Document date: 00/00/0000

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File #:

12-410-116395

Serial Scope:

EBF 881

1.

DESTROY

FOIPA# NIA

HH

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881

02-116

adel

36

20/6/79

133. ACZ02

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20. SSO

9/9/75,

1? 2

COM LETTE: ON

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Cis 921 by: 10c Gron

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shaheen, -iry

Noncial: Counsel: for Insailigence Coctoinecion y

Daut of Juatles, dated 9/11/751

Goyarding

to the SSO is the oris

suitemo whack caspoado

to: Tock 12 06 SSc

zequaet 9/3/751

Aloo escid for or records is

cong of. due mano & set of rotecicis given. SSC.

sure?

#MDK-l0

ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED

SEEN 26/00S SERAMKA

H# 55254

DocId:32989666 Page 2

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- 448

SSC REQUEST 9/8/75

ITEM 12

HE MOR IN COATANTED

NH 55254 DocId: 32989666

Page

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## Page 4

OPTIONAL FORM NO 10

M Y 1802 EDITION

ESA GEN. REG. NO. 27

UNITEE STATES

'EI

Memorandum

5010-106

MENT

Casper -

•Callahan -

TO

:Mr. W. Co Sullivan

PRON: 112. E, J. Baumgardial

SUBJECT: COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

INTERNAL SECURITY - COMMUNIST

DATE: August 23, 1963

1-Nx. Belmont

1-Vr.

Rosen

I-Mr.

Sullivan

1-Mr.

I-Mr.

Baumgardner

Bland

I-Mr. Gurley

Fvans

Gale

Roser

•f'eTavel

"Trotter

Tele. Root. -

Holines

Gandly

Pursuant to the Director's request, there is attached

a detailed memorandum concerning the efforts of the Communist

Party, USA, to exploit the American Negro.

There is set forth below in this cover memorandum a

synopsized version of the detailed memorandum.

ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED

EREIN IS UN CLASSINE

SYNOPSIS

DATE JO 2000 BYSPALM.

The 19 million Negroes in the United States today

constitute the largest and most important racial target of the

Communist Party, USA. Since 1919 comnunist leaders have devised

countless tactics ana programs designed to penetrate and control

Negro population.

It has spent hundreds of thousands of dollars

propagandizing the Negroes in

a variety of ways.

These colossal

efforts havé been related to "equal opportunity" and "self-

determination" policies (the latter being discontinued in 1959

with the approval of Soviet Russia because it was ineffective),

front organizations, parades, demonstrations, articles, pamphlets,

books, films, speeches,

civil rights, "peaceful coexistence,

et cetera.

These efforts,

among other things, have resulted

establishing today such active Negro communist front groups as

the African American Heritage Association, Ireedomways Associates:

Southern Conference Educational Fund (not yet cited by the

Attorney General). Additionally, efforts have been and are being

made to infiltrate with limited degrees of success such legitimate

Negro organizations as the National Association for the Advance-

ment of Colored People, the Negro American Labor Council, and the

Southern Christian Leadership Conference headed by Martin Luther

King, Jo. Other legitimate Negro organizations not known to be

infiltrated, influenced or controlled but are targets include

Congress of

Concent on at Contat ina com tree, teasus and +

Inc.

100-3-755

FJB: skw

(7):

!..

REE

Its use is limited to official proceedings fours

55254

DocId: 32989666

nation outside your Committee.

nel without the express approval of the FBI .

Page 4

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## Page 5

Memorandum to Mr. Sullivan

RE: COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

100-3-75

While much propaganda is issued, there is no

Isnown substantial implementation of Communist Party aims

and policies among Negroes in the labor field. The .

Communist Party has done all possible to exploit a great

number of events and issues among Negroes such as the

scottsboro Case; Emmett 1111 Case; Montgomery, Alabama, bus

boycott; 1956 March on

Washington, D.C.; 1957 Prayer Pilgrimage

to Washington; "sit-in" demonstrations;

"Ireedom riders"; and

school integration campaigns.

While not the instigator and

presently unable to direct or control the coming Negro August 28

March on Washington, D.C., communist officials are planning to

do all possible to advance communist aims in a supporting role.

Martin

• Luther king, a key tigure in the March,

does have as

an advisor, stanley Levinson, a secret Communist Party member.

Kins himself has been reported to be a Marzist.

A SENSITIVE FIN.DESI

Despite tremendous sums of money and time spent by

the Communist Party, USA, on the American Negro during the past

44 years, the Party has failed to reach its goal with the

¡ Negroes.

The Director, on January 26, 1960, said publicly:

"It is no secret that one of the bitterest disappointments

of communistic efforts in this Nation has been their failure

to lure our Negro citizens into the party. Despite every type

of propaganda boomed at our Nation's Negro citizens, they have

never succumbed to the party's saccharine promises

of a

Communist Utopia.

This generation and generations to come

for many years owe a tremendous debt to our Negro citizens

who have consistently refused to surrender their freedoms for

the tyranny of communism."

Negroes represent ten per cent of the population of

the United States or 19 million.

If one was to apply this

breakdown to Gus Hall's figure of 10,000 Communist Party

. members today, it would give to the Party 1,000 Negro members.

(Applied to our classified figure of 4,453

active Communist

Party members, the estimated number of Negro communists would

be 445.

This would not, of course, include communist sympathizers,

supporters or dupes but only those included under our very strict

and exacting carty membership requirements. Despite the obvious

failure oi the Communist Party oi the united states to appreciabil

- 2 -

IN 55254 DocId:32989666 Page 5

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## Page 6

Memorandum to Mr. Sullivan

RE:

COMMUNIST PARTY, "USA

NEGRO QUESTION

100-3-75

infiltrate, influence or control large numbers of American

Negroes

this country, the fact remains that the 19 million

Negroes in this country constitute the greatest single racial

target of the Communist Party of the United States.

It would

be foolhardy on anybody's part to ignore this very significant

Itruth.

we are right now in this Nation involved in

a form of racial revolution and the time has never been so

right for exploitation of the Negroes by communist propagandists.

The Communist Party in the next-lew years may fail dismally

with the American Negro as it has in the past. On the other

hand, it may make prodigious strides and great successes with

the American Negroes, to the serious detriment of our national

security.

Time alone will tell.

fF9.

W.e.s

ananaries,

HH 55254

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## Page 7

V.

9/18/63

Tolson

Belmont

Mohr

Casper

Callahan

Contact

Tate

Taye

Trotter

Tele. Room.

Holmes -

Gandy -

MEMORANDUM FOR THE DIRECTOR

ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED

While the attached memorandum

bears the initials of Mr. Baumgardner,

it was prepared from a rough-draft furnished

to him by Mr. Sullivan.

..}

It should be understood that

Sullivan, Baumgardner, Sizoo and Belmont

read the memorandum and agreed with it

prior to its submission.

REG 5

106-3-116-2534

)Enclosure

22 DEC 57963

CT:LCB

• Clyde Tolson

I have cirtois

treen mished

-.=

LENCLOSURE

HH

55254

This document is prepared in response to your request and is not for dissemi-

nation outside your Committee.

Its use is limited to official proceedings by

your committee and the content may nut be disclosed to unauthorized person

nel without the express approval of the FBl:

DocId: 32989666

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OPTiON; coRn go. 10

"UNITED STATES GOVER

F

Memorandum

TO

A .

H. Belmont

FROM :

Mx. W. C. Sulliván

SUBJECT:

COMMUNIST PARTY,

NEGRO QUINELON

IS - C

USA

DATE: August 30, 1963

I - Mr. Belmont

- MI.

Sullivan

- MT. D.E. MOOTE

I - Mr. Baumgardner

ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED

Tolson

Belmont

"Mohr

gasper

* Callahan .

Conida _

• I DeLoachte

Evans

Gale.

Rosen

Sullivan

Tavel

Trotter

Tele. Room

Holmes -

Gandy

Reference is made to the enclosed material on which the

Director has written:

"This memo reminds me vividly of those

received when Castro took over Cuba.

You contended then that Castro and

his cohorts were not Communists and not influenced by Communists.

alone proved you wrong.

I for one can't ignore the memos re King,

O'Dell, Levison, Rustin, Hall et al as having only an infinitesimal

effect on the efforts to exploit the American Negro by the Communists."

The Director is correct.

We were completely wrong about

believing the evidence was not sufficient to determine some years ago

that Fidel Castro was not a communist or under communist influence.

On

investigating and writing about communisn and the American Negro, We

had better remember this and profit by the lesson it should teach us.

I do think that much of the difficulty relating to the memoran

dum rightly questioned by the Director is to be found centered in the

word

"influence."

We do not have, and no Government agency or private

organization has; any yardstick which can accurately measure "influence"

In this particular context,

even when we know it does exist such as in

the case of the obvious influence of the concealed communist Stanley

,. 1

Levison over Martin Luther King and King's influence over other Negro

leaders.

Personally, I believe in the light of King's powerful

demagogic speech yesterday he stands head and shoulders over all other

Negro leaders put together when it comes to influencing great masses of

Negroes.

We must mark him now, if we have not done so before, as the

most dangerous Negro of the future in this Nation from the standpoin

of communism, the Negro

and national security.

on determining membership of Negroes in the Communist

UNRECONLED

Patty,

we are not confronted with the

same problem.

We do have here accurate

yardsticks for establishing membership. Of course, our standards are

very exacting.

This means there are many Negroes who are fellow-

travellers, sympathizers or who aid the Party, knowingly or unknowingly,

but do not qualify as members.

These we must not ignore.

The old

communist principle still holds:

Enclosure

10009-575956

This document is prepared, in response to your request and is not for assemi

shet without the express approvat of the FBl.

you committee and the content may nut be disclosed to unauthonzed personi

HIH

55254

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Page 8

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## Page 9

Memorandum for Mr. Belmont

RE:

COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

100-3-75

that would stand up in testimony in court or before Congressional

committees that the Communist Party, USA, does wield substantial

influence over Negroes which one day could become decisive.

The memorandun which the Director penetratively questioned,

while showing in the details the communist impact on Negroes, did

suffer from such limitations. These limitations we will make every

effort to lift in the future.

The great amount of attention this

Division is giving to communist activities directed toward the Negro

should enable us to do this.

For example, here at the Seat of Government, the Negro -

communist question takes up as a whole the time of one supervisor and

during the past few weeks four men have been so occupied.

Additionally,

(1) specialized instructions are regularly given the field on communist

infiltration of the Negro; (2) monographs have been written on the

subject and widely disseminated; (3), regularly disseminated are memoranda

and reports; (4) August 21, 1963, we devoted the entire Current Intelli

gence Analysis to the communist plans for the Negro March of August 28,

1963, (149 copies of this Analysis were disseminated to 44 agencies of

the Government), (5) much material on the issue is given to Agents at

In-Service; and (6) an SAC Letter is under preparation in this Division

now giving

the field the benefit of what we learned from the Negro March

on Washington and issuing instructions for increased coverage of

communist influence on the Negro.

As the memorandum pointed out, "this Nation is involved in a

form of racial revolution and the time has never been so

Party, USA. This is a sombre reality we must never lose sight of the

, will do everything possible in the troubled future to develop for

Director all available lacts relating to negro membership in the communist

'Party, plus the more complex and difficult to ascertain inIluence

of communist organizations and officials over the leaders and masses of

/ Negroes.

We regret greatly that the memorandum did not measure up to

what the Director has a right to expect from our analysis.

RECOMMENDATION:

For the information of the Director.

WES

2

HW 55254 DooId:32989666 Page 9

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## Page 10

OPTIONAL FORM NO. 10

5010-106

MAY 14O2 EDITION

DESA GI: REG. NO, 27

UNITED STATES GC

RNMENT

Memorandum

TO

the # C: 80122865

FROM : Mi. F. J. Baumgardner

ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED

KREIN IS UNCLASSIFT

ATE 101210100 BIS BAUMKE

SUBJECT:

COMMUNIST PARTY, USA.

NEGRO -QUESTION

COMMUNIST INFLUENCE IN RACIAL MATTERS

INTERNAL SECURITY - COMMUNIST

DATE: September 16, 1963

1-Mr. Belmont

I-Mr. Rosen

I-Mr. Casper

1-Mr. Sullivan,

I-Mc. Bland

I-Mr. Baumgardner

I-Ms. Morley

1-Mr. Kleinkauf

1-Mr. Phillips

Hohr -

Casper

Callahan

Contad

DeLoochk

vans t

ale

Tivel

Treiter

Tele. Room

Holmes

Gandy

influence on the Negro.

-is replete with its attempts to ex01015

. The March on Washington, 8-28-63, was a

striking

sexample or such communist activity as Party leaders early put into

Smotion efforts to accrue gains for the CPUSA from the March. Well-

documented information concerning the Party's influence on a principal

March leader, Reverend Martin Iuther King, Jr., is but an example.

The presence at the March of around 200 Pasty members, ranging from

several national functionaries headed bylcrusA General secretary Gus

ghalt, to many rank-and-file members, is clear indication of the Party's

All indications are that the March was not the "end of the

that the Marea was not the "ond of the aul

line" and that the Party will step up its efforis to exploit racial

threst and in every possible way claim credit for itselt relating to

wahy "gains" achieved by the Negro. A clear-cut indication of the

to

use is limited to official.

This document is prepared in response

¿arty's designs is revealed in its plans to hold a highly secretive

1963, which will deal primarily with

leadership neeting in wols meeting is to be preceded by alous fall?

athe Negro situation.

Committee.

'Sarnstorming" trip through key areas of the country to meet Party

people and thus better prepare himsell for the November meeting

yOUr

and the

The entire field is being alerted to this situationin a

proposed SAC Letter (attached).

The field is being instructed to

intensify our coverage of communist influence on the Negro by giving

Pullest consideration to the use of all possible investigative

nation outside

your Committee

fechniques.

In addition, the field is being told to intensify

its

coverage of those communist fronts through which the

Party channels

Sts influence and to intensify its investigations of the many Party

members and dupes who engage

In the Negro field. Further, we are stressing the urgent need for

Imaginative and aggressive tactics to be utilized through our counter

intelligence Program--these designed to attempt to neutralize or

disrupt the Party's activities in the Negro field.

Necessity for

prompt handling of all facets of this matter to insure timely dissemi-

eation to the Department and the terested genetog, damaso being

100-3-126 65 1353

1º OCT 16 1963

1 - 100-2175 (CPUSA, Negro Question)

55254602 Tapestdod Idage 10

(84OSED)

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## Page 11

Memorandum to Mr. Sullivan •

RE: COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

COMMUNIST INFLUENCE IN RACIAL MATTERS

[100-3-116]

The proposed SAC Letter requires key security offices

o submit to the Bureau, within su days. an analysis oi thei

current coverage of communist activities in the Negro field plus

details of their plans for intensification. Also, those 16

offices participating in the Counterintelligence Program on a

regular basis are being required to include in their next monthly

letters due 10-15-63 their plans to neutralize or disrupt Party

activities in the Negro field.

RECONMENDATION:

II approved, attached SAC Letter go forward apprising

the field as above and urging full implementation so that the

desired results may be achieved.

Also attached for approval are

necessary hanual changes.

V.

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## Page 12

...

To:

Mr.

A. H. Belmont

Mr. Tolson

1 Jar. Belmotit-

Mr. Monr

Mr. Castfi

Mr. Callahal

Mr.

Conrad

Mr. Deloser

Date: September 25,

1963

Mr. Evans

Mr. Gale.

•Mr. Rosert

Mr. Sufivar

Mr Fatal.

Mr. Trotter

Tele. Room

Miss Hoimes

Miss Gandy?

Re:

COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

COMMUNIST INFLUENCE IN RACIAL MATTERS

INTERNAL SECURITY - C

ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED

Predication:

HEREIN IS UNCLASSIMIEL

DATE JOb all BY_

Reference is made to the enclosed memorandum dated 9/16/63

and to the attached proposed SAC Letter.

On returning from a few days leave I have been advised of

the Director's continued dissatisfaction with the manner in which

we prepared a Brief on the above-captioned matter and subsequent.

memoranda on the same subject matter. This situation is very

responsible for this area of work, and we certainly want to do

everything possible to correct our shortcomings. We absolutely will

not be stubborn about admitting any mistakes we have made or be

stiff-necked and unbending concerning our analysis of this matter.

I'he Director indicated he would not approve our last sal better

until there was a clarification and a meeting of minds relative to.

the question of the extent of communist influence over Negroes and

their leaders. In this memorandum I will seriously and sincerely,

try to clarify a most regretable situation.

It is prepared not on

official office memorandum but rather on plain bond believing that

this discussion need not be made a matter of official record

Common Agreement:

First, I am sure ve all are in agreement on the following

which was in both

the cover memorandum and the detailed brief

attached:

(1) for the past 44 years the Communist Party, USA, has

spent enormous sums of money and ceaseless efforts to influence

Negroes and to make communists out of them; (2)

the 19 million

Negroes in the country today constitute the greatest single racial

target of the communist tarty, UsA; o Negro leader martin buther

King,

reported to be a Marxist;' does have as

an extremely important

advisor Stanley Levison, a secret Communist Party member; / (4)

we

are right now in this nation engaged in a form of social-levolution

and the

time has never been so right for exploitation of the

Negroes by communist propagandists; and (5)

the Connunist Party

could in the future make prodigious strides and great successes with

the American Negro to the

serious detriment of our national security.

In addition to the above, the material furnished contained many pages

of specific examples of communist policies, pragrans abe

activities

Enclosures Is dorthent is prendred in response to your request ánd isno

WCS: djw

I ox Committed ant the content may not be disclosed to unquthensee person-

WW 55254 DocId: 32989666

without the express approval of the FBI.

