Phase I Plan

After the Bay of Pigs operation in April 1961, according

to Sheffield Edwards "the plan, as I recall, petered out." Edwards

said that he did not become involved with any other person, after the

Bay of Pigs invasion, to try to get the pills to Cuba.

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n. Other Plans During Phase I

While the Phase I plans were underway, the Agency

received confirmation from contacts in Cuba concerning possible

assassination attempts inside Cuba against Castro. Most of these

contacts took place in the first part of 1961 immediately preceding

the Bay of Pigs landing. In particular, there were several cables

received referring to a possible assassination attempt against Fidel.

Castro on April 9, 1961, during a public appearance at the Sports

• Palace in Havana.

There were also messages received from dis-

sident Cubans inside Cuba in the first few months after the Bay of

Pigs invasion.

In some of these messages there were references

to trying to kill Castro. None of these possible assassination

attempts from dissidents inside Cuba appear to have been coordinated

with the Phase I plans.

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3. 1962-63 and the Phase II Plans.

a. Possible authorization - the restimony of Richard

Bissell

In late 1961 or early 1962, Deputy Director for

Plans, Richard Bissell, recalled asking a new case officer

"to take over a part of our reviving effort against Castro

and the Castro Administration...I probably urged him to

look into this plan... which had been the subject of active

attention nearly a year before. I have no recollection of

authorizing him to revive it, except to look at it as a

plan, or to proceed with any action along those lines."

Richard Bissell resigned from the Agency in February, 1962.

His successor as Deputy Director for Plans was Richard Helms.

b. The Interrogation of the Phase II Case Officer

(1) Developing an "Executive Action" Capability.

The Phase II case officer in a signed recorded

interview said that he had

a conversation with Richard Bissell,

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early 1962, in which Bissell told him in substance that someone

in the White House had raised the question whether or not the

Agency should develop what was called an "executive action

capability," which was a capability of assassination or

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liquidation of leaders of foreign countries. The case

officer said that Bissell briefed him that an operation

against Castro "had been mounted"

" and "that it had been

handled through Sheffield Edwards."

(2) Discussions with Edwards and Helms

The case officer said he was then briefed

by Edwards on the operation that had been previously

conducted. This testimony was corroborated by Colonel

Edwards. Both Edwards and the case officer stated that

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Edwards

did not have any further contact with any

subsequent phase after Phase I. Colonel Edwards put the Phase .

II case officer in contact with the case officer who had been

involved with Phase I for a briefing. The Phase II case

officer then took over this entire operation for the Agency.

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The Phase II case officer stated in his

recorded interview that after he was briefed by the previous

case officer and discussed the matter with Sheffield Edwards,

he then discussed the matter with Richard Helms. The Phase II

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case officer took over the direct contact with the Mafia personnel

which to the best of his recollection occurred "about early

April 1962."

(3) The Phase II Plans

The Phase II plans involved two possibilities

of assassination: rifle fire and the use of poison pills.

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Delivery of funds for the acquisition of rifles and handguns

plus some medicinal drugs and anti-biotics took place in

the summer of 1962. According to the case officer, it was

somewhat less than $5,000. The money was delivered to the

Mafia contact, and the case officer received a report from

the Mafia contact that the Cuban contact had called to report

that the arms and poison pills had gotten into Cuba.

The case officer stated that he felt he

was dealing with a very volatile situation that "in the

aftermath of the Bay of Pigs failure" was the kind of an

operation that the Government, the Agency or anybody else

could not afford to have surface. "

...It was quite obvious

that there was an explosion potential here--an explosion not

in the technical sense--a flap potential, if you will, but it

took some time to find out just what could be done and how

it could be done, to try to sanitize the possible reper-

cussions of this." He claimed that very shortly after

taking over the operation he reached a tentative conclusion

that the plans had little chance of success and he decided

to "wind down" the plans gradually. The winding down was

completed in the Spring of 1963 and in June, 1963, the case

officer went abroad to another position wholly unconnected with

the Cuban operation.

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When asked why the operation did not meet with

success, the case officer said "I don't know if I have any

valid opinion why. There are a great many things that

could have happened. It wasn't tried, it was choked off,

it was penetrated from the start--at least on the Cuban •

end--that is the end in Cuba. When I say I have no personal

knowledge of this, I am aware that Castro has claimed there

were a number of attempts on his life. I am aware that he

has blamed those

on the U.s. in general and the CIA in

particular. But I have no personal knowledge of facts which

would prove that there was ever actually, if you will, a

shot fired or any poison administered, or any other attempt

other than in the inchoate stage."

The case officer also stated that "given the

capabilities of Castro's

security apparat and the general

seive-like character of the community in exile and the

number of people who knew at least something about this

particular incident or operation, before I had any connection

with it, or later as a result of things that occurred before

I had any connection with it, I think and thought at the time

that it was conceivable that it had been penetrated. I

cannot honestly state that I had at that time any firm reason

to believe that Castro was aware of this operation."

FROM

THE GERALD

FORD

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The Phase II case officer stated that he

knew of no other plan to assassinate any other foreign leader

except Castro.

c. The Testimony of Colonel Edwards re Knowledge

of Phase II

According to Colonel Edwards, at the time of the

May 7, 1962 briefing of Attorney General Kennedy, he did not

know that the Phase II case officer, whom he had earlier

briefed, was undertaking another plan along the lines of

Phase I. Therefore, he did not tell the Attorney General

at the time of the briefing that there was a Phase II plan

underway•

d. Knowledge of John McCone, Director of

Central Intelligence re Phase II

The Phase II case officer stated that sometime

prior to August 1962, he had a conversation with Richard Helms,

who had succeeded Richard Bissell as Deputy Director of Plans.

The case officer said that the question was raised whether

or not the new Director of Central Intelligence, Mr. McCone,

should be briefed of the operation. "I did recommend to Mr.

Helms that since this 'operation' and the possible repercussions

from it all stemmed from actions which had taken place long

before either Helms or myself had had any personal connection

with it, and before John McCone had had any connection whatever

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with the Agency, and since the decision had been made at that

time that this should be sanitized, tied off and terminated

as soon as practically feasible, I saw no reason why the new

DCI should be briefed on it, and I strongly recommended that

he not be."

