RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE UNITED STATES THIS SUMMER.
Agency: CIA
Originator: FBI
Document date: 05/23/1967
Document type: PAPER - TEXTUAL DOCUMENT

## Page 1

104-10125-10157

IE ENECTOR

CONCITACIAIA

UNITES STATES DEIARTMENT OF JUS.ICE

FEDERAL DUREAU OF INVESCIGATION

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20535

Precinis

May 26; 1967

BY LIAISON

Honorable Richard Helms

ON

Director

Contral Intelligence. Agency

Washingtor, D. Co

Dear Air. Heins:

REVIEWED BY. FBIJFK TASK FORCE

5/8/94 g

RELEASE IN FULL

RELEASE IN PART

I TOTAL DENIAL (NAR).

I an enclosing a document entitled "Racia) Violonce

Poteutial in the United states this Sunai," which may be os

interest to you.

AXI signs point totara declarent racial atrite

throughout the Nation this stmor. Most of the disorders es

recent years

agitation and propageria by connuriste and eatsemists have

contributed coward Hero unrest.

In particular, individuate

like Hartin Luther King and Stokoly Carnichael have sennod Lis

flames of racial discord.

Fing has joined Carnichel and other citronists in

che

civil righes noveaont in enuescing the communios tactic ca

Jinking tho civil righte novocent with the anti. iocoon t

rIotest novemont.

The entinar campaign ondorsca by Kies Mulga

to promote coumunist ains and progrors in the Uhitou States

and abroar.

A COpy o1 ines encloaure is houg

furnished to each

Of. Che fOlLOViNG:

mrs. lalared Stcaall, at the Thite ucure;

the Vice President; the Secretarion of State and Defense;

and the Attorney Concial.

Upon renoval, of the clascitiod notorici, this lostor

boccuss usciaosirrede

sirin.

Xxc105u20

CONCX02222A1

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FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

SUBJECT:

RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN

THE UNITED STATES THIS SUMMER

DATE:

May

23, 1967

RỀVIEWED BY FBI/JFK TASK FORCE

ON S814

RELEASE IN FULL.

RELEASE IN PART

I TOTAL DENIAL (NAR)

Group 1

Excluded from automatic

downgrading and

declassification

CONTODA

---

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*UNHIDENTAL

"TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

PREFACE

OVERVIEW

Continuing Racial Tension,

Seasonal Phenomenon

'sin

Another Riotous Summer

Civil Rights. Linked with

• Vietnam

MORE RACIAL TROUBLE PREDICTED

Ominous Warnings. •

Familiar Pattern •

RACIAL VIOLENCE POTINTIAL IN THE EAST

Baltinore, Maryland

Boston, Massachusetts

Buffalo, New York

Charleston, West Virginia

Eltzabeth, New Jersey

Hartford,

Connecticut

Jersey City, New Jersey

New York, New York •

Newark, New

Jersey

Paterson, New Jersey

Philadelphia,

Pennsylvania

Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

Rochester, New York

Washington, D. C.

1.1

11

i1

1.1

111

5

10

13

14

15

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RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE MIDWEST

Akron, Ohio

Benton Harbor, lichigan

Chicago, Illinois

Cicero-Berwyn, Illinois

Cincinnati, Ohio • •

Cleveland, Ohio

Dayton, Ohio •

Detrait, Michigan

East st. Louis, Illinois

Flint, Michigan

Harvey-Daranor, Tilinois

Indianapolis, Indiana

Kansas City, Missourt ti

Lansing, Michigan

?. and

Milwaukee, Wisconsin •

Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minnesota

Muskegon, Michigan •

Omaha, Nebraska

St. Louis, Missouri

Waukegan-North Chicago-Zion, Illinois

RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE YEST

Bakersfield, California

Denver, Colorado

Los Angeles, California

Oaklend, California

Oxnard,

California

Portland, Oregon •

Richmond, California •

San Bernardino, CallIornia

san Diego, California

San

francisco, California

Seattle, Washington

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23

23

2.4

287

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CONPIDENTIAL

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CONFIDENTIAL

RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE SOUTH

Atlanta, Georgia . •

Birmingham, Alabama

Bogalusa, Louigiana

Dallas, Texa

•

Fort Lauderdale,

florida

Houston, Texas

JACKSON,

Mississippl

Louisville, Kentucky •

Menphis, Tennessee•

Florida.•

Rashville,

Tennessee

Natchez, Mississippi •

Rew Orleans, Louisiana

Richmond, Virginia • •

San Antonio, Texas

FUSION OF CIVIL RIGHTS AND ANTIWAR MOVEHENTS

Aggravating Tension •

Creating Opposition to Vietnam

Tar

Union of Civil Rights and Peace Lovements

49

49

49

50

51

51

51

52

53

54

55

55

56

57

57

57

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59

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60 *

CONAIDENTIAL

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14-00000F

PREFACE

This document is, in essence,

an intelligence

survey of this summer's

racial violence potential in the

United States.

Its contents were derived from public

sources, public officials, police officers, knowledgeable

observers, and FBI sources:

This document

should not,

however, ,be regarded as a report based upon the results

of any specific investigation conducted by the FBI.

CONFIDENTIAL

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4.00000

CONRUENTAL

OVERVIEW

Continuing Racial Tension

After three consecutive summers of racial

turbulence in the United states, there were hopes that

che social, economic, and political gains achieved by

the Negro in recent

years might be alleviating racial

unrest and strife.

Civil rights legislation, antipoverty

programs, and better police-community relations have

brought a

treatment measure of improvement in the status and

of Negroes, but discontent and frustration

persist.

'Race relations have deteriorated in a number

of cities throughout the country during the past year.

Seasonal Phenomenon

We are now in the midst of a

an era of protracted

racial conflict that has produced

a crisis in law enforce-

ment.

Along with the

annual seasonal rise in summertime

crime, it is painfully evident that racial turmoil has

similarly become a summer phenomenon.

The racial violence

potential is especially high in hot weather in the Nation's

urban areas because large numbers of Negroes, living

under crowded, depressed conditions in ghettos, take to

the streets to escape the heat and seek relaxation and

recreation.

The situation is compounded by the restiveness

and alienation of large numbers of icle junior and senior

high school students

and other Negro youths.

Because of

the combustible temper of the times, an inconsequential

Incident can ignite a riotous situation in any city or town

in the country.

Another Riotous Summer

The Spring of 1967 has already witnessed almost

daily outbreaks of racial disorder somewhere in the country.

All signs point toward recurrent racial convulsions through-

out the country this summer--more than likely on an even

wider scale than in previous years--marked by plundering,

arson, destruction, and attacks on law enforcement officers.

There is the added danger this year that the scenes of

racial strife in large cities might spread from Negro

11

CONFIDENTIAL

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cosmunities into white neighborhoods and that increased

numbers of white people might resort to violence in an

effort to counter Negro demonstrators or rioters. The

threat of racial violence hangs heavy over every urban

cormunsty in the land. In an atnosphere of ever-present

tension, violence can strike anywhere at any time with

all the unpredictability, rapidity, and destructiveness

of a tornado.

Civil Rights Linked with Vietnam

Host of the riots and disturbances of the past

three years have been spontaneous eruptions of mob

violence, triggered by sone trivial incident and fueled

by teen-age-Negro youths and various. lawless and

Irresponsible ghetto elenents. But incessant agitation

and propaganda on the part of cormunists and other

aunists and otrouted

subversives and extrenists have definitely contributed

to Negro unrest and fomented Violence: In particular,

demagogues like Hartin Luther Kang, Stokely Carmichael,

Floyd Hellssick, Cassius, Clay, and. Dick Gregory have

fanned the fires of racial discord and animosity.

King

has nor Joined Caraichael,, Mckissics, and other

civil

rights extrenists in embracing the consunist tactic of

linking the civil rights novement with the anti-Vietnan-

war protest movement, claiming that United States

*

Involvesent in Vietnan 1s diverting attention from civil

rights.

King's exhortation to boycott

the draft and refuse

to fight could lead eventually to dangerous displays of

civil disobedience and near-seditious activities by Negroes

and whites alike.

Thus, the antivar campaign endorsed.

by King helps to promote comunist aims and progrars in

the United States and abroad.

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MORE RACIAL TROUBLE PREDICTED

Ominous Warnings

Each spring of the past few years has evoked

prognostications from Negro spokesmen and public officials

in cities with substantial Negro populations to the effect

that the ensuing summer months would see outbursts of

racial violence. This spring the prophecies have been more

numerous and more ominous than ever, particularly those

voiced by Negro leaders.

"The war in Vietnam has

strengthened the forces

of bigotry and reaction," declared Martin Luther King,

President of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference

(SCLC).: "It has caused many young people to become

disenchanted with our society. The failure to solve

problems of our cities will only exacerbate the situation,

and give the extremists on both sides a much more receptive

• audience.

Polarization of the race question in the

United States won't merely mean outbreaks of violence.

It

will mean outright race

wars in

"some of our cities."

At least ten cities actoss the country were

described by King as "powder kegs" which could explode

into racial violence this summer. Among those cities he

listed were New York City, Newark, Washington, Cleveland,

Chicago, Los Angeles, and

'the Bay area of California,

including Onkland.

Sporadic youth-led riots throughout the country

must be expected this summer and every summer for the

next decade, Bruce Coles, Program Director for the Chicago

Young Men's

Christian

Association, told the House

Education Subcommittee.

The continuing tumult, according

can be traced to a conflict between the promises

of an eatient society and society's limited ability to

spread that affluence around.. Unable to get jobs and rise

out of the slums, the youngsters mostly teen-age Negro

boys--simply "blame whitey and raise hell," he said.

CONFIDENTIAL

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CONNDENTIAL

Alienation and tension in soue Negro neighbor

hoods "are reaching catastrophic proportions which can

lead to unprecedented explosions

In 1967," garned

Edward Rutledge and Jack E. Hood, Executive Director and

Associate Executive Director of the National Conittee

Against Discriaination in Housing, in an annual report.

Rutledge and Wood, who forecast racial disorders in 1965

and 1966, drew their conclusions from & study conducted

1n 41 cities and 25 states during 1986.

" Rutledge and Hood claimed they found a conviction

among Hegro youth that progress in civil rights will be

achieved through social turnoil, and they repeatedly

heard such consents in ghettos

as "Je need two and a half

more riots to got out of here."

declared

Floyd lickissick, National Director of

the Congress of

Racial Equality (CORE).' McKissick placed Cleveland at

the top of his list of trouble spots, along with most

New Jersey cities.

Other cities he enumerated were

New York City; Washington; Detroit; Chicago; Gary, Indiana;

St. Louis; East St. Louis, Illinois; Los Angeles;

San Francisco; and Oakland..

'A Negro sociologist at Howard University,

Dr. Nathan Hare, soes a "very real" possibility of

civil war between whites and Negroes in the United States.

"It's going to be quite a while off yet though not so

far off as to be outside of our life span," he said.

Dr. Fare, who describes himself as a "theorist" in the

"black power" novement, is actively spreading its

philosophy to Negro colleges across the country.

"Violence is the only way left to the black

man to achieve his nanhood in America," Ernest Chambers,

& leader of young militants in Omaha, told delegates to

the National Conference on Conmunity

Values and Conflict

In New York City. He said that "violence purges the

soul of the black man and returns to hin his self-respect."

Chambers maintained that prevention of racial violence

was up to the white people.

They must realize, he said,

that tojustice is practiced daily against the Negro and

that Negro youths will no longer put up with it.

CONFIDENTIAL

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14-00000

The key to racial peace this summer, observed

Roy Wilkins, Executive Director of the National Association

for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), is jobs for

the thousands of young Negroes who will be turned loose

from school "with muscles in their arms and mischief in

their minds."

With "one out of three Negro teen-agers

wandering around," he said, "you are going to have trouble."

Wilkins expressed the hope

that there would be no riot in

any city, and added: "But I can't say there won't because

all the ingredients

are there."

Public officials in a nunber of large cities

have exprèssed considerable apprehension about the

possibility of racial violence this year. Mayor John V.

Lindsay, of New York City, asserted that "we have no way

of knowing what this summer will bring but we do know

that if violence breaks out,. the young people oi the

ghettos will be in its vanguard."

He has called upon the

administration to restore cuts'in antipoverty funds for

summer youth activities or face the threat of rioting in

Negro ghettos this summer.

Disturbances' áre likely in the Nation's capital

this summer, according

to Walter N. Tobriner, a District

of Columbia

Commissioner, unless funds for recreational

programs for school children are approved. If youthful

energy is not channeled constructively, he cautioned,

"I am sure

that increased vandalism, destruction, and

other antisocial hehavior would tend to result.."

added: "Of course, we can never assume summer peace,

since incidents fanning neighborhood reaction are neitber

foreseeable nor controllable. But we can, by providing

these funds, make the occurrence of summer incidents less

likely

and their enlargement to other areas less apt to

OCcur. "

Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr., of Atlanta, observed

• that "in any big city with

major slum problems, incidents

amounting almost to riots can occur at any time during

the hot summer months

whenever there is

Leadership that finds an incident that can be exploited.

There is

always some incident that provocative leaders

can use if they want."

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CONFIDENTIAL

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CONFIDENTIAL

Familiar Pattern

The forebodings of recent years have been amply

justified in view of the extensive riotous conditions

that have developed in the United States during the past

three summers.

Events have unmistakably shown that any

municipality in the country with a Negro population is

susceptible to a racial outbreak.

A partial listing of

citles and towngwhere

racial disorders have occurred since

1964 indicates that racial disorders can happen anywhere

and

everywhere at any time: New York City; Rochester,

New York; Philadelphia; Jersey City; Cleveland; Dayton,

Ob10; Lansing, Michigan; Chicago; Haukegan, Iilinois;

Omaha; San Francisco; Los Angeles; Atlanta; Fort Lauderdale,

Florida; and Bogalusa, Louisiana.