Page 12

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## Page 13

Memorandum for Mr. Belmont

RE:

COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

COMMUNIST INFLUENCE IN RACIAL MATTERS

showing communist involvemeut in Negro racial matters in this nation,

relative to which we can all agree.

Essence of the situation:

The essence of the situation seems to be this:

We

presented what facts there are in our files in the Brief in question

and I know that the Director

certainly would not want us to do other

than this.

The position taken at the time the Brief was written was

domination. This

historically has been the position of the Bureau

in this matter in light of file reviews going back ten to twenty

years. Certainly this is nut trees with expect

The Historical Position: to televison kinseat

•UNTENAIT

For example, in a detailed document prepared on Communist

Party and the Negro in 1953, we find the statement referring to

"the

failure of the Communist Party to attract even a significant number

Negroes in the United States to its number." Another example is

to be found in an analysis in this same field prepared by the Bureau

in 1956 to the eifect that communist efforts have been 'unsuccessful

a state or national level" in infiltrating "legitimate Negro-

fraternal, protest and improvement organizations," although they made

limited success in some

"isolated chapters."

The Director's book,

Masters of Deceit, published in 1958, states:

"'It became obvious

that the Party,

despite great efforts, had failed to win over even

a significant minority of Negroes." In 1960 the Director's statement

to The Committee on the Judiciary, United states senate, reads:

"It is no secret that one of the bitterest disappointments of

communistic efforts in this Nation has been their failure to lure

our Negro citizens into the Party." In 1962 similar public statements

were made.

On page seven of the Brief submitted to the Director

under the date of August 23, 1963,

this historical position was

restated and it was said, "One of the bitterest disappointments of

the communists has been their single failure

to lure any signilicant

number of our Negro citizens into the Party." This statement was

set forth again in the cover menorandum which the Director marked.

The point I wish to make here is this:

The fact that this

has been our historical position in the Bureau for many years 1s no

reason to assume that it is the correct position at this time, as the

¡Director has clearly explained.

Times and conditions change and, as

the evidence mounts, naturally we need to change our position along

with this evidence.

- 2 -

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## Page 14

Memorandum for Mr. Belmont

RE:

COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

COMMUNIST INFLUENCE IN RACIAL MATTERS

Interpretation:

As We know; tacts by themselves are not too meaningful,

for they are somewhat like stones tossed in a heap as contrasted

to the same stones put in the form of a sound edifice.

It is

obvious to us now that we did not put the proper interpretation upon

the facts which we gave to the Director.

Martin Luther King:

We have been aware of the communist influence for nearly

two years on Martin Luther King, Jr., head of the Southern Christian

Leadership Conference, and in the comprehensive memorandum entitled

"Communist Party, USA, Negro Question," dated 8/23/63 we set out

information to the effect that a number of Negro leaders in this

country have had subversive connections in their backgrounds and

that Martin Luther king, ox.,

has been dealing with Stanley Levison,

a concealed communist, as well as Hunter Pitts O'Dell, a secret

member of the National Committee of the CPUSA?

As previously

stated, we are in complete agreement with the

Director that

communist influence is being exerted on Martin Luther King, Jr.,

and that King is the strongest of the Negro leaders. As we have

stated before in a memorandum, we regard Martin Luther king to

be the most dangerous and effective Negro leader in the country.

¡In addition, we know the Party is directing a major effort toward

strengthening its position among the Negroes inasmuch as we have

information the Party plans to intensify its efforts to exploit

the racial situation for the purpose of gaining influence among

To this end, the Party plans

cretive leadership neeting in November, 1963, which will deal

primarily with the Negro situation.

This meeting is to be preceded

by a [Gus Hall]"barnstorming" trip through key areas of the

country to meet Party people and thus better prepare himself

for the November meeting. Furthermore, in the last few days

Hallhas advised an informant he contemplates requesting the

Levison brothers to set up an office in atlantaGeorgiarato

headquarters for Communist Party activity i-the-South.

SENSITIVE

FÖREIGN..

INTELIRENOL

PERATION

55254

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Page 14

-3-

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## Page 15

Memorandum for Mr. Belmont

RE:

COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

COMMUNIST INFLUENCE IN RACIAL MATTERS

SAC Letter to the Field

I rould like to set forth here briefly why I think that

the enclosed sAl Letter, waich was returned to us by the Director,

should be sent to the field offices. My first reason is this:

We need to renew our efforts and keep the pressure on and leave

no stone unturned to develop every and all facts

which exist

in this matter.

Some of these facts may not yet have been

ünearthed by

our field offices, and will not be unless we.

follow up this matter evermore closely with them.

my second

reason why I think the SAC Letter should be sent is related

to the present changing situation inthe Communist Party - Negro

relations area. During the past two weeks in particular there

have been sharp stepped-up activities on the part of communist

officials to infiltrate and to dominate Negro developments in

this country. Further, they are meeting with successes..

should be no surprise to us because since the Negro march on

Washington on August 28 communist officials have been doing all

possible to exploit the very troubled racial situation.

they said weeks ago, the end of the Negro march would be the

beginning of evermore systematic activities on their part to

penetrate and influence Negroes and Negro leaders.

They are

now in full force acting upon this intention of theirs expressed

weeks ago. The field should be alerted to this fact and given

instructions to investigate exhaustively new communist - Negro

activities. The SAC Letter in question will be a great help.

toward this end, and it should result in our developing important

facts relating to the current changes and pertinent activities

going on during the past few weeks in this entire field.

Subject of Deep Concern

May I repeat that our failure to measure up to what the

Director expected of us in the area of communist - Negro relations

- 4-

HH 55254 DocId: 32989666 • Page 15

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## Page 16

.*

Memorandum for Mr. Belmont

RE:

COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

NEGRO QUESTION

COMMUNIST INFLUENCE IN RACIAL MATTERS

to know that we will do everything that is humanly possible to

develop all facts nationwide relative to the communist penetration

and influence over Negro

leaders and their organizations.

RECOMMENDATIONS:

(1) That the Director reconsider giving approval for sending

the enclosed SAC Letter to the field.

V.

(2) In order that other agencies and prominent government

Officials will be aware of the determined efforts of the Communist

Party to exploit the racial situation, if the Director approves we

will prepare a concise document setting forth clearly those attempts

to penetrate, influence, and control the Negro movement. By setting

these facts forth, succinctly and clearly, the reader cannot help

but be impressed with the seriousness of the communist activities.

• wes.

-

HH 55254 DocId:32989666 Page 16

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## Page 17

in an

COMMUNIST

NEGRO

DARTY,

QUESTION

US A

est cove

# MDR-16

10S312

CLASSIFIED BY ....

SCH DULE OF EXECUNTY CIDER 11652

AUTOMATICKLLY DEQUASSINED ON Auditinie

NOTE:

MUCH OF TIE INFORMATION CONTAINED HEREIN IS

CLASSIFIED.

ONLY THE "SECRET" AND "TOP SECRET INFOR-

MATION IS SO FLAGGED.

THE "CONFIDENTIAL" INFORMATION,

WHICH COMPRISES THE GREATER PART OF THE CLASSIFIED

DATA, IS NOT FLAGGED.

NATIONAL SECURITY INFORMATIONUR

Unauthorized Disclosure

Subject to Criminal Sanctions

Augusi 23, 1963

NW 55254 DocId: 32989666 Olge 17

3-116-2538

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## Page 18

CONTENTS

PAGE

1. COMMUNIST EXPLOITATION OF NEGROES

II. CPUSA POLICY CONCERNING NEGROES.

III. COMMUNIST FAILURE TO ATTRACT NEGROES.

IV. CPUSA EFFORTS IN THE NEGRO MASS ORGANIZATION FIELD

A. Communist Front Organizations:

• American Negro Labor Congress.

National Negro Congress.•

....

National Negro Labor Council

African American Heritage Association........

Freedomways Associates, Incorporated..

Southern Conference Educational fund, Incorporated...•

B. Communist Attempts to Infiltrate Mass Organizations......

Congress of Racial Iquality.

National Association for the Advancement of Colored

People.........000000.

Negro American Labor Council...

National Urban League..

Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee..

Southern Christian Leadership Conference....

C. The Negro in the Labor Fleld..

V. COMMUNIST SUPPORT AND EXPLOITATION OF NEGRO CAUSES.

A. Expressions of Party Leaders on the Negro Question-

Converting the Problem to Party Use:

Negro Upsurge in the South..

...

Party Urges Full Mobilization on Negro Question..

....

The Negro Question--A Recruitment Device of the Party..

Party Youth Urged to Involve Itself.....

5

9

9

10

10

10

11

11

12

13

14

15

19

21

21

22

24

127

27

27

28

28

23

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last hot federal, that army

Communist Tactios....

Marxist Teachings--The Negro Quest10n..•

Party's Use of Civil Rights Issues.......

CPUSA Position on Legislation Affecting Negroes..

The Party and "Negro Marches"

' . . . 4

B. Ixamples of Specific Issues Which Have Served as an

Entree for Party Involvement in the Negro Question:

The Scottsboro Case...

The Till Case.....0..0

Montgomery, Alabama, Bus Boycott...

Leadership Conference on Civil Rights,

Washington, D. C., March 4-6, 1956..••

Prayer Pilgrimage

for Freedom, Washington, D. C.,

May 17,

1951....0000000

"Sit-In" Movement in souch...

"Freedom Riders"..

Inglewood, New Jersey, School Integration..•

Seattle, Washington, Sit-In Demonstrations.•

VI. MARCH ON WASHINGTON, AUGUST 28, 1963.

A. Party Program.•

B. Participation oi CP National Leaders..•

C. Participation of Rank-and-File Party Members.

D. Use of Party Literature..

E. Support of March by American Communists in Mexico.•

I. Evaluation of Party Influence and its Utilization of

the March..............

G. Subversive Data Concerning Certain Leaders..

Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. (Exhibit 1)

Cleveland Llewellyn Robinson.

Ann Arnold Hedgeman...

Reverend Thomas Kilgore, Jr.

Gloster Bryant Current®

Joachin PriN2.....'1

0+000+€

PAGE

29

29

30

30

31

32

32

34

35

35

36

36

37

7

-8

40

42

43

44

46

4.6

47

48

48g

48

48

49

49

49

11

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Bayard Rustin (Exhibit 3)

Thomas David Kahn......

Joseph Allen Beavers..•

PAGE

49:

50

50

67

VII. PRIOR PERTINENT PUBLIC STATEMENTS BY THE DIRECTOR.

A. Statements to Congress...

B. Statements in Books. •....

51

51.

54

EXHIBITS:

1. Martin Luther King....

22.

Hunter Pitts O'Dell

3. Bayard Rustin.....

INDEX.

. .

...

56

61.

67

69

iii

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I.

COMMUNIST EXPLOITATION OF NEGROES

NATIONAL SECURITY INFORMATION

Unauthorized Disclosure

Subject to Criminal Sanctions

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I. COMMUNIST EXPIOITATION OF NEGROES

It is not surprising that the Negro, ho comprises

mary conmunist target group.

the

CP in the United States is the infiltration and control

of the Negro population in this country.

For this reason,

Negroes have long been subjected to intensive and extensive

communist agitation and propaganda.

Early comnunist efforts to infiltrate and influ

ence the Negroes are evidenced by the tact chat.

in 1922,

che communist international (Comintern), on application oi

its American affiliate--the CP of the United States approved

a subsidy of $300,000 for agitation and propaganda activities

among American Negroes. In 1925, the Comintern issued instruc-

tions to the CP in this country to select some Negro communists

to be sent to the Soviet Union for training in agitation and

propaganda work.

About a dozen were chosen.

One Negro co

munist leader, returning to the United States several years

later, brought with him a draft for $75,000 from the Comin-

tern to be used for propaganda activities among the Negroes.

The CP has always depicted itself to Negroes as the

"champion" of social protest and the "leader" in the struggle

for racial equality.

But the truth of the matter is that the

CP is not motivated by any honest desire to better the status

or condition of the Negro in this country, but strives only

to exploit what are often legitimate Negro complaints and

grievances for the advancement of communist objectives,

Controversial or potentially controversial racial

issues are deliberately and avidly seized upon by communists

for the fullest possible exploitation. Racial incidents are

magnified and dramatized by communists in an effort to gen-

erate racial tensions.

The Enmett Louis Till case is typical

of communist exploitation of a racial situation.

Till, a 14m

year-old Negro youth from Chicago, was murdered

in August,

1955.

This case will be discussed

in more detail later.

Communists have been especially adroit at exploit-

ing social problems to confuse rather than correct inequities

and injustices.

Nowhere is this fact more clearly evident

than in communist efforts to exploit racial problems and

situations in the United

States.

Communists

are not content to publicize selected

instances of racial inequity and injustice to exclusively

American audiences, but they see

to it that the message is

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transmitted to every part of the globe through their world

wide communist propaganda apparatus.

They do not confine

themselves to facts, but resort to distortion, exaggeration,

and the big lie.

Communists thus capitalize on the adverse

propaganda effect that reports of discrimination and oppression

in the United States can produce in the eyes of the rest of

the world, particularly among the African and Asian peoples.

Throughout the world,

the tcatment accorded American Negroes

is one of the constant themes of anti-American communist

propaganda.

One of the most flagrant propaganda acts put on by

communists occurred in 1951.

William L. Patterson, a lead-

ing American Negro communist and then Executive Secretaxy of

the Civil Rights Congress,

a notorious communist front,

presented to the General Assembly of the United Nations

a lengthy petition, signed by 93 Americans.

This document

charged the United

with the crime of "genocide"

because of its "oppression" of the Negro people.

report was published in booklet form and

widely distributed

throughout the worid as an indictrent of the United States.

American communists specialize in campaigns with

the aim of fomenting and developing the class and racial

antagonism on which communism leeds and thrives. This

explains why so many communist campaigns revolve around

Negroes who run afoul of the law or pertain to issues of

great interest to Negroes. Such campaigns are used to

portray the CP as the "champion" and "protector" of the

Negro people, and are utilized as a steppingstone to extend

communist influence among them.

Communist campaigns are cynically inspired by

purely selfish political and propaganda objectives rather

than by any humanitarian motives.

and sentimentality with which connunists cloak their cam

paigns, they have little or no concern

with the personal

fate or welfare of

the subjects of their campaigns.

Their

only interest lies in exploiting these individuals--alive

ar dead--to propagate communism.

The one underlying concept permeating communist

tactics pertaining to Negroes Is that communists regard

Negro advancement as a political and propaganda matter.

Communist activity among Negroes is not based on any

benevolent or altruistic principles, but is tied to the

dictates of the Soviet Union and the attainment of world

coumunism.

This ulterior motive is clearly shown in

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16

instrusttons issued by the CPUSA to les mambeze as asly

as 1925:

"The aim of our Party in our work among the Negro

masses is to create a poverful proletarian move

ment which will fight and lead the struggle of the

Negro race against exploitation and oppression in

every form and which will be a militant part of

the revolutionary movement of the whole American

working class, to strengthen the American revolu

tionary movement by bringing into it the - Negro

workers and farmers in the United States

to broaden

the struggles of the American Negro workers and

tarmers, connect them with the struggles ci the

national minorities and colonial peoples ot ali

the world and thereby further the cause of the

world revolution and the dictatorship of the

proletariat."

• Since the CPUSA is nothing more than an instrument

of Soviet policy, the strategic needs of the CP-as directed

by Moscow--not the goals and aspirations of the Negro people.

take precedence.

Whenever the interests of Negroes conilict

with the political interests of the USSR, communists forsake

the Negro.

For example, when World War II broke out, the USSR

and Nazi. Germany were

allied by a nonaggression pact. The

conflict was immediately

characterized by the CPUSA as an

"imperialist" war of no interest or concern to the United

States.

Communist propaganda protesting the segregation of

Negroes in the Armed Forces during this period was designed

principally to cripple our own defense preparations and our

aid to the nations then fighting Germany. Bui Party tactics

shifted suddenly when the Soviet Union was invaded by the

Nazis in June, 1941, and the ussk became our ally. to pre-

vent any possible disruption of aid to the USSR, the Party

promptly discontinued

its efforts to have the Armed Forces

desegregated.

The CP cannot resist attempting to use the Negro

movement, as it does everything else, to promote its own

interest

rather than the welfare oi those

• to whom it directs

its agitation and propaganda.

It may collect funds osten-

sibly in behalf of Negro activities, hold discussions on

civil rights at all levels, and increase its coverage of

Negro affairs in its publications, but behind all o1 Its

efforts is its clear-cut primary interest in promoting

communism.

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The CP is continually searching for new avenues

in order to expand its influence among Negroes.

In partie

gaining momentum in recent months.

There were an estinated 19,000,000 Negroes in the

United States as of 1960, comprising

approximately ten

per cent. of our population.. The Party no longer registers

membership. However, Gus Hall, General Secretary, CPUSA,

has estimated the current CP nembership to be roughly 10, 000.

It is estinated that ten per cent of the Party membership is

Therefore, according to Hall's figures concerning

the total membership, there are approximately 1, 000 Negroes

in the Party today.

The Bureau's

of the current

Party nembership is 4,453. Therefore, ten per cent of

this figure would be 445 Negro Party members.)

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II.

CPUSA POLICY CONCERNING NEGROES

NATIONAL SECURITY INFORMATION

Unauthorized Disclosure

Subject to Criminal Sanctions

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II. CPUSA POLICY CONCERNING NEGROES

The basic position, policy and program of the

CPUSA with respect to Negroes Since the Sixth World Congress

of the Comintern in 1928 is implicit in two slogans: "equal

rights" and "seli-determination" ior Negroes in the South.

Sixth Congress formulated and issued the firot pronounce

ment of the Comintern on the Negro question in the United

States.