The case officer said that to the best of his

knowledge McCone at no time in 1962 knew of the fact that

Phase II of the operations were underway.

John McCone testified that he first learned

about Phase II when he was first interviewed by the Executive

Director of the CIA Commission in April, 1975, and McCone

further stated that the only knowledge he had of Phase I was

knowledge he received on August 16, 1963 upon receipt of a

memorandum from

Richard Helms together with a copy of the

May 14, 1962 "Memorandum for the Record" delivered to Attorney

General Kennedy•

e. The Testimony of Richard Helms re Phase II

Helms was asked whether he remembered any

discussions with the case officer concerning the furnishing

of either arms or poison pills to Cuban exiles to have them

try and carry out any assassination plans. Helms replied

"I don't have any question that we tried to line them in

Cuba, to bring down this government of to kill anybody they

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could lay their hands on."

But he did not recall that

"a specific project was approved which was designed for a

man to go to point B and actually shoot or poison of do

something to Castro."

Helms testified before the Commission that "he

was not aware of the CIA ever having assassinated any foreign

leader. I certainly never authorized the execution of any

such operation while I was Director or Deputy Director and

when I was Deputy Director for Plans I don't remember it

coming forward. I certainly never recommended such an

action to the then Director."

Helms said that although he had no recollection

of any discussion with the case officer not to tell the

Director of Central Intelligence, Mr. McCone, in 1962 about

the existence of plans, "I have no reason to cavil" that this

was the fact.

f. The August 10, 1962 Meeting of the Special

Group (Augmented)

The Special Group (Augmented) was a group of senior

people in the Administration who were involved in overall

planning with operations directed against Cuba. Included in

that group were the Secretary of State, Dean Rusk; the Secretary

of Defense, Robert McNamara; the Attorney General of the

United States, Robert Kennedy; the Assistant to the President

for National Security, McGeorge Bundy; General Maxwell

Taylor; and General Lyman Lemnitzer (who is id member of the

Commission), along with sever:. others. The coordinating

HOTOCOPY

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officer of the Special Group (Augmented) was Brigadier General

Edward Lansdale.

(Robert Kennedy was not present at the

August 10, 1962, meeting.)

(1) The Interrogation of the Phase II Case Officer

The Phase II case officer said that he was at

a meeting of the "Special Group (Augmented) in the State

Department in August 1962, when someone brought up the

possibility of "liquidation" of Castro. John McCone was at

that meeting and, according to the case officer, John McCone

"got rather red in the face" and made a remark which "was a

clear effort to stop any such proposals, suggestion or any

discussion thereof at that meeting within that forum

immediately."

FROM

THE GERALD R.

On August 14, 1962, the Phase II case officer

prepared a memorandum for the Deputy Director of Plans, who

was Richard Helms, in which he attached a copy of an August 13,

1962 memorandum prepared by General Lansdale. The CIA case

officer's memorandum to Helms said:

1. Action.

information.

None. This memorandum is for your

2. Reference is made to our conversation on 13 August

1962, concerning the memorandum of that date from

General Lansdale. Attached is

a copy of this memorandum,

excised from which are four words in the second line

of the penultimate paragraph on page 1. These four...

words were

"including liquidation of leaders."

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3. The question of assassination, particularly of

Fidel Castro, was brought up by Secretary McNamara at

the meeting of the Special Group (Augmented) in Secretary.

Rusk's office on 10 August. It was the obvious

consensus at that meeting, in answer to a comment

by MI. Ed. Murrow, that this is not a subject which

has been made a matter of official record.

I took

careful notes on the comments at this meeting on

this point, and the Special Group (Augmented) is

not expecting any written comments or study on this

point.

4. Upon receipt of the attached memorandum, I called

Lansdale's office and, in his absence, pointed out

to Frank Hand the inadmissibility and stupidity of

putting this type of comment in writing

• in such a

I advised Frank Hand that, as far as CIA

was concerned, we would write no document pertaining

to this and would participate in no open meeting

discussing it.

I strongly urged Hand to recommend

to Lansdale that he excise the phrase in question from

all copies of this memorandum, including those dissemi-

nated to State, Defense, and USIA.

Shortly thereafter,

Lansdale called back and left the message that he agreed

and that he had done so."

The attached Lansdale memorandum under date of

August 13, 1962 had excised from it a phrase. The blank

space was the approximate size of the phrase, "including

PHOTOCOPY FROM '

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FORD LIBPARY

liquidation of leaders."

(2) Interrogation of Robert M. McNamara

According to Robert M. McNamara in a recorded

interview, he had no recollection of being present at the

August 10, 1962 meeting. "I'm not suggesting I wasn't, but

I have no recollection of it. I do seem

to recall that there

was such a group, I doubt very much if I was a member of it."

He said that he "might have been a participant" at one or more:

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meetings.

When asked whether or not he heard anyone discuss

the possibility of assassinating Castro or any other foreign

leader, McNamara replied: "No. I should interject here

another point I made earlier, as I have no notes--I did not

take. notes of any meetings I attended with rare exceptions,

and I have no other basis for refreshing my memory and my

memory of those years is very bad. I'm not saying this to

in any way qualify what I'm saying except that it is a fact

that my memory is poor in relation to the period."

McNamara stated that "I am almost certain

that were an assassination contemplated, which seems to me...

extremely unlikely, if it were contemplated or any action

been taken to move in that direction, it would have had to

receive the approval of not just Mr. Bundy but other officials

at that same level, including my deputy, I think, and my

deputy never would have approved anything like that without

discussing it with me." Secretary McNamara said that he

"couldn't imagine anything relating to a CIA operation that

was known to the President and was not known to Mr. Bundy.

I can imagine something with respect to CIA known to Mr.