It is obviously

impossible to pinpoint when and where racial violence will

erupt.

But there is

the pattern it will

In virtually every instance where major riots

have broken out in Negro' communities in recent years, the

pattern and sequence of events bawe been identical:

escalation of an initial minor episode involving police

action; a

rapidly growing. crowd and mounting excitement

and hysteria fomented by troublemakers, extremists, and

subversives; overt hostility toward the police, accompanted

by wild charges of "police brutality"; the explosion of

blind, irrational nob fury and action; street fighting

between Negroes and police; hurling of rocks, bricks,

bottles, fire bombs, and other objecte; looting, vandalism,

and arson; and, finally, summoning of police reserves and

frequently the National

Guard to restore law and order.

The survey on the following pages endeavors to

highlight the violence potential which exists in the

United States

as the Summer of 1967 draws near.

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CONFIDENTIAL

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NONSENIA!

RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE LAST

Baltimore, Maryland

Population 917,000 (1966); 41 par cent Negro

(1966) •

At the present time, Baltimore police officiala

feel that there is less

tension today than there has been

for the past year and that there is no current situation

that is likely to lead to riots or racial violence within

the next six months.

They belleve that the Negro leader-

ship, although at times radical, manages to control its

followers ind that the connunication between the police

and this leadership is good, largely due to the effective-

ness of communtty relations

councils set up by the Baltimore

Police Department:

In their assessment of the situation,

they conclude that 1f violence does oscur, it will arise

either fron police action in heavily populated Negro

districts or from countetdemonstrators representing white

supremacist hate groups.

..

On two occasions within the past year, an

individual representing the Fighting American Nationalists

and one representing the Baltinore (White) Citizens

Council counterdemonstrated civil rights demonstrations

for integrated housing.

The National States Rights Party,

a white hate group,

has been refused permission to hold

xallies in the Baltinore area. & Klan group has recently

distributed racist. literature in a housing project in

Baltimore.

The leading civil rights group on the Baltimore

scene 1s' CORE, which designated Baltimore its target city

for 1966. Most civil rights groups active in Baltimore

are national or local civil rights groups not dominated

or influenced by subversive elements. Although the Civic

Interest Group is a legitimate local group, two of its

leaders have expressed

a desire to organize a Baltinore

Chapter of Deacons for Defense and Justice, an all-Negro

organization composed of armed members.

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CONAIDENTIAL

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LENTLENHAL

Boston, Massachusetts

Population 617,326 (1966); 9 per cent Negro (1966).

It is the unanimous opinion of community leaders

that antagonism between the races is relatively nonexistent

and that racial violence in the near future 1s improbable.

They Indicate that efforts to improve the Negroes?

economic

and social status have been largely successful; that progresa

has been made in school integration; and that communication

between ainority groups and the police in

considered

excellent.

Although no present issues appear to be of

sufficient magnitude to evoke an extreme emotional response,

informed sources indicate that the possibility. of z

spontaneous outburst of violence inflaned by a Stokely

Carmichael can never be ruled out entirely. They adnit

HE let enter Vid chand, the to gland

Blue

Branch of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

Tood, Iamenting the lack of a strong racial issue, 1s

straining to find a rallying

point for civil rights

activities.

' One issue that carries a potential for racial

difficulties in Boston is the possible election as. layor

of Hrs. Louise Day Ficks, a school committee member, who

has opposed the civil rights movement.

When her candidacy

for layor was announced, Martin Luther King remarked that

"It would be very tragic for Boston if she were elected."

Buttalo, New York

Population 481,453 (1966); 17 per cent Negro

(1966) •

Officials of the Buffalo Police Departent say

there is no current issue affecting the Negio community

In Buffalo leading then to belleve that there will be any

racial violence in that city during the coning months.

Further, there is no notable hostility on the part of

Negroes

toward the Police Department.

• 6

CONFDENTIAL

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CONNOSTAL

An organization known as BUILD (Build,

Unity,

Independence, Liberty, and Dignity, was formed in

January, 1967,

under

contract with the Industrial Areas

Foundation (IAF), a community organizing agency with

headquarters in Chiçago.

IAF, which is headed by

Saul Alinsky as Exeçutive Director, has been active

organizing the poor- mostly Negroes-in Chicago, Burialo,

and Rochester, New. York:

BUILD has publicly announced that it will organize

the entire Negro community in Buffalo on a "grass roots"

level for the purpose of building a coalition to apply

pressure on the existing "white pover structure" of the

city.

The major issue for organizing the community will

be school integration.

City and Federal Government officials, as vell

as members of the Board of Edugation;

feel there are no

Insurmountable problems facing Negroes in Buffalo in the

form of jobs, housing, and edacation. Those who are able

and willing to work are gainfully employed, nost of them

at existing union wages.

Housing is nota

major problem,

and some Negroes are finding homes in suburban areas with-

out any sharp conflict.

The problen of integrated educa-

tion is being net, and the Board of Education has replaced

an anti-integration member with a member recommended by

BUILD.

"The. Connon Council of Buffalo has tro Negroes.

on it, and the Fire Commissioner, who was appointed in

1966, 1s a Negro.

Many Negroes have been given front

office Jobs iu stores and public business places, and no

aninosity or friction has resulted therefro

If racial tensions increase this summer, it

can well be because BUILD has heated up an issue rightly

or wrongly-in order to find a magnetic argument.

BUILD'S

President, Reverend Frank Emanuel, is regarded by

responsible clergy and others as not only uninformed about

the

true conditions in Buffalo but also intellectually

dishonest. It is the present intent of the responsible

clargy to remain aloof irom BUILD, to keep in touch with

the Negro

conmunity, and to act as a counterbalance to

BUILD.

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14-06000

Charleston, West Virginia

(1966)•

Population 104,976 (1966); 8 per cent Negro

Authorities are looking rather apprehensively

toward the recurrence of two racial incidents of the past

year.

Both of these involved attempts by demonstrators

to force admittance of Negroes to privately ouned amuse

ment areas; the Rock Lake Swimming Pool in South Charleston

and the Skateland Skating Rink in Charleston..

On both

occasions, the demonstrators were refused entry. Negro

denonstrators at the pool were few, and their attempts to

gain admission did not result in violence.

However, a

second demonstration at the skating rink in January, 1967,

involved 60 Negroes and whites from West Virginia State

College and was led by a militant white gtudent named

William Weimer.

The incident, resulted in 34 arrests for

trespassing and disorderly conduct.

Weiner was charged

with destruction of property and assaulting a police

officer.

A Human Rights Law, passed by the West Virginia

State Legislature early this year,

has ordered the

Integration by July 1, 1967, of all facilities which

are

public or

deal with the public. Because of this new daw

white and'Negro leaders consider that

anusement areas,

especially the pool and skating rink the latter is

scheduled to close ir June, 1987--will become targets of

demonstrators.

Law enforcement officers are watching

these areas closely and anticipate further demonstrations

on the part of leimer and other students at the college.

Even though area leaders, both Negro and white,

are attempting to solve all racial difficulties in a

poaceful manner, all concede that an outbreal of racial

vlolence in the

Charleston area is &

possibility in the

future.

Elizabeth, New Jersey

Population 110,000 (1966); 11 per cent Negro

(1966)•

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"А боже

According to city and police officiale, racial

conditions In Elizabeth are calm and there

de

not appear

to be any groups or individuals in that city presenting

a violence-potential problen.

They feel that if trouble

should arise this summer, it will be a spontaneous and

unorganized action brought on by some unrelated tecident.

Thomas Fighsmith, Executive Director of

Conmunity Action for Economic Opportunity, states that

the stability in Elizabeth is due to the concern and

action of civic leaders in meeting the demands of Negroes

In areas

of better housing, better jobs, and better law

enforcement. •

Hartford, Connecticut

Population 168,000 (1967); 22 per cent Negro

(1967) •

Captain Benjamin

"Coordinator of

uman Relations or the latooda palice Department, reele

Hartford. He says the Negro leaders in Hartford are

concerned about possible trouble in the North End of

Hartford, where many Negroes and Puerto Ricans reside.

Captain Goldstein states there is considerable crime

In the area, such as murders, assaults, and thefts, which

is committed mainly by organized groups who have no

respect for authority.

The mencers of these groups will

undoubtedly cause trouble as lawbreakers, but they are

not racial demonstrators.

According to Captain Coldstein,

Negro leaders are doing all they can to assist the Police

Department in maintaining law and order.

Jersey City, Hew Jersey

Population 278,000 (1967); 25 per cent Negro

(1967).

Captain Raymond V. Blasczak, of the Jersey City

Police Department, says that racial conditions in

Jersey City are generally good.

He can foresee no real

racial trouble during the coning sunner.

The demands of

negroes, he states, have largely been met.

CONAIDENTIAL

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## Page 18

Honsignor Eugene Reilly, pastor of Christ the

King Roman Catholic. Church, knows of no specific area of

racial unrest in versey City. He points out

however,

that there has been a rash of minor incidents Intely,

Indicating & restless element among the teen-age Negroes.

Captain Blasczak and Monsignor Reilly both

state that improved housing conditions, better schools,

and more recreational facilities and job opportunities

for Negroes are the main objectives of civil rights

groups operating locally.

New York, New. York

Population 7,993,000 (1967); 14 per cent Negro

(1960;.

Eighty per cent of the Negroes, In New York City

reside in four areas: the Harlem area of

upper Manhattan,

the Bedford-Stuyvesant section of-Brooklyn, southeast

Bronx, and south Jamaica in Queens County.

The racial situation in New York City for the

immediate future does not unduly alarm city and police

officials, Negro leaders,

and others familiar with racial

aLTairs in the largest city. in the nation.

Most of them

do not believe that any serious violence will break out

this sunner.

• Due in large measure to advance plauring by

the New York City Police Department, there were no major

Ircidents of racial violence in the city during the

Summer of 1966.

This advance planning has enabled the

Police

Department to anticipate trouble and to take

preventive steps before a flare-up occurs.

The 1967

summer schedule of the Police Department calls for

Increased patrols at beaches, parks, and playgrounds;

strategy neetings between police officials and community

leaders; youth projects to keep restless and idle

children

and youths occupied; and

security precautions

in areas where the spark of racial unrest may be fanned

by subversives and extremists.

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## Page 19

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A leading police official does not contemplate

trouble or violence

this sunner beyond the normal increase

In disorders caused by juveniles with time on their hands

during the vacation period.

His principal concern is the

Irresponsible and untrue statements made by too many so-called

elvil rights lenders to the mass comunicattons modid tension.

he clains,

these statements tend to aggravate racial

By the same token, he maintains, if the news aedia continue

to publicize the dire predictions of violence of well-known

public figures, violence is very likely to follow.

A police official stationed in the heart of

Harlen characterizes the racial situation there as good

at the present 'time. There seems to be no unusual racial

tension, according to this official, and contacts between

the police and Harlen residents are normal. He concedes,

however, that the end of the school term and the combina

tion of idle youths and hot weather could alter the picture.

An officer of the NAACP says, that it is impossible

to forecast whether or not

there will be violence this

sunmer or where it will take place if there is.

He notes

that the situgtion has not, really changed nuch since the

Harlen riot of 196%, because the causes of discontent and

unrest still persist the substandard living conditions

in Negro comunities and the lack of equal opportunities

for Negroes.

Fortunately, "he adds, most of the Negroes

affected by these adverse conditions never resort to or

engage in violence.

Nevertheless, there are a goodly

number to will respond violently to sone incident, particu-

larly one which involves so-called "police brucality."

Another NAACP leader does not foresee any trouble

or violence during the coning nontha.

This official

emphasizes that it is time that all citizens,

both Negro

and white, come to the

realization that there will be

constant turmoid untis the day the hegro is granted those

righta and privileges that bave been denied his for so

many years.

According to one informed source, it is

inpossible to state definitely whether or not there will

be racial violence in New York City, for no one knors

exactly what the catalyst may be which would escalate any

→ 11

CONFIDENTIAL

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## Page 20

given incident into violence. Numerous reasons have been

given in the past to explain outbreaks of violence, this

source points out, and the same reasons will be cited

again when and if violence erupts.

This source states that if he were asked to

pinpoint an area where violence night break out, he rould

designate the East New York section of Brooklyn, into

which Negroes are noving fron the Bedford-Stuyvesant

section.

These Negroes,

he says, are encountering ant-

mosity Iron the longtime residents of East New York.

Therefore, the seeds of trouble are being sown.

Another informed source feels that violence

potential exists in Harlem and Bedford-Stuyvesant.

Recent statements, this source says, made by Negro

leaders such as Martin Luther King and Stokely Carmichael

have not had a calming effect gh the Negro people.

Rather,

they have served to fodts attention on

i the

possibility that violenoe

is inevitable.

Furthermore,

this source believes, the

treatment accorded Adam Clayton

Powell in Congress and Cassius Clay in his attenpt to

avoid the draft-regardless of nether or not they deserved

It-has served to intensify Negro resentnent and bitterness.

All these factors contribute to racial tension, according

to this source, and when the ingredients of hot weather,

unemployment, and restless youths are added, there is

definitely an increase in the possibility of racial

violence "this sumer, in New York City.

Much Negro resentnent was engendered when the

House of Representatives voted, early in March, 1967, to

•exclude Adan Clayton Powell from membership in Congress

for misuse of funds and unbecoming conduct.

Many Negroes

In New York City and elsewhere in the country regard this

punishment as unusually harsh and an expression of white

racisn®

They charge that he was singled out for punish

ment because of his race, rather than because his

behavior

differed from that of other Congressmen. Moreover, in

view of the softer punishuent that Negroes believe

will

be meted out to Senator Dodd by his colleagues in the

Senate, many Negroes are angered by what they feel is the

application of a double standard of conduct by Congress

to white and Negro members.