The Negro peoplein this

country were defined in a

resolution as an

"oppressed race" in the South struggling

for "seli-determination" and an oppressed national minority

in other parts of the country fighting for equal righis.

The resolution directed the CPUSA to "come out openly and

unreservedly for the right of Negroes to national self-

determination in the southern states."

By this theory of "self-determination," communists

meant that in many counties of the southern states Negroes

composed a majority of the population and, as a separate

race, they constituted a nation with the right, if they so

desired, to secede from the United States and

form their

nation and government.

This concept was adhered to

and developed by the CPUSA for nearly 30 years.

The complete speciousness of the communist line

of "self-determination," which the Party blindly and

slavishly folloved for

so long on order's from Moscow, is

readily apparent.

It would result, as noncommunist Negro

leaders repeatedly pointed out, not in the integration oi

the Negro into American life on the basis of equality

which is the fundamental goal of the Negro in the United

States--but in the worst kind of segregation.

The policy of "self-determination" was questioned

more and more in Party circles following Stalin's death in

In December

pointed out

that the Party, through its adherence to such a position,

was in effect advocating the segregation of Negroes irom

the rest of the population.

Members of the Party's National

Committee recommended that the policy of "self-determination"

be modified or abandoned.

However, they did not dare make

& change without Soviet approval.

As a consequence, in February, 1959, James Jackson,

a top leader of the CPUSA and a delegate to the 2lst Congress

of the CP of the Soviet Union in Moscow, presented the pro-

posed change to the soviets for their endorsement. on his

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return to this country, Jackson reported to Party leaders

that the Soviets had

approved discontinuing the policy of

"self-determination."

In Decenber, 1959, the CPUSA, at its 17th National

Convention, adopted a

resolution which

brought an end to the

30-yenimold policy of "seli-determination."

The resolution

replaced it with a call for equality for the Negro through

out the United States in all phases of political,

social and

economic life-in

other words, fuil and complete integration.

At the present time. American communists seek to

equate and lins the movement for Negro freedom in the United

States with the communist campaign for "peaceful coexistence"

throughout the world, Political Affairs, monthly theoretical

organ of the CPUSA, declared in Lis July, 1963, issue:

"The key to the future,

in fighting both for peace

and civil rights, clearly lies in the strengthen

ing and advancement of the mass movements and

struggles.

In fact, both the possibility and

need of scting nusses in motion now exist as never

In this conuection, the light for Negro

reedom has become the focal point, which at this

juncture holds the key to all other struggles,

including

the fight for peace. What is demanded,

therefore,

, is thai all progressive and left forces,

and especially all Connunists, throw themselves

fully inco the battles which lie ahead on this

front."

In late August, 1963, one of our sources advised

that the CP's current policy on the Negro question in general

is based on the Party's estimate of the capitalist system in

the United States and its conclusion that the present struggle

for Negro rights is objectively a struggle for

socialism in

this country.

Therefore, the source indicated, the CP endorses

and supports the program

and activities of the civil rights

movement and organizations because it is the Party's judgnent

that during the course of the struggle for Negro rights, the

Negro people will find that it is capitalism which is restrict

ing their full development.

The Party is attempting, the source said, through

its agitation and propaganda, to

transform the Negro struggle

into an anticapitalist struggle. The Party believes, accord-

ing to this source, that the Negro struggle advances

the cause

of socialism and communism for the reason that sooner or later

this struggle will come into a head-on collision with the cap-

italist system.

As a result, the source sala,

the Negro people

vill raalize thai only socialism can solve their pronlems anc

satisfy their needs.

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TOP

III.

CONMUNIST FAILURE TO ATTRACT NEGROES

NATIONAL SECURITY INFORMATION

Unauthorized Disclosure

Subject to Criminal Sanctions

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==

III. COUMUNIST FAILURE TO ATTRACT NEGROES

From the time it was organized in this country

in 1919, the CPUSA has devotea an extraordinary amount of

tine, money, energy and manpower to an effort to propagandize,

organize and recruit Negroes.

But one of the bitterest

disappointments of the communists has been their signal

failure to lure any significant number of our Negro citizens

into the Party, despite more than four decades of intense

and

sustained

conmunist activity directed toward Negroes in

the

United States.

One reason that the CP has failed so miserably

among American Negroes is the policy of the CPUSA toward the

Negro.

It has boen governea, because of the Party's complete

subservience to and domination by the Soviet Union, not by any

change in the status of the Negro in this country,

but by the

exigencies of the USSR. The Negro--as well as the vast

majority of Americans--realizes only too well that the constant

shifts in the CP line are determined solely by the needs of

the Soviet Union and not by those of the United States.

The CP does not seen to understand that its failure

can be attributed to its adherence to Marxism-Leninism.

The

Party views the struggle for equal rights as part of the

Marxist concept of the never-ending class struggle and not,

as most Negroes see it, an attempt to solve a racial issue.

Thus, the Party would involve the Negro in a much broader

struggle than the already titanic one in which he is now

engaged.

By its very character, the CP cannot advocate

specific goals in the Negro struggle unless these are con-

sistent with the Party line

any given moment.

Negroes

have becone aware of

this, which explains in part the failure

of repeated efforts to build a larger CP among them.

This

also accounts for the lack of success of communist front

organizations,

since Negroes are reluctant to support any

oxganization whose orientation is supplied by the CP and

which

alienates them from the mainstream of American lie.

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Another factor in the inability of the CP to win

the Negro has been the vigorous and unrelenting opposition

of responsible and influential Negro leaders and organi-

zations by their recognition of the deceptive nature of

communism. They know that no communist

"Utopia" can compete

with the American creed embodied in our Declaration of

Independence and the Constitution.

Still another factor which has contributed to

the bankruptcy of the CP's Negro program includesthe

Party's

persistent espousal of the afore-mentioned theory of "self

determination" when it was obvious that most Negro Americans

rejected the idea because of their desire for total equality

within American society.

It can be said that the work of the CP has greatly

impeded the recognition snd

realization of the legitimate

hopes and aspirations of the American Negro. No

sinashes group in the united states or elsevhere has ever

solved, nor can hope to solve,

its problems by embracing

the communist ideology. Negroes are first and foremost

Americans,

and their goals and their aspirations are deeply

inextricably rooted in American institutions and in

American culture.

TO COAST

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IV.

CPUSA EFFORTS IN THE NEGRO MASS ORGANIZATION FIELD

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IV.

CPUSA EFFORTS IN THE NEGRO MASS ORGANIZATION FIELD

The CPUSA, in following the line set by the inter

national communist movement, has always recognized the tact

that it is largely dependent on the support and assistance of

noncommunists for

the achievement of its ains and purposes.

The Party's efforts in this regard are usually carried out by

the creation of front groups (used as auxiliary bodies and

"transmission belts") and by attenpting to infiltrate

established legitimate nonsubversive organizations.

method of operation, referred to as united front action and

mass organizational work, enables the Party to extend its

power and influence beyond the limits of its own membership.

Thus, the Party has been furnished an elaborate facade behind

which the communist conspiracy has been able to operate in the

United States with every resemblance of legitimacy and legality.

The importance of mass work to the CPUSA over the

years is evidenced by the statement of the National. Executive

Committee, CPUSA, unanimously adopted on November 21, 1958.

This statement declared in part:

"Despite its weaknesses and the uneven tempo of

its advance, the Party is beginning to move forward

again in mass work.

This is evidenced in the growing

exient of its participation in the struggle for peace,

for Negro rights, for jobs,

and in the election

campaign and other mass activities," and "Guided by

the interests and needs of the working people of

America,

our Party will exert ever greater efforts

in accordance with the principles of Marxism-Leninism

to expand its mass works and gain new influence and

strength for more

effective mass leadership in the

struggle for peace, democracy and socialism.'

There follows examples of the Party's efforts to

create fronts, to use existing fronts and attempts to infiltrate

legitimate nonsubversive organizations in the Negro field.

A.

Communist Front Organizations

Negroes in the United States have long been subjected

to intensive and extensive communist agitation and propaganda.

The first Negro communist front organizations appealed to Negro

workers primarily on a class line.

Later fronts sought to

appeal to them as a racial group.

Now these appeals have been

merged.

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Anerican Negro Labor Congress

This was the first Negro communist front organi

zation in the United states. It was formed in 1925.

It

had little appeal end, five years later, was succeeded by

the League of struggle for Negro Rights.

The same lack of

success attended this organization, and it was merged with

the International Labor Defense in

1936.

The International

Labor Defense has been designated pursuant to Executive

Order 10450.

National Negro Congress

The next Negro communist front of any importance

was the National Negro Congress, launched in 1935 under non-

communist auspices for the purpose of protecting Negro rights.

In a matter of a few years, however, the Congress was infil

trated and dominated by the communists. By 1947, the Congress

was recognized as having failed to organize the Negro people

and

it was absorbed by the Civil Rights Congress.

National Negro Labor Council

From 1951 to 1956 the paramount Negro communist

front group was the National Negro Labor Council.

it was

founded in 1951 to fight for the economic, political and

social freedom of the Negro people.

It encouraged the active

participation of Negroes in labor union affairs and urged the

passage of a national fair employment practices statute. Its

headquarters was in Detroit, Michigan,

and was the last Negro

communist front operating on a nationwide basis. It was

dissolved in 1956 as it clained ii did not have sufficient

funds to fight the action pending against it beiore the

Subversive Activities Control Board (SACB) pursuant to the

Internal Security Act of 1950.

Thereafter,

the action was

dismissed by the SACB on September 23, 195%.

It is an interesting commentary that of all the

numerous front organizations which the CPUSA has launched

on a national scale over the past four decades to implement

its Negro work, not one has survived to the present time.

At the present time the following are examples of

organizations operating in the Negro and integration fields.

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African American Heritage Association

The African American Heritage Association, formed in

1959, is located in the Chicago area. It was foundod by

Ishnael Ilory ostensibly for the purpose of teaching African

history and culture to

• American Negroes. It has a governing

body of both communist and noncommunist members.

Ishmael

Flory, Organization Director who is & member of the Negro

Commission of the Illinois CP, continues to be the guiding

force in this organization.

The organization's current program advocates:

(1) Protection of the Bill of Rights all over the nation,

particularly in the South; (2) Abolition of the House Com

mittee on Un-American Activities; (3) Abolition of the

Subversive Activities Control Board; (4) Repeal of the

McCarran Act and the Tait-Hartley Law; and (5) Investigation

of the FBI and its anti-African racism

and anti-Semitisn.

Two chapters of this organization are under the

Leadership of members of the South Side Club, CP, and their

aims include efforts to recruit new CP members and to

reactivate ex-CP members.

Freedomways Associates, Incorporated

Ircedomways Associates, Incorporated, New York City,

predaways Is an organization yich publichos the masazine

This magazine is self-described as "A Quarierly

Review of the Negro Freedom Movement."

The central purpose of "Freedomways" is to develop

a theory and positive criticism of currents in the Negro

movement, as well as to raise the level of understanding

discussion taking place in Negro life today and to project a

socialisi and pro-Soviet orientation.

"Freedomways" was set up for the CPUSA by James

Jackson.

jackson has been identified as a member of the

National Committee of the CPUSA.

Escher Jackson (wite of

James Jackson) is the Managing

Iditor of 'Freedomways."

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Southern Conference Educational Fund, Incorporated

The Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCET),

a Southwide interracial organization working to end

segregation and discrimination, came into being in 1946.

Its headquarters is in New Orleans, Louisiana.

"The Southern

Patriot" is the official publication of the SCEr. The editors

of this publication are Carl and Anne Braden, who are also

Field Secretaries of the organization.

Activities of the

organization have included raising bail funds for those

arrested in connection with integration

activities, sending

food and other relief shipments to depressed southern Negro

areas and holding conferences

ant sortion novement.

and workships.

The conferences

and workshops deal with discussing ways and means to speed the

of the Il officers of the organization in January,

1963, three are suspected of being CP members. Carl and Anne

Braden, Field Secretaries of the organization and Editors of

"The Southern Patriot," were last described as being CP

members as of December, 1954, by Alberta Ahearn, an admitted

former CP member.

A source reported that in the past he has considered

James Dombrowski, Executive Director, to be a communist, ii

not actually a CP member, because he followed communist

principles.

Dorothy Rochelle Miller, who described herself as

a paid staff worker of the SCET in 1962, was identilied as a

CP member at that time.

DEAT

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B.

Communist Attempts to Infiitrate

Mass Organizations

As previously stated, one of the tactics used by

the CPUSA in carrying out its mass organizational work is

its attempts to infiltrate legitimate nonsubversive organi

zations.

Organizations in the Negro, civil rights and

integration fields are ready made targets for the CP

attempts in this regard.

The November, 1959, issue of "Political Affairs,"

theoretical organ of CPUSA, contained an article "The Party

and the Masses."

Regarding mass organizational work, this

article states

in part:

.19

•..Ve have come to realize that cadres in

the mass movement must begin to build

'political

basess" on the strength of

their work on such

Juestions as peace, civil liberties and civi

rights, the Negro-labor

alliance, independent

political action, etc."

...In New York State, our

members have been

involved

in

all the important mass struggles - in

peace activities, integration action, key industrial

strikes, youth marches

for example."

"We have learned, of course, that the problem

of how to become a political force will vary from

organization to organization and from one situation

to another.

There are still many areas, for example,

where it is next to impossible to work publicly as

a Communist.

But we have found that there do exist

sections of advanced workers who can be approached

today on such questions as the decay of the capitalist

system,

the meaning of socialism, and our Party

itself.

The FBI, in carrying out its responsibilities in

the internal security field,

investigates erforts of the ch

to infiltrate mass organizations.

such investigations are

directed solely toward establishing the extent of CP

infiltration and the legitimate activities of the organi

zations are not investigated.

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The following are examples of organizations in

the Negro, civil rights and integration fields which are,

or could become, specific targets for attempted CP infiltration.

Congress of Racial Equality

Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) was organized

int

Chicago, 1111h01S, In 494t.

It advocates nonviolence and

direct action by racial groups to eliminate segregation anc

discrimination.

Its headquarters is located in New York. City.

The fact that CORE is anticommunist and aware it

is a possible target for CP infiltration is evidenced by a

statement made in August, 1961, by Gordon R. Carey, Director,

Program and Training Department of CORE. At that time Carey

stated the constitution of CORE forbids communists Erom

belonging to the organization; he realizes CORE is a target

for communists; and it is his intention that any local CORE

chapters which might be headed by communists should not be

admitted to the national organization of CORE.

The FBI is not currently conducting a conmunist

• infiltration investigation of CORE as there has been no

evidence received of CP infiltration, domination or control.

However,

in 1953 the Bureau's New York Office conducted an

investigation of allegations of CP infiltration but no

evidence was developed of such infiltration or CP activity

in CORE.

In 1960 the New York Office again checked out

allegations of CP infiltration. No evidence of CP infil-

tration or activity in CORE was developed.

A check with all

logical informants and sources acquainted with CP activity in

the New York City

area did not develop any information

indicating the CP had infiltrated, or was attempting to

infiltrate, CORE. It appeared, from the information developed

at that time, it

was the Party's policy to endorse and support

the work of CORE whenever possible but not to try to direct

the actions of CORE so as to harm CORI's work by drawing "red

baiters and spies" into its ranks.

There are no known present CP members among the

officials and members of the Advisory Committee of CORE whose

names are listed on a CORE letterhead dated January 18, 1963.

Included were the names of James Farmer, National Director,

and Gordon i. Carey, Director, Proman and training Department.

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National Association for the Advancement

of Colored People

The National Association for the Advancement of

Colored Feople (MALOP), nith nations headquarters in

New York City, wes orgonined

as a permanent body in

New York City in roy, 1910. NAACP filed a certificate of

incorporation under

the mindership corporation laws of

New York Siate on june 19, 1911.

Among the aims and purposes set forth in the

certificate of

incorporation vere the following:

"To pronoie egunlity of rights and eradicate

caste or race projudices among the citizens of the

United States.

"To advance

the intorest of colored citizens.

"To incrorse their opportunities for securing

justice in the courts, education for their children,

employnese according to their ability, and complete

equality before

the law."

The February, 1963, issue of "The Crisis,"

official organ of the NACH,

stated the Association's 1962

membership was

390,347; thore are 1573 active local unlis

in 49 states;

and the

only state in which the NAACP is not

operating is Alabana.

The CP has at varicus

times during the existence

of the NAACP evidenced intescst in infiltrating the NAACP.

For example, in July, 194%, the National Board of the CPUSA

a meeting in New

York City docided to dissolve the thei

leading cormunist focit organization in the Negro field,

the National Negro Congress, and instructed all CP units to

have their members join the WAACP in an attempt to gain

control of it.

The November

1953, issue of "Political Alfairs,"

theoretical organ of the CPUSA, contained an article "The

N.A.A.C.P. Convention" which outlined the Party's program

with regard to infiltration of the NAACP. In Januaxy, 1954s

Abraham Kotelchuck, Baltimore, Maryland, tunctionary or cr

District 14,

stated the above

article was the CP's new line

with respect

to the NAACP and educational discussions on this

article were to be conducted throughout the CP nationally.

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On January 15, 1959, Claude Lightloot, Chairman,

Illinois CP District, called a meeting for the purpose of

forming a committee

to "control, direct and facilitate work

in the NAACP for the Communist

Party."

The purposes for

this meetings

as stated by lightioot,

were the following:

(1) obtain "national connections" in the NMCP; (2) infiltrate

all NAACP committees and

add new ones if possible; and (3)

recruit new CP members from the responsible people within

the NAACP e

During the period July 1-6, 1963, the NAACE heLO

its national convention in Chicago,

Illinois.