Bundy, not known to the President either because they were not

that important or conceivably because it was thought desirable

to protect the President from certain knowledge...I can't

imagine Mr. Bundy himself supporting assassination. I can't

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imagine him supporting assassination of a foreign leader,

without mentioning it to the President, even though to do

so would by that action involve the President. I say I

can't imagine

him supporting assassination of a foreign leader

without the President's knowledge because it is the President

who would pay if that action were undertaken and it ever

became known. Mr. Bundy recognized, more than the rest

of us, the importance of protecting the presidency as well

as the particular president, and particularly protecting

his ability to govern."

(3) The Testimony of John McCone

John McCone testified that he was present

at the August 10, 1962 meeting. He said that he objected

to the discussion of liquidation of leadership as a

PossIbility of consideration and he later talked with secretary

McNamara and expressed the same view, and he said Secretary

McNamara agreed. John McCone testified that at the time of

the August 10, 1962 meeting he did not know of the existence

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of the Phase I plans nor did he know that at the very time

the meeting was taking place, Phase II was underway.

(4) The Affidavit of General Lemnitzer

Lyman Lemnitzer, a member of the CIA

Commission, was also present on the August 10, 1962, meeting.

In an affidavit he declared that he has no recollection of the

question of liquidation of Castro or other Cuban leaders being

discussed.

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(5) The Testimony of General Lansdale

General Lansdale had no specific recollection

of the August 10, 1962, meeting although he said that "it is

quite possible" that he might have attended that meeting.

General Lansdale said that the possibility

of assassination may have been discussed at that meeting.

He also had no specific recollection of his

memorandum dated August 13, 1962, and the words whited out.

When asked whether or not those words might have been

"including liquidation of leaders" Lansdale replied "I doubt

it. I just don't recall anything at all on liquidation of

leaders." However, he also said that it was possible that the

excised phrase from his memorandum was "including liquidation

of leaders," but he stated that this was merely a matter of

considering a possibility, one of several alternatives.

(6) Additional Testimony of General Lansdale

According to Lansdale, during 1960 he was

Deputy Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Special

Operations. He said he had no knowledge of any discussion of

possible plans for the assassination of any foreign leaders.

In 1961 Lansdale was appointed by Secretary

McNamara as Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Special

Operations.

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(a) Discussions with and Written Proposals to

President Kennedy

Lansdale said that he had a discussion

with President Kennedy. "I do not recall exactly on that.

He

asked me if I would think about the situation in Cuba and

if I could come up with any suggestions or recommendations

from such a study. It was a rather vague assignment by him,

but it was to be done for him personally."

Lansdale "suggested an intermediary" to

whom he would report and Lansdale said the President "appointed

his brother, who was the Attorney General."

According to Lansdale, he made an initial

series of recommendations

in late 1961 or early 1962, in

writing, addressed to the President, "to see if there was a

possibility of using Cuban refugees to help them get their

political thinking together to see if there would be any

feasibility of a revolution in Cuba." He says he thinks he

gave the written report to the Attorney General for delivery

to the President and that he later saw the paper "in the files

of the President.. he received it and he had possession of it."

(b) Cuban ExiLe Groups.

During the first part of 1962 there were

discussions about Cuban exiles possibly going back inside Cuba

to harass the regime. Lansdale stated that the possibility of:

these exile groups trying to assassinate Castro "might well:

have been mentioned." However, he said that "I don't recall a

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single instance of any serious action being undertaken" on

any plan for assassination. He went on to say that whatever

discussions took place concerning assassination related to

possibilities rather than actualities.

(c) Requests for "possibility" Plans - but no

Authorization to Carry Out

Lansdale said that if there were directions

to submit papers, it was an authorization for submitting papers

and not an authorization for necessarily carrying out the

action. Lansdale admitted that "there might well have been"

a request for the CIA to come up with, as a possibility, a

plan for liquidation of leadership.

If that request was made, he said it could

have been one of his requests and that he "quite probably

would have discussed it with the Secretary of Defense" and

"possibly the Attorney General with whom I was in contact."

Lansdale said that at no time during 1960,

1961, 1962 or 1963 did he have any knowledge of the existence

of any plans for the assassination of any Cuban leader or

any other leader.

FROM THE

GERALD

FORD

Lansdale

testified that he never heard any

discussion of "executive action capability."

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g. Interrogation of General Taylor

General Maxwell Taylor said that he was not aware

of the existence of any plans to assassinate Castro. He said

he did not have any discussions with the President concerning

the possibility or the existence of the plans to assassinate

Castro.

However, "

...in the case of Bob Kennedy and Allen

Dulles,

we talked about so many things at the time of the Bay

of Pigs as we sat around the table I couldn't say--that the

desirability of the disappearance of Castro or what would

happen if he were assassinated in Cuba--that was not raised, I

don't recall." He said he didn't recall any conversations

about assassination with MeGeorge Bundy or Walt Rostow. "I

couldn't say that discussion in the abstract 'wouldn't it be

a nice thing if someone bumped Castro off' that could well

FROM THE GERALD R.

have been said, but I just don't recall it."

Taylor said that he never knew of any authorization

for the CIA to undertake any assassination. He also said he

had no knowledge of the phrase "executive action capability"

or any proposal for the CIA to develop a general standby

capability to assassinate foreign leaders.

General Taylor, who was at the August 10, 1962,

meeting, said he had no recollection of any assassination plan

being discussed, although he said that it might have been.

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h. Testimony of Richard Helms Re Unseating

Castro Government and Possible Plans

(1) White House Pressure

Richard Helms, now Ambassador to Iran,

testified that "there was a flat-out effort ordered by the

White House, the President, Bobby Kennedy who was after

all his man, his right hand in these matters, to unseat the

Castro government, to do everything possible to get rid of

it by whatever device could be found and that was the reason

for mounting this large operation in Miami to work on this

very problem. And the Bay of Pigs was a part of this effort

and after the Bay of Pigs failed, there was even a greater

push to try to get rid of this Communist influence 90 miles

from the United States shores.