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Negro subversives and extrenists like Jesse Gray

and Charles 37X Morris are dangerous because of the.

incendiary effect they have on some susceptible seguents

of the Negro population.

Gray 1s Director of the Harlem Commu

nity Council on Housing and has been active on numerous occa

sions in the past in demonstrations, particularly against

"police brutality"

and "slunlord" exploitation of Nogroes.

Gray was organizer of the Harlem Region of the Connunist

Party in the late 1950's and, although no longer a Party

member, he is still friendly with the Party.

Charles 37% Morris-also known as Charles

Kenyatta-is the leader of a snall group of Negroes

called the Mau Mau, a black nationalist group. He conducts

weekly street meetings outside the Hotel Theresa in Harleu

in an effort to inflame Negroes to rise

white man.

"the hell with President Johnson," said he was in favor of

At a recont cathering of 75 peprange declared,

"burning the city down," and, predicted the summer would be

"very hot."

To one observer of the racial scene, the racial

picture in the United States becomes more confusing every

day because the so-called civil rights leaders gho receive

nost of the attention in the news

media are applauded and

readily accepted as leaders of the Negro people despfte

their obviously divergent philosophies.

Martin Luther King

and Stokoly Carmichael are cited as classic examples:

King continually reiterates his bellef in integration

the use nf nonviolence, whereas Carmichael exhorts the

Negro people to resort to "black power," with its implied

threat of violence and reverse racism.

Newark, New Jersey

Population 400, 000 (1967); 45 per cent Negro

(1967).

Martin Luther King included Newark among the

cities he described as "powder kegs," which "could burst

Into racial violence this summer."

He thereby aroused

the wrath of Newark Councilmen Calvin D. West and

Irvine I. Turner, both Negroes, pho stated that they

respected king for his acconplishments, but added, "fe

do not need prophets of doom

to incite racial unrest when

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there is none. While we are not naive enough to believe

that the Negro has reached his total goal of human under

standing in our city,

great strides have been made and

greater ones are in the offing."

Newark police officials are of the opinion that

raclal conditions are good.

They cannot foresee any

problems at this time. While admitting that conditions

In Newark are not perfect, they also assert that progress

Is steady and that the business community is especially

helpful in hiring, training, and promoting Negroes These

officials

that many Negroes have a stake in the

city government and the average income per head of house

hold and per family is higher than in any other municipality

on the eastern seaboard.

Paterson, New Jersey

(1967).

Population 152,000 (1967); 23 per cent Negro

The general racial condition in Paterson, according

to Mayor Lawrence Kramer, 'is considered good. However, the

absence of poverty funds from the federal Government for

recreation during the summer months might, he feels, result

in trouble during this period.

Hirs. Susan Herzog, President of the Board of

Directors of the Paterson Task Force, an antipoverty agency,

states she does not believe racial tension

exists to any

great extent at the present time but that there is a

potential within the Negro community that can burst into the

open at any moment.

As an example, she points out that any

unnecessary force used by a policeman in making an arrest

of a Negro can trigger racial violence.

She also. feels that

1t 1s a mistake on the part of the Federal Governnent not to

supply funds for sumer recreation and supervision of youth

groups.

MrS. Herzog accuses the general news media and

their handling of racial discussions by. Martin Luther King

and Stokely Carmichael

of creating. tension within the

Negro community.

The Very Reverend Vincent I. Puma, pastor of

Our Lady of Victories Roman Catholic Church, also feels

that the Federal Government eris in holding

back money for

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## Page 23

summer recreation programs, because idle youth on street

corners cause problems. Monsignor Puna advised that the

churches and synagogues are attempting to relieve the

situation during the summer months by organizing a

recreational and teaching campaign which will be financed

through donations.

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Population 2,042,000 (1967); 31 per cent. Negro

(1967) •

Municipal leaders and other knowledgeable

observers generally agree that although there is less

likelihood "of

racial violence this year than in recent

years, the potential for violence is ever present.

Philadelphia Police Lieutenant George Fencl, of the Civil

Disobedience Unit, states that racial tensions are

probably lower than at any time since the riot of

August,...

1964.

Phillip Savage, Tri-State Area Director of the

NAAC?, says he has no specific information concerning

possible racial disturbances this summer.

He believes

substandard housing and unemployment of unskilled gorisers

might lead to frustration and tension during the

hot

sunner months and could triggor violence.: He also feels

that unnecessary force by police officers in making erregts

could cause violent reactions.

In support of this con-

tention, it is stated in a recently published report by

the Comnittee on Community Tensions of the Fellowship

Comnission that mistreatment of citizens by police is nore

Ilkely to set off major disturbances than any other single

factor.

This report named the following areas

as tension

points in Philadelphia with the greatest potential for

racial outbreaks:

(1) Kensington, (2) North Central

Philadelphia, (3)

Hawthorne Housing Project in South

Philadelphia, (4) 36th and Filbert Streets in West

Philadelphia,

(5):30th and Tasker Streets in South

Philadelphia, (6) East Falls in Northest Philadelphia,

and (7) 19th

and Green Streets in North Philadelphia.

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Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

Population 604,332 (1960); 17 per cent Negro

(1960).

Police and city officials describe the goneral

racial conditions in Pittsburgh as good and say that

raciaL Issues actually have not received much support from

the Negro cormunity. Pittsburgh is peculiar in that it

has five widely aeparated Negro areas and & lack of concern

by one Negro community as to what occurs in the others.

When Stokoly Carmichael spoke in Pittsburgh in March, 1967,

he comsented that there were no real racial issues in that

city.

The connensus of city ofticials is that the

potential for violence in Pittsburgh appears to be very

small.

However, there is always the posgibility that an

Incident can develop into violence, they also point ou

that outside racial agitators are. not

known to be working

In Pittsburgh and that the

previously montioned visit by

Carmichael was an isolated affair.

Rochester, New York

Population 305,849 (1964); 11 per cent Negro

(1964) •

The prevalent feeling in Rochester Is that there

Is a deflaite potential for racial violence. an Intormed

source

"can just sense something is wrong in the Negro

conmunity, however, it would be impossible to predict an

exact date when a race riot might erupt."

A police official says that there is no Indica

tion that a racial disturbance is imminent.

He feels,

hovever, the potential is greater than it was last year.

Laplols Ashford, Executive Director of the Rochester

Urban League, is presently concerned about the tension

and apprehension

In the Negro and the white communttles.

Another inforned source has said that the

potential for violence in Rochoster is at an all-time

high. He cites the principal causes to be substandard

housing and the high cost of living.

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## Page 25

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One

clergyman regards the racial situation in

Rochester as tense.. There are, he points out, several

small groups of Negro young men who are militant and

restless and who want FIGHT (Freedon, Integration, God,

Honor - Today), a local militant civil rights organizs-

tion, to speak out and take more positive action in

demanding an improvement in Negro conditions.

According to a city official, the general

apprehension about the likelihood of racial violence

is based on the follozing factors: (1) a prediction of

a "long, hot sunner" by the Director of FIGHT; (2) failure

by local, state, and Federal agencies to improve housing,

recreational facilities, and sanitation procedures in

Negro areas, and (3) congregation of Negro youths on city

streets.

FIGIT, which was formed in Rochester In 1965

under contract with Saul Alinsky's Industrial Areas

Foundation, is presently under the leadership of the

Reverend Franklin Delano, Roosevelt Florence, a Negro

minister.

The purpose of, FIGHT is to eradicate slum

ghetto areas and school segregation and to provide jobs

for unemployed Negroes. In September, 1966, FIGHT

approached the largest employer in Rochester-the Eastnan

Kodak Company-and demanded that company to hire and

train 600 hard core unemployed Negroes.

An Assistant

Vice President designated to hold talks with FIGHT signed

& document pertaining to these demands in Decenber, 1966,

but Kodak later repudiated the agreement as unauthorized.

The conpany explained that it could not deal on an issue

with one racial group to the exclusion of any other and

it would not commit itself to a specific number of persons

it would employ at any fiven time.

The struggle between

FIGHT and Kodak continues, with the issues still unresolved.

Saul Alinsky, Executive Director of IAF and the

guiding force behind FIGHT, has been

described by a former

Vice-President of FIGHT as

a master

of the "game of confi-

dence with a play on words, in that he will twist every

racial

situation to fit his own needs and to further his

Image."

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## Page 26

FIGHT Director Florence

has been characterized

as "power hungry" and insincere. A tactic he employa

frequently is to start a rumor of potential violence, which

creates unrest among both Negroes and whites. Through

unreasonable demands and threats, which are widely publicized

In the news nedia, he has inflamed the poorly educated

Negroes, and they are ready to react against any seemingly

aggressive police action. Because of his insincerit- and

unorthodox tactics, Florence is considered a dangerous

racial leader.

Florence and 600 demonstrators disrupted the

annual stodkholders meeting of the Eastman Kodak Company,

which was held in Flenington, New Jersey, late ir

April, 1961. In an effort to maku Kodak ascept FIGHT's

demands, florence shouted,

"If Eastman Kodak wants war,

it's war they'll have." He said he planned to meet with

civil rights leaders, including Stokety Carmichael, to

plan a demonstration

in Rochester on July 24, the third

anniversary of the city's huge riot.

Washington, D. C.

Population 802,000 (1965); 63 per cent Negro

(1965).

The Nation's Capital has a higher percentage

of Negroes than any other major city in the United States.

Moreover, in 1965, Négroes in Washington public schools

constituted 90 per cent of the total enrollment

Opinions as to the potential for racial

disturbances in Washington, D. C., during the Summer of

1967, are almost as nurerous and

of persons interviewed.

Herous and varted de

varied as the number

Most would agree, however, that

an isolated incident could develop trouble. Because the

city has a huge Negro population, nany of whose opinions

ão not vary sinificantly fron those of

their kinsmen in

other large cities,

the following comments concerning the

underlying causes of Negro discontent which leads to

disturbances are enumerated:

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## Page 27

l. Bitterness and resentent arong Negroes

come as a result of being the oppressed underdog for

too long a period.

Negro youngsters must be given sonething

to do to keep them out of trouble.

3..

If young Negroes can obtain employnent,

they will be able to acquire dignity, buy clothing,

have

fun in their spare time, and forget

about riots and

violence:

There are not sufficient summertime jobs

and not enough recreational facilities and programs to

keep young Negroes occupied during summer vacation

periods.

i.

5. Housing is inadequate.. During the summer

rsonths, Negro families cannot, stay in one-roon apartnents

where they have been confined all winter. The construc

tion of high-rise, expensive

apartments forces Negroes

into an overcrowded environment. Landlords exploit

Negroes through high rent' and inadequate facilities.

6.

Schools in Negro communities are over-

crowded and inferior by comparison with those found in

white neighborhoods.

Negroes feel that white police officers

treat them as 'second-class citizens and make them the

of "trigger"

for and hostility toward the police.

Some in the Negro

ghettos look upon all policemen, white and Negro, as the

enemy.

8. The shift made by Martin Luther King to

wholehearted support

for those protesting United States

participation in the war in Vietnam and his exhortation

to boycott the draft may have far-reaching effects,

especially on those facing military service.

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14-00000

9, Adam Clayton Powell is still regarded as

an idol and is the favorite of Negroes everywhere.

Negroes believe that Powell's troubles with Congress

stemed from his Negro ancestry:

Thus, he ig supported

regardless of his faults.

If he is dented his seat in

Congress, sOme

form of trouble can be expected.

10.

There

is a strong undercurrent of anti

Semitism developing in the Negro community, because many

merchants

Jews.

and landlords in the Negro communities are

,n1 Among Negroes, there is the same rift

between the younger generation and the parent generation

that exists among other ethnic groups.

12. The vast majority of the Negro population does

not feel that disturbances, riots,

and mob action advance

the cause of the Negro.

Concerning conditions peculiar to Hashington, D. C.,

the city is largely dependent upon Congress for funda.

In April, 1967, Walter N. Tobriner, a District of Columbla

Connissioner, warned Congress that disorders are likely

to occur this summer unless funds for recreation programs

are approved.

' In mid-April, the Reverend I. Albion Ferrell,

District Parole Board Chairman, said that much social

and econtnic help is needed 1x

Washington and that

"swimming pools and the things swiming pools represent"

will not be enough to maintain peace.

On Hay 10, 1967, Vice President Hubert Humphrey

announced that Washington should have 15 new swimming

pools completed by mid-July. On the same day, Secretary

of Labor Y. Willard Wirtz announced that $5, 400,000 would.

be spent on a program, beginning in June, to provide jobs

or traintng for 4,000

Washingtonians.

In mid-lay,

1967, Stokely Carmichael, who

graquated tron Howard University In Washington,

D. C.,

1J0%s. announced his plans to work as SNCC Field Secretary

in the Nation's Capital this sunner. He called for a

massive

"resistance movenent" by young people to end the

war in Vietnam.

no 20.

CONFIDENTIAL

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## Page 29

Hovard is primarily a Negro university.

On

March 21, 1967, Selective Service Director Lewis B. Hershey

was booed from

a platform at the university by antidraft

protesters. A series of subsequent demonstrations led to

the issuing of an order on May 5, 1967, by Howard Preaident

Janes M. Nabrit placing an administration veto over the

time and place of demonstrations and banning unofficial

press conferences. The order set with inmediate defiance

frow the Black Power Committee, which held a canpus

demonstration and a press conference hours

after the new

rules were announced.

One source states that tensions are created by

the "rabble-rousing" speeches by so-called Negro leaders,

such as Carmichael, Marion Barry, and Julius Hobson.