The CP

interest in this convention is seen in the fact that Claude

Lightfoot, Illinois CP functionary, attended the first

session of this convention on July 1, 1963. On July 2,

1963, Lightfoot held a discussion with CP members stating

this

group should follow the convention very closely.

On

July 2,

1963, a CP caucus was held in connection wish

the

convention.

At this caucus a three-point program was

arrived at

and efforts were to be made to present this

program to the convention.

On July 3, 1953, a high level CP meeting was held

in Chicago for the

purpose of discussing the NAACP convention.

At this meeting it was stated the Party had no effective

machinery at the convention to place its proposals in motion.

Benjamin J. Davis, national CPUSA functionary from

New York City, was in Chicago during the period of the NAACP

convention.

On July 3, 1963, he was interviewed by a reporter

of the

"Chicago Tribune." During this interview Davis stated

he was interested in the NAACP convention; had attended public

sessions of the convention; and he was an observer to the

convention and was not a member of the NAACP nor was he

a sol anything

registered with the convention as a guest, delegate or anything

else.

In view of the CP's interest in and attempts to

infiltrate the NAACP the FBi has conducted an investigation to

determine the results of the Party's efforts.

The FBI has not

investigated the NAACP or ics legitimate activitios during the

course of this investigation.

This investigation, togethex

with our over-all coverage and investigation of cha Ca

has

disclosed that some local NAACP chapters have been infiltrated

by co members but the ci, on a national level, has not been

successtul in influencing the

•NAACP or its policios.

While

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I Ur

sone local chaptcrs have been infiltrated, the CP members in

cuch

locals do not

exercise any influence

therein.

In other

orcas the local CP's are not taking any action to infiltrate

the local chapters.

The following

are specific examples.

On March 25, 1963, there was no CP influence in

che St. Louis NAACP.

On April 3, 1963, there was no current CP program

to infiltrate of attempt to gain domination of the NAACP in

Los Angeles.

On April 4, 1963, the Party in Philadelphia had

shown no intention of infiltrating the NAACP.

As of April 18, 1963, Robert Hymer was Third Vice

President, Brenetta Howell was

Assistant Secretary

and Lester

Davis was

a member of the Executive Committce, respectively,

of the Chicago NAACP Branch:

All three individuals were then

current members of the CP of Illinois; however, in view of

the fact they are greatly ouchumbered by aggressive

Communists, as of April 18, 1963, the success which had been

achieved by the CP in infiltrating the Chicago NAACP Branch

was

almost nonexistent.

As of April 9, 1963, the influence of the CP in

the Chicago NAACP Branch was

summarized as extremely weak.

Over the years the NAACP has voiced opposition to

the CP and its efforts to infiltrate its organization.

As its 41st Annual Convention in Boston in June,

1950, the NAACP went on record as opposing communis and

enjoined its directors to revoke the charter of any chapter

found to be communist controlled.

The NAACY coaffirmed its

stand against communism in subsequent conventions.

On October 19, 1956, Thurgood Marshall, NAACP

official, stated the "NAACP not only is not associated with

the communists or any communist front organizations but

anyone found in the confines of the NAAC? who is a communist

is put out without ceremony. That is policy."

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Roy Wilkins, Executive Secretary, NAACP, and one

of the leaders of the August 28, 1963, March on Washingtou,

when notified of the CP's intent to take part full force in

the March, stated:

sWe do not welcome and will not receive any

delegations of che Communist Party. This is not a

Communist Party affair.

This is an affair of persons

who want to support the civil rights movement.

Communist Party will not be received as a delegation

or any other way, if we can detect it."

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Negro American Labor Council

The Negro American Labor Council (NALC) was

established at a founding convention in 1960 at which time

A. Philip Randolph was elected

as President. Headquarters

of the organization were established in New

York City.

purpose of the

organization is to seek equal opportunity in

employment for Negroes and remove discrimination of Negroes

The constitution adopted at the founding

convention provides that the NALC design programs to light

racism, communism, corruption and racketeering in trade

unions.

Despite the anticonmunist clause in the NALC

constitution, the CP hailed its formation and national and

local CP leaders instructed Party members

to support the

organization.

Despite the continued opposition to communism

in the organization, the Ce has continued its efforts on

national and local levels to intiltrate, intluence and

direct this organization. On a national level the Party

has had only linited success.

Only one national officer of

the NALC is a CP member and this Party member is an FBI

informant.

Ben Davis, National Secretary of the CP, in

December, 1962, said the Party is very close to Joseph

Overton, a national Vice President and a confidant of

A. Philip Randolph.

The "success" of the CP to influence and direct the

NALC on a national level is exemplified by the CP's efforts

at the last national NALC convention held in New York City

in November, 1962.

Prior to the convention, CP members and

officials caucused and planned CP strategy and proposals to

be placed before the convention.

The convention, however,

was

run so tight and the role of the CP was so ineîfectual

that none of the proposals planned in the CP caucus were

adopted and the CP did not exercise any influence at the

convention.

The CP has had varying degrees of success in

infiltrating local NALC chapters. For example, the New York

chapter claims a membership of approximately 1,500. Although

some CP members are rank-and-file members of this chapter,

none of the officers are CP members.

The Party has been

very active in working in the NALC in the Chicago chapter.

This chapter claims approximately 450 members, of which 40

to 60 are active. Two of the six officers are past or present

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in dut hon

CP members and three of

the eighteen members of the

Executive Board of this chapter

are current active CP members.

Leon Jennings,

Secretary, described as a former CP member,

attended

a meeting

Claude Lightfoot, Chairman of the

Illinois CP, in October, 1961, regarding

NAIC business.

Turner and Herbert Wright, all Executive Board menüers of

the Chicago chapter, have

been described as current CP

members.

Cp members have opposed A. Philip Randolph, President

of the NALe since Its founding convention, primarily because

of his opposition to CP infiltration of the organization. Ar

example of Randolph's opposition to CP infiltration is his

appointment of a conmittee of vice presidents in March, 1963,

to investigate alleged CP infiltration of

the Chicago chapter.

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National Urban League

The National Urban League was lounded in 1913 and

has several branches around the country with its main

headquarters

located in New York City.

The purpose of the League, which has white and Negro

members, is to obtain better living, working, et cetera,

conditions for the American Negro.

The League shares in annual

United Givers Fund and/or Community Chests.

At a CP Tastern Regional Conference on May 17, 1958,

at cr headquarters in New York City, Arnold Johnson, a Party

national functionary, said the Party should make an all-cut

effort to concentrate

activities in the National Associasion

for the Advancement oi Colored People, the Urban League and

movements of the type originated by Luther King.

He indicated

that, though there should be heavy concentration in this type

of organization, CP members should not become so involved in

the group as to forget the principal role of the Party.

A check of sources in a position to know whether

Johnson's instructions had been carried out revealed no info.

mation concerning Party infiltration of the League and the

sources were in a position to become aware of such eiforts. to

infiltrate.

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

The Atlanta "Constitution" newspaper of October 15,

1960, carried an article which stated that the student Non-

violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was founded in April,

1960, to coordinate activities of scudents parcicipating In

lunch counter sit downs and other protest demonscrations.

On November 30, 1962, Daniel Rubin, National CPUSA

Youth Director, addressed a CP Illinois District Board neeting

and indicated the Party would attenpt to establish groups oi

young people in the North who will attempt to give aid to SNCC."

On February I1, 1963, another source advised that the

CP then had no interest in the sNee and the SNCC in turn was

not friendly towards the Party.

New York City is the organizational bub of racial

demonstration activity.

As of May, 1963, the New York Office of the Bureau had

no information indicating SNCC is the specific objective of

communist infiltration, domination or control by subversive elements.

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Southern Christian Leadership Conference'

The Southern Christian Leadership Conterence (SCLC)

was launched in 1957 at which time Dr. Martin Luther King,

Jr., was appointed President. A folder published by this

organization described it as a nonsectarian agency which has

as a basic aim the achieving of full citizenship, equality

and the integration of the Negro into all aspects of American

life through nonviolent means.

The SCLC bas been active in

the voter registration campaign and has given counsel and

advice to other civil rights groups in their civil rights

campaigns.

In addition to Dr. King the following are

also

anong the officers of SCLC:

Bayard Rustin, Assistant Secretary,

and Stanley D. Levison, Assistant Treasurer.

Hunter Pitts

O'Dell, an employee,

has been variously described as Consultant

on Voter Registration and Administrator of New York Office of

SeLC.

Bayard Rustin attended some sessions of the 16th

National Convention of the CPUSA as a guest in 1957. Background

information concerning Dr. King,

Hunter Pitts O'Dell and

Stanley D. Levison is contained

in Exhibits

1 and 2 of this

brief.

The fact that Hunter Pitts O'Dell is a CP member was

brought to Dr. King's attention in November, 1962, when this

information appeared in the press. At that

time Dr. King

announced that O'Dell's resignation from the SCLC had been

accepted pending further inquiry.

AS a matter Of faCt, 11J.0In

nation received indicates that o Dell

continued to work actively

for this organization despite Dr. King's statement to the

contrary.

CP officials nave urged members to give full support

tothis organization.

In 1960 an admitted comnunist on the

staff of

"The Worker," an east coast communist newspaper,

reported that the CP was then in the process of placing members

of the Party in key positions

in this organization.

At a

meeting of the National Negro Comnission of the CPUSA in June,

1962, Claude Lightfoot, Illinois CP Chairman, urged Party

members to support King and his movement.

Other CP members have also been employed by the

SCLC in various capacities. Hazel Gray reportedly was working

in the New York SCLC office in 1961 at which time it was

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indicated she was a

Ce member.

In May of 1962 Hunter Pitts

O'Dell reportedly offered Sargent Caulfield, a CP member from

Lettsworth, Louisiana,

$1,000 a month

salary and expenses it

he would work full time to urge Negroes to register to vote in

Pointe, Couppe and Bast Carroll Parishes, Louisiana. Caulfield

indicated he would not give up his full-time job but would

assist in this work on weekends.

Loretta Pauker, a current

CP membex, was

working

in the New York Office of

the SCLC in

her spare time in May of 1963.

Pauker reportedly was trying

to coordinate the SCLC into a united front with other organi

zations where a Marxist program could be instituted.

CP members have also worked to raise funds and

have been solicited for lunds for Dr. King and the SCIC.

The New York Friends of the SCLC was formed by CP members in

early 1962 to sponsor a concert to honor Dr. King and raise

money for the freedom Riders.

Although the group was

formed

by co members, they were not

in the forefront of the organi-

zation.

The concert was held on February 22, 1962.

December 7, 1962, Vaud Bennett, Chairman of the CP of Indiana,

received

a request from Dr. King for funds for the SCIC.

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C. The Neste In The Labor Fleld

The policies and aims of the CPUSA relative to

Negroes in the field of labor are clearly set forth in its

labor policy statenent issued in

the form of an article

entitled "The Way Ahead for American Labor."

This article

appeared in the December, 1952, issue of "Political Affairs,"

self-described as the "theoretical organ of the Communist

Party, USA,"

Among its several new problems and tasks in the

field of labor, the CPUSA points out the need for "A new

understanding of the common interests of the trade-union

movement and the Negro liberation movement.

This calls

for a leading role by labor in the fight for equality and

dignity for the Negro people. This calls for eifective

struggle against all forms of discrimination outside and

inside the unions.

trade unions and Negro people's organizations can be

created."

Included in its suggestions for additional demands

to be made by the labor movement is "an end to all forms of

job discrimination against Negroes and for representation

of Negroes in all apprenticeship programs; for a national

F.E.P.C."

A section of the article is captioned "The Trade

Unions and the Negro People."

Jeopl article i

It points out that Karl

Marx declared "labor in the white skin will never be free

as long as labor in the black skin is branded." The CP

called for a "Crusade for Democracy" in which the trade-

union movement and Negro liberation movement would play

a- leading role.

This includes a crusade to guarantee full

and unrestricted right to vote for the Negro and à crusade

to end segregation in all walks of life. The article states

that such a crusade could create a most powerful alliance

for democracy, the heart of which would be the Negro-labor

alliance.

The Party statement calls

statement all, cat an

for an end to segregated

locals in labor unions and the eradication of discrinination

in industry.

It urges fullest equality for Negroes in the

participation in the life and leadership within all unions

and more active support by unions in the "struggles of the

Negro people for equality and

dignity."

The article indicated

24 -

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that "the Left-progressive forces" with their great tradition

of pioneering in the building of the Negro-labor alliance

have much to contribute and a great obligation to promote

these efforts.

It further states that "It is the chief responsi

bility of white workers, however, to work toward

the estab-

lishment of the Negro-labor alliance by championing the

fight for Negro equality."

In setting forth its policies with respect to

unions generally, the Party declares that "A Communist who

can join a union and doesn't do so cannot consider himself

a good Communist.

A good Communist is also a personal

friend of his fellow workers, Negro and white, and sets.

an example of unity and solidarity in his place of wosk."

It further declares "The Left champions the inter-

ests of all workers, and especially of Negro workers,

Puerto

Rican and Mexican-American workers, the most exploited.

The

Communists and the left strive to set an example in the

fight against all

forms of discrimination in the unions

in the shops."

The April, 1963, issue of "Political Affairs"

contains an article entitled "Strengthen the Negro-Laboi

Alliance."

This article is described as a statement of

the CPUSA. The article points out that the CP fully

supports the proposals by the Negro American Labor Council,

the National Association for the Advancement of Colored

People, and other Negro people's organizations for utiliz

peop the

ing every and ald measures, including existing laws, to

compel all corporations, all employers, all institutions,

incluaing trade unions,

to grant full and equal righis to

Negro workers.

The article considers this support as a

principle and

guide for all communists and hopes it becomes

a guide for all trade unionists.

At a meeting of the National Executive Conmittee

of the CPUSA in New York City, 5/21-23/63, Gus Hall, in

commenting upon the trade-union movement, stated there

had been some progress but no spectacular advances.

He

said there was a need for a Negro-labor coalition and more

labor unions must unite against antilabor forces. He

stressed the need for the CP to improve its trade-union

work.

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There has been no indication of any substantial

effective implementation of the aims and policies of the

CPUSA as expressed in the Decenber, Jou, statement or

labor policy.

Various clubs and district committees have

expressed to CP members in attendance the desirability of

implementing these policies; however, no positive results

attributed to the CP have been noted.

At a meeting of leading CPUSA functionaries

attize, a u Sackson stated that "me worker must

along with Party

facilities, to interest

the trade-union movement in the Negro struggle

and "the

Party must register its presence on the street."

saL

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COMMUNIST SUPPORT AND EXPLOITATION OF NEGRO CAUSES

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V. COMMUNIST SUPPORT AND EXPLOITATION OF NIGRO CAUSES

A clear cut statement of the Party relative to the

Negro question is revealed in an article appearing in the

east coast communist newspaper,

come dev statement as the pari

The article is

written by cus hall, General

Secretary, CPUSA, and is excerpüed

from Hall's report to the January 20-22, 1961, meeting of the

Natzonal. Comnittee, CPUSA, A pertinent quotation from this

article is revealing:

• "It is essential for the Negro freedom

struggle and for America thai more and more

Communists be in that great battle.

Connunists

help to bring clarity and direction where there

is confusion as to the line of march. They

contribute resoluteness

there

is timidity and uncertainty. They bring unity

unity among the Negro people, unity of Negro and

white, unity of the Negro people with labor and

all democratic sections of the population."

A.

Expressions of Party Leaders on the Negro Question

Converting the Problem to Party Use

Negro Upsurge in the South

Benjamin J. Davis, CPUSA National Secretary, In a

report on "Negro Upsurge in

South" delivered to a meeting

of the CPUSA National Conmittee at Chicago, Illinois, on

March 26, 1960, referred to the Negro civil

• rights demonstia

tions as

a revolution.

"Although it is not a proletarian

revolution," Davis stated, "it is the next thing io it."

He

emphasized

that while the working class may be the vanguard

tomorrow, today it is the Negro people's movement.

He pointed

out that it is the first job of the CP to inmediately involve

itself in the Negro people's struggle both in the South and

North.

The importance of the Party

• should not be underestimated

and

neither should the influence of "The Worker."

The Party

must encourage the upsurge of the Negro people and arm it with

the correct ideological

weapons and must

give correct leadership

at every stage.

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Party Urges Full Mobilization on Negro Question

At a neeting of the CPUSA National Executive

Committee and invited guests held in New York City,

21-23, 1953, & report was delivered by Davis, which

dealt with the Negro question and the scrurgles of the

Negro people.

Davis stated that the new frontier in the

United States is the South. He pointed out that at that

time things in Alabama vere happening swiftly but

action was being tairen by the state of Alabama to

undermine the victory of the Negro people.

Davis then

pleaded, "ve" must support and help naintain this victory.

Davis described Reverend Martin Luther King as "an amazing

young man' and said "we" should give support to the demon-

strations in Alabana.

Davis related that the CP should have a program to

use the events in Birmingham, Alabana, to its advantage and

that the Party must develop a movement to bring pressure on

the President of

the United States to exercise his authority

under the 13ch, 14th, and 15th Anendments.

Gus Hall summed up

this three-day meeting of the

top leadership of the Party.

He stated that on the question

of the Party giving leadership to the mass movement, the task

is to seize the main link at the present time, which is the

Negro struggle for equality.

He said that the Party knows and

understands, because of Harxism-leninism, the significance of

seizing the main link and why the struggle will affect every-

thing in this country. He added that the Party must nobilize

its full resources to end Jim Crow, must win over the vhite

workers, and neutralize the Southern workers.

The Negro Question--A Recruitment Device of the Party

On July 31, 1963, at a meeting of the CPUSA National

Board, James I. Jackson, Iditor of "The Worker," commented on

the Negro struggle for

integzation. He said "we" have to

spell out the task for "our" rank-and-file membership on how to

nost effectively utilize the struggles to make "our" contribu-

tion.

