Matthew Heimbach, at center in red hat, clashed with a protester at a rally for Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump in Louisville, the day after Trump’s Super Tuesday victories. (Reuters) 
 
 Matthew Heimbach, at center in red hat, clashed with a protester at a rally for Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump in Louisville, the day after Trump’s Super Tuesday victories. (Reuters) 
 
 “Get out! Leftist scum! Get out!” 
 
 In the video, the bearded white man wears a black shirt and a red baseball cap with the words “Make America Great Again.” He is yelling at a young black woman. He shoves her once, then again, screaming at her to leave. The crowd around him is agitated. Others push the woman as well. Many are yelling. 
 
 There had been ­clashes between supporters and protesters at Donald Trump rallies before, but this one in Louisville last month stood out. The racial imagery was jarring, the violence only barely contained. When video of the encounter went viral, most who saw it had no idea who the man was. But his followers knew. And so did his family. And so did the people who track hate groups and white-supremacist ­organizations, who consider him one of the country’s leading young proponents of racial acrimony. 
 
 The day after the rally, Matthew Heim­bach, a 25-year-old white nationalist who grew up in an affluent Maryland community and now lives in rural Indiana, acknowledged online that he was the one in the video pushing the woman. The object of his fury, Kashiya Nwan­guma, 21, a public health major at the University of Louisville, has joined two others in suing Trump in Jefferson County Circuit Court for allegedly inciting a riot. The suit also ­accuses Heim­bach of assaulting Nwan­­guma. 
 
 In his post online, Heim­bach described her as a member of the Black Lives Matter movement who had been disrupting the event for the better part of an hour. “White Americans are getting fed up and they’re learning that they must either push back or be pushed down,” he wrote. 
 
 1 of 19 Full Screen Autoplay Close Skip Ad × In photos, disruptions and protests during the Trump campaign View Photos Protesters and supporters of Donald Trump clash during his campaign. Caption Protesters and supporters of Donald Trump clash during his campaign. June 2, 2016 A woman wearing a Trump shirt is pelted with eggs by protesters while pinned against a door near where the candidate was holding a rally in San Jose, Calif. Josh Edelson/AFP/Getty Images Buy Photo Wait 1 second to continue. 
 
 In an interview, Nwan­guma said she is not affiliated with any organization and attended the rally to peacefully protest Trump’s policies. 
 
 “It’s hard for me to think about that day,” she said. And it’s hard for her to forget Heim­bach. What stays with her, Nwan­guma said, is “the blind rage and hatefulness and aggression” that she was met with as she was being shoved. 
 
 “It was a new side of humanity that I hadn’t quite seen before,” she said. “I know it looks like I’m smiling, but I was really in disbelief. I was like: ‘What is going on and why is this happening? There’s no way that people are acting like this.’ ” 
 
 Heimbach’s supporters cheered his actions, praising him for standing up to the protesters. But for those who have been tracking his rise, the video raised new worries about Heim­bach. Some compare him to David Duke, a former Ku Klux Klan grand wizard and the country’s best-known white nationalist. 
 
 [Trump said he needed to research people like David Duke. We did it for him.] 
 
 “I think Heim­bach should be taken as seriously as David Duke,” said Ryan Lenz, the editor of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hate­watch blog. He describes Heim­bach as a media-savvy millennial who has forged relationships with Storm­­front, the League of the South, the Aryan Terror Brigade, the National Socialist Movement and other white-supremacist organizations. 
 
 “He’s the affable, youthful face of hate in America,” Lenz said, “and in many ways, he’s the grand connector between all of these groups.” 
 
 David Duke has a long history in politics and the white supremacy movement. Here are key moments in Duke’s life in the public eye. (Claritza Jimenez/The Washington Post) 
 
 Heimbach doesn’t hide his extremism. He has had his picture taken at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington holding a sign that said: “6 million? More like 271,301.” In another photo, in front of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s grave site in Atlanta, he unfurled the first flag of the Confederacy. After terrorist attacks in Brussels last month, he tweeted, “Hey Brussels, how’s that multi­culturalism working out for you?” 
 
 His racial worldview has cost him jobs and led to his excommunication from his Orthodox Christian church. It has created a rift between him and his parents and confounded those who knew him in Maryland: his classmates at Poolesville High School and his teachers and many fellow students at Montgomery College and Towson University, from which he graduated with a history degree in 2013. 
 
 Why, they ask, would someone as smart and educated as Heim­bach choose to assert that the Holocaust never happened, that lynchings in the South were mostly deserved, that apartheid in South Africa was not as bad as people have suggested and that if white Americans don’t set off a homeland for themselves, then the future of white America is in jeopardy? 
 