Barry was formerly SNCC Director

in washington. Hobsos, an

extremist, is Chairman of the District of Columbia chapter

01 Associated Cozaunity Teans, (ACT).

This source states that these so-called leaders

frequently accuse the local police of brutality, but

investigation usually disproves the accusation.

Another

source pointed out that Barry and Lester McKinnie, SNCC

Director in Washington, were attempting to provoke a

situation when they were arrested recently after walking

against a red traffic light.

While real problems

involving the attitude of the police toward Negroes do

exiat, the

source adds, Barry needs issues to keep the

JNCC organization alive. The fact that Barry had to

attempt to provoke an incident, this source

concludes,

reflects an improvement in the

police inage.

Police officials and others indicate that a

contributing factor of racial tension in Washington is

irresponsible coverage

given to all racial incidents

or incidents with racial overtones by local newspapers

and radio and television stations.

It is said that radical

and exaggerated statements are given publicity, without

any attempt to clarily or refute these grossly biased

remarks.

Sinple and honest reporting, it is felt, would

do nuch

to lower the general teuper of the public.

Sinilar

comments are nade about the national television coverage

Biven to

antiadainistration statements by persons such

as King, Carnichael, and Cassius Clay.

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A member of the Citizens Advisory Council

condeans SNCC for displaying in its Washington office

windows posters of a white policeman shouting "Nigger

S.O.B." and pictures of lynchings. According

to this source, SNCC's exhortation to "Stop Police

Brutality" is nothing short of hatred and an incitement

to riot.

The fatal shooting of a 19-year-old Negro with

& lengthy arrest record by & Washington policeman on

May I, 1987, has precipitated protest on the part of

some Negroes.

These Negroes threaten civil violence 1f

the District Commissioners do not sponsor a "citizen

Investigation" of the shooting.

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## Page 31

CONTDENTIAL

RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE MIDIEST

Akron, Ohio

Population 300,000 (1967); 18 per cent Negro (1967).

Chief Harry Whiddon of the Akron Police Department

sees the racial clinate in Akron as vastly improved over last

year. He reports that the improved situation has resulted

¡ Mayor John Ballard's competent handling of racial

matters and the steps taken by the

Police Department to

promote better relations with ninority groups which previously

exhibited keen resentment toward law enforcement officers.

However, Chief Whiddon and other knowledgeable

observers advise that the potential for racial violence in

Akron is difficult to evaluate for twp primary reasons:

nirst, there 1s an unpredictable eleuent composed of Negro

youths who are unorganized, undisciplined, and completely

lacking in respect for lay and order;

second, there is the

possible influence of putsiders who want to cause disruption

for their own purposes.

Either of these two elements can

fan & spontaneous incident into a full-scale riot.

Benton Harbor, Michigan

Benton Harbor and adjoining Benton Township have a

combined population of 45,000, oiwhich 25 per cent is. kegro.

Racial conditions in the area are described by

local leaders as fairly satisfactory at the present time,

although there is a

prevalent

uneasy. feeling among both

races that the peace is temporary.

Civic committees,

composed of both whites and Negroes, are apparently able to

settle racial differences amicably.

The area is said to be

completely integrated, but civil rights groups clala that

housing discrimination still exists.

Officials of the Benton Harbor Police Department

and the Benton Township Police Department and other informed

sources feel that future racial violence in the area is

unllkely, but if it does occur it will be sparked by

spontaneous, unforeseen event and will begin among the younger

Negroes, who are manifesting a growing belligerence.

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Chicazo, Illinois

Population 3, 466,000 (1966); 25 per cent Negro

(1966) •

While the potential for racial disorder in Chicago

continues to exist, it is no greater than it was in 1966

because intensive and extensive efforts are being made to

extend social justice to areas largely inhabited by minority

Nevertheless, it is recognized that a relatively

minor incident can raptaly evolve into & major disorder and

that actions by certain groups or individuals can alter the

racial picture significantly overnight.

Unfortunately, there is a very real potential for

Garfield Park cormunities, and (4) several areas on Chicago's

south side, such as Englewood. In addition, there is the

Puerto Rican community on Chicago's north side, where

disturbances occurred in June, 1966.

The najor disorders in Chicago over the past

several years have generally taken place within the confines

of the areas listed above. . However, the open-housing

marches during the Summer of 196G resulted in disturbances

in all-white residential neighborhoods located prinarily

in the southwest and northwest sections of the city.

The impact of the presence in Chicago of

Martin Luther King and other leaders of the Southern Christian

Leadership Conference (SCLC) was sonewhat linited during the

early Summer of 1966.

Ultimately, the chicago Freedos

Lovement (Cry), dominated by the

sche, initlated a program

of open-occupancy marches into all-white areas known for

their aninosity toward Negroes.

The marches escalated in

intensity until August, when the city obtained an injunction

limiting the number of narchers, setting the time for narches,

and imposing other restrictions.

Soon thereafter,

a so-called

"summit conference," which included Mayor Richard

3. Daley,

King, CFM representatives, and others, reached certain

agreements

and temporarily defused the open-housing issue.

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14-00000

However, these agreements were not approved in all

respects by the more militant wings of the CFl and other

clvil rights organizations. Hore or less in proteat, they

organized open-housing marches into the western suburb of

Cicero in Septeaber. These marches resulted in isolated

incidents of violence;

necessitated the calling out of the

Illinola National Guard to preserve order,

and served to

aggravate the prevalent anti-Negro antagonist for which

CIcero is well known.

Within the past several months, charges have been

leveled by segments of the local civil rights movement,

prinarily the Cri, that city agencies party to the August,

1966, agreements were not honoring their obligations.

These charges led to a flurry of publicity on coments by

King and Reverend Andrew Young, SCIC Executive Director,

thst it may be necessary to renew

narches and denonstrations

which would make the 1966 marches "pale by comparison."

early April, 1967, Hayor Daley stated that the violators of

the August,

1966, Injunction would be arreated and law and

order would prevail.

Additionally, Cook County Sherlff

Josoph Hoods stated that violence would not be tolerated in

suburban Cook County this sunner. Thus, the original

charges had the net effect of hardering

attitudes and

causing & loss of communication between civil rights

advocates and local government.

A growing problen is the activity of "black power"

advocated who inflame

enotions; inflate minor incidents,

such as police matters, out of

perspective; and atterpt

to

destroy contidence in law entorcement agencies.

Certain organizations prezent a sinilar probler

even though the vast najority of Chicago's Negro citizens

have turned their backs on guch groups.

are the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

i as and

Anong these groups

(SNCC), Deacons for Defense and Justice (DDJ, and

Associated Connunity Teans (ACT). The DDJ, With an estinated

memberchip of seved, advocates

arms for the defense of

Negroes.

ACT and SNCC are allitant civil rights groups.

Chicago seabers of ACT associate with a "black power" group.

0 25 -

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An individual worthy of mention is nationally

known entertainer Dick Gregory, who ran for mayor of Chicago

as an independent write-in candidate in March, 1967. He has

led numerous civil rights demonstrations in Chicago and

elsewhere and has

been arrested in connection with this

actlity for disorderry conduct, resisting arrest, anc

1ike.

Gregory is considered a

"maverick" who does not lend

exclusive support to any civil rights group and participates

in activities which appeal to him personally.

Although a large number of Negro families have

found homes in previously all-white communities without

incident, the possibility of violence resulting from luture

move-ins cannot be ignored.

In the white conmunities, there are counterparts

of the Negro nationalist groups.

Prominent among these

minority exclusion groups is Operation Crescent (OC). It is

reportedly a combination of some '19 organizations in

white

neighborhoods. The OC, which is'opposed to open housing

and forced integration, such as in-the public schools, has

said that it will sponsor counterdemonstrations against civil

rights narches in white neighborhoods.

Primarily, OC represents

neighborhoods forming acrescent running fron Chicago's

southwest side, through

near-west suburbs, to Chicago's

northwest side.

At the present time, there aré no specific situa

tions in Chicago which contain the innediate potential for an

outbreas uf racial violence. It le realized, hotene lov

disturbances or violence can occur at any time.

income, high-population-density, slum areas of Chicago's

south and west sides must be considered tense and volatile.

Residents of these neighborhoods, with particular enphasis

on Laundale and Garfield Park, feel that there has been no

Improvement in city services

and facilities since last

Summer®

In many instances, the police are regarded as the

enemy in these neighborhoods. Inhabitants of these areas

are also convinced that local merchants, particularly hite

merchants, charge prices that

are higher than those in waite

neighborhoods.

The Negro community feels that violence and

disturbances will occur again, particularly in the Landale

area, and the only question in the minds of most residents

of these areas is what type of incident will set then off.

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## Page 35

CONAIDENTIAL

Cicero-Berwyn, Illinois

The adjacent communities of Cicero and Berryn have

a combined all-white population of 128,000. Part of Cicero

borders directly on Chicago's west side Negro slua areas,

and this boundary has long represented an invisible line,

beyond which Chicagd's slum areas have never extended.

Superintendent of Police Joseph Barloga of Cicero

feels that the Cicero-Berwyn area is of particular concern

because of the publicly acknowledged anti-Negro sentinent

prevalent in these all-white conmunities, the past exclusion

disturbance resulted in the arrest of some 40 persons.

Anti-Negro sentinent has been compounded by the formation

of so-called property owners! groups, the majority or which

are strongly opposed to open housing.

In Superintendent

Barloga's opinion, if thero is

'a Negro sove-in or a civil

rights narch into

Cicero during the Sumner of 1967--as has

been threatened by Martin Luther King--violence will be

alnost & cerfainty.

Cincinnati, Ohio

Population 500,329 (1966); 24 per cent Negro (1966).

Public and police officials and informed observers

report thit, in general, racial conditions are good in Cincinoati.

Chief of Police Jacob Schott says that because the Negro

community is widely dispersed and the City Council provides

& forum for leaders of protest groups to set forth their

views, there is less possibility of violence in Cincinnati

than in other large cities.

In addition, a Police-Community

Relations Bureau has recently been formed by the Police

Departnent to expand the activitier of district-level

committees whose function is to promote greater harrony

between the police and the Negro community.

These officials say that the potential for racial

violence is present if soneone triggers it or if an outsider

such as Stokely Carmichael is able to precipitate a disturbance.

Public Safety Director Henry Sandman notes a possible tension

point could be the rising rate of unemploynent among Negro

teenagers and young adults,

especially in connection with

the discrininatory hiring policies of the building trade

Unions.

- 27 m

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Cleveland, Obio

Population 810, 858 (1965); 33 per cent Negro

(1965)•

Local police officials, responsible civil rights

representatives, civic leaders,

and knowledgeable observers

indicate that there is no reason to expect full-scale

rioting in Cleveland this gunner such as occurred in the

Hough area in July, 1966.

All expect sporadic incidents to

take place throughout the East Side, such as rock throwing,

Ire bonbing, and vandalism practiced by teen-age Negro

hoodlums and restless, Jobless youth.

Sergeant John J. Ungvary, Coordinator of Racial

Matters for the Cleveland Police Department, believes the

racial clinate has incroved recently as a result of efforts

by the Municipal Comunity Relations Board, articles in the

local Negro newspaper, and actions of aroused responsible

citizens against the hoodluns who have, been creating terror

in the streets of the Negto, ghetto.

vicinity of the Jono 'Freédom'' Kenyatta (JFK) House, privately

operated cormunity center which was a hangout for teen-age

hoodlums and black nationalists from the time it opened in

1964•

tossed

center the

racial violence, closed the JFK Horse for sanitation reasons.

and building-code violations.

There have been no major disturbances in Cleveland

When six Negro youths burned dom a school in the heart of

the negro community, causing damage of $250,000. Later that

month, a rowdy group of Negro teenagers threw rocks and

bottles

at automobiles and store windows and looted business

estabilshnents.

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In the Spring of 1967, Fred A. Evans, & Negro, who

Ilkes to be called "Ahmen" and is a self-clained astrology

expert, predicted that May 9, 1987%, would signal the

outbrenk of hostilities between the United States and

Red China and would be the beginning of a general uprising

by Negroes everywhere. Actually, "Ahmen" is the leader of

a suall group-about 100-01 black nationalist extremists

known as the United Black Brotherhood (UB3), which is the

successor to the JFK House. According to police, nost

members of the UBB do not have any real underatanding of

the blagk nationalist philosophy and are primarily a group

of lawless youths who are now using the black nationalist

slogans as a cloak

Early in hay, 1967, CORD

announced that it had

picked Cleveland as a

"target city" for "an extensive

progran for the degro conmunity."

A week later,

Martin Luther King announced that the oity had been

selected for organized civil! fights action this summer.

He said his Southern Christian Leadership Conference

would start a program in June sinilar to programs begun

In Chicago, Louisville, and Grenada, Mississippi. King

terned Cleveland a "teening cauldron of hostility."

Dayton, Onio

• Population 270,000 (1967); 22 per cent Negro

(1967) •

Officials of local civil rights groups and the

Dayton Police Department agree that racial conditions in

that city appear to be very good. According to Mrs. Miley O.

Willlanson, Secretary of the Dayton chapter of the NAACP,

racial antagonisn which could result in violence does not

exist.

Clair W. Hartz, Acting Chief of Police in Dayton,

adaits that a spontaneous eruption could occur over a

relatively minor incident, but to his knowledge organized

violence is not in the offing.

Detroit, Michigan

Population 1,640,000 (1966); 35 per cent Negro

(1965).

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Informed sources have given a favorable general

picture of the overall

racial situation in Detroit.

Serious

collaborative efforts by dedicated leaders of both races

appear to have produced comparatively successful results,

with great strides being made to establish a peaceful

equilibrium between the white and Negro people.

Highly placed law enforcement officials indicate

that they know of no existing situations that might trigger

racial violence.