In addition to being a part of the movement, "we" have

to see in this the opportunity to build up friends

with the

objective of bringing them into the Party. Jackson said "we"

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10H

10318

have to discuss how the Party can do more, because one of

the aspects of this struggle is that it is an ideological

struggle for the minds of the many people who come to join

"us" in the fight.

"He" have a role not only as "activists"

but also a role to play in the "ideological ferment" that is

being born.

Party Youth Urged to Involve Itself

During the period from June 16-19, 1963, the CPUSA

held a meeting of its National Youth Commission in New York

City.

A suggestion was made that Party nembers should

endeavor to spend at least a week in the South during the

Sunmer of 1963 to become better acquainted with the Negro

situation.

Communist Tactics

According to Thomas Nabried, Chairman, Conmunist

Party of Eastern Pennsylvania and Delaware (CPEP)), Philip

Bart, CPUSA National Organizational Secretary, visited with

him in late April, 1963.

Bart said that the National leader-

ship of the CPUSA

at that time was angry at the Philadelphia

leaders for failure to institute local activity around the

Alabama racial situation.

National leadership instructed that

the CPEPD Should form a

permanent committee composed of CP and

non-CP personnel and wage a continuous campaign,

utilizing such

tactics

as street corner meetings, organizing delegations to

visit city officials, canpaigns to obtain lood and clothing for

Southern Negroes, et

cetera.

In early May, 1963, Thomas Nabried

appointed a member of the District Executive Committee, CPRED,

tIon secretary, CarD, had agreed that the committee should be

headed by someone already known in the political field but who

is not

a member of

the CP.

Marxist Teachings--The Negro Question

Carl Winter, Chairman of the Michigan District (ID),

CPUSA,

and a member of the Party's National Inecutive Cormittee,

conducted a

liarxist Study Class in Detroit,

Michigan, March 27,

1963. Although those in attendance were of the opinion that

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not enough attention was being devoted to the Negro question,

Winter stated that in the communist movement in the

United States, the Negro question is an indispensable matter.

Winter conducted a Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary

Tactics Class in Detroit on

May 19, 1963,

On this occasion,

Thomas venuis, Organizational secretary, hece, spoke at lengch

about the Negro liberation movement in

the Unired States. He

said that the Negro movement is the only movement in the

country which does any fighting and stressed the need for the

CP to energetically organise the Negroes because only the CP

has the righi program for the Negro.

Party'S Use of Civil Rights Issues

On June 28, 1963, an MDCP-Sponsored panel discussion

and workshop on civil

rights was held in Detroit. It was

restricted to CP members and their close friends. One of the

speakers vas Claude Lightloot, CPUSA National Vice-Chairman,

who stated that he would speak on the subject of civil rights

as the communist views it.

A significant excerpt from

Lightfoot's speech

follows:

"If the international situation is in such a

large manner responsible for the capacity of Negroes

to strike out oîten alone against 'Jim Crow' then in

what way do American communists fit into the picture.

It was the American communist who helped the world

movement, both the colonial and socialist sectors,

to understand the nature of the American Negro

question and in so doing help rally them to support

our struggles.

The Negro cannot win freedom by hil

self, he must have help from whites and progressives

who will stand up and speak up for the rights of all

persous."

CPUSA Position on Legislation Affecting Negroes

The CPUSA has many times emphasized grievances or

the Negro race, not for the purpose of improving the social,

political and

economic positions of the Negroes but to capital..

ize on racial grievances for communist aims. As an example,

an editorial appeared in the "Daily Worker"

0] July 23, 1957,

entitled "Wavering on Civil Rights." This editorial condemned

the efforts that were being made to work out a suitable compro-

mise on a civil rights bill which was then being debated in

the

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United States Senate:

a typical communist tactic of agitation,

In many respects, the editorial was

indicative of the

fact that the Party desired that no civil rights legislation

be enacted, thereby enabling the Party to maintain & major

propaganda

theme.

The Parcy and "Negro Marches"

BEGIN TOP SECRET

In July, 1963, Cus Hall stated,

as regards the

"current

Negro revolution," that the CPUSA is very nuch

involved in

all of the activities of the Negro groups seeking

integiation.

He stated that the CP is playing a particularly

Important and influential role in arranging the "Negro marches"

and that never in the history of the NAACP has the relationship

between the Party and the NAACP been so good. He claimed that

the Party's relations with Roy Wilkins, NAACP leader, are

particularly good.

END TOP SECRET

In contrast to the foregoing is information appearing

in the column of Jack Lotto headed "Reds Seek to Exploit March"

appearing on page il of the August 3, 1963, issue of the

"New foris journal-American." It is there reported that Roy

WilkinS, ExeCutIVe Secretary Of the NAACE, and one or che

leaders

of the August 28, 1963, March on Washington, told

lotto, when informed of the communist intent to take part

in the

March

in full force, the following:

"We do not welcome and will not receive any.

delegations of the CP.

This is not a CP affair.

This is an affair of persons who want to support

the civil rights

movement. The CP will not be

received

as

delegation or any other way, i? we

can detect it."

At a CP meeting in New York City in July, 1963, Gus

Hall spoke of the role "our Party" has played in the Negro

racial struggle.

He paid tribute to senjamin s. Davis,

William I. Patterson, Claude Lightlood and other Negroes who

attended various demonstrations

as onlookers.

According to

Hall, the Party will. not change its cactics but will move as

the Negro revolution moves, until it is ahead of the revolution.

Hall said that he sees the Negro revolution as a means of

achieving socialisn in this country. Hall stated that many

communists have been arrested in Negro demonstrations; however,

these people have been described as being members of CORE.

According to hin these arrests have not taken place where

the

CP is "illegal" and most of those who were arrested have been

the youth.

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B.

Examples of Specific Issues Which Have Served as an

Intree for Party Involvement in the Negro Question

No section of the country is spared; no issue is

overlookedthe Party always stands ready to grasp upon

matters relating to the Negro question in its attempts to

put them to Party use as propaganda weapons, recruitment

devices, or for just plain agitational value.

Some specific

examples will serve to illustrate:

The Scotisboro Case

The first big battle conducted by the CPUSA among

Negroes, used by it as a steppingstone to penetrate broad

masses of the Negro people and to extend communist influence

among them, concerned the Scottsboro Case.

This case grew

out of the

arrest and jailing in Scottsboro, Alabama, of

nine Negro youths for the alleged rape oi two young

white

women in March, 1931.

The defendants henceforth were to

become known as

the scottsbore boys.

A quick trial ended

April 9, I9s1, in death sentences Ior eight and lice

imprisonnent for the niath, who was only 13 years of

age.

The speedy verdict marked the beginning of a case

that was to be fought back and forth in the

courts for years

and vas destined to become a "cause celebre." After many

appeals, reversals, and retrials, the case linally came to

a close when the last of the dejendants to remain in prison

was released on parole June 6, 1950.

Although the arrests received only routine attention

in the press, the International Labor Defense (ILD) (designated

by the Attorney General pursuant to Executive Order 10450)

dispatched representatives to scottsboro to follow the case

and the NAACP sent one of its officials as an observer.

By the end of the trial, the IlD and NAACP were

engaged in irreconcilable conflict as to the manner or handling

The approach of these two groups to the Scotisboro

Case offers a revealing study in the contrasting purposes and

methods of a noncommunist organization and a communist tront.

The sole objective of the NAACP was the defense of the individ-

uals involved and it sought to achieve this by providing capable

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100)

legal talent and stirring up public opinion on behali of

the defendants.

The IlD, on the other hand, was concerned

primarily with

maling the scottsboro Boys martyrs in the

class struggle even though the defendants had not the slightest

conception of communism or any interest in it.

To the the,

communist propaganda

was inevitably entwined with legal defense.

On AprIL 10, 1931, the CrUsA, in a scatement,

signaled the launching of a

propaganda

campaign and a bitter

attack on the NAACP. The Party called upon all working class

and Negro organizations to adopt strong resolutions of protest,

to wire these to the Governor of

ALabana and to organize

militant mass demonstrations.

The communist attack on the

principles and policies of the NAACP soon caused its leaders

to relinquish the case to the ILD. The victory of the ILD

became complete when the parents of the condemned boys were

persuaded by IlD officials to grant the ILD legal

authority to

represent the defendants.

Upon the withdrawal of the NAACP

from the case, the IlD took charge of the detense and remained

the sole active agent until late 1934.

The ILD embarked on a vigorous campaign, including th

mailing of a large volume of communications of protest to persons

connected with the case and circulation of millions of copies

of pamphlets

and leaflets.

The amount of space allotted to the

case in the "Daily Worker," east coast communist newspaper which

ceased publication January 13, 1958, was almost unbelievable.

for several years, scarcely an issue failed to mention the

Latest development or to make some passing reference regarding

the case.

Numerous demonstrations took place in the

United States and abroad.

An example of the violence connected

with some oi these demonstrations was that which flared up in

Cuba in 1932 when a mob of communists attacked a branch of the

National City Bank of New York in Havana with stones and other

missiles.

Demonstrators carried red banners and voiced

disapproval of the then scheduled executions. The building of

"The Havana Post," an English-language newspaper, was assaulted

by about 30 persons displaying a red flag.

The Capitol of the United States was not-spared. In

the Winter of 1932 and Spring of 1933, both Washington, D. C.,

and New York City were the scenes of much Scottsboro campaign

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activity.

just before the United States Supreme Court

ordered new trials for seven of the defendants in Novembers

1932, 100 demonstrators were driven off the Plaza at the

east

front of the Capitol by police, 14 being arrested,

To coumunists, the Scottsboro campaign was much

more than a mere defense of nine hapless Negroes. The

deiendants were portrayed to the world as unwitting victims

of racial prejudice and class exploitation which, as

communists

have always insisted, are ugly manifestations of

tbe capitalist systen.

The Scottsboro case provided a

stellar attraction by which communists could represent the

CP as the "champion" of the Negro people.

The Till Case

The CPUSA placed the utmost emphasis on propagandiz

ing. che murder of Emmett Louis Till. Till, a 14year-old

Negro youth from Chicago, Illinois, was reportedly kidnaped

and murdered in Mississippi in August, 1955.

Two white men

were charged with his nurder but acquitted

after trial; a

grand jury later refused to indict them for kidnaping.

The

Party

as well as its numerous front organizations regarded

this

case as

an excellent opportunity to further its agitation

and propaganda canpaign among the Negroes. The Party press

carried innumerable articles on the Till case and issued many

pamphlets and leaflets regarding it.

In September, 1955, the national administrative

committee (since dissolved) of the Party issued a memorandum

to all Party districts regarding the Till "lynching," pointing

out that the marked increase of anti-Negro terror in the South

should become the immediate concern of the entire Party member

ship. The memorandum contained the following Party suggestions:

(1) development of the movement to force the Eisenhower

Administration to intervene in the Till case; (2) petitioning

of city councils throughout the United States to urge the

Attorney General to act; and (3) projecting the "struggle" into

the preparation for the convening of Congress in 1956.

The

memorandum said that the above actions would necessitate

hundreds of thousands of post cards, telegrans, letters,

petitions and resolutions to the President and the Attorney

General from individuals and organizations. The "Daily Worker"

proclaimed:

"THE SAVAGE LYNCHING Of the Till boy must be

fought militantly. This has already been well begun

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to et wee me as on?

by many demonstrations and activitles....The

whole American people should be aroused to the

terrible outrage of this boy lynching.

And,

not the least important, this case should be

publicized all over the

world. Abroad it will

get a powerful response from the democratic

people, who already thoroughly hate the U.s.

jincrow system, with all its oppression, ex

ploitation, and murder."

Montgomery, Alabama, B

Bus Boycott

One of the southern racial situations which

received the support of Party propaganda was that concerning

the Montgomery

Improvement Association (MIA) which was started

in December, 1955, in Montgomery, Alabama. The purpose of the

MIA was to boycott the hontgomery public buses in order to

obtain integration and more courteous treatment of Negro

passengers by the bus company.

Reverend Martin Luther King,

JI., was an MIA leader and in

December, 1955, desegregation

0:€

buses was achieved. The boycott received extensive support-

ing publicity in the "The Worker" and the "Daily Worker."

Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, also known as

March on Washington, D. Co, March 406, 1956

Fifty-one organizations led by the NAACP sponsored a

1956 March on Washington to bring to the attention of Congress

the civil rights program being pushed by these organizations.

ROY lILKINS, NRACE NATIONAL MXECUtIVE SECretary, WideLy diSSEm

inated an eight-point program the NAACP was seeking to have

enacted. Careful and elaborate precautions were made to

forestall any CP members from attending the conference as

delegates. Wilkins wrote to the leaders of local HAACP

organizations advising them of the specific number of delegates

and alternates that should be named to attend.

The local leaders

vere instructed to carefully select their delegates to assure

that no "left wingers" attended.

As an additional precaution,

Wilkins also required each local leader to personally sigo and

furnish to each delegate and alternate that individual's

credentials or "certification."

Notwithstanding the precautions taken by the NAACP,

the Party exhorted individual members to attend the conference

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Lw

as observers by attempting to obtain credentials from

bona lide organizations which were permitted to send

delegates

Those communists not able to gain accredation

to the meetings were nevertheless advised to travel to

Washingion if at all possible.

As & result of the aggres-

sive efiort on the part of Party members throughout the

country, many members,

led by at least eight functionaries

representing the Party's National Committee, National Negro

Commission and various other Districi and State Party

organizations

did attend.

More than 1,000 copies of the

"Daily Worker" were distributed to conference delegates at

the entrances to buildings in which meetings were held.

Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom,

Washington, D. C., May 17, 19

1957

In many ways analogous to the involvement of the

CPUSA in the August 28, 1963, March on Washington were the

Party's plans relative to the Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom

¿o Washington, D. C., May 17, 1957. The 195% movement was

originally initiated and conceived

as a legitimate movement

to celebrate in prayer at Washington, D. C., the third

anniversary of the decision of the U. S. Supreme Court upon

desegregation. Notwithstanding the element of legitimacy,

the CPUSA mobilized individuals and sentiment to support the

pilgrinage.

Its efforts were channeled through one of the key

organizations behind the pilgrimage, the NAACP, and through

trade unions and other mass organizations.

The Party's suppori

was rendered in a manner which concealed Party connections.

of the principal individuals active in the leadership of the

pilgrimage was Reverend Martin Luther King.

"Sit-In" Movement in South

In Apcils 1960, the state Board of the 1111nois

Discrict CP creaced a subcommittee which was assigned the

task of coordinating organizations in the Chicago area for

picket line activity and demonscrations in support of the

southern Negro students' struggle against segregated dining

establishments. One of the main tasks of this subcommittee was

to attempt to mobilize the NAACP and Baptist Church in Chicago

to participate in this activity. Claude Lightfoot, Chairman,

CP, Illinois District, sent two Illinois District CP members

attend a two-day meeting in Raleigh, North Carolina, in

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April, 1960, which dealt with the southern students involved

in the

"sitin" demonstrations in the South. The "sit in"

demonstrations of southern Negro students were discussed at

a section membership meeting of the Illinois CP in May, 1960.

It was announced at this meeting that the task of the

regarding these demonstrations is to be alert for openings

to implement this program "on the road to socialism."

"Freedom Riders

The "freedon riders" issue presented the Party with

a ready-made situation upon which it many times attempted to

capitalize by embarrassing the United States Government in the

eyes of the world.

Gus Hall on various occasions urged

organized protests in support of the "freedom riders" and "The

Worker" devoted considerable space in support of such activity.

On July 10, 1961, Hall, speaking before a group of Party

Lunctionaries on

the west coast, predicted that the struggle

of the Negro people as expressed through the "freedom riders"

would continue to grow in strength.

He cited the authority of

the CPUSA, under certain sections of the Negro people's move

ment, as being responsible for a new liberalism in

United States.

Upon release from prison, Henry Winston, a leading

National Party functionary, held a press, radio, and television

conference at

CPUSA headquarters in New York City in early

July, 1961.

When Winston was asked if the CPUSA took any

credit for the "freedom riders," Hall interrupted to comment

that "we" give them full support. Hall also stated that

whenever such struggles take place, one will find communists in

Inglewood, New Jersey, School Integration

At a CP meeting in New Jersey in March, 1963,

attention was directed to the school integration

problem in

Inglewood, New Jersey: and to a petition which had been

prepared by a committee called the Paterson Emergency Committee

to Suppori the Englewood School Fight for signatures and ulti

mately for presentation to the Governor,

A Party functionary

distributed copies of the petition to those at the meeting and

urged their circulation. He pointed out that the inglewood

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situation had become a national issue and urged that Party

members support the Paterson Cormittee with contributions.

At the same

time, he warned that all action taken in support

of the campaign should be discreet to avoid disclosure oi

Party connection therewith.

Later that nonth, Party menbers

gave impetus to a demonstration that was staged at Trenton,

New Jersey, to publicize the school integration issue at

Englewood.

Although the demonstration was not Party-Sponsored,

the Party was largely responsible for organizing a caravan of

three buses which brought demonstrators. from Newark to Trenton

to participate in the demonstration. Approximately 50 people

arrived in the three buses and about one fourth of them were

Party members.

Seattle, Washington, Sit-In Demonstrations

The "Seattle Times" and "Seattle Post Intelligencer"

both Seatüle,

Washington, newspapers of July 2, 1963, carried

photographs of members of a sit in group which

demonstrated in

the office of the Mayor of Seattle, July 1-2, 1963. Articles

accompanying the phocograph stated

that the 24whour sitin was

designed to dramatize a demand for open housing ordinances.