In response to a question concerning "Who

might have been the driving forces from the White House in

efforts to do something about Castro" Helms responded, "Well,

the principal driving force was the Attorney General, Robert

Kennedy. There isn't any question about this. Involved in

this was a group of individuals who were sort of hired and

pulled together by Kennedy and Rusk and McNamara and MeGeorge

Bundy and all those people to get on with this job and as I

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sit here and start to hink about this, Califano was one of them.

It seems to me Lansdale, who had been successful in this kind

of operation out in the Far East was brought in for a while."

(2) Possible Assassination Plans

Ambassador Helms testified that he did not

recall "any plans that were approved or that were viable

specifically directed at eliminating Castro, but that there

were conversations about it, I haven't the slightest doubt."

"The business about the assassination of

Castro, I have read about this in the papers. I have heard

about it from associales. It has been kicked around whether

this was a viable proposition or not. I have no doubt it was

written into various plans

as one of many options but I

don't recall any successful effort that was made in this

direction and since Castro is alive and apparently well in

Havana, the extent to which this was serious I have never

ascertained."

0)

PAR

Ambassador Helms said he did not "recall ever"

having heard anything about poison pills or any of that."

He did recall that "at some juncture" a decision was reached

"that it would be

advisable to brief Robert Kennedy as the

Attorney General " about "various things that the Agency had

had to do" with certain Mafia members. He did recall that

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the Phase

II case officer had taken over the plans but

he did not "recall any special basis being used to try to

get them to do an assassination."

I. The August 16, 1963 Memorandum to John McCone

about Phase I

According to John McCone, the first time he

learned about the existence of any assassination plans was on

August 16, 1963, when he was given a copy of the May 14, 1962

"Memorandum for the Record" prepared for Attorney General

Robert Kennedy•

The particular events underlying the disclosure

to Director John McCone appear to have started on the evening

of August 15, 1963. Stanley J. Grogan, an assistant to the

Director in charge of press relations, received a telephone

call at his house from a man who said he was Sandy Smith, a

reporter for the Chicago Sun-Times. According to a memorandum

for the record prepared on August 16, 1963 by Grogan, Sandy

Smith "said he was working on

a story as a follow up to the

revelations by Joe Valachi, who is under close guard at ft.

Monmouth, New Jersey, who had named a man Giancana as the head

gangster in Chicago. The man in Chicago recently went to court

to have the FBI cease surveillance of him and his house and

lost the decision.

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He said the Chicagoan reportedly at

time was used by CIA to find out what was going on in Cuba,

but provided no information of value. Smith said he stated

this to the Department of Justice and they would neither confirm

or deny."

On August 16, 1963, the front page of the

Chicago Sun-Times contained a story by Sandy Smith with a

headline "CIA Sought Giancana Help for Cuba Spying." The

story started with the following paragraphs: "A fantastic

tale of attempted Cuban espionage involving Chicago gang

boss Momo Salvatore (Moe) Giancana and the Central Intelligence

Agency was revealed Thursday to The Sun-Times.

"It was a weird gangland spy case in which,

government official said, CIA agents contacted Giancana in an

effort to obtain Cuban intelligence after the Fidel Castro

regime came into power in 1959.

"What the CIA accomplished--if anything--by

negotiating with the 53-year old Chicago rackets chief

is one of many unexplained mysteries of the matter."

Richard Helms gave John McCone

on August 16 a memorandum (datea August

16) under the subject

"Sam Giancana" which stated: "Attached is the only copy in

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the Agency of a memorandum on subject, the ribbon copy of

which was sent to the Attorney General in May 1962.

I was vaguely aware of the existence of such a memorandum

since I was informed that had been written as a result

of a briefing given by Colonel Edwards and Lawrence Houston

to the

Attorney General in May of last year."

Richard Helms, when interrogated by the

Commission staff, testified he did not have any recollection

of the specific events. However, when he was shown his

memorandum of August 16, 1963, addressed. to John McCone,

the Director of Central Intelligence, he remembered that

he had delivered that memorandum to Mr. McCone. Helms

did not recall whether or not he had seen the May 14, 1962

memorandum for the record sent to the Attorney General

before the date he sent it to John McCone on August 16,

1963.

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4. Miscellaneous 1963 Schemes

According to the 1967 Inspector General investiga-

tion report, during 1963 several miscellaneous schemes were

developed inside the Agency for possible use against Fidel

Castro.

Helms testified he was vaguely aware of some of these

schemes, which he called "hairbrained."

There was no

showing that any of the schemes extended beyond the discussion

stage. One of these schemes involved discussions inside

the CIA about trying to have General Donovan, who was

negotiating with Fidel Castro for the release of the Bay

of Pigs prisoners, give to Fidel Castro a contaminated

skindiving suit. It was known that Fidel Castro liked to

skindive. The CIA plan was to dust the inside of the suit

with a fungus producing madera foot, a disabling and chronic

skin disease, and also contaminating the suit with

tuberculosis bacilli in the breathing apparatus. There

is no evidence that General Donovan knew of any such schemes

developed inside the Agency. The scheme was dropped because

Donovan on his own

volition gave Fidel Castro an uncontaminated

skindiving suit as a gesture of friendship. '

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During this period of time there were also discussions

about preparing a booby-trap spectacular seashell which would

be submerged in an area where Castro often skindived. The

seashell would be loaded with explosives to blow apart when

the shell was lifted. After investigation it was determined

that there was no shell in the Caribbean area large enough to

hold a

sufficient amount of explosive which was spectacular

enough to attract the attention of Castro. Also, a midget

submarine which was anticipated to be used for the emplacement

of the seashell did not have a long enough operating range.

5. The Phase III Plan - 1963 - 1965

In 1963 a CIA employee who was fluent in Spanish

was assigned on temporary duty with the Special Operations

Group on Cuba. The employee is hereafter referred to as

the Phase III case officer. The task assigned to him "...was

to collect intelligence and to try to organize a group of

military officers inside Cuba who were opposed to the Cuban

regime-the Castro regime."

In the latter part of 1963 while on a trip abroad,

he met a Cuban with whom CIA personnel had been in contact

PHOTOCOPY

FROM THE GERALD R.

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since 1961. At this first 1963 meeting the Phase III case

officer said there was no discussion about any possible

assassination of any Cuban

leader.