They very cautlously added that the same

situation existed last year and yet riots did occur. All

concede that if these riots break out again this year, they

will undoubtedly repeat the pattern of 1966; that is, they

will emanate, fron exclusively Negro districts which have high

concentrations of loitering teen-agers, violent crime, and

all-round lawlessness.

Officials agree that they do not feel violence

will occur, but

sone equally ainor charge involving residents of the Negro

districts.

knowledge of conditions in these districts believe that racial

violence will occur this summer in these areas. They bage

their judgment on the rather large concentration of Nation of

Islan members, whose pro-Negro and antivhite propagarda

incites Negro youths to crime and violence; on the ideas of

"black power" implanted by the visits of Stokely Carichael

to the Detroit area during the past year; and by the general

conditions in these Negro districts described as harboring

snoldering hostility which lends itself to sudden racial

incidents, particularly during the hot, sunner nonths.

SENDE

East St. Louis, Illinois

Population 85,000 (1967); 55 per cent Negro (1967).

Police officials, local civic' leaders, and representa-

tives of civil rights organizations indicate that the prospects

for racial peace in East St. Louis during the sunner months

appear to be very good and,

barring sone unioreseen incident,

no racial violence is expected.

It is generally belleved

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•MICHELIAL

that the greatest potential for racial violence bould come

fron sinor flare-ups on construction jobs caused by the

difficulties encountered by Negroes in attempting to join

labor unions.

According'|to Billy Jones, attorney for the local

chapter of the NAACP, the only person who wight try to lorent

a disturbance is Homer Randolph, Chairman of the East St. Louis

branch o1 Core, and he has no genuine issue for vaich to fight.

John M. Kirkpatrick, leader of the East st, Lours nuada

Relations Cornission, 'stated that probably the post opportune

tiae for violence there had passed; that was, when Stokely

Caraichael' spoke at & local all-legro high school in April,

1967, and called for the exercise of "black porer." The

audience did not indicate any tendency to follow his advice.

Flint, Michigan •

Population 200,000 (1967);, 22 per cent Negro (1967).

It is the opihion of responsible civic leaders

that Flint, whose Mayor 1s a Negro, has little racial

tension that cannot be, settled through established channels

of communication.

The city has a high employnent rate and

1s considered to

be fully integrated, with the possible

exception of a few elenentary schools in predoninantly

white areas. A Connunity Relations Bureau, establlshed by

the Flint Police Department and composed of responsible

Negro

and white, leadors representing civic, law enforcement, Negro,

and church groups, meets monthly und

irons out problens of

concern to the community.

tension le miningh at appears to be the consensus that reclal

there are some who view the situation

in a different light. 'A national NAACP leader recently

spoke in flint and described the city as a "jin Crow town""

contending that housing and the educational systen remain

segregated.

The President of the Flint NAACP, Edgar Holt,

ie considered

extrenely militant, has participated in

picketing demonstrations, and is presently considering econonic

boycotts to enforce open-housing legislation.

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Chief of Police Gerald Lyons describes two

situations which could activate a definite violence potential:

forcible arrests in a predoninantly Negro area and a

prolonged strike at the General Motors plant with resultant

unemployment.

Gary, Indiana

Population 182,500 (1960); 55 per cent Negro

• (1967)•

De facto segregated housing is currently the most

volatile and the most potentlally dangerous and explosive

issue in Gary.

Negro leaders predict that 1f events inke

their natural course, the entire city will eventually becore

& Negro ghetto surrounded by a white wall of suburbia. The

Omnibus Civil Rights Bill and the Open Occupancy Ordinaace

were passed in 1965, and Mayor A. Martin Katz created the

Gary Human Relations Commission o enforce open occupancy.

However, an injunction has delayed the enforcement of open

occupancy and has caused fesentment among Negroes, who now

threaten to take direct action.

lembers of an extremely nilitant youth group called

Students for a Denocratic Society have injected theselves

Into slum clearance by forming an organization known as the

Freedom Union for Slun Eradication (FUSE).

ruse, a direct

action group has been criticized by some Negro Leaders tor

playing on the enotions of

the Negro people by raising

unfounded and reckless. charges against community poverty.

and slum-Clearance programs.

A number of FUSE representatives

are said to be arrogant

and hostile toward authority of any

kind.

Police and other city officials and civil rights

leaders have expressed grave concern over the violence

potential of Negro gangs-sone of whose members are in their

20's--because of their possession of weapons and fire

bombs.

These gangs are reportedly bragging about future

plans for violence.

Overall nembership is estimated at 600.

Combined, these gangs represent sections

of the entire

midtown Negro community.

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Police Conway C. Mullins estinated that there were

arned persons in Gary and that their possession of suall

aras constitutes a dangerous situation because it Incilitates

the commission of crimes of violence. Chier Mullia

denounced existing lax gun-control laus and

advocated nuch

stricter legislation governing the purchase and possession

of weapons.

Gary police-community relations have also come

under fire.

One civil rights leader characterizes these

relations as "lousy," but adds

that this criticion applies to

both white and Negro police officers.

The crux of the

criticisn is that officers are not adequately trained to

handle people and problems that could develop into riotous

situations.

Negroes ih Gary comprise a nearly solid and

formidable voting bloc.

Three "of the present nine city

Councilken are Negroes; one of the three Gary Police

Commissioners is a Negro; fand the Lake County Coroner, a

Negro, resides in Gary. All of the city'e eight high

schools

have some Negro pupils.

This Negro voting power was clearly evident in the

recent victory of Richard G. Hatcher, 33-year-old Negro

Councilman-at-large, who won the Democratic nomination for

Mayor of Gary in the primary election on May 2, 1967, over

the incumbent, Mayor Katz.

The campaign was conducted on

an extremely

Bitter level and has undoubtedly leit scars

among Negroes and whites.

Katz, for example, called Fatcher

One

that "we should use whatever methods

violence, in order to meet our goals."

It is feared that any

friction over voter registration or almost any incident

during the forthconing election campaign could possibly

spark violence.

Hatcher is generally conceded to stand

a good chance of being elected.

Harvey-Dixnoor, Illinois

Harvey has & population of 25, 000, of which 23 per

cent is Negro.

The Regro community is located directly

opposite. Dismoor, which has a population of 6,000, 60 per cent

being Negro.

• 33 .

CONSIDEATIA

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## Page 42

During the Summers of 1964, 1965, and 1966, the

Harvey-Dismoor area was

the scene of riots

revolving around

= liquor store and a television store.

A police officer was

shot in the chest during the 1966 disturbance.

Since the

Spring of 1987, police officers, entering the area surrounding

these stores, have been heckled and, in some instances,

attempts have boen made to prevent then from entering.

These

incidents have been instigated by young hoodlums and youthe

who are hostile toward authority generally. Such incidents

are not considered as civil rights situations, hotence.

individuals Involved could conceivably create

Indianapol18, Indiana

Population 500,000 (1967); 25 per cent Negro

(1967)•

Inforned sources do not think violence is tumizent,

as sincere efforts are being made

to telleve conditions

which breed racial unrest. The local NAÁCP director and the

police are achieving mutual understanding of their problems

and are improving channels between Negroes and the police

in an effort to forestall incidents that could spark

violence.

that young legroes, particularly, are losing patleuce and

an incident might iguite the "powder keg."

that she no 4 ила рокот ково

Kansas City, Hissouri

• Kansas City, Alssouri, has & population of 576,000,

19 per cent of which

is Negro,

and adjacent Kansas City,

Kansas,

has a population of 180, 000, 17 per cent of which is Negro.

Within the past year, there have been several

demonstrations in Kansas City, Missouri, protesting alleged

police brutality and discriuination against Negroes.

protesting a 10ged

denonstrations were led by the Council for United Action (CUA),

an organization forsed last year with the help of Saul Alirsky's

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The lAr keeps a man, hichael James hitler,

in the

city to serve as organizer and advisor for CUA. Miller, &

graduate of the University of California, at Berkeley,

has

been active in the past in SNCC.

In the

Sunger of 1966, he

attended a National Youth Enconpment held by the Comunist

Party, USA, at Camp, Vebatuck, Wingdale, New York.

The CUA is planning econonte boycotts to be held

11 Kansas City.

Responsible minority and comunity leaders

know of no specific potential for racial violence.

point out that spontaneous disturbances might occur when

allegations are made of unequal or brutal treatment by

police or when some other incident is magnified by

irresponsible talk or publicity.

LRDS10g, Michigan

(1967).

Population 120,034 (1967); 11 per cent Negro

CIViC Leaders. In Lansing feel that the efforte

chat have been made througn such agencles as the Human

Kelations Council, composed of prominent Negroes and whites

In the cormurity, have done much toward beeping racial natters

from becoming controversial issues.

It is felt that no

militant groups exist among Lansing's Negroes and that

community efforts being made to secure better job opportunities

and bettes housing and the development of recreational

facilities

for Negroes attest to the success of the

collaborative efforts of Negro leaders and city oflicials.

As to the possibility of racial violence in the

area, responsible wenbers of the Negro community feel that

racial disturbances nay occur this summer, but il they do;

they will be spontaneous, unorganized reactions to sone

police enforcement natter.

Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Population 750,000 (1967); 1l per cent Negro

(1967).

Police oiltcials, leaders of the Regro comunity,

and other infored sources

state that there has generally

been no change in the racial situation in the city during

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## Page 44

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the past year.

It is pointed out that a large number of the

Negroes in Milwaukee are home owners and live in single or

double family dwellings and there are no tenement districts.

Some Negro leaders feel that the Police Department

is too severe in its relations with Negroes and may be

applying a double standard in dealing with Negro and white

citizens.

On the other hand, Chief of Police Harold Breier

contends that law and order can be maintained only through

vigorous law enforcement.

The main worry' of police is the potentially

explosive influence posed by the Milwaukee Youth Council

(HYC) of the NAACP, a civil rights group made up principally

of juveniles under

the direction of Father James E. Groppi,

assistair pastor of St. Boniface Roman Catholic Church.

The headquarters of the MYC

is at Freedom House, in the heart

of the Nepro community. Father Groppi, who is white, Is

an

outspoken civil rights leader.

In early March, 1967, three members of the MYC

told police that Father Groppi and members of the MYC had

made plans fon the fire bombing of a number of residences

2 21vоn

of public officials as a diversionary tactic so that members

of the MYC could start a riot. However, police have been

unable to obtain sufficient corroborative information to

prosecute Father Groppi and others.

On May 5, 1967, Father Groppi and two members of

for interfering with police officers

conduct in the vicinity of Freedom House.

As a result; 75

young people gathered at the scene of the arrest and threw

rocks, which broke squad car windows.

At the time of his

arrest, Groppi allegedly shouted, "Start the riot."

Since that time, police cars cruising the area

have been pelted with stones and once a fire bomb struck

the

rouf of the vehicle but did not ignite.

On another occasion,

two abandoned houses in this neighborhood were set on fire

by a 12-year-old boy who admitted that he hangs around

Freedom House, although he is not a member.

Because of the

provocative activities prompted by Father

Groppi and members

of the MYC, police are keeping a close watch on the immediate

neighborhood of Freedom House.

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On Hay 13,

about 500 civil rights demonstrators,

Ied by Father Groppi, narched on Milwaukee's police headquarters.

to protost what they contended as police harassuent of.

Negroes:

Father Groppi had been complaining of police

harassuent for several weeks.

Minneapolis-St. Paul; Minnesota

Minneapolis has a population of 482,892 (1960),

and adjacent st. Paul has a population of 313,000 (1960).

In each city, Negroes comprise less than three per cent of

the population.

Me racial situation In Hinneapolis and St. Paul

has not changed to any extent in recent months, according

to sourcos most lamillar with racial conditionn in this

ares.

There is no known condition at this time which would

forecast racial unrest or nob

VIOLENCE In these twin CIties

during the next few months.

huskegon, Michigan

austegon has a population oi 40,000, 15 per cent

of which is Negro,

and adjacent Muskegon Hoights has s

population of 21, 000, of which 40 per cent to Negro.

•A number of informed sources in this area state

that employment is high; schools are both

good and integrated;

and no raçial antagonisas exist at present.

demonstrations

Civil rights

are peaceful and are ained printrily at

better housing and fair treatment for Negroes.

Although overall race relations in the area are

considered good, law enforcement officials are following with

some concern two potentlally dangerous trends.

The first is

an increase in violent crime in the heavily populated Negro

areas, which is considored indicative on a groving contempt

for authority especially prevalent in the 16 to 20 age group,

who attempt to screen their lawlessness' by civil rights

activities.

Too, within the past

year, Sherift harion

Calkins has noted & resentment on

the part of the white

people in the area over this rise in crine and a definite

increase in requests for gun permits and in the purchases of

Sheriff Calkins is vatching for evidence of

organizational activities and, together with communtty

leaders, loels that there is a growing potential for racial

violeuce inthis area among irresponsible Negro youths.

— 37 as

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CONFIDENTIAL

Omaha, Nebraska

Population 385,000 (1967); 8 per cent Negro

(1967) •

In July, August, and September, 1966, and March and

April, 1967, there were serious incidents of racial violence

in the Negro district of Omaha.

All of these occurred

spontaneously and involved primarily Negro youths under 25

years of age.. It was necessary to call upon the National

Two of these incidents followed

necessary police action in the Negro district; one resulted

Iron strong feelings aroused by the suicide of an incarcerated

Negro youth; and the other was considered a continuation

of teer-age fights at a local recreational center.

Informed sources consider the present situation

tense and rate the possibility of racial violence "quite

high" due to the ill feeling created by past incidents and

to the rapidity with which

Negro youths respond to the

leadership of nilitant nalcontents who are not associated

with any civil rights groups.

Informed sources agree that

communications between law enforcesent and city officials

are open but are not as good as they were a year ago.?

The prevailing mood in the city is one of inpatience.