The "Seattle Post Intelligencer" of July 3, 1963, related that

the above demonstrators, who numbered 20 at one point during

the sic-in, were mostly members of the Central District Youth

Club. Eddie. Givens was noted as the Club Chairman.

One of our sources

advised that a number of the

individuals who engaged in this sit-in were CP members and that

Eddie Givens was a CP member in the Seattle area. According to

this source, Givens and other CP members organized the Central

Distriet Touth Club.

From July 22, 1963, tO JuLy 25, 1953, a gIOUP

demonstrated at the

Seattle City Council

Chambers, Seattle,

Washington.

According to our source, several CP youth members

initiated this demonstration in protest of the composition of

Mayor Gordon Clinton's Municipal Youth Rights Commission which

included only two Negroes.

On July 27, 1963, the Youth Rally for Civil Fights

convened in an Annex of the Mc. Zion Baptist Church in Seattle,

Washington. The rally continued at this

; location until the

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ETi:

early alternoon and then moved to the New Hope Baptist

Church in Seatile. One of our sources identified a number

of Seattle CP members in attendance at both parts of this

rally.

Our source had advised that Iddle Givens has been

taking a leading part in the youth section of the Negro civil

rights demonstrations in the Seattle area.

Our source in this matter has furnished rellable

infornation in the past.

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VI.

MARCH ON WASHINGTON, AUGUST 28, 1963

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VI. MARCE ON WASHINGTON

August 28, 1963

The March on Washington scheduled for 8/28/63 is

an event which has created national interest and is being

supported by a number of nonsubversive organizations.

The

crusa, although it did not initiate nor is it controlling

this

event, is using the March for the purpose of promoting

its own interests.

BEGIN SECR

It is pertinent to note here, however, the/con

versation Martin Luther King, Ji., one of the March leaders,

had with Stanley David Levison, a secret member of the Party,

on 6/1/63.

It is known to us that Levison and King have

been in contact with each other since December, 1956. As

early as september, 1958, Levison was described as one of

King's chief assistants who spent considerable time advising

and helping King.

At one time Levison and his brother, who

is known as Roy

Bennett,

were organizers for the CP in

They are both currently known as secret members of

the Party and in past years levison and his brother, Roy

Bennett, both have been heavy financial contributors to

the CP.

During the afore-mentioned conversation, King

commented he had

never seen the Negro community as aroused,

as determined and as enthusiastic as at that time. He said

that "We are on the threshold of a significant

breakchrough

and the greatest weapon is mass demonstration." King added

"We are at the point where we can mobilize all of this

righteous indignation into a powerful mass movement."

King suggested

that there be

a nass march of literally

thousands and thousands of people on Washington. King

said that even the threat of such a march might so frighten

the President that he would have to do something. He asked

Levison "Are we ready for that."

In reply, Levison said

two things would have to be considered:

(1) There would

have to be unanimity among all groups.

(2) Would more

pressure be generated on Washington by a series of local

situations rather than by one mass march on lashington.

King answered at length and was in lavor of one mass march.

He said he envisioned such an event would create such an

impact that "something would have to give."

He again

asked Levison if the time was right for such a move.

Levison then agreed "The time is now."

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SE

Clarence Jones, Acting Executive Director of

the

Gandhi Society for Human

Rights,

who was a participant

in the conversation,

suggested

that king discuss his pros

posal with Roy Wilkins, Executive Secretary, NAACP, and

A. Philip Randolph, President of the International

• Brother

hood of Sleeping Car Porters, before any announcement is

made publicly concerning a mess march on lushington.

that point King suggested that either Levison or Jones see

A, Philip Randolph and that a statement be worked out along

the lines of the

new militancy throughout the country.

During the discussion it was indicated that

Clarence Jones had attended

a meeting at which the National

Council of Churches had expressed an interest in King's

direct action approach.

Levison asked Jones whether it

would be possible to quote individuals

without mentioning

names who had

attended the meeting as "this is new when

white church leadership is looking for something in the

way of direct action." Levison said this would give it

the biggest, bioadest, front ever as "you can see the effect

of Negroes joined by the National Council of Churches and

not just Negro churches."

The significance of these con

versations is apparent when consideration is given to the

fact that when King first was considering a narch on

Washington, he discussed it in detail with his contact

in the CP and sought the

to whether the time was right for such a march.

Addi

tional significance can be attached to these conversations

in the light of information we received from a source who

has furnished reliable information in the past to the

effect that in May,

1963,

a national functionary of the

CPUSA commented that Stanley Levison, by reason of his

association with the Martin Luther King movement. was

doing

the most important work in the Party at that time.

Information received in June, 1963, indicated that while

chat while

Levison still retains his strong communist convictions

and still acts as an effective Party advisor so King, he

is becoming critical of the Party's role in the relation

ship.

He believes the

Party has lost prestige among

Negroes

lately because it has not been sufficiently

aggressive and effective in promoting civil rights for

the Negro and otherwise immersing itself in Negro causes.

Levison said he does not consider himself to be under

the control of the Party with respect to his dealings

with King.

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On 8/2/63, CP leaders in New York City stated

that the leaders of

the March have not invited the Party

to participate and, in addition, have publicly stated they

did not want "any conmunists."

The possibilities inherent in this March as seen

by the Party are indicated in a statement made by Gus Hall

in speaking to approximately 70 communists or communist

sympathizers in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on 7/31/63.

He described the March as an indication of

transition toward socialisn and, according to Hall, it

is imperative that as many white people as possible

participate.

On 8/2/63, Hall commented that the Party

should not give the appearance that it is "taking over."

Along this line,

Party leaders in early August, 1955,

urged rank-and-file CP members to clandestinely partic-

ipate in the March through legitimate organizations.

At a meeting of leading CP functionaries in

New York City on 8/14/63, Philip Bart, CP National

Organizational Secretary,

stated that

there never has

been a conparable figure

in the past wherein hundreds

of communists will actually be together with tens of

thousands of others as will take place in the March.

Bart called for efforts to work with the idea of estab

lishing connection with this new force.

At this same

meeting Joseph Brandt, a CD national functionary, com

mented that the Party has blended itself into this

"movement" and because persons in the March will be

listening to "our" people, the question now arises as

to what can be done with these people after the March.

A.

Party Program

As early as June, 1963, some semblance of a

Party program began to jell and was outlined in an article

appearing in the 6/23/63 issue of "The Worker."

This article

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suggested a program based on a report adopted at a recent

national gathering of connunist leaders.

It called for:

(1) Direct, mass, peaceful action pursued through the Negro

people and their organizations; and (2) The support of

white allies, beginning with organized labor.

Included in

the proposals were the withholding of Federal funds from

states which deny constitutional righis to its citizens;

a petition to the Supreme Court to set a tine limit of

1/1/64 for compliance with its 1954 decision on the deseg-

°o puble schoole, a

regation of public schools; and, if necessary, the federal

ination of the State National Guards.

By 7/15/63 the Party had issued two directives

"'TO ALL (CP) DISTRICTS."

One referred to an article in a

recent issue of "The Worker" by James Jackson, which identi-

fied the "Dixiecrat" politicians and the "Northern Republican

ultra-Rightists" as the enemies of the Negro movement.

The

"Directive" urged Party members to order reprints of this

article for mailing to influential figures in Negro organi-

zations,

trade unions, fraternal orders and churches.

The

other "Directive" urged Party support of the March, which

it described as "an event of the greatest historic importance."

At a meeting of leading CP functionaries in New York

City on 8/1/63, William Albertson, member of the CP National

Board, stated that

the Party must

show the best of everything,

including the best picket lines and the best cadre fighting.

He proposed that the Party open up a special headquarters

in Washington, D. Co

At this same meeting, Jack stachel,

member of the CPUSA National Executive Comnittee, commented

that "we" decided that "we" will participate in the March

by organizing a minimum of 100 people and by organizing

pressure groups from New Jersey, Philadelphia and Baltimore.

B. Participation of CP National Leaders

CP national leaders planning to attend the March

include the following:

James Jackson, CP National Secretary for the South

and Editor of "The Worker"

Benjamin J. Davis, CP National Secretary

Louls Weinstock, CP National Committee member and

Business Manager of "The Worker"

Thomas Nabried, Chairman, Eastern Pennsylvania and

Delaware

CP District

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George Meyers, Chairman, Maryland-District of Columbia

C? District

Samuel Davis, Midwest Correspondent, "The Worker"

Billy Allan, Michigan Editor, "The Worker"

Wi111am

Patterson, Chairman, New Yorl CP District

Thonas Dennis, Organizational Secretary, Michigan

CP District

C. Participation of Rank-and-File Party Members

While leaders of all major Party districts discussed

participation in the March on Washington, actual organized

participation is receiving its largest support in the New York

City and Philadelphia areas.

In New York the 1lth Assembly District CP Club,

which had been advised that the CP should not be directly

identified with the March but should participate in other

groups, was making arrangements by 8/7/63 for rail trans

portation to Washington.

Five members of the Club pledged

their attendance.

Three members of the CP Peace Club,

Brooklyn, New York, planned to participate in the March

and will

travel to

Washington by train with a group from

the 17th Assembly District, Brooklyn, New York.

On 8/7/63

1t was reported

that 100 nembers of

the New York City Enma

Lazarus Federation of Jewish Wonens Clubs, whose leadership

consists largely of communists, will go to Washington by

train.

Steve Gordon, a CP member in New York as of January,

1953, 35 In charge of chartering a Congress of Racial Equality

(CORE) bus and recruiting persons to accompany the group.

Jane Benedict, a member of the New York County CP as of

March, 1959,

and Chairman of the Metropolitan Council on

Housing

(MCOM), a federation of tenant organizations in the

New York City area, announced that four buses have been

reserved for the MCOH delegation and that both she and

Frances Goldin, CP member in New York as of April, 1962,

plan to attend. On 8/12/63 information was received that

a group of New Jersey CP members planned to depart Lakewood,

New Jersey, by bus on the early morning of 8/28/63 fOr

Washington. The bus was chartered by an unidentified group.

In Philadelphia, the Independent Citizens Committee

(ICC), which

was initiated and founded by the CP of Eastern

Pennsylvania and Delaware in October, 1962, decided on 7/22/63

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that

it would take up

the task of contacting people who

would not be contacted by the National Association for the

Advancement oî Colored People (NAACP) and CORE. The ICC

pleaged two bus loads.

Hoc Cormittee concerning the March, which

was set up 11 Philadelphia by the Socialist Youth Uhion (SYU),

July, 1903,

the Philadelphia affiliate of the Progressive

Youth organizing committee (troc, is now known as che

"Philadelphia Youth Committee for

Jobs and Freedon March."

The PYOC was formed under the direction of the CPUSA in

January, 1961, for the purpose of establishing a national

youth

group

The SyU expects to fill three buses.

In Detroit on 7/17/63, Carl Winter, CP fusctionary,

advised that the Party is not happy

with President Kennedy's

speaking out in lavor of the demonstration since this vill

insure its peacefulness and diminish CP participation. In

late July, 1963, William Allan, CP member, Michigan, stated

that every Party club organization should

try to recruit

for the March and he hopes to see at least one chartered

bus and

several car loads of marchers from the west go to

Washington.

In Chicago, Illinois,

Claude Lightfoot, Chairman

of the CP in Illinois and a National Vice Chairman, stated

in early August, 1963, that the CP Of Illinois is attempting

to get 500 white

persoas to go to Washington.

In Los angeles, Calliornia, at a meeting or the

Jewish Commission, Southern California District CP (SCDCP),

on 8/5/63, a recommendation was made for the SChOP to send

3 representative to Washington on August 28,

Ben Dobbs,

Executive Secretary, SCDCR, had stated on 7/30/63 that the

SCDCP would not directly support the March by paying trans

portation costs due to lack of funds.

The Virginia CP State Ixecutive Committee on

7/14/63 proposed that work should begin on getting a dele-

gation to go to Washingion as participants or as onlookers.

In Seattle, Washington,

the CP leaders of the

Central District Youth Club are attempting to raise

money

with an apparent objective to cover expenses of bus trans

portation for a group to attend the March. According to

a source, NAACP leaders in the State of Washington are having

nothing to do with the communists.

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D. Use o1 Party Literature

Much attention has been given the use of Party

literature and & special

edition of "The Worker" is being

planned in connection with the march.

Stachel, on 8/7/63,

proposed to leading CPUSA functionaries that "The Worker"

and other literature be distributed to delegations to the

March.

This was accepted but with the qualification that

no distribution would be made during progress of the March.

Louis Weinstock, General Manager Of

"The forker," who

originally planned to go to

Washington on 8/27/63 with

1,000 copies of "The Worker' in the trunk of his car,

proposed on 8/14/63 that 10,000 copies of "The Worker"

be distributed at bus and train terminals since there

is to be no distribution in Washington, D. C.

He also

proposed thai 10,000 pamphlets be sold

at concentration

points on the morning of 8/28/63 and the remainder be

sold alter the demonstration.

I. Support of March By American Communists in Mexico

A group of American communists in Mexico are

working actively to support the March. They have revived

temporarily a defunct organization known as the League

for Defense oi Negroes and have been collecting funds

to send telegrams of encouragement to the Washington

headquarters

for the March.

Individuals in the group

are writing the telegrams and attempting to secure on

them the signatures of well-known persons in Mexico,

To date, they have succeeded in obtaining the signatures

of a number of prominent personalities, including that

of the former Mexican President, Lazaro Cardenas. Haywood

Hall, described as one of the most militant members of

the group, reportedly has leit mexico city already wick

intentions of joining the March, and Albert Maltz, one

of the well-known "Hollywood Ten," reportedly also plans

to travel to Washington to take part in the demonstration,

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I. Evaluation of Party Influence and its Utilization of the March

Realizing that plans for the March on Washington are

obviously being carried on successfully by other organizations,

the Party is making an all-out erfort to take advantage of

this opportunity to further its cause.

The Party has three

basic objectives:

(1) Participation by CP members through legitinate

organizations

(2) Attempt to get the

Party line into the hands

of sympathizers and supporters of the March

through distribution of "The Worker" and Party

pamphlets

(3) Utilize the March as a steppingstone for future

Party activity through contacts now being made

by Party members involved in the March

It remains to be seen to what extent the Party will

be successiul in translating its efforts stated above into

concrete resules.

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G. Subversive Data Concerning Certain Leaders

The files of the FBI contain subversive data

regarding

i some of the leaders of the March on Washington.

They are:

(1)

Reverend Martin Luther King, Fr.

President, SChC

One of the chairmen of the March on Washington

is Reverend Martin Luther King. Pertinent

information regarding King appears in Exhibit 1

of this memorandum.

(2) Cleveland Llewellyn Robinson

Vice President, NALC

Robinson is a member of the Administrative

commiccee of the march on washingion.

security-type investigation conducted into

Robinson's activities disclosed that he had

formerly been a member of the CPUSA but was

expelled from the Party in 1952. it was

also ascertained that he had participated

in various CP and connunist front activities

In New forks City.

(3)

Ann Arnold Redgeman

Coordinator for Special Events,

National Council of Churches

Hedgeman is

& member of the Administrative

committee of the march on Washington.

loyalty-type investigation conducted

concerning Hedgeman in 1949 determined

that, in connection with work involving

fair employnent practices, she had appeared

before some groups which were CP dominated

and also had some association

with individuals

who had been active in co matters. Persons

acquainted with Hedgeman described her as

an active integrationist but anticonmunist.

She was considered eligible for Government

employment by the Loyalty Reviev Board.

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(4)

Reverend Thomas Kilgore, Jr.

Vice President, New York Branch, NAACP

Kilgore 1s & member of the laministrative

Committee of the March on Washingion.

During the period from 1949 to 1959,

Kilgore

was active in various functions sponsored

by communist front groups including the

American Peace Crusade which was designated

pursuant to Executive Order 10450.

(5) Gloster Bryant Current

National Director of Branches, NAACP

Current is a member of the Administrative

Committee of

the March on Washington.

security-type investigation conductea into

the activities of Current during the 1940's

disclosed

that Current had participated in

the activities of several communist front

groups and had associated with several known

communists.

He has, however, been described

since that time as definitely anticommunist.

(6) Joachim Prinz

President, American Jewish Congress

Prinz is a member of the Administrative

Committee of the March on Washingion.

Since 1940, Prinz has been named as a

sponsor of, a speaker for, or a signer

of petitions in connection with several

Prinz, on behalf of the American

congress, joined with leaders of two other.

organizations in charging the soviet

Government's newspaper, "Izvestla," with

"shocking distortions

about justice

and

anti-Semitism in the United States."

(7) Bayard Rustin

Rustin is the Deputy Director of the March

on Washington.

Pertinent information regarding

Rustin appears in Exhibit 3 of this memorandum.

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(8) Thomas David Kahn, aka

Tom Marcel

Kahn is the assistant to the Deputy Director

of the March on Washington.

A security-type

investigation into Kahn's activities in 1957

disclosed that Kahn was

very active in the

Young Socialist League in New York City and

on the West Coast and held office in boch

the national organization and in local

branches. At that tine the Young Socialist

League was the youch organization for the

Independent Socialist League which, prior

to 1958, was designated pursuant to Execucive

Order 10450. In 1958, this designation was

removed.

•(9)

Joseph Allen Beavers

Vice President, NALC

Beavers is a member of the District of Columbia

Coordinating Committee of the March on Washingcon.

Beavers was the subject of a security investigation

in 1950 after he was identified by a source as

having been issued & CP membership card in 1946

and as having been associated wich several

organizations described as communist fronts

or completely dominated by the e?.

During an

interview, Beavers denied membership in the CP

and denied having any knowledge of a CP card

having been issued to him.

He did admit having

known the individual who allegedly sponsored

his CP membership.