 ‘We’re under attack’ 
 
 On a weekday afternoon, members of Heim­bach’s Traditionalist Worker Party are gathered in the back of a tattoo parlor tucked behind a tanning salon and an auto detailer in Madison­ville, Ky. 
 
 Heimbach has driven three hours to this western Kentucky coal region from his home in Paoli, Ind., a quaint town of 3,600 founded in the early 1800s by Quakers seeking to establish a slave-free territory. There he works as a landscaper and lives with his wife, Brooke, and their 8-month-old son, Nicholas, who is named for the last czar of Russia. 
 
 Heimbach, wearing a black T-shirt with the words “Refugees NOT Welcome,” meets with Colton Williams, 23, a dishwasher, and Chappy, 37, a tattoo artist who didn’t want to use his full name because he has received threats for his involvement in pro-white activities. In Madisonville and neighboring small towns struggling with high unemployment rates, the three men and other party members have been going door to door distributing literature and encouraging people to join their movement supporting “faith, family and folk.” 
 
 “We don’t consider ourselves a hate group at all,” Chappy said. “We don’t hate anybody.” 
 
 Heimbach concurred. “We advocate for our people, but I don’t wish pain or death or suffering for anyone else.” 
 
 What they want, they say, is to make sure that elected officials are addressing the needs of poor and blue-collar whites. They want to run candidates in local elections. They want to siphon votes from mainstream Republicans. They want an end to illegal immigration; an end to outsourcing; an end to same-sex marriage; an end to abortion; an end to foreign aid, except disaster relief; and an end to attacks on European American identity. That’s the short-term plan. 
 
 The long-term plan is grander. Heim­bach foresees the United States being divided into autonomous racial states, with white Christians free to live apart and outside the control of any federal authority. Other racial groups would have their own lands, and an area would be set aside for people who wanted to continue living in a multi­cultural society. The goal would be for each race to protect its identity, and for Heim­bach, that means protecting whites. 
 
 “The system, which is a multi­ethnic empire, doesn’t care about us,” he said. “We’re under attack. White people need an advocate.” 
 
 ‘Infected with this hatred’ 
 
 Marilyn Mayo has been tracking Heim­bach’s doings for five years. A director of the Anti-Defamation League’s Center on Extremism, Mayo keeps a watchful eye on individuals and organizations that support racist and anti-Semitic ideologies. Heim­bach elicits more worry than most, she says. 
 
 “We’ve been concerned about him because he goes beyond just talking,” she said. “He’s created groups. He’s building ties. He’s obviously someone who can write about topics intellectually, and he’s college-educated. But he also wants to have very strong ties with hard­-core groups like neo-Nazis and racist skin­heads.” 
 
 Heimbach insists that his movement doesn’t promote violence. For him, inclusion on lists of avowed racists and extremists is more a badge of honor than a sign that he has crossed any line. 
 
 His party is still nascent. There are maybe a few hundred followers and a dozen or so chapters nationwide. But it will grow, Heim­bach says, because whites are being ignored in favor of minorities. And no one has pointed that out more clearly to the rest of the nation, he says, than Trump, who has emerged as the front-runner for the Republican presidential nomination, in part by promising to bar Muslims from entering the country and to build a wall to keep Mexicans out. 
 
 “Hopefully this [election] will really damage the Republican Party as a whole and awaken white working-class and middle-class people that the Republicans don’t represent them,” Heim­bach said. “So I really like Trump for that. But he’s not one of us. He’s not a white nationalist.” 
 
 [America’s dying white supremacist movement is seizing on Donald Trump] 
 
 Whether Trump becomes president doesn’t matter. Either way, Heim­bach predicts, his movement will win. 
 
 “Our movement is on the rise,” he told a gathering of the Council of Conservative Citizens in St. Louis last month. “And Donald Trump is just the first glimmer of the dawn that is about to rise. What he has shown us is that our people will not go quietly into the night. They want to fight.” 
 
 Heimbach sees a model for what his political party can accomplish in Europe, where far-right parties have gained strength in recent years in response to economic uncertainty, terrorist attacks and the migrant crisis. He has traveled to Greece to meet with leaders of that country’s fascist Golden Dawn party, and in Germany he addressed the National Democratic Party, the country’s ultra­nationalist political party. Britain has banned him from traveling there. 
 
 Last summer, Heim­bach spoke in California at Camp Comradery, a gathering of far-right nationalists, skinheads and white supremacists. 
 