Statements that the city will tolerate no more violence are

creating greater hostility and tension. Negro leaders

aTe

criticizing the Police Department for inadequate protection

against the rampaging youths, alleging that the police

are

reluctant to enter the Negro

district and possibly precipitate

an incident that could lead to further violence.

St. Louis, Missouri

Population 700,000 (1965); 29 per cent Negro

(1960)•

In 1963, the St. Louis branch of CORE picketed the

Jefferson Bank and Trust Company, alleging job discrimination.

As a result of the picketing, 15

denonstrators were arrested.

- 38 -

CONFIDENTIAL

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## Page 47

They were later found in contenpt of court and received fines

and Jail gentences of varying severity, which they began

• to

serve in March, 1967. Protests were initiated in March, 1967,

against the Jefferson Bank and Trust Company and against

Judge Michael J. Scott, who had found the desonstratora

guilty of contempt of

court.

Picketing has been carried out

at the Judge's home almost daily since March 13, 1967, under

the sponsorship of a group known as the East-West Coordinating

Council (BVCC). Eugene Tournour, who has been described as

• member of the Cormunist Party, USA, in Chicago, vas

reportedly in St. Louls, to assist in organizing the EWCC.

Knowledgeable sources in St. Louls agree that the

jailing of the Jefferson Bank demonstrators serves as a

rallying point for those who may wish to stir the enotions

of the Negro cormunity. It is agreed that eventual violence

Some observers have gone so far as to

suggest that even though the sentences. meted out to the

demonstrators were deserved, 1f might be wise to release

then in the hope of easing tensions anong Negroes. • It is

also felt by sone that violence could be triggered by

friction between police officers and Negroes, no matter

how trivial the precipitating incident.

Another point of danger is the problem of unemploy

ment anong Negroes.

Approximately 4, 000 Negro youths who

were enployed during the Summer of 1966 will not be employed

during the 'Sumner of 1967 because of a lack of avallable

tunds.

Outsiders such as Eugene Tournour, Martin Luther

King, and Stokely Carmichael are seen as adding to the

potential for unrest and violence.

Carmichael spoke in

Sto LouIs in April, 190%. One observer expressed the opinion

that if such individuals as these would stay away iro

St. Louis, the problems night be nore successfully resolved.

Waukegan forth Chicago-Zion, Illinois

Haukegan, North Chicago, and Zion are adjacent commu-

nities with a total population of 200,000, 13 per cent of which

Negro.

CONAIDENTIAL

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## Page 48

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CONFIDENTIAL

The Negro community in Waukegan was the site of

disturbances in the late Sunner of 1966 precipitated by

11nor hoodlums and irresponsible teel agerg rathei than

being of racial origin..

However, the strong language used

by waukegan's Mayor Robert Sabonjian in denouncing the

persons responsible engendered

resentment among the entire

Negro conmunity, who felt that

all were being blamed for

the actions of relatively few.

The violence potential in

the Negro tavern area where the 1966 disturbances took

place is considered to still exist, as many individuals

there repartedly posses's firearns, which would creste an

obvious police problen 11 an incident did take place.

A tangible racial issue presently exists in regard

to efforts by white and Negro parents to get the Yauregan

3chool Board to change the boundaries of a local elementasy

school to promote a better racial balance within the school.

A sult to force the district

the Court decide against the plaintifis or undue delays

occur, this could conceivably be an issue around which

demonstrations could arise.

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CONFIDENTIAL

RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE WEST

Bakersfield, California

Population 64,000 (1967); 15 per cent Negro (1960).

Police officials and Negro leaders consider the

racial situation good at this time, and no trouble is antici

pated.

However, all agree that there is always the possibility

of spontaneous outbreaks of violence: from time to time, partic-

ularly during the summer months when the young people are not

attending school. Police officials observe that racial

violence in Bakersfield has always been on the heels of major

racial riots in other localities, and they believe this has a

bearing on future disturbances.

As a result of a racial disturbance in May, 1966,

specific orders have been given to police officers to shoot

to kill any participant in a disorder who is seen using any

type of weapon against a policeman.

These orders cover the

throwing of objects and have been made known to the Negro

community. It is believed that the orders will prevent

future disturbances.

Denver, Colorado

Population 512,000 (1967); 8 per cent Negro (1967).

Police and city officials, religious leaders, and

heads of civil rights groups state

that they can foresee no

racial riots for the Denver area unless some militant outside

groups manufacture a problem which does not exist in Denver

at the present time.

several summers has

been due to the congregating of Negro teen-

agers, particularly on weekends, in the Dahlia Shopping Center,

Where

these youths made considerable noise and engaged in drag

racing.

Some of them were on probation at the time.

Integration leaders and others concerned advise that there

were no racial overtones to these disturbances and that

Los Angeles, California

Population of Los Angeles County 6, 038, 771 (1960) ;

8 per cent Negro, 10 per cent Mexican-American (1960).

In general, the racial situation in Los Angeles and

its metropolitan area appears to be normal with no apparent

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4.00000

potential for a widespread riot such as the one that took

place in the Watts district in August, 1965. Police sources

advice that improved relations betveen the Los Angeles Police

Dopartment and the legro community are due to the new Chief of

Polico, Thomas Reddin, and his positive efforts to establish

community rolations offices and to maintain contact with the

Negro sinority.

All sources agroe that violence of a spontaneous

nature could occur anong groups of Idle Negro youths, as has

happened in the, past. A high official of the Los Angeleg

Police Dopartment reporis that as sunner approaches, the

Police Dopertment 1s receiving more and nore rumors of possible

violence when school ends. He further states that there appeas

to be & general novement anong restless young Negro elements

toward the "black pover" concept, which suggests the poasibility

of future violence. Another source says that state Senator

nervyn. Dynally 1s attempting to arrange & Black Power

conference in southern California, but he has no Indication

of that the results of such exacte might be.

In April, 1967, a fight occurred between a Negro

and & wulte student at Long Beach Polytechnic High School

which resulted in the boyeott of the school track team by

43 Negro student athletes, who were subsequently dropped

fron the team.

Although 15 members were reinstated, an

official of the Long Beach Police Department says that close

liaison 1s, being naintained with school

adainistrators, as

he Leels the situation represents a potential for violence.

Chief' of Police Willian Kennedy, of Inglewood, reports

that there is a potential for trouble in the Morning Side Park

section of Inglewood, which is rapidly changing

from a white to

& Negro section. However, he points out that the Negroes who

have noved into the section appear to be of the law abiding

and responsible type.

According to local government and civil rights leaders,

the only trouble spot in the Monrovia-Duarte area is in the

vicinity of Huntington Drive and California Street, where Negro

juveniles congregate and frequently become involved in fights,

oither among thenselves or with law enforcement officers.

On

April 14, 1967, & group of four young Negroes attacked police

officers who had stopped them for a traffic violation near

Funtington Drive. About 50 other Negro youths appeared and

additional patrol cars were called. The original oifenders

vere arrested, and the rest or the crowd quickly dispersed.

sinilar situation exists in Pasadena in the vicinity of Fair Oaks

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and Hountain Avenues, where young Negroes often gather in

the evenings and occasionally engage in altercations with

the police.

Venice, which has been the scene of racial inci

dents in the past, is regarded by a high police offictal ag

definitely offering a potential for violence.

However, the

Los Angoles Police Department is taking positive steps

to

improve police-community relations, and the president of the

local chapter of the NAACP has consulted with Governor Reagan

regarding an "on the job" training program the NAACP would

Ilke to see in operation by June, 1967.

Dionicio Morales, Executive Director of the Mexican

Opportunities Foundation, states that relations between

Mexican-Americans and Negroes in Whittier continue to vorsen,

as Noxicin-mericans fool that Negroes are receiving profor

ential job placement. Another uneasy situation exists in the

Mexican-American community of Santa Fe Springs, where homes

are being condenned to make wayifor lou cost Federal housing.

Honeowners are protestifs this sotion and have threatened

to use firearms if necessary.

1.

Oakland, Californta

Population 378,000 (1967); 27 per cent Negro (1967).

During

the past year, there has been sone racial

strife in Oakland. In August,

1966, following the arrest of

& teen agg Neggo girl for shoplifting at a food narket, the

market vas vandalized and later burned to the ground. In

October, the Ad Moc Committee for Quality Education, formed

and endorsed or supported by civil rights, neighborhood, and

church groups, announced that its demands

had been rejected

by the local Board of Education. A school boycott was held.

Approtimately 200 Negro teen-agers entered one high school and

overturned furniture. White students and teachers were beaten.

One teacher wes knocked unconscious and robbed and had to be

Bent to the hospital.

Three of Oakland's six high schools--

Oakland Technical, Castlenont, and Fremont, all three with

large numbers of both Negro and white students--are belleved

to bave potential for violence.

There have been other incidents of vandalism and

beatings.

The police are harassed and charged with brutality.

The Black Panther Party for Self Defense of Oakland, formed

In December, 1956, rosm the streets, armed

to protect themselves

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and follow Negroes from "police brutality." On May 2, 1967,

the Black Panthers, armed with loaded pistols, shotguns, and

rifles, descended upon the State Capitol, in Sacramento.

They

entered the chamber where the assembly was in session.

Black Panther leader read a stateuent protesting an assembly

bill that would ban the carrying of logded vespons within city

limits. There was no violence, and they were ejected by State

Police.

It is believed that idle teen-age and young adult

groups, as well as the Black Panther Party, might seize upon

some incident as an opportunity to cause widespread violence.

Various civil rights groups continue to work for an

end to de facto segregation, for equal employment opportunities

for Negroes, and for an end to "police brutality."

Oxnara, Califorala

Population 65,000 "(1967); '5 per cent Negro, 17

por cent Mexican-American (1987).

According to the Chiel of Police, the general racial

situation at Oxnard is good; however, during the past year

there have been isolated instances of animosity towaru poLIce

officers on the part of youthful Negroes and Mexican Americans,

which indicate to him a definite possibility of violence as

the result of an arrest or, some incident beteen the police

and these

youths.

He points out that the Colonia District in

Oxnard is potentially explosive in that it is an area of sub-

standard, homes inhabited by Mexican-Americans and Negroes.

Many of them have criminal records and are contenptuous of law

enforcement officers and, because of their low economic status,

undoubtedly harbor resentment toward society in general.

Portland, Oregon

Population 372,676 (1960); 5 per cent Negro (1960).

Local government and police officials, leaders of

various racial groups, and sources representing a cross section

of the community feel

that the racial situation in Portland

is excellent and that "Watts"-type rioting is inconceivable

under present conditions.

atten too riots

They caution, however, that small

disorders involving teenagers could occur if ignited by a

spark such as friction between white and Negro students or

apparently overaggressive police activity.

According to the police, any potential for racial

unrest is concentrated in the Negro-dominated Albina District

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and immediate surrounding area. Police advise that the only

spocific locations for possible racial disturbances are

McDonald's Hamburger Drive-In Restaurant or Jetferson High

School after an sthletic event attrecting a large number of

studenta.

Both the restaurant and the high school are located

in the Albins District.

Richmond, California

Population 80,000 (1966); 20 per cent Negro (1966).

In April, 1967, about 40 Negro youths looted a

clothing store..

The police felt that the looting might have

occurred because a police officer, earlier in the evenlag.

had shot and killed & suspected burglar, a 22-year-oid Negro,

found running from & liquor store.

The

Black Panther Party

for Self. Defense of Oskland has used such incidents as this

in seeking support in North Richmond.

The Police Dopartment, the City Council (which has

two Negro members), and various civic organizations, with the

cooperation of new

industries moving into the area,

are making

effort to solve their racinl problems. They feel that job

opportunities for Negroes are of utmost importance but that

there is no unrest serious enough to cause violence.

Sas Bernardino, Californía

Population 120,000 (1967); 9 per ceni Negro (1960).

Police officials in San Bernardino feel that although

conditions have improved, there renins a definite potential

for violence in' the san Bernardino ares. There are certain

Negroes who have made what are considered to be excessive

denands on the community, mostly for complete integration of

all schools, and unless these demands are net inmediately,

there is the possibility

that direct action will be taken

by

the Negro population.

The west end section of San Bernardino is regarded

as the "powder keg" area.

There have been a number of Negro

youths who, in the

that they would deve op and tuitia®

Although liaison between the Negro community and law enforce-

ment agencies has improved over the past year, :

there is always

the possibility that the arrest of a regro can

escalate into

•riot.

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14:00000

San Diego, California

Population 650,000 (1966); 9 per cent Negro (1966).

During the 1965 Watts riot in Los Angeles, minor

disturbances occurred in southeast San Diego in Logan Heighte,

& prodoatnantly Negro section, where 98 per cent of the city's

Negro population and 50 per cent of the members of its othar

ninority groups reside.

Police officials have stated that they have no lufor

sation of inainent racial difficulties. They point out that,

1n the past, any disturbances in San Diego have baen spostaneous

and unpredictable and that trouble in other parts of the country,

particultrly in Los Angeles, has a contagious effect on the

Ban Diego Negro conmunity.

San Francisco, California

Population 710,200 (1966); 16 per cent Negro (1966).

There are four main areas of concern in

San Francisco.

These are:

the Kunters Potnt area, Fillmore

District, Miasion District, and Haight-Ashbury District. There

1s also Chinator, where the crime rate is scoring fast among

youngsters tho are breaking away from the custons of their

1ay abiding ancestors.

The Hunters Point aren consists mainly of temporary

World War II housing units, which are scheduled to be

denolished in 1970.

The area is populated predominantly by

Negroes, & large number of whom were brought into the city

fron southern states to work in the shipyards during

World Far II.

It is a trouble spot because the inhabitants

are dissatistied with the housing and many, including school

drop outs, do not have the skills to qualily for employment

in & city

where business offices are the principal employers.