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Originally, the Cuban contact had been a

Castro supporter and had been a member of one of the groups

that overthrew Batista. However, "he became disenchanted

with Castro" shortly after Castro took over because of

"the harsh police state policies that were being carried out."

At a subsequent 1963 meeting, which took

place in Europe, the Phase III case officer said that the

primary discussion concerned "getting into more detail

on the organization of a group inside Cuba which could be

used in an internal coup against the Castro government.

"The subject of assassination was never raised

by me. It was never discussed in that context. In discussing

the coup and how a coup would be carried out, this particular

contact did raise the possibility and in his mind the very

real possibility that there would be bloodshed, and that

somebody would be killed. Their, or his, opinion was that

to even get the internal revolt, a coup, underway that

the leadership--the top leadership--would have to be

neutralized.

Specific assassination of any of the people,

it was not discussed in those particular terms."

According to the Phase III case officer, the.

Cuban contact held a relatively high position in the

Cuban government.

The Cuban "requested a meeting...a high

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level policy maker in Washington, specifically mentioning

Robert Kennedy as one of the people with whom he would

like to talk, to get some assurance that Washington was

serious about proceeding with this type of an operation."

The Cuban also said "that they would need some

help in-arms probably-in getting started, in kicking off

the coup." The Cuban mentioned high powered rifles and

scopes and said "they felt that they could capture

sufficient arms to carry on once they started."

Subsequently, a senior CIA officer travelled

to Europe to meet the Cuban and "assured him... that the U.s.

Government was serious about this operation..." and "that

the U.S. Government was prepared to support the coup and

that when they launched the coup as soon as they established

themselves in any reasonable manner inside Cuba that the

U.S. Government would support them."

The next meeting took place on November 22,

1963 in Europe. The Cuban contact had requested "some type

of esoteric gadget with which he would be able to defend

himself" if there were a confrontation directly with Castro.

• "He had in mind some sort of a pellet pen or anything

that was not a hand weapon that he could carry with him"

into any conference with Castro.

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Although the Agency did not develop such a

device, it did develop a ballpoint pen which had a

hypodermic needle inside that when you pushed the lever,

the needle came out and poison could be injected into

someone.

The Phase III case officer showed the pen to the

Cuban contact on November 22, 1963. The Cuban contact

declined the gadget "because of the close proximity with which

he would have to get to a person if anything developed in the

form of a confrontation with him." Instead, the Cuban asked

for weapons,

and the case officer told the Cuban "that a cache

of weapons would be put down for him in Cuba."

One or two caches of weapons, including high-

powered rifles with scopes, were subsequently placed down

in Cuba. In addition, according to the Phase III case

officer, he delivered money to help the Cuban contact with

his living expenses, while in Europe. "It was around $1,000

at one time, no more than that."

The Phase III case officer broke off contact

with the Cuban in the latter part of 1964 and was reassigned

to

another task in early 1965. The Cuban contact then was

turned over to a Cuban exile group.

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According to the 1967 CIA Inspector General

investigation report, CIA support was withdrawn from

the Cuban in 1965 because too many people knew about him

and his plan.

In March 1966 a Cuban leader was arrested

and confessed to receiving rifles with telescopic sites

from the CIA to be used for the assassination of Castro,

according to a "Prensa Latina" news release. The man said

he received $100,000 toward this

plan.

In a memorandum to the Secretary of State

after this news story appeared, the CIA said that the contact

was xecruited to collect intelligence of military activities

and objectives in Cuba. The Agency said: "There is no

truth to the allegations that the CIA paid $100,000 or

any other sizeable sum of money" as claimed in the Cuban

newspapers following the confession of the contact. The

Agency also said "the Agency was not involved" with either

of the two men arrested by Cuban authorities "in a plot

to assassinate Fidel Castro

as claimed in the Prensa, Latina

news release, nor did it ever encourage either of these two

persons to attempt such an act..."

The memorandum to

Secretary Rusk was signed by Richard Helms and was dated

March 6, 1966.

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6. Miscellaneous 1964 Schemes Involving Cuban Exile Community

On June 10, 1964, Richard Helms, Deputy Director for Plans,

sent to John McCone, DCI, a memorandum on the subject "Plans of

Cuban Exiles to Assassinate Selected Cuban Government Leaders. "

The opening paragraph of the report declared:

"The following report was compiled from information obtained

by Agency officers from persons who were parties to the actions

described. Agency officers made clear to each of the sources that

the United States Govemment would not, under any circumstances,

condone the planned actions. Presumably the sources of the report,

in submitting this information, were motivated in part by the belief

that by disclosing the information they would obtain immunity against

legal action should they succeed in implementing the plan."

The report then detailed

several different reports pertaining to

the development of "... a plan, that was still in the embryonic stage,

to assassinate Fidel Castro"'. Some of the plans involved advances of

funds with the major payment to be made upon the consummation of

an assassination. The funds were to come from either wealthy

Cubans

or "Cosa Nostra" elements.

The May 30, 1975 letter from the National Security Counsil

to the Executive Director had several documents attached which

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pertained to the possibility of assassination of Castro by Cuban exiles

or the Mafia. These papers included the following:

a.

A June 18, 1964 memorandum prepared for McGeorge Bundy

under the subject "303 Committee Cuban Review." The portion of the

memorandum delivered opened with the following sentence:

"It seems to me that this meeting might serve to give us a

clearer picture of what forces are at work today which might serve to

embarrass the USA in the next 120 days. "

The memorandum referred to "other groups of adventurers

and freebooters who have an unknown capability for trouble....

"We also have these reports of MAFIA plans to perform coup

de main operations for cash. Who is keeping track of this? Does the

grapevine among the emigres keep us well advised of all impending

adventures?"