 “The next time we have this conference, I want to see twice the amount of people here,” he said. “In 10 years, I want a Nuremberg rally.” 
 
 ‘He’s wasted his life’ 
 
 “Self-radicalized.” 
 
 That’s how Heim­bach describes his racial awakening. Growing up in Poolesville, a once-rural, increasingly diverse Montgomery County community with a median household income of $150,000 a year, Heim­bach had no personal encounters that led to his racist ideology. It certainly wasn’t something he learned from his parents: Karl and Margaret Heim­bach, schoolteachers who divorced when he was in his early teens. 
 
 “His family does not share his beliefs in terms of race or religion,” Margaret Heim­bach said in a brief telephone interview. His father declined to comment. 
 
 The gen­esis of Heim­bach’s worldview came from two books he read in high school: “Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity,” by Samuel P. Huntington, and Patrick J. Buchanan’s “The Death of the West.” And everything else, he says, he discovered online. 
 
 At Poolesville High, Heimbach tried to start a white student union after a similar group was formed for African American students. He says more than 100 students signed his petition. Deena Levine, the school’s principal, declined to discuss Heim­bach. 
 
 But Christine Simmons, a former classmate who is white, says he made other students feel very uncomfortable. 
 
 “He wouldn’t use the n-word or any slurs, but he would say this is a white community and those people don’t belong here,” Simmons said. “He was always very rude to anyone who wasn’t like him or didn’t think like him.” 
 
 At Montgomery College, Heim­bach went out of his way to be offensive in a number of Joe Thompson’s history classes, his former teacher says. He once wore a shirt that said “All I need to know about Islam I learned on 9/11,” and on his laptop he displayed a bumper sticker with a Confederate flag and the words “If I had known all the trouble they would cause, I would have picked the cotton myself.” 
 
 Thompson says that Heim­bach was smart but sifted history to fit his needs. “When he debates history, he leaves out those inconvenient facts that hurt his argument.” What Thompson also thought he saw in Heim­bach was someone who was looking for a father figure. 
 
 “It makes me sad. It seems to me like he’s wasted his life,” Thompson said. “I did see some goodness in him. But I also did see that he was infected with this hatred.” 
 
 Heimbach acknowledges that some of his tactics at Montgomery College were over the top. He says, for instance, that his understanding of Islam and respect for the religion have grown. But he has always employed attention-grabbing stunts. 
 
 In 2012, as a student at Towson University, north of Baltimore, he founded a white student union to “celebrate European heritage.” The university refused to sanction the group, but Heim­bach and his small band of followers weren’t deterred. They would later post on their website that they were there to protect white students from “black predators” and that “White Southern men have long been called to defend their communities when law enforcement and the State seem unwilling to protect our people.” 
 
 He knows that provocation generates publicity and that publicity works, even if it comes with costs. 
 
 “I guarantee you that I’m going to recruit members out of this article, no matter how badly you slant it,” he said. “Thousands of people will look us up online, and maybe a dozen will join the party.” 
 
 But the costs do cut. His father has not met Heim­bach’s son, and Heim­bach can’t foresee a way for them to reconcile. His brother and sister haven’t spoken to him in years, he says. Last year, the Orthodox Christian church Heimbach joined in Indiana shunned him for his beliefs. 
 
 His work life, too, has been affected. Earlier this year, Heim­bach was training to be a family case manager for the Indiana Department of Child Services until, he says, his bosses­ learned about his views. The department said in a statement that Heim­bach was dismissed because his “behavior in training was disruptive of the workplace and incompatible with public service.” 
 
 Heimbach says he hasn’t ignored the rebukes or the calls for him to rethink his beliefs. He simply doesn’t agree with them. It is everyone else who needs to open their eyes. 
 
 “They don’t realize how bad the problems are,” he said. “They don’t realize what’s out there. You can’t just wait out the storm and hope everything is going to be okay.” 
 
 Jennifer Jenkins contributed to this report. ||||| Paramedics rush a stabbing victim away on a gurney Sunday, June 26, 2016, after members of right-wing extremists groups holding a rally outside the California state Capitol building in Sacramento clashed... (Associated Press) 
 
 Paramedics rush a stabbing victim away on a gurney Sunday, June 26, 2016, after members of right-wing extremists groups holding a rally outside the California state Capitol building in Sacramento clashed with counter-protesters, authorities said. Sacramento Police spokesman Matt McPhail said the Traditionalist... (Associated Press) 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO (AP) — Ten people suffered stab wounds and other injuries on Sunday after members of a white nationalist group that planned to rally outside the California state Capitol building in Sacramento clashed with a larger group of counter protesters, authorities said. 
 