The Fillnore District, consisting largely of

dilapidated and overcrowded housing, has a high incidence of

crine and delinquency.

The Mission District contains & high

percentage of Spanich-speaking families

and & 15-acre

Forld Var II temporary housing unit that is occupied almost

entirely by Neiroes.

The Sponish-speaking element in the

Mission District believes thet it has been neglected and

overlooked ta employnent opportunities.

The Hright- Ashbury

District is referred to as & psychedelic connunity because it

Is rapidly being taken over by "hippies," tho use LSD and

marijuans and dress in a gaudy manner.

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The Hunters Point and Fillmore Districts were the

scene of three days of rioting in September, 1956, alter a

white policeman shot and killed a 16-year-old Negro youth

who was riding in a stolen car.

The California National

Guard was called to quell the rioting. For several days, in

mid-May, 1967, scattered violence and

vandalism took place

throughout the city, with most of the trouble again centering

in the Hunters Point and Fillmore areas.

In unseasonably hot

weather, gangs of Negro youths tossed rocks at car and store

windows, assaulted pedestrians, and started fires.

Chief of Police Thomas J. Cahill stated that race

relations are generally good in San Francisco; however,

unemployment among young Negroes and house evictions to make

room for redevelopment may cause difficulties. Chief Cahill

also stated that Martin Luther King and Stokely Carmichael

have a definite effect on the Negro residents of San Francisco

and there orelate futivotes the hese twe individuals couzd

Another individual with considerable influence in the

Negro comnunity is Dr. Carlton Benjamin Goodlett, a surgeon

and editor of the weekly, "The Sun Reporter,"

which is designed

for a Negro audience.

Dr. Goodlett, who was an unsuccessiul

candidate for Governor of California in 1965, was considered

to be a CPUSA member in 1947.

he is, the only American who

participates in meetings of the Presidential Committee of the

Horld Council of Peace, an international comnunist front group.

While several civil rights organizations have head-

quarters in San Francisco, the most militant is the Black

Panther Party.

This urganization originated in Lowndes County,

Alabama, where it was known as the Lowndes County Freedom

Organization. Certain members of this group are armed,

i ta members of the

allegedly for self-defense.

On February 21, 1967, several

Black Panthers, wearing black berets and carrying shotguns,

rifles, and pistols, appeared at the San Francisco International

Airport to act as bodyguards for Betty X, widow of Black Muslim

leader malcolm X, who was arriving by plane. No action vas

taken against this group by law enforcement officers in order

to avoid injury to bystanders.

In summary, San

Francisco's racial relations are

generally good.

There is

general agreement that no group is

planning racial violence,

and there is just

as much agreement

that, if racial

violence

does erupt, it will be triggered by

an isolated incident.

Its underlying causes will be lack of

job opportunities for the limited skills in the minority

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communities and discontent anong Negroes living In temporery

wartime housing scheduled to be demolished in 1970.

feeling prevails in the Negro community that redevelopment 1s

designed prinarily to drive them fron the city so that high

rent housing can be constructed for white families.

other hand, San Francisco officials are extremely sensitive

to the demands of the minority communitles, and the

San Francisco Police Department Community Relstiona Unit has

received almost universal commendation for

its work.

Seattle, Washington

• Population 557,087 (1960); 5 per cent Negro (1960).

There have been no racial demonstrations in Seattle

during the past year, according to the Seattle Police

Department. Police officials and civil rights leaders point

to progress made in the civil rights field during the past

12 months and do not foresee any likelihosd of violence in

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14-00000

RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE SOUTH

Atlanta, Georgia

Population 487,455 (1960); 38 per cent Negro (1960).

The main activity of civil rights groups in Atlanta

has been devoted to occasional picketing.or otherwise demon

strating against slum housing conditions that exist in some

predominantly Negro conmunities.

Protests have also been made

against the failure of some businesses to

employ what ts

considered by some to be & representative

number of Negroes.

Three substandard Negro communities where violence

provoking incidents could occur are the Summerhill ares, the

Vine CIty, area, and the Boulevard aren.

Any real or fancied

Incident of violence in a substandard area between & Negro

and & thite person, especially if the white person 1s & 19w

enforcement officer, can'instantly fan racial resentments into

further violence.

In the past, when neys of racial incidents

has spread, individuals such is those connected with SNCC have

rushed to the scene for the purpose of provoking residents of

the area to rebel against authority.

Hate orgenizations, both Negro and white, present a

very real threat.

& Negro hate organization aiter a complaint was received that

Negro citizens were attacked by Muslims selling "lubanmad

Speaks,""

the newspaper published by the Nation of Islam. While

the Black Muslims were being booked at the Atlanta Police

Deparcment, they attacked police officers on duty, hospitultzing

three policemen.

Members of Klan groups are antagonistic toward such

individuals as Stokely Carmichael, & leading figure in the

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, whose national

headquarters are located in Atlanta, and lartin Luther King,

President of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference,

whose headquarters are also situated in Atlanta.

one ranite of anchor

members of the white community share this dislike of Carmichael

and King.

Birmingham, Alabama

Population 345,000 (1967); 40 per cent Negro (1967).

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Detective Marcus Jones, Sr., of the Birmingham

Police Department, who handles racial matters in the city,

states that during the past year Birmingham has enjoyed good

racial relations.

He says there have been no bombing incidenta

or acts of individual terrorism. However, on February 17, 1957,

an 18-year-old Negro youth burglarizing an elenentary school

was shot and killed by a city police officer:

This incident

triggered daily demonstrations but, according to Detective

Jones, police protection accounted

violence occurred during these demonstrations.

Reverend Edward Gardner, Vice President of the

Alabama Christian Novement for Human Rights, the organization

sponsoring the demonstrations, claims that at least ten Negroes

have been shot and killed by local law enforcement officers

during the past year. He says racial demonstrations against

"police brutality" would continue. Mr. Gardner warns that

violence could break out at any tine, for both whites and

Negroes in the city are capable of violence.

An eription

could occur this fall, he feels, then Megro students Integrate

previously all-white schools on a large scale.

DY. John Nixon, President of the

e Birmingham Chapter

of the NAACP, believes that Birmingham has come a long way in

the field of racial relations in the last year but has a long

way to Bo.

He contends that the Negro in Birmingham can gain

his equat

rights only by voting pover or by demonstrations.

Mr. William Hanilton, Executive Secretary to

Mayor Albert

Boutwell, expresses the view that the potential

for violence in Birmingham is very low, mainly because

thousands of Negroes now have jobs they did not have during

the huge racial demonstrations in the city in 1963.

Bogalusa, Louisiana

Population 21,423 (1960); 33 per cent Negro (1960).

Racial conditions in Bogalusa at the moment are

termed very good.

However, police oificials are concerned

that Federal mandates concerning hiring policies more tavorable

to Negroes at the local paper mill may bring about a strike,

thereby causing a resumption of picketing and strife in

Bogalus"®

Additionally, it is feared that should sone

modifications of the Federal demauds be made, the Negro

population might be upset enough

to begin demonstrating again.

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There is also some speculation that segregationiste

may precipitate unrest ass result of the order for full school

Integration in the fall of this year.

Dallas, Texas

Population 679,684 (1960); 19 per cent Negro (1956).

An official of the Department of Housing and Urban

Development sees no prospect of racial violence in the Dallas

ared, although Richard Dockery, Southwestern Rogional Director

of the NAACP, feels the possibility for violence does exist.

Re says that if violence occurs, it will probably be the result

of sone unpredictable, incident.

Clarence Laws, former Southwestern Regional Director

of the NACP, clains that there is an atmosphere of unrest in

the Negro community In Dallas because of unemployment and

underenployment of qualified Negroes.

Danger of a racial violence eruption over school

interration seems to be less a problen than in the past.

Di. Emmett j. Conrad, in-& Dallas. School Board run oil election

held on May 1, 1967, was the first Negro ever to be elected to

the Board.

This ves

considered to be a victory for the "Goals

For Dallas" program, which included many recommendations for

better education.

Fort Lauderdale, Florida

•Population 125,000 (1967); 20 per cent Negro (1967).

•Milton J. Kelly, Managing Editor of the "Fort Lauderdale

News, " states that

general racial conditions in the

Fort Lauderdale area have been good during the past year.

Captain Floyd Hall, of the Fort Lauderdale Police Departnent,

and other responsible observers in the city do not anticipate

an outbreak of violence, in the city in the neai future. Each

believes, however, that

the northwest section of Fort Lauderdale,

A slum area, is a

potential source of Negro unrest because of

poor housing and poor living conditions in general.

Houston, Texas

Population 1,187,000 (1957); 23 per cent Negro (1960).

Prior to May 16, 1967, informed sources had reported

that there had been no incidents of racial violence in the

recent past in Houston and that no such trouble was anticipated

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CONFIDENTIAL

1x the near future. However, the Student Nonviolent

Coordinating Committee had been conducting demonstrations

to protest the relueal of the Texas Southern University to

reinstate SNCC, which had been banned fron the campus of this

predosinantly Negro institution.

on the night of lay 16, a Houston police officer

was shot and killed by an unknown snipor when he responded

to & call for help froa four other policeren to vere being

subjected to sniper fire on the canpus.

Heavy police rein

forcements inadiately converged on the campus and conducted

roon-by-toon search of the buildings for the sniper.

Several

weapons were found and

about 500 students were arrested.

Cassius Clay-or Muharmad Al1, as he prefers to be

called-now ¿lains Fouston as his residence. Since 1983, the now

deposed world's heavyeight boxing champion has been resisting

attempts to induct him into the Armed Forces, on the basis of

his religious affiliation with the Nation of

Islam, & Negro

hate group which is opposed to the war in Vietnam and all

so-called "white nan's wars?" On April 28, 196%, Clay relused

to be inducted into the séfvice in Houston. Clay could become

a rallying point for opposition to the draft and to the

Vietnan tar by racial groups. It was reported that in the

harton area of New York City, for instance, Clay's refusal

to be drafted had considerable enotional impact among young

Negroes.

Jackson, Misbissippi

Population 165,000 (1967); 36 per cent Negro (196%).

During the early hours of May 11, 1967, & wild

demonstration was set off on

the canpus of Jackson State

Univeraity, a predoninantly Negro institution, when two Negro

policemen sought to arrest a Negro man for speeding. Negro

studonts rushed fron doraitories to attack the policemen,

shouting insults and curses and throwing bottles, bricke,

rocke.

An estinate placed the nuaber of rampaging students

at 1,500. Disturbances continued for tro nights.

Three Negro

youths were shot during the second night of rioting, one of

whon subsequently died of his vounds.

Following the first

night of rioting, Governor Paul Johnson called up 385

National Guardsen to bring sbout law and order.

only a lew days eartler, Assistant Chief of Police

1. B. Pierce

said there was little potential loi

rioting

in Jackson.

He pointed out that the racial

situation in

Jackson had been extrosely quiet during 1966 and early 1967;

that there had been no mass neetings, narches, or demonstra

tlons having pronounced racial overtones. Sinilarly,

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Allen L. Johnson, an NAACP official, stated he mus not aware

of any racial situation in Jackson which could lead to a racial

riot.

The Jackson State University denonstration graphically

illustrates how quickly and unexpectedly an othervise insig

nificant incident can ignite & demonstration which can, 1n

turn, lead to a more serious situation.

It is worth noting that Stokely Carmichael addressed

groups at Jacison State University and Tougaloo College,

another predominantly Negro school, on April 11, 1967.

Louisville, Kentucky

'Population 389,044 (1964); 20 per cent Negro (1964).

Until March, 1967, racial conditions were considered

good.

It was felt that Negro demands for complete integration

gradually were being met through the work of a Hunan Relations

Commission established in 1962,and through public ordinances

passed in 1963 and 1965 outlawing discriminatory practices.

Another ordinance, passed in August, 1965, and called

the "Declaration of Principles," provided for conplaints

regarding discrimination in housigg to be settled through

negotiation and persuasion, but carried no criminal penalties.

This ordinance is the basis of racial difficulties that are

presently threatening the city of Louisville with widespread

racial violence.

; In 1966, civil rights leaders complained that the

ordinance was ineffective in preventing discrimination in

housing.

Initial conferences

and discussions failed. In

Barch, 1967, civil rights demonstrations began.

In April, the rejection by the Louisville Board of

Aldermen of another proposed ordinance resulted in an

intensification of demonstrations involving fron 65 to 200

persons who marched nightly into an all-white area at the

south end of the city.

The number or spectators and hecklers

reached between 2,000 and 2,500 and, on three occasions, it

was necessary for the police to use tear gas to disperse the

violent crovd. Close to 600 arrests, prinaiily of demonstrators,

have been made by the Louisville Police Department. On April b1,

107 adults and 26 juveniles were arrested for attempting to

march in the south end of Louisville contrary to a temporary

restraining order issued on April 14 forbidding nighttine

marches.

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With the sanction of hartin luther king; his brother,

Reverend A. D. Williang King, Chairman of the Kentucky

Chrlstian Leadership Conference; and other leadera of the open

houstng novement, demonstrators threatened to diarupt the

Negro conedian Dick Gregory,

wao joined the fracas, was accused of inciting live young

Hegroes to bolt onto the race trach at Churchill Downa during

the first race on May &. To avert a large scale riot, further

intlanad by the offer of the essistance of 1, 000 alrinen, city

officials cancelled many of the preliminary festivitiea and

ordered the National Guardsmon to duty. The Darby was run

Leaders on the scene feel that tension is so great

that s riot could erupt at any noment.

They consider that

only the presence of a considerable number of police has

averted widespread, riotous conditions to date.