Attached was the June 10, 1964 copy of the Helms memorandum

to the Director of Central Intelligence.

b. A "Memorandum for the Record dated June 22, 1964 under the

subject "Preliminary Meeting with Attorney General, 19 June 1964" with the

"Reference: Minutes of Meeting of 303 Committee of 18 June 1964 on

Overall Subject of Cuba" was signed by Peter Jessup. The portion of

the memorandum disclosed to the Executive Director included the

following final paragraph;

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"In regard to the memorandum to the DCI concerning alleged

underworld connections with Cuban exile groups for the purpose of

assassinating key figures in the Castro regime, it was pointed out

that these reports, in effect, put the United States Government on

notice that such plotting was afoot, and failure to take preventive

action could be construed as condonation. The Committee's belief

that this was essentially a law enforcement problem was cited. The

Attorney General indicated that the Department of Justice would look

into the matter. "

c. A portion of a memorandum for the record, also dated

June 22, 1964 and signed by Peter Jessup, under the subject

"Minutes of the Meeting of the 303 Committee, 18 June 1964" showed

as present McGeorge Bundy, John McCone, together with "Mr. Vance,

Mr. Johnson. Mr. Mann and Mr. FitzGerald were also present. "

The opening portion of the memorandum contained the following:

"A general discussion was held on problems arising from

increased activities on the part of organized Cuban emigre groups,

independent adventurers, purported plots to assassinate Castro and

the general edginess and instability on the island.

"None of these present appeared to feel that it was either

realistic or practical to sever connections with or to withdraw support

from the two principal emigre organizations, those of Artime and Ray. "

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The remaining portion of the memorandum was whited out,

except for the final paragraph:

"A paper was discussed on alleged plans which involve the

underworld to assassinate certain Cuban leaders. Mr. McCone was

somewhat skeptical of the reported plots and stated that he would

like to go into the matter further. Others, including Mr. Bundy, felt

that the United States was being put on notice and should do everything

in its power to ascertain promptly the veracity of the reports and then

undertake prevention. It was decided that Mr. Bundy would call the

matter to the Attorney General's attention as a matter of law enforce-

ment."

d.

The Executive Director also received a "Memorandum for

the Record" dated July 31, 1964 under the subject "Minut es of the

Meeting of the 303 Committee, 30 July 1964"' showing Bundy, Vance,

McCone and Thomas L. Hughes present as well as Desmond FitzGerald

of the CIA. Only two paragraphs of the memorandum were disclosed

to the Executive Director, as follows:

"The proposed infiltration/ exfiltration operations into Cuba

for August 1964 were approved. Mr. FitzGerald then addressed him-

self once more to the ever present problem of operations by auto-

nomous groups. While under our cognizance, they are not controlled,

he said.

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"It was agreed that Mr. FitzGerald would contact Mr. Sam

Papich of the FBI in regard to the earlier report of an alleged plot

with Mafia overtones to assassinate Castro and which the Attorney

General agreed to handle as a matter of law enforcement."

An August 19, 1964 memorandum from John A. McCone to

McGeorge Bundy on the subject of "Status of FBI Investigations re

Plans by Cuban Exiles to Assassinate Cuban Government Leaders"

was also included in the material delivered to the Executive Director

on May 30. The memorandum summarized the FBI investigation to

date and FBI reports were summarized.

7.

Summary

The foregoing facts show that the CIA was directly involved in

plans to assassinate Fidel Castro of Cuba. There is conflicting

evidence concerning whether or not the CIA was directed or encouraged

by higher authority to make an actual attempt on the life of Premier

Castro or whether this was a matter developed from with the Agency

or whether it was

combination of both.

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c.

The Dominican Republic

1. The Chronology

a. The Background

Rafael Trujillo came to power in the Dominican

• Re

public in 1930. By 1960 he was notorious because of the corrupt.

regressive nature of his regime, because of his systematio

use of torture and murder as tools of government, and because

of his intervention in the affairs of other nations. The

country was in considerable turmoil as the result of several

attempts to overthrow the government, sponsored by other

Latin American countries.

G.

The policy of the United States at the beginning

LD

1960 was to refrain from actions which would hasten Trujillo's

downfall but to identify, develop, and encourage a moderate

group which would take power in the event of Trujillo's death,

flight, or overthrow. This policy of non-intervention, althoughe

clearly required by treaty, convinced many Latin Americans

3P.

AR

that the United States supported and maintained the Trujillo

regime: Leaders such as President Betancourt of Venezuela,

whose support the United States badly wanted

in connection with

operations against Castro, conditioned their support on U.S:

assistance in toppling Trujillo. In April the President approved

contingency planning for a more active U.S. role in the event

the political situation in the Dominican Republic continued to

deteriorate.

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b. The Rifles

In May the American Ambassador to the Dominican Re

public returned to Washington for consultations. Both State Depar

ment and CIA files indicate that he reported the dissidents

needed weapons, particularly a "small number of high-powered

rifles with telescopic lenses."

The Ambassador has no present

recollection of any such request. He is confident that he

made no serious effort to obtain them. Nevertheless, the

request went forward. Near the end of June, according to

CIA files, the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-

PHOTOCOPY FROM

American Affairs approved the provision of "a small number

THE

of sniper rifles or other devices for the removal of key

Trujillo people from the scene," and requested that they be

supplied at the earliest possible moment. Neither the CIA

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officer who obtained this approval nor the Assistant Secretary,

now both retired, has any recollection of this meeting.

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c. Explosives

• On June 24, 1960, Irujillo sponsored an unsuccess!

attempt on the life of the President of Venezuela; as a

result the United States and other OAS countries severed

diplomatic relations in August. Consular relations were

retained.

The Cormission Staff interviewed the foreign serv?

officer who served as Deputy Chief of Mission before the

severance of relations, and as Consul General thereafter.

It was his recollection that the dissidents had no definite

assassination plans in mid 1960, although they did speak of

that course as the only way out of the conditions

under which

they lived. It was not until early 1961, as he recalls, that

the dissidents began formulating specific plans to kill

Trujillo. The cables and memoranda of the period tend to

confirm this recollection.

Nevertheless, the CIA continued at intervals

dum.)

1960. to discuss with the dissidents means for the assassination

of Trujillo. A memorandum in October 1960 reflects that the !

dissidents planned to kill Trujillo with a bomb, detonated from

a remote point, and then to take over the nation by means

of an armed uprising, coordinated with other paramilitary

action. A more detailed proposal along similar lines appears

to have been provided by the dissidents in December.