 The fight broke out when about 30 members of the Traditionalist Worker Party gathering to rally around noon Sunday were met by about 400 counter-protesters, California Highway Patrol Officer George Granada said. 
 
 As people tried to leave the area, smaller fights broke out, Granada said. 
 
 Of the injured, two were taken to the hospital with critical stab wounds, but they were expected to survive, officials said. 
 
 Police were investigating two assaults that happened outside the Capitol grounds, but no arrests have been made, the Sacramento Police Department said in a statement. 
 
 The Capitol was on lockdown until protesters cleared the area. 
 
 Videos from the melee posted on social media showed mounted police officers dispersing a group of mostly young people, some with their faces covered, while some throw stones toward a man holding a stick and being shielded by police officers in riot gear. 
 
 A KCRA-TV reporter and his cameraman were caught in an altercation with protesters who shouted "no cameras" as they tried to grab their equipment and shove them away from the crowd. 
 
 Sacramento Fire Department spokesman Chris Harvey said nine men and one woman, ranging from 19 to 58 years old, were treated for stab wounds, cuts, scrapes and bruises. 
 
 "There was a large number of people carrying sticks and rushing to either get into the melee or see what was going on," Harvey said. 
 
 The victims were all present while the protest took place, said Sacramento Police spokesman Matt McPhail but he said it was still unclear whether and how they were involved. 
 
 The Traditionalist Workers Party had scheduled and received a permit to protest for two hours in front of the Capitol. Law enforcement was aware of the counter-protest effort and police deployed more than 100 officers to the Capitol, McPhail said. 
 
 The Southern Poverty Law Center has described TWP as a group formed in 2015 as the political wing of the Traditionalist Youth Network, which aims to "indoctrinate high school and college students into white nationalism." 
 
 Matthew Heimbach, chairman of the Traditionalist Worker Party, told the Los Angeles Times that his group and the Golden State Skinheads organized the Sunday rally. Heimbach said that in the clash, one of their marchers had been stabbed in an artery and six of the counter-protesters had also been stabbed. 
 
 Vice chairman Matt Parrott, who was not present at the Sacramento rally, blamed "leftist radicals" for instigating the violence. 
 
 A message left at a phone number for the Traditionalist Worker Party was not immediately returned to The Associated Press. 
 
 A post recently uploaded to site of the Traditionalist Youth Network said TWP members planned to march in Sacramento to protest against globalization and in defense of their right to free expression. They said they expected to be outnumbered 10-to-1 by counter-protesters. 
 
 "We concluded that it was time to use this rally to make a statement about the precarious situation our race is in," the Traditionalist Youth Network statement said. "With our folk on the brink of becoming a disarmed, disengaged, and disenfranchised minority, the time to do something was yesterday!" 
 
 The clash Sunday follows a confrontation in March between Ku Klux Klan members and counter-protesters in Anaheim, California in which three people were stabbed. ||||| A rally by a small group of neo-Nazi demonstrators at the state Capitol on Sunday erupted into a violent clash with protesters that left at least 10 people injured – five of them stabbed – and closed down streets as more than 100 police in riot gear and on horseback intervened to halt the mayhem. 
 
 Demonstrators battled with sticks, protest signs and other weapons as the Traditionalist Worker Party group – which said it wanted to assist supporters of presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump – began setting up for a scheduled noon rally on the west steps of the Capitol. 
 
 Even before the event began, clashes broke out at numerous locations around the Capitol grounds among the 400 people gathered for and against the rally, which had been heavily promoted – and denounced – in recent days on various websites. Injuries were reported on both sides of the altercation. 
 
 “We had some pretty dynamic and chaotic situations,” said Sacramento Fire Department spokesman Chris Harvey, who arrived as a public information officer and quickly found himself working as a paramedic. 
 
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 “We had a number of times where we had a patient on the ground and crews were trying to do triage and take care of them and the chaos was enveloping them. They were surrounded by the CHP and police officers just trying to keep the general surge of people away.” 
 
 Witnesses said the violence erupted at different locations around the Capitol grounds, hindering the initial law enforcement response as confrontations began before the event was scheduled to start. 
 
 The first sign of violence came just before 11 a.m., when KCRA reporter Mike Luery and his cameraman were caught in an altercation with anti-fascist protesters shouting “no cameras” and demanding they leave. 
 
 “We’re not causing the problem; your belligerent people are causing the problem,” Luery told the crowd before someone knocked his mike from his hand and others tried to grab the camera. The pair were eventually shoved out of the crowd and crossed the street away from the protesters. 
 