Beavers' wife, helen Beavers,

was

separated from Government employment in 1954

due to her mempership in an organization described

as dominated by the CP and due to her association

with known CP members.

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VII.

PRIOR PERTINENT PUBLIC STATEMENTS BY THE DIRECTOR

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VII. PRIOR PERTINENT PUBIC STATMENTS X THE DIRECTOR

In the past, the Director has made a number of

pertinent public statements relating to communist efforts to

penetrate and influence the Negro people in the United States.

AStatements to Congress

February 7, 1950

"As to the matter of civil rights, the American

communists, artists of concealment, for years have been seeking

to gain public support through the issue of civil righis, a

subject too sacred to be hindered by communist propagandists.

The Civil Rights Congress, cited by the Attorney General as

subversive, is a good illustration. Wenever the Communist

Party wants to start a demonstration, the Civil Rights Congress

is called into action. They have picketed Federal court

houses; they have marched on Washington; they have issued

handbills; and they have sought to inspire a barrage of telegrans

and Letters,

as the Members of Congress know so well. Their

protest meetings and campaigns are fervent and freguent."

At the request of Senator McClellan, the Director

further clarified the above quoted paragraph with the collowing:

"My contention has been that these problems in the

South--the violation of civil rights status-is a very delicate

question, and should be left to the local agencies and to the

Federal Government for the reason that there has been a marked

improvement both upon the part of the newspapers and representa

tive citizens, recognizing the fact that the problem is one

that the South should handle and must handle. Where you have

outsiders coming in, not through any sincere purpose, but to

exploit the situation when a violation takes place, the result

is detrimental to all parties.

"'The Negroes

are the most potential reservoir of

revolution in the south' is a statement made by the top Communist

Party functionaries.

They realize that.

Therefore, they

in, not to help

• the

Negro but to aggravate the situacion, rust

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"They are not sincere.

It is merely for propaganda

purposes, merely to advertise themselves, merely to go into

areas of

great cities and other areas where there are large

savior or as

want to createdissension,"

They merely

Testimony before the Senate

Subcommittee on Appropriations.

September 7, 1950

"I would say they (communists) are largely in

concentrated areas where they figure they can do the most harm

economically or industrially or in regard to racial activities.

They always concentrate in areas like New York or Chicago to

try to inflame any racial feelings. in race riots, or things

of that kind, you always find them

in the background. Wenever

there is a legitimate cause of complaint, they always rush in

behind some front organization to agitate and try to make things

worse and try to prevent a proper solution under normal conditions.

That is their basic, principal operation."

Testimony before the Senate

Subcomnittee on Appropriations.

January 16, 1958

"The Negro situation is also being exploited fully

and continuously by communists on a national scale. Current

programs include intensified attempts to infiltrate Negro mass

organizations. The Party's objectives are not to aid the

Negroes-but are designed to take advantage of all controversial

issues on the racial question so as to create unrest, dissension

and confusion in the minds of the American people."

Testimony before the House Sub-

committee on Appropriations.

January 26, 1960

"Another of the major aims of the 17th national

convention was to reemphasize the recruitment of Negroes into

the Communist Party by reembellishing the same old hackneyed

phrases alleging that the Communist Party is the savior of the

Negro. It is no secret that one of the bitterest disappointments

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of communistic efforts in this Nation has been their failure

to lure our Negro cliizens Into the party. Despite every

type of propaganda boomed at our Nation's Negro citizens, they

have never succumbed to the party's saccharine promises of a

Communist Utopia.

This generation and generations to come

for many years owe a tremendous debt to our Negro citizens

who

have consistently refused to surrender their freedoms for

the tyranny of conmunism.

"Behind the Communists' scheme of recruiting Negroes

is deceit as there is in every one of their designs.

The Reds

are not so interested in the Negro as they are in using bim

to further Communist goals...."

"The Negro resolution adopted by the convention

discarded the party's historic position advocating 'self

letermination,

meaning that Negroes should be given the right

to forn a separate nation in the Southern States...."

"The 1959 convention resolution hence represents a

party admission that its position concerning the Negroes is

bankrupt.

Time itself has shown that the party is not interested

In the welfare of the Negro, but only in using him as a tool to

advance party interests."

Statement to the Senate

Subcommittee on Internal Security

Concerning the l7th National

Convent 2o-Co, unt, party/.

USA,

March 6, 1961

"Communist propaganda has always been quick to seize

on problems of minority groups. Instances involving the Negro

race have been prime targets in this barrage. The sitin

demonstrations in the South were a made-to-order issue which

the Party fully exploited to further its own ends. The

communists first showed an interest in the demonstrations in

late February, 1960, when James E. Jackson and Joseph North,

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national Conmunist Party functionaries, traveled to Richmond,

Virginia, and

wrote articles for The Worker, an east coast

communist weekly newspaper, concerning demonstrations then in

progress in Richmond.

Also during early March, 1960,

Daniel Rubin, National Youth Director of the Conmunist Party,

USA, Visited college campuses in Richmond to obtain statements

from students in connection with the demonstrations.

The

Communist Party strategy was not to openly advocate picketing,

inasmuch as this would tend to expose its members, but rather

to get behind the movement by urging college students to take

the initiative.

The importance which the Communist Party, USA,

has placed on these demonstrations was sharply brought into

focus when Benjamin Davis, the Party's National Secretary, told

the Party in March, 1960, that these demonstrations were

considered the next

best

thing to 'proletarian revolution.'"

Testimony before the House Sub-

committee on Appropriations.

January 24, 1962

"Since its inception, the Communist Party, USA, has

been alert to capitalize on every possible issue or event

which could be used to exploit the American Negro in furtherance

of Party aims.

In its eiforts to influence the American Negro,

the Party attempts to infiltrate the legitimate Negro organiza

tions for the purpose of stirring up racial prejudice and hatred.

In this way, the Party strikes a blow at our democratic form

of Government by attempting to influence public opinion

throughout the world against the United States."

Testimony before the House Sub-

committee on Appropriations.

B. Statements in Books

December, 1957

"The Communist Party from its very inception has

held itself out as the 'vanguard of the working class,'

and

as such has soughi to assume the role of protector and

champion of minorities. It directs special attention, among

others, to Negroes and nationality groups. Actually the vast

majority of Negroes and members of foreign-language groups have

rejected communism for what it is: a heartless, totalitarian

way of life which completely disregards the dignity of man."

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"The Party's claim

that it is working for Negro

rights is a deception and a fraud.

The Party's sole interest,

as most American Negroes know, is

to hoodwink the Negro, to

exploit him and use him as a tool to build a communist America.

Masters of Deceit, pages 243, 246.

May 25, 1962

"Special emphasis is placed by the party on penetrating

the major Negro protest and improvement associations in an effort

to exploit all controversial or potentially controversial racial

Of our Negro citizens into the party."

A Study of Connunism, page 159.

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EXHIBITS

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MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.

King is a well-known southern Negro leader who

is President of

the Southern Christian Leadership Confer-

ence (SCIC) and is copastor with his father of Ebenezer

Baptist Church, Atlanta, Georgia. He was born in Atlanta

on January 15;

King becane nationally prominent

during 1955 and 1956 when he organized a protest that

ended bus segregation in Montgomery, Alabama.

He was

selected one of ten outstanding personalities in 1956 by

"Time" magazine.

As a result of his activities in racial

matters, he has

been arrested on numerous occasions by

local oliicials and charged with misdemeanors. Through

out his efforts in the racial field, he has stressed

nonviolent action in all integration eiforts.

Communist Connections and Influences on King

Stanley. David Levison is a New York atcorney and

businessman.

BEGIN SCAPE

Stanley David Levison is a secret member of

the

CPUSA and has for years been a heavy financial contributor

to the CPUSA. At one time he and his brother, Roy Levison,

also known as Roy Bennett, were organizers for the CP in

New York.

Roy Bennett is also known as a secret member of

the CPUSA and in past years a heavy financial contributor

to the CP. Stanley Levison served as a member of the CPUSA

Committee on Finances.

Levison, as early as December, 1956, is known to

have been in contact with Martin luther King, Jr., when

during that month he discussed plans with king for the

publication of articles that vere scheduled to be written

by King.

in September, 1958, Levison was described as one

of King's chief assistants who spent considerable time

advising and helping King.

In January, 1959, Levison was described as legal

representative and confidant of King.

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EXHIBIT NUMBER

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During May, 1963, James R. Hood, radio announcer,

WAOK, Atlanta, Georgia, Stated he had been associated with

King and the scue in 1950.

He stated he withdrew from the

movement because he was concerned with the possibility that

persons with the wrong background or ulterior notives were

gaining the confidence of King.

As an example,

he mentioned

Stanley Levison as being very close to King and having King's

confidence.

Wood was concerned because he knew Levison was

closely associated with a publicly known member of the CP.

BEGIN SECRET

During June, 1963, King suggested to Levison that

there be & mass march

and thousands of people.

that."

Levison told him there were two things he must consider:

a him there were

to Washington of literally thousands

He asked Levison, "Are we ready for

Unanimity among all groups, and whether there would be more

pressure from a series of local situations rather than a mass

march.

King voiced an opinion in Lavor of the march. Levison

was asked if he thought the time was right for such a

move and

Levison agreed, "The time is now."

King suggested that either

Levison or Clarence Jones, Acting Executive Director of the

Gandhi Society for Human Rights, Who was a participant in the

conversation, see A. Philip Randolph, President of the Inter-

national Brotherhood of Sleeping Car

Posters, before any

announcement is made publicly concerning the mass march on

Washington.

Later, In June, 1963, Levison advised King that Jones

had been in contact with Randolph concerning the march on

Washington at which time he learned that Randolph was planning a

similar march in the fall. Levison suggested to King that he

attempt to contact Randolph to discuss this as soon as possible

in order that they could combine forces.

SERGITINE

During June, 1963, one top tunctionary. f

F the CP.

stated that Martin

luthex king was, considered by the top.

'functionartes of the CP as

a "true, genuine

Marxist-Leninist

tron the" top of his head to the tips of his toes." he said in

the Party the-repoct is that king is alloving the arise

Leninist

line.

This functionary did not know whether King was

actually a member of the CP.

Information

received in June, 1963, indicates that

while Levison still. retains his strong

communist conviction

and still acts as an effective Party advisor to King, he is

becoming critical of the Party's role in the relationship. He

believes the Party has lost prestige among Negroes lately

because it has not been sufficiently aggressive and effective

in promoting civil rights for the Negro and otherwise immersing

itself in Negro causes.

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SECRET

In May, 1960

be held in behalf of King on 5/17/60.

Stanley Levison handled arrangements for a "Tribute

to Mastin Luther Ring' at Carnegle Hall on the night of

1/27/61•

In February, 1961, Levison was described as Asso-

ciate Director of the

SCLC,

Atlanta, Georgia. This same

SouiCE In MaICh,

1961, identified Levison as being associate

with the SCLe, 312 West 125th Street, New York City.

END

ECRET

The records of the Charities

Registration Bureau

of the New York State Department of Social Welfare: Albany,

New York, reveal that the "Committee to Defend Martin Luther

King, Iros and the Struggle for Freedom in the South," 312

West125ch Street, New York City, was staried on 3/17/60 with

Stanley Levison

being listed as

Assistani Executive Director.

The above records show that the "Committee to Ald

the Southern Freedom Struggle," 312 West 125th Street,

New York City, was started on 11/1/60,

with Stanley Levison

being listed

as Assistant Director and Martin Luther King,

as Co-chairman.

BEGIN SECr

because of his ena here a gin, va Ton dut:

to espouse it publiclyac

During March, 1962, Levison made the statement

that King was concerned with

the idea that a "communist

label would be pinned on us," but on the other hand he

desired to do everything possible

on the question of show

ing evidence of friendship toward the soviet Union.

In May, 1962, Levison was active in attempts io

form an organization on behalf of King to be known as the

"Gandhi Society for Human Rights."

58 -

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In July, 1962, a letter appearing on the letter

head of "Martin E. Seigel and Company, Incorporated, 3 West

64th Street, New

York, New Yorls, " was

directed to various

individuals

inviting them to become members of an honorary

committee for a dinner to be held in New York City on

10/23/62 honoring (1) the first 25 years of service to

American seamen and the maritime industry of

the National

Maritime Union,

(2) Joseph Curran's twenty-fifth year as

head of this Union, and (3) Ghandi Society for Human Rights,

"which was

established this year under the honorary presi

dency of tire Reverend

Martin Luther King."

This letter was

under the signature of Martin as seigel,

Chairman, Dinner

Committee.

The letter indicated that through this celedia

tion the conmittee would provide financial support for the

Ghandi Society for Human Rights, which seeks to continue

the progress in education and voter registration begun by

King and to support the activities of other organizations

by providing legal assistance for those seeking to utilize

their constitutional privileges.

BEGIN CONCIDENTIAL

Levison has prepared speeches to be delivered by

King as reported by our sources.

END CONT DENTIAL

BRGIN S

commented that

stanley

a national

functionary Giene CPUSA

Levison, by reason of his association

with the Martin Luther King movenent, is doing the most"

important work in the Cr todey.

base for operations run under the SCIC. This meeting

was

described, "to be a closeted review of where they are-a

critical revier," and consisted of a group of the top

echelon planning the next moves of the SCLC.

During February, 1963, Levison met with King at

the sheraton-Atlantic Hotel In New York City,

at which time

Levison gave King some notes to be used by King in prepara-

tion of a speech he was to make that evening at the Essex

Fotel, 160 Central Park South, New York City.

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Clarence dones is currently the Isecutive secretary

of the Gandhi Society for Human Rights, of which Martin Luther

King is honorary chairman.

BEGIN COSPDINTIAL

Clarence jones has been identified as a member of

the Labor Youth League in the mid-1950's.

The labor Youth

League has

been designated pursuant to Executive Order 10450.

END CONEXDANTIAL

BEGIN SECRET

Since the Spring of 1962, Jones has been

in contact

with Stanley Levison on numerous occasions,

as well as with

Martin Luther King, in connection with King's activities in

the civil rights novement..

Clarence Jones was one of those invited to meet King

at the Dorchester Cooperative Center in McIntosh,

Georgia,

January 10-11, 1963, for a top level review of their position.

BAD SECRET

Stanley Levison met King, Jones, and Hunter Pitts

• O'Dell at the Savannah Airport, Savannah,

Georgia,

January

10, 1963.

Hunter Pitts O'Dell has been publicly

fied as a member of the CP.

Tune C

• identi-

BEGIN SY

During August, 1963, Martin Luther King,

accompanied

by his wife, visited New York

for approximately 10 days.

During this time they stayed at the home of Clarence Jones,

5505 Independence Avenue, Riverdale, New York.

END

Pertinent portions of the above information have

been made available to the Attorney General.

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EUNTER PITTS O'DELI

Background and Employment

Hunter Pitts O'Dell, who in recent years has called

aimsell Jack @ Dell and d. H. O'Dell, was born in DetroIt,

michigan, on August 11, 1923. Re graduated from Northwester

High School, Detroit, In June, 1941, and attended the Xavier

University

Pharmacy School in

New Orleans, Louisians, from

Septenber, 1941, to January, 1944. He served in the

1944, tO AugusE, 1949. Mrom October, 1955,

he worked in the insurance business

1960 began working full time in the Ney York headquarters

which housed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference

(SCLC, the Committee io Aid the Southern Freedom Struggle,

and the Cormittee to Defend Martin Luther King.

According to

a statement by King in July, 1963, O'Dell's connections with

the sCLe were severed on June 26, 1963.

Communist Party Membership and Activities

During 1946 and 1947, O'Dell attended classes of

instructions

in Marxism and Leninism conducted by CP leaders

in the Miami, Mlorida, area and, in May, 1948, attended a

Her York State CP School as a member of

the Wateriront Section

0f the New York County CP, From April, 1951, to April, 1956,

he was active in the CP in Louisiana serving as Marine

Coordinator and District Organizer and functioning as a

member of the Louisians. State CP Committee.

During this

period, O'Dell made numerous trips to New York City to

attend meetings of the CPUSA on a national level. including

the Party's Southern Regional Convention in Septenber, 1954.

In March, 1956, O'Dell was subpoenaed to appear

betore the senate Internal security Subcommittee wich was

holding hearings in New Orleans and, during a search by the

New Orleans Police Department to locate him, police officers

seized, in O'Dell's residence, a large quantity of CP literature

including arrectives from the

Party's national headquarters.

Alier appearing before the Senate Internal Security

Subcommittee in April, 1956, O'Dell leit Louisiana and,

following a bries stay in New Yors City from June to October,

1956, during which he attended a meeting of the Southern

Regional Conmittee of the CPUSA, proceeded to Birminghan and

Montgonery, Alabama, where he remained until August, 1958, as

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EXHIBIT NUMBER

2

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employee of the Protective

Industrial Insurance Company.

Following his arrest by the Birmingham, Alabama, Police

Department on Septenber 15, 1958, on a

norals charge, which

vas subsequently dismissed, O'Dell returned to New York City

where he was assigued by James howard Jackson,

secretary of

Negro and southern Arizirs, CPUSA, as Jackson's assistant in

In discuosing O Dell with

several Party merbers, jackson stated on Septomber 25, 1958,

that O'Doll had been District Organizer for the CP in

Louisiana for six years and that his employnent with an

insurance company in liontgomery,

Alabama, enabled him so

associate with people like the

Reverend Martin Luther king, or.

In December, 1958, at a meeting of the National

Committee, CPUSA, in New Yoris City, Jackson introduced O'Dell

"Charles" and

said "Charles" was the Party's field secretary

o1 Negro and

southern work.

During the period from October,

1958, through November, 1959, O'Doll attended several meetinge

of the National Mecutive Committee and National Commiscee,

CPUSA, as well as

district conventions of the CP in Virginia

and Texas. At most of these meetings, o'Dell spoke on the

policy or

the C in regard to Negro matters.