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On December 29, 1960, the Deputy Director for Pla:

presented the Special Group with a program for covert action

to bring about Trujillo's overthrow. A portion of the program

called for Agency and consular officials in Ciudad Trujillo

to continue to work with the internal dissidents to promote

an uprising and the establishment of a moderate pro-u.s.

successor to the Trujillo regime. The plan, as initially

approved by the Special Group, contained no provision for

PHOTOCOPY

supplying arms or explosives to the internal dissidents.

FR

Two weeks later, the Department of State, on itse

motion, obtained Special Group consent to have the internal

dissidents furnished "limited supplies of small arms and other

equipment," meaning explosives, subject to the condition

that these materials be provided to the dissidents at a point

outside the country itself. The internal State Department

memorandum which led to this proposal stated there would be

no

thought of toppling the government by any such "minor

measure," but some sabotage. potential would be placed in the

hands of the pro-u.s. opposition with a corresponding boost

to their morale and their opinion of the United States. The

station and the consulate were informed of the Special Group

action on January 19, 1961, the last day of the Eisenhower .

Administration.

President Kennedy was informed of the Special

Group action not later than mid-February.

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à. Revolvers

During the early months of 1961 the CIA Station

and the consular officials in Ciudad Trujillo kept in close touch

with the dissidents, and they were aware of their various schemes

to assassinate Trujillo. Although these officials apparently

took no active role in the development of plans, they did

on occasion discuss and criticize plans developed by the

dissidents.

In mid-February, two members of the dissidents'

"Action Group", which was to carry out the actual assassination,

came to the United States.

They met with both CIA and State

Department officers. During these meetings they stated

repeatedly that the key to the success of the plot would be the

assassination of Trujillo. The evidence is insufficient to

permit a conclusion how far this knowledge went within the

State Department.

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In March matters took an active turn. In a cable

on March 4, a letter on March, 16, and an airgram on March 22

the Consul General in Ciudad Trujillo reported that plans

for Trujillo's assassination were coming to a head. He

requested additional authority to supply the pro-u.s.

dissidents with weapons.

Similar requests were made by the CIA Station

Chief of his headquarters. Three times headquarters responded

that it could

not comply with these requests because the

restrictions imposed by the Special Group precluded the

introduction of arms into the Dominican Republic by

Americans..

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On March 22, the CIA Station Chief renewed his

request that headquarters send him three .38 calibre revolvers and

ammunition by diplomatic pouch. He stated that without

some show of support the United States would lose the

dissident group entirely, while if it supplied weapons it

might have some control over the timing of their use.

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On the same day, March 22, representatives of the

CIA met with the State Department officer who served as their

point of contact with the Department's Bureau of Inter-

American Affairs. Three days later, on March 25, the Deputy

Director for Plans cabled the station setting forth United

States policy with respect to the Dominican Republic and

stating that the revolvers and ammunition would be sent by

diplomatic pouch in the near future.

There is nothing in either CIA or State Depart-

ment files to indicate whether the Department was consulted on

decision. The memories of the participants are hazy on the

matter, but there are indications that the CIA did discuss the

introduction of handguns into the Dominican Republic and

believed it obtained approval. The then Deputy Director for

Plans testified that as the territorial restriction on delivery

РНОТОСОРУ

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of weapons was initially imposed at the reguest of the

Department of State, he would have considered the State Depart-

ment's willingness to waive the restriction as adequate authority

and probably would not have returned to the Special Group for

formal approval. He observed that the members of the Group

of their staffs might have been advised informally.

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The use of a diplomatic pouch to send weapons

for such purposes was prohibited by regulations of the CIA's

Clandestine Services, and it is also illegal under inter-

national law.

The Deputy Director of Plans approved the

waiver of the internal regulations. There is nothing to

indicate that the Department of State was informed of the

use of

the pouch, and the fact thät the March 25 cable

instructed the Chief of Station not to advise the Consul

General of the use of the pouch suggests that the CIA acted

unilaterally in this regard.

The CIA files indicate that the revolvers were

passed to the dissidents, and the Department of State files in-

dicate that one was passed by the Consul General and the other tug

by Agency officers. Neither the Consul General nor the former

Chief of Station has any particular recollection of the matter.

e. Carbines

On March 26, the day after CIA decided to fur-

nish the revolvers, the station cabled that it had found three M-l

carbines in the consulate, left behind by departing naval

personnel. It requested magazines for the weapons and

permission to pass them to the dissidents. On March 29 the

Assistant Deputy Director for Plans responded that he was

pouching the magazines, and that headquarters was "inclined to

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favor" passing the weapons and ammunition.

Another meeting was held with the Department of

State on March 31. The State Department memorandum makes no

mention of any discussion

either of the furnishing of ammunition

or of authority to pass the

weapons, but the Deputy Director

for Plans granted authority to pass

the carbines the same

day.

Both the State Department liaison officer, who prepared

the memorandum of the meeting, and the Consul General are clear

in their recollection that the State Department in Washington

did not learn of the pass of the carbines until the Consul

General was in Washington several weeks after the pass took

place.

Nothing in CIA files indicates that this decision was

coordinated in advance with the Department of State. It is

possible that the CIA understood its initial authorization

with respect to the handguns to extend to the carbines as well.

It is also possible that CIA decided the Special Group

restriction on importation of weapons did not apply, as the

carbines were already inside the Dominican Republic.

CIA cabled its Station Chief on April 5 to request.

the Consul General not to comment in his correspondence with the

Department that the arms and ammunition were being passed.

A reassuring reply from the Consul General was received two

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days later.

The CIA Station Chief, who would not have been

involved in any coordination at the headquarters level,

speculated that this injunction may have been designed to

keep the State Department from knowing "officially" that

the weapons were being passed.

It is clear that the coordination on the deci-

sion to provide the carbines was inadeguate. It is impossible

to determine from this evidence where the fault lies.