Longtine civil rights leaders in Louisville, although

thoy feel

that city leaders

are rallous to the denards of Negroes,

disagree with the

flagrant tactics used by the recently irrived

leaders of the open housing demonstrations and are fearful

that the Irresponsible legro element of the city might join

the demonstrators:

Speaking for the Louisville Commiitee of

Negro Churchmen,

Bishop C. Ewbank Tucker

has stated: "We

echo the demands made by our fellow ministers and churchyen

In the Chicago

area (when Martin Luther Kiug was active in

demonstrations in Chicago) that the technicians get the hell

out of Louisville."

Memphis, Tennessee

Population 600,000 (1967); 45 per cent Negro (1967).

Memphis has had no major racial violence.

Police

Cormissioner Claude Armour has consistently enforced the laws

and has not tolerated violence from either white or Negro

extremists.

Police officinls and other observers generally agree

that racial conditions in Memphis are food. However, Captata

J. G. Ray, of the Menphis Police Departnent, is of the opinion

that there is more potential for viclence now than he has

in past years.

He says sone Negroes seen to think that the

harmonious race xelations and the progress in integration have

been eraggerated.

Captain Ray feels that should violence come, it will

occur in the LeMoyne Gardens area, a public-housing project

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In the south contral part of the city. This housing project

and the area surrounding it constitute an econonically

depressed ares, where spontaneous violence could occur.

For®

example, Captain Ray notes that recently & Négro juvenile

was shot by police in a burglary or break in in this aren.

Immediately, Negro youths started shouting, "Blach Power."

Captain Ray feels any arrest by law enforcement ofiicers

could trigger spontaneous violence. However, he says Negro

leaders probably can be counted on to use their influence to

stop violence.

One informed source says there is little potential

for violence of

& racial nature in Memphis unless there is a

strong movement by nationally prominent agitators fron outside

the city.

This. source asserts that while some Negro leaders

may speak as,though they are not opposed to outside agitation,

they would in reality act to prevent it.

Miani, Florida

. *i

Population 291,688 (1960); 22, per cent Negro (1960).

Municipal and Nogro leaders have stated

that no

potential "trouble spots" exist in

the Miami area and they

do not enticipate any sort of racial violence in the

foreseeable future.

The Miami Police Department his no

knowledge of situstions which might trigger mob violence or

riots.

Nashville, Tennessee

Pópulation 176, 884 (1960); 40 per cent Negro (1960).

The nationally publicized riot of April 8 • 11, 1987,

in Nashville and issues and conditions growing from this

riot

have caused a deterioration of racial relations in the city.

However, avenues for the

exchange of Ideas between Negross and

whites continue to exist, and it is believed that racinl

progress can be resuned.

Observers have commented that the Student Nonviolent

Coordinating Conmittee was deeply involved in events immediately

preceding the rioting

and vas largely responsible for what

occurred during the course of the rioting.

These observers

are of the opinion that SNCC is not truly representative of

the Negro academic community, particularly fron a numerical

standpoint.

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It is believed there is little potontial for renewed

rioting in the Negro connunity during the coming months, since

the potential for unrest and violence will further lessen with

the ond of the ragular school year, when the student population

on the campuses of Flsk University end Tennessee Agricultural

and

Industrial state University will be reduced. Additionally,

most sace leaders and activists will not be allowed to return

to either university.:

Actually, the April rioting was geographically

restricted to a small portion of the city in and about the

campuses of fisk and Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial

State Universities.

Although extrenoly active, the rioters

were relatively few in number and consisted mostly of Negro

students and other Negro males in their late teens and early

twenties.

While there is a considerable amount of substandard

Negro housing in the city, there is no ghetto; the Negro

community is separated into segments in

Nashville.

several areas. of

This distribucion causos problems for effective

Negro leadership.

On the rother hand, a group such as SNCC

can reach but a fraction of the total Negro community at any

one time. As & matter of fact; it has been observed that in

some areas of Nashville many Negroes, have never heard of

Stokely Carmichael®

Natchez, Mississippl

Population 28,000 (1967); 48 per cent Negroes (1967).

In April, 1967, James Lloyd Jones, a white man, was

tried for the wurder of Ben White, a Negro.

A mistrial

resulted and the retrial will be held in November, 1967.

Tension rose in the Negro conmunity over this matter, but did

not reach a critical point. Tensions have since subsided.

chiet or Police d. T. Robinson, of the Natchez Police Department,

considers the general racial situation to be quiet. He knows

i star situation

of no significant unrest among Negroes and feels there will be

sone untoreseen incident occurs.

R. Brent Formin, President of the Natchez-Adams

County School Board, says the Board has received instructions

to prepare a new plan for school integration to be put into

offect in the Fall of 1967, but he believes there will be

trouble regardless of the action takon.

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Charles Evers, NAACP Director for the State of

violence because they feel they would ba degrading themselves

by committing such acts.

Now Orleans, Louisiana

Population 652,000 (1965); 37 per cent Negro (1960) .

New Orleans police oificials state thora is no

Indication of potential iacial violence in the city.

Similarly, persons knowledgeable in civil rights organiza

tions in the Now Orleans stea foresee nothing Indicating

the possibility, of major racial disturbances.

Richmond, Virginia

Pupulation 219,958 (1960); 52 per cent Negro (1967) •

A spokesman for the Richmond Police-Department states

that racial conditions are generally very good, since the

employment picture has greatly improved in the

past year or

two and integration in job opportunities is universal throughout

the city.

Connunication

betteen public officials and leaders

of various Negro groups is anicable, and

several Negroes have

been elected to the City Coúncil®

Further, school integration

hes gone smoothly with a minimun of incidents during the past

year•

It is pointed out, however, that people are frequently

influenced by controversial public figures and consequent

reaction under these circumstances is unpredictable.

Edward Le

Slade; Jr., President of the Richmond

Branch of the NAACP, expresses similar views. He states that

racial relations in Richmond continue

to progress in an orderly

manner and

Governor Hills E. Godwin's stand on cross burnings

has given the Negro community a feeling of more security.

According to Slade, the NAACP 1g a controlling

and pacifying

influence on the Negro people of Richmond and it hopes to

remain so.

Another civic leader observes that Stokoly Carmichael's

recent appearance in Richmond had not sparked any lawlessness

or violence, whereas his appearances in other communities have

provoked such activity.

San Antonto, Texas

Population 710,000 (1967) ; 7 per

cent Negro (1967).

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## Page 66

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Del mit Ivo Sergoant Albert Saenz, of the San Antonio

Police Departwit, states that neither he nor his sources know

of say potently violent situation in the area and, further,

there have borl no overt manifestations of racial unrest in

the past.

The resident of the San Antonio NAACP, as

well as

other Negro lillers in the area, has expressed satisfaction

over the curlint rolationship between the whites and the

NegrOeS.

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## Page 67

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FUSION OF CIVIL RIGHTS AND ANTIWAR MOVEMENTS

Aggravating Tension

The innumerable racial riots and disturbances

which have plagued the United States since 1964 have had

their genesis primarily in the long-smoldering discontent

and resentment of Negroes over unequal job, school, and

housing opportunities and their deep-seated antipathy

toward the police. However, constant agitation and

propaganda on the part.of communists and other subversive and

extremist elements' have done much to aggravate tension in the

ghettos of the Nation's big cities.

In'the nearly 48 years of its existence, the

Communist Party, USA (CPUSA), has subjected Negroes to

unending agitation and propaganda. it has portrayed

itself to this minority group as the champion of racial

equality, civil rights, civil liberties, and social

protest.

To the

credit of the Negroes rand to the great

disappointment of the communists, the Communist Party

has not been able to recruit and

retain significant

numbers of Negroes as members.

Most Negroes realize

that the commuhists are interested in them primarily to

exploit racial issues and to create the chaos upon which

communism nourishes.

Nevertheless, the cumulative

effect of this ceaseless

agitation and propaganda and

the familiar communist charge of "police brutality"

cannot be ignored or minimized.

Creating Opposition to Vietnam War

During a period which has now extended beyond

three years, the CPUSA and other subversive organizations

have been engaged in campaigns to influence the United States

Government to withdraw its troops from Vietnam or to

participate in negotiations to end the war. .

of

to and the war mather hope in

course, that either action would result ultimately in

advancing

the cause of international communism through

a victory in Vietnam.

The activities of the CPUSA in recent months

have, almost without exception, been directed in one way

or anothei toward the creation of opposition to the war

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## Page 68

9

in Vietnam.

This opposition, the communists reason,

serves to lend encouragement to the North Vietnamese and

the Viet Cong to continue the fighting despite military

adversities and could lead to domestic discontent in the

United States similar to that which contributed to the

French military disengagement from events in Indochina.

In view of the historic designs of the CPUSA

, on the

Negro people and the

racial ferment that has been

evidenced by the disturbances of recent summers, it was

inevitable that the communists and other subversives and

extremists would attempt to link civil rights protests

with antiwar protests so as to increase the magnitude

and

impetus of each.

As early as April, 1965, General Secretary

Gus hall told the CPUSA Secretariat that the "peace

struggle" is a major and top priority project of the

CPUSA •

At the same time, Hall claimed that the protest

movements in this country were

leaders becoming civil rights leadeks and

converging, with peace

By and large,

the 1964 presidential

election, against conditions in Alabama, and against

events in

vietnam

The struggle for social progress

and the struggle against policies of imperialist aggres-

sions were, in Hall's words, now joined.

Union of Civil Rights and Peace Movements

In antiwar propaganda attuned to Hall's

assertion, the CPUSA claims that the war in Vietzan has

racial overtones not only because it involves nonwhites

in Asia but also because it consumes funds that might

otherwise be expended for the war on poverty in the

depressed areas of large citles inhabited by Negroes.

The CPUSA has also praised the Student Nonviolent

Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the militant civil rights

youth group, for being the first to make the tie between

civil rights and peace.

A recent illustration of the fusion of the

civil rights and antiwar movements was the so-called

"Vietnam Week," which culminated in nass demonstrations

in New York City and San Francisco on April 15, 1967.

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## Page 69

This protest activity was

sponsored by the Student

Mobilization Committee and the Spring Mobilization

Committee to End the War in Vietnam.

Among the partici

pants in the activities of these committees are members

of SNCC; the CPUSA; the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America

(DCA), & communist inspired Marxist oriented youth group;

the pro-Red-Chinese Progressive Labor Party (PLP); the:

Trotskyite Socialist Horkers Party (SHP); and the Young

Socialist Alliance (YSA), the SWP's youth and training

section.

An example or two will demonstrate the involve-

ment of the CPUSA in this "Vietnam Week."

Initial plans

for this activity were made by the Spring Mobilization

Committee at & conference held in Cleveland in late

November, 1966. The CPUSA was represented at this

conference cy Arnold ¿ohnson, Chairman of its National

Poace Commission, and National Executive Board members

James West and Thomas Dennis.

this time, Johnson was

stating that the CPUSA should try,to get one million

people to demonstrate at the same

time against United States

involvoment in Vietnan.

A key figure in the plans for

"Vietnam Week" made by the Student Mobilization Comnittee

at & conference. held in Chicago in late December, 1966,

was CPUSA National Committée member Bettina Aptheker, who

is a student at the University of California at Berkeley.

The activities in one CPUSA district, selected

at random, show the extent of communist involvement in

the Now York City demonstration on April 15.

In early

March, membors of the Michigan District were told that

they must concentrate on laboring people, Negro communities,

and nationalities groups to organize people to participate

in the April 15 demonstration in New York City.

Nichigan District Committee appointed a four-man conmittee

in mid-March to handle arrangements for the mobilization

in New York City. Activities in connection with the

mobilization were described as the most important of all

endeavors by members of the Michigan District.

Participants

in the parade in New York City

on April 15 Included Gus Hall and at-least 200 CPUSA

members.

Over

• one half of the total SWP membership in

the United States also marched in the parade.

Other's

participating in the parade and rally in New

York City

were several members of the DCA, PLP, and YSA.

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The Reverend

James Bevel is the National

Director of the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the

War in Vietnam. He was released by Martin Luther King

from a key position in King's Southern Christian

Leadership Conference to permit him to take this assign-

ment.

Significantly,

among the principal speakers

at the antivar rally in

New York City on April 15 were

Martin Luther King; Stokely Carmichael, a top figure in

SNCC; Floyd McKissick, National Director of CORE; and

Bevel.

Bevel

stated that the next objective of the

"peace forces" will be to organize a massive march on

Washington, D. C., to confront President Johnson.

Ahother speaker at this rally was Linda

Dannenberg, Executive Secretary of the Spring Mobilization

Committee, who is known to: consult with leaders of the

New York District of the CPUSA. Dannenberg announced

that thousands are going to be, galled upon for a "radical

action summer" in which they will go into every

town in

the United States to organize a massive protest against

this country's involvement in the war in Vietnam.

She

requested that every interested student attend an antiwar

meeting in Chicago on May 13 and 14, 1967.

As a follow-up to these peace demonstrations

King and other leaders of the Spring Mobilization Committee

launched a' nationwide "Vietnam Summer" organizing effort.

They called for 10,000 volunteers, including 2,000 full-

time workers, to sperd the summer

in 500 connurities

escalating opposition to the Vietnam war, encouraging

Negroes to refuse to be drafted, and attempting to create

a political bloc powerful enough to end the war.

antiwar campaign is patterned after the 1964 summer civil

rights drive in Mississippi.

Now that the civil rights and the antivar

protest movements

have been joined, with the distinct

possibility of ominous displays of

civil disobedience

and near seditious activities on the part of Negroes

and whites alike, the outlook for this summer is grim

indeed.

The injection of antivar activities into civil

rights activities is bound to intensify racial discord

and heighten the violence potential throughout the

country.

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In the long run, this consolidated civil rights

peace movement will be detrimental to the national security

and best interests of the Nation, for it will not only tend

to encourage the enemy and prolong the Vietnam war but will

also have an adverse effect on the cause of civil rights.

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