At the 17th National Convention of the CPUSA held

in New York City Iron December 10 to December 13, 1959, 0°Dell

was elected io the Party's National Committee under the allas

Cornelius James.

In January, 1960, O'Dell said that he would contime

his work in the south bue vould aiso spend a great deal or true

in New York City.

In February, 1960, O'Dell.

was reported as

being at thai time on the payroll o1 the Mational office of

the CPUSA buc elforts vere being made to get him into something

away from the Parcy.

In November, 1960, Gus Hall, the General Secretary,

CRUSA, stated thai O'Dell who had been active with the Southern

Negro Committee was going to school to learn

the insurance

business but was still active in the CP.

in July, 1962, Gus Hall stated that O'Dell was scill

representing the CPUSA, was still on the Nacional committee,

CPuSa, and was doing an excellent job as a "brain trust" for

Martin Luther King.

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uns!

Although O'Dell is not known to have attended CP

meetings since his election to the National Cormittee of the

CPUSA in December, 1959, he has not made an official or public

denial of his membership in the CP.

During an interview with

Bureau

he has nothing io do with

Agents in November, i961, how Dal, D'aall commented that

appeared before

Senate internal security subcommittee in Aprils 1956, and before

the

House Conmittee on

Un-American Activities in July;

and

1958,

on both occasions relied on the Fifth Amendment privilege

against self-incrimination when questioned regarding his

membership and activities.

Association with the reverend hartin luther ling. Jo, and

and the scLo

BEGIN SSCRET

In May, 1960, James Jackson, Secretary

{0r Negro and

Southern Affairs,

CPUSA, Stated that O'Dell was

at that time

working full time on a

mass meeting to be held in Harlem in

defense of the Reverend Martin Luther King.

jackson stated

that the CP considered the Luther King mass meeting of utmost

importance and felt that it was definitely to the Party's

advantage to assign outstanding CP members to work with the

Martin Luther King group. Jackson said that CP policy at that

time was to concentrate on Luther King.

END

secarr

In February, 1961, Jackson stated that O'Dell was on

the payroll of the Reverend Martin Luther King and had requested

Party permission to aitend school at nighè and to be active and

help King in his work during the day.

According to Jackson,

O'Dell. would continue to remain a member of the National

Committee, @USA.

During the period from lebruary, 1961, to October,

1962, O'Dell was active on behall of the Reverend Martin Luther

King

and the SCLe in New York City and Atlanta, Georgia.

On

several occasions during

this period, O'Dell stated that he

was in charge of the New York Office of the SCuC and described

himself as Administrator of the New Jork Office of the SoLC.

On several occasions O'Dell registered at a motel in Atlanta,

Georgia, listing the New York Office of the SOLC as his

address.

BEGIN SECRET

On June 20, 1962, Stanley Levison, who was identified

in February, 1962, as

a secret member of the CPUSA, advised

O'Dell that

during a recent conversation with the Reverend

63

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an tarn — 1591

Martin Luther King, Ji., King told Levison he was thinking

of getting another

zoninistrative assistant.

When Levison

recommended O'Dell for the job, king said he liked the

suggestion adding

• "No matter what a man was, i1 he could

get up now and say he is not connected, ther

aS La: 25 1

am

concerned he is eligible to work for me."

END

SECRET

In October, 1962, several newspapers

carried

articles

exposing the

CP affiliation of Hunter Pites O'Dell and his

connection with the scuc.

As a result of this publicity, King,

on November 2, 1962, issued a statement in which he denied now.

ledge of any previous communist activities of O'Dell. King's

statement denied that O Dell was Southeastern Director of the

Scic but that he had functioned as a technician primarily in the

North and that his work involved the nechanization of the mailing

procedures of the scic.

The statement continued that it is a

firm policy of the Scuc that no person of know communist

affiliation can serve on the stall, Ixecutive Board, or its

nembership at large.

The statonent indicated that, while O'Dell

rejected the charges made against him, he had tendered his

resignation in order to avoid embarrassment to the SCLC and

that the resignation had been accepted pending further inquiry.

COMMENT:

(SECRET)

The above statenent by King that he

had no

knowledge of any previous communisi activities

of O'Dell is in direct conflict with King's

Statement to Stanley Levison in June, 1962.

In discussing the possible employment of

O'Dell as one of his adminisirative assistants,

King said, "No matter wat a man was, if he

could get up now and say he is not connected,

then as far as I

to work for me."

END SECRET

Despite King's statement that O'Dell's resignation

from the SCuC had been accepted, O'Dell continued to identify

hinseli as being affiliated with

the New York Office of the

SCLC and during late November and early December, 1962, was

actively engaged in New York City in the work of

this

organization.

During early January, 1963, O'Dell registered at the

Waluhaje Apartments in Atlanta representing himself as being

with the New York Office of the SCLC and requesting that his

bill be charged to the SCLC. The Atlanta Office of the SCLC

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confired that O'Dell's bill would be patd by the organization.

On Juary 10, 1963, O'Dell, King,

and eight other officials of

the SCIC traveled together via Delta Airlines Irom Atlanta to

Savannah, Georgia.

During the latter part of December, 1952, a

representative of

the SCIC adnitted that O'Dell continued to

Involved with the organization in New York City in a fund-raising

capacity although be was nor currently on the SChC payroll.

During February, March, and April, 1963, O'Dell

continued to handle the arrangements for mailing procedures

this period several checks, payable

to O'Dell and deposited to his account, were drawn

against

the account of the ScLC at a bank in New York City.

Following the appearance of an article on July 25,

1963, in the Atlanta, Georgia, "Constitution" entitled "Onetime

Communist Organizer Heads Rev. King's Office in N.Y.," a United

Press

International release issued on July 29, 1963, in Atlanta

stated that "King said last week O'Dell had worked for the SCiC

on two occasions but his connections with the integration organ.

ization vere severed for good lasi June 26." During a press

conference on July 25, 1963, King said that when articles

linking O'Dell with the CP appeared in various newspapers

(October, 1962), "ve asked for his temporary resignation

pending an investigation."

King stated that the investigacion

satisfied the SCLC that O'Dell "had no present connection with

nor any sympathy with its philosophy" and thai on this

basis "we brought him back on the staft and continued his

employment for a few months on a temporary basis."

• said

that O'Dell. left the SCLC on June 26 by "mutual agreement"

because of concern that his affiliation with the integration

movement vould be used against it by "segregationists and race

baiters."

Despite the above statement by King, an employee of

the New York Office of the SCLC advised a representative of

United Press International on July 25, 1963, that O'Dell. was

an "administrator" with the SCLC.

In addition, two checks

sated duly 2, 1963, and July 19,

1963, were drawn by the SCiC

navable to diDel]

and were deposited to O'Dell's account in

a New York City bank.

On July 22, 1963, O'Dell visited She

oftices of a New York City mailing service company and presented

a check to be credited to the account of the SCL. On July 31,

1963, O'Dell was observed entering the premises at 312 West

125th Street, New York City, which houses the New York Office

of the SCLC, where he remained for approximately five minutes.

It is noted that following King's press conference on

July 25, 1963, at Atlanta,

other representatives of the scic

advised reporters that, although ling and the sCiC agreed to

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remove O'Dell from the stall of the organization on June 26,

1963, "it may have been that O'Dell had responded that it

rould take until around July 15 for hin to clear his estects

from the office."

CONMENT:

Coverage of O'Dell's activities by the

New York Difice has developed no intormation

indicating O Dell's continued association with

King and the SCLC since his brief visit to the

SCLC Office in New York City on July 31, 1963.

ALI, OF THE ABOVE INFORMATION HAS BEEN

PREVIOUSLY FURNISHED TO THE DEPARTMENT.

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Unde tт4o4599 1649

dest tedious delicated cut, bad , i a

BAYARD RUSTIN

Rustin was born warch 17, 1Jis, at West Chester:

Pennsylvania,

and was educated at

WiLberforce University ir

Chio and the

City College of New York.

The "Washington Post" of August 11, 1963; contained

an artiole captioned Organizer of D. C. March is devoted to

Nonviolence."

This article described Bayard Rustin as the

Deputy Director of the committee planning the August 23, 1953,

March in Washingion, D. C.

According to the above-mentioned

newspaper article, Rustin is an ardent pacifist and integra-

tionist who has been associated with a number of pacifist and

civil rights organizations.

In 1952 he became Executive

Secretary of the War Resisters League, an international pacifist

organization and has worked for this organization to the present

time.

From 1955 to 1960 he was a part-time aide to Di. Martin

Luther King.

Connections with the Communist, Movement

In the above-mentioned article appearing in the

"Washington Post," Rustin indicated he had joined the Young

Communist League (YCL) in 1936.

He claimed to have soon

dropped out of this organization, breaking completely with it

when the YCh accepted racial segregation in the Armed Foxces

after Hitler attacked Russia.

According to his own admission, he was a member of the

American Student Union in 1939. Rustin said that he withdrew

from this organization in 1940 to embrace the Quaker religion.

I'he American Student Union bas been cited as a communist front

by the House Committee on Un-American Activities.

On October 6, 1959, a meeting sponsored by the

Fellowship of Reconciliation

was held at the Williams Avenue

Young Men's Christian Association in Portland, Oregon. Bayarc

Rustin

addressed the meeting as the principal

speaker and in

reply to a direci question from a member of the audience stated

he had been a member of the Communist Party (CP) but was no

longer so affiliated.

The "Daily Worker" of February 25, 1957, contained an

article which stated that Bayard Rustin, Executive Secretary:

67

EXHIBIT NUMBER 3

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Bayard Rustin

War Resisters League, was one of eight noncommunist

observers at the CP National Convention who had signed a

declaration that the CP Convention had been "denocratically

conducted."

The "Daily Worker' was an east coast communist

newspaper which discontinued publication on January 13, 1958.

The "National Guardian" of March 4, 1957, contained

an article captioned "Eight Noncommunist Observers

Condenn

Dennis Subpoena After CP Convention."

The article stated that

eight noncommunist observers at the recent CP Convention in

New York strongly protested the action of the Senate Internal

Security Subcommittee in summoning Eugene Dennis.

The

group

said it found the Convention

"democratically conducted"

and

said

there were many indications that no individual or group

was in a position to take seriously the idea that anything

that happened at the Convention threatened the Nation's

security. One of the signers of the statement was Bayard

Rustin, Executive Secretary of the War Resisters League.

Dennis was the former General Secretary of

the CP who

died on January 31, 1961.

The "National Guardian" is a weekly

publication described by

• Che House Commitree on Un-American

Activities as a "virtual propaganda arm of the Soviet Union."

During November, 1958, Rustin contacted Benjamin j.

vavis to talk over a coming unidentified election.

Rustia was

In contact with davis again in May, 1959, concerning his

support oi an unidentified hospital strike.

During January,

1963, Rustin asked Davis to sell tickets for a concert at

Carnegie Hall in celebration of the third anniversary of the

"Sitwins."

Benjamin J. Davis is the National Secretary of the CP.

Arrests on Morals Charges

Rustin was arrested by the New York City Police

Department on October 25, 1946, for offering to commit a lewd

or indecent act.

He was

again

arrested by the Pasadena,

caLifornia, Police Department on January 21, 1953, for offering

to engage in an act of sex perversion.

In the latter charge,

he was convicted and sentenced to serve 60 days in the

Los Angeles County jail.

Pertinent information concerning Rustin has been

furnished to the Attorney General.

* 68-

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TE S

INDEX -

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INDEX

African American Heritage Association

Aheari, Alberta

Albertson, William

Allan, William "Billy"

American Jewish Congress

American Negro Labor Congress

American Peace Crusade

American Student Union

Arnstrong, Alice

Bart, Philip

Beavers, Helen

Beavers, Joseph Allen

Benedict, Jane

Bennett, Roy

Bennett, Vaud

Braden, Anne

Braden, Carl

Brandt, Joseph

Cardenas, Lazaro

Carey, Gordon R.

Caulfield, Sargent

Civil Rights Congress

PAGE

11

12

43

41, 15

49

10

49

67

20

29,12

50

50

4:1

40,56

23

12

12

42

46

14

23

2,53

069 --

17 55251 DocId: 32989666 Page 98

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estatiano steita dida- de reinte draente dato de ma, so sido a saar tan is

Comintern (See Communist International)

Committee to Defend Martin Luther King, Jt.

Communist International

Communist Party of the Soviet Union

Conmunist Party, USA, 17th National Convention

Committee to Aid the Southern Freedon Struggle

Congress of Racial Equality

CORE (See Congress of Racial Eguality)

Curran, Joseph

Current, Gloster Bryant

Davis, Benjamin J.

Davis, Lester

Davis, Samuel

Dennis, Eugene

Dennis, Thomas

Dobbs, Ben

Dombrowski, James

Emma Lazarus Federation of Jewish Womens Clubs

Inglewood, New Jersey, School Integration

Farmer ; James

Fellowship of Reconciliation

Flory, Ishmael

= 70-

1W 55252 DocId:32989666 Pare 99

PAGE

58,61

I, 5

5

6, 52-53

58,62

14,31, 44,45

59

49

16,19,27,28

31, 13, 54,68

17

44

68

30,44

45

12

44

37-38

14

67

11

---

## Page 100

PAGE

Freedon Riders

Freedomways Associates,

Incorporated

Gabow, Frances

Gandhi Society for Human Rights

Givens, Eddie

Coldin,

Frances

Gordon,

Steve

Gray, Hazel

Hall, Gus

Hall, Haywood

Hedgenan, Ann Arnold

Hollywood Ten

23,37

11

29

41,57,58,59, 60

38,39

44

44

22

4, 25, 27, 28,31,37, 42,58, 62

46

48

46

Hoover,

i. Edgar

Howell, Brenetta

Нумет,

Robert

51-55

1'7

17

ILD (See International Labor Defense)

Independent Citizens Committee

Independent Socialist League

International Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters

44-45

International Labor Defense (ILD)

Jackson, Esther

Jackson, James Edward

James, Cornelius (alias of Hunter Pitts O'Dell)

5,6, 11, 26, 28, 43, 53, 62, 63

50

41,57

10,32,33

11

62

- 71-

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~++9,04. 11t-7-04 tart till

Jennings, Leon

Johnson, Arnold

jones, Clarence

Kahn, Thomas David

Kennedy, President John E.

Kilgore, Jio, Rev. Thomas

King, Jro; Martin Luther

Koielchuck, Abraham

Labor Youth League

Icadership Conference on Civil Rights

(March on Washington, D. C.)

March 4-6, 1955

League for Defense of Negroes

League of Struggle for Negro Rights

Levison, Roy

Levison, Stanley D.

Lightioot, Claude

Lotto, Jack

Maltz, Albert

PAGE

mcan

20

21

41, 57,60

50

45

49

21,22,28,35,36,40,41, 48

56-60,62,63, 64,65,67

15

60

35-36

45

10

56,58

22,40,41,59,57

58,59,60,63,64

16;20,30,31,36,45

31

4.6

- 72 ∞

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1+14-91-16 165707418' seein,

Marcel, Tom

March on Washington, March 4-6, 1956

March on Washington, August 28, 1963

Marshall, Thurgood

Martin I. Seigel and Company, Incorporated

Mars, Karl

"Masters of Deceit"

McClellan, Senator: John

Metropolitan Council on Housing

Meyers, George

MIA

Miller, Dorothy Rochelle

Montgomery, Alabama, Bus Boycott

Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA)

PAGE

50

35m 36

18,31, 36, 40-50

17

59

234

55

51

4.4

44

35

12

35

35

NAACP (See National Association for the

Advancement of Colored People)

NALC (See Negro American Labor Council)

Nabried, Thomas

29,43

National Association for the Advancement 15,16,17,18,21, 25,31

of Colored People

32, 33,35, 36, 41, 45,49

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7....

National Negro Congress

National Negro Labor Council

National Council of Churches

National Urban League

Negro American Labor Council

North, Joseph

O'Dell, Hunter Pitts

O'Dell, S. H. (See Huater Pitts O'Dell)

O'Dell, Jack. (See Funter Pitts O'Dell)

Overton, Joseph

Paterson Emergency Committee to support

the Inglewood School Fight

(Inglevood, New Jersey)

Patterson, William I.

Pauker, Loretta

Philadelphia Youth Committee for Jobs

and Freedom March

Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedon,

Washington, D. C., May 17, 1957

Prinz, Joachim

Progressive Youth Organizing Conmittee

Randolph, A. Phillp

Robinson, Cleveland Llewellyn

PAGE

10,15

10

41, 48

21

19-20,25,48

53

22,23,60,61-66

19

37-38

2,31,44

23

45

36

49

45

19,20,47,57

48

i cast

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ü:in, Daniel

Bayard

•SIC (Seo Southern Christian Leadership Conference)

reottsboro Case (Boys)

Suigol, Martin E.

"Solf-determination," Communist policy of

Sharpe, Nathan

Socialist Youth Union

Southern Christian Leadership Conference

Southern Conference Educational Fund, Incorporated

Stachel, Jack

Struggle for Freedom in the South

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

"A Study of Comnunism"

T111, Emmett Louis

Turner, Ralph

United Nations

War Resisters League

Weinstock, Louis

Wilkins, Roy

Winston, Henry

Winter, Carl

PAGS

21,54

22, 49, 67, 68

32-34

59

5-6,8

20

45

222

12

43,46

58, 61

21

55

1,34

20

2

67,68

43, 46

18,31,35,41

37

29,30,45

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Wood, James R.

"right, Herbert

Youth Rally for Civil Rights,

Washington, July 27, 1963

Seattle

- 76 cr

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PAGE

57

20

38

---