PHOTOCOPY

FROM

£. Submachine Guns

As early as March 20, the consulate and the stard

tion in Ciudad Trujillo had been informed that the assassins in-

tended to kill Trujillo when he visited his mistress--substantiald:

the plan followed some two months later. Although the plan

originally called for Irujillo's dispatch inside his mistress'

residence using silenced weapons, the group requested five

M-3 submachineguns and 1500 rounds of ammunition for self

defense in case the assassination plans went awry and there

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was a firefight with Trujillo's security forces. In its

March 25 cable, headquarters replied that it was prepared to

provide these weapons when the dissidents developed the

capacity to receive them at

sea or in a cache on the coast,

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but that

for security reasons they could not be sent

by pouch.

The Chief of Station returned to Washington for

consultations in early April. He was able to convince his

superiors that the pouch was the only feasible and secure

means of getting the weapons into the Dominican Republic

for delivery to the dissidents. The Deputy Director for

Plans approved on April 10, and the pouch was sent on April 14

but with the restriction that the weapons not be passed without

further approval. The files

show that there was no coordination

with the Department of State in Washington. Because of the

Bay of Pigs landing on April 17, the station and the consulate

were never given authority to supply the weapons to the

dissidents and they never did so:

On May 2, as the result of repeated entreaties

from the station and the consulate, the Deputy Director for Plans

approved a cable for the DCI's release, stating that as it

appeared the Action Group was prepared to act whether or not

the submachineguns were provided, the station was authorized

to pass them for the additional protection of the group.

Apparently someone decided this decision should not be made

without the consent of the Department of State, for on May 3

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the Deputy Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division met with

Professor Adolph Berle, Chairman of the Interagency Task

Force on Latin America.

According to Berle's memorandum of

the interview, confirmed by one of the witnesses, the initial

presentation stated the group wished the arms in order to

overthrow Trujillo.

After some examination, Berle determined

that the real plan was to assassinate Trujillo, and that the

guns were wanted for that purpose. Berle responded that he

could not care less for Trujillo, but that the United States

did not wish to have anything to do with any assassination

plots anywhere, any time. The Agency officer, who had been

in a supervisory position with respect to this effort for

approximately a year, told Berle he felt the same way.

It may be that the CIA tried to get Berle over-

ruled; on May 5 a cable informed the station that a high-level

State Department decision on the submachineguns was pending.

Nothing in the files indicates what this cable might have

referred to. In any event on May 8 the station was informed

that the State Department had disapproved passage of the

submachineguns,

and this ended the matter.

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g. The Policy Statement

In mid-May, as

a result of increasing indications

that events in the Dominican Republic were reaching a climax,

the White House requested situation reports and contingency

plans. This exercise was overseen by a member of the National

Security Council

Staff. A CIA briefing paper prepared for this

purpose stated that the three revolvers and the three carbines

had been passed to the dissidents for their use in personal

defense

"attendant to their projected efforts to neutralize

Trujillo." The report implied that both the revolvers and

FROM

the ammunition had been in the consulate with the carbines,

and therefore the limitations on the Special Group authorization

technically did not apply.

The CIA liaison officer at the State Department

called to his superiors' attention the fact that weapons had al- &

ready been passed, and apparently submitted a memorandum outlining

the reasons why the United States should not be involved

in this activity. Among them were that the United States

Government should not lend itself to direct political

assassination, that the moral posture of the United States

could ill afford further tarnishing in the eyes of the world,

that the United States would have encouraged the action,

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supplied the weapons, effected the delivery, and then turned

over only the final execution to (unskilled) local triggermen,

and that the United States could not afford a precedent which

might convince the world that our diplomatic pouches are

used to deliver assassination weapons.

On May 15 a joint CIA-State Department memorandu:

was sent the President's National Security Adviser informing

hino

that the plans of the pro-u.s. group were well advanced in the

direction of ousting Trujillo "by any means." This memorandum

did not call attention to the fact that the United States had

supplied weapons to the group.

In the midst of these discussions, the Consul

General, who had been in Washington for consultation, cabled on

return to the Dominican Republic that the dissident group

planned to "execute action against Trujillo" that evening.

The Department replied that it would consider this timing

particularly unfortunate in view of the juxaposition of the

FORD

Consul General's

return

from Washington to the Dominican

Republic and the inferences which might be drawn therefrom.

This exchange of cables

was furnished to the NSC staffer.

The state of the covert action program in the

Dominican Republic was

discussed in the Special Group on May 18,

and again on May 25. The Commission has not had access to

the minutes.

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On May 24, the State Department liaison officer

provided the Under Secretary with a draft cable, stating that

the need to dissociate the United States

from obvious inter-

vention, and even more so from political assassination,

PI

and with Latin America generally. This draft was approved

at high levels in the CIA and the State Department, and was

1'?:

redrafting in the White House, the final version in another

hand, stated "We must not run risk of U.S. association with

political assassination, since U.S, as a matter of general

policy cannot condone assassination." This version was

approved by the President in Paris and cabled to the Dominican

Republic. It arrived the day before Trujillo's death on May 30.

On June l the State Department instructed its Consul General,

if he could do so "most inconspicuously", to destroy any

records concerning contacts with the plotters and any related

matters.

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2.

Summary

The investigation disclosed no direct American

participation in the assassination.

The idea originated

with the Dominicans; they acquired some of the weapons on

their own; and they did the detailed planning. They were

never subject to American

supervision or control.

On the other hand, CIA and State Department

officers in the Dominican Republic were in regular contact

with the plotters before the assassination, and they were

well aware of the group's lethal intentions. The CIA had

told the group of practical problems with several earlier

assassination plans; it had offered to train a member of the

group in the use of explosives to kill Trujillo.

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IDP SECRET

D. Conclusion

President Ford has firmly announced that assassina-

tion is not and should never be a tool of United States

policy.

The Executive Director of the Commission joins in

this statement.

It is against the constitutional and moral

principles for which this Republic stands for there to be any

direct or indirect participation of any agency of the United

States Government in any plans involving the assassination

of

any person in

peacetime.

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