 SHARE COPY LINK A group of anti-fascist protesters confronted a KCRA television news crew at the Capitol on June 26, 2016. Beware explicit language. 
 
 Damion Osborne, a Sacramento community activist who came out to join the anti-Nazi protesters Sunday, said more trouble erupted about 11:20 a.m. when a neo-Nazi with a stick, a sign and shirt with a swastika and the words “White Power” approached the crowd. 
 
 “He dodged a bottle and then a rock, then someone broke a rock over his back,” said Osborne, 26. “The organizer said, ‘Stop, let him speak.’ 
 
 “Then some folks came up to take his sign away and he wouldn’t let go, so a girl from the anti-racist side punched him. As soon as he was getting beat down, the cops came and grabbed him and started shooting rubber pellets.” 
 
 By 11:40, an African American man had been stabbed in the left arm, and police formed a circle around him as he lay on the ground being attended to by Andrea Combs, a medical assistant from Sacramento who was part of the protests. 
 
 “He’s 25, he’s from Carson City, his name is Nate,” said Combs, 43. “The Nazis are after the black people. I saw the second stabbing victim drop, too.” 
 
 Sean Moore, 23, of Sacramento was bleeding heavily from his right side just above his thigh, and bystanders said he was part of the anti-Nazi protest. 
 
 By 3 p.m., officials said the total number of injured was at eight, including five people who had been stabbed. Three of them were considered in serious condition and officials said one victim left the scene in his car, then called for an ambulance from his home near 65th Street and Fruitridge Road. 
 
 He dodged a bottle and then a rock, then someone broke a rock over his back. Damion Osborne, Sacramento community activist who came out to join anti-Nazi protesters 
 
 “It’s a highly volatile situation,” Sacramento police Chief Sam Somers said in the midafternoon, before the Capitol grounds on the west side were cleared. 
 
 Somers said there have been other skinhead rallies at the Capitol, but “this time the anarchists have taken a much more aggressive stance to wreak havoc on the city.” 
 
 “Regardless of the message, it’s the skinheads’ First Amendment right to free speech,” he added. 
 
 The CHP, which is responsible for security on Capitol grounds and had officers standing by along with Sacramento police in riot gear, said it was ready for the event. 
 
 “We were prepared for an encounter between these two groups not getting along,” CHP Capitol spokesman George Granada said. “We do the best we can with the situation that’s handed to us. 
 
 “It’s very fluid, moving from the west side to south to the north side. Now everything is calm. After the first violent event, we revoked the permit for the event.” 
 
 Police fired pepper spray balls at times as protesters hurled some large firecrackers at each other and at the CHP horses, but no arrests were reported as of 8 p.m. Sunday. Sacramento police said a person notified them of a loaded handgun on the Capitol grounds, and the weapon was taken in as evidence. 
 
 Many of the protesters were dressed all in black, some wearing face masks and hoodies zipped up to their chins, and it was difficult to tell at times who was on which side as they waved sticks, chanted and occasionally set off large fireworks. 
 
 One woman approached the anti-fascist crowd with a “Love conquers hate” sign because she thought they were the fascists. There was a brief period of yelling between her and the crowd before the misunderstanding was straightened out. 
 
 Despite the initial outbreak of violence, law enforcement appeared to be holding back from wading into the crowd once it appeared to settle back into groups shouting at each other. By 1 p.m., the anti-fascist group had taken over the steps of the building and chanted against the skinheads, while officers in riot gear and on horseback stood back in the shade near the sidewalks along L and 10th streets. 
 
 Regardless of the message, it’s the skinheads’ First Amendment right to free speech. Sacramento police Chief Sam Somers 
 
 At one point, the anti-fascists tried marching down L Street toward 15th Street, but turned back and ran to the steps when a handful of skinhead protesters began advancing on them. 
 
 As the standoff continued, tourists wandered around the east side of the Capitol seemingly unaware of the tense scene. Nearby restaurants and bars remained jammed with patrons escaping the fierce summer heat and watching soccer matches. 
 
 Police closed off portions of L, N and 10th streets during the protest, which ended about 3 p.m. 
 
 Yvette Felarca, with the By Any Means Necessary group, came from Oakland to join the protest against the neo-Nazis and said it was a successful effort because the fascists fled. 
 
 “They came out of this in worse shape than us,” said Felarca, who suffered a head injury in the heat of the hostility. “Not just physically, but politically, they lost. The Nazis did not recruit anyone new today, and our side did.” 
 
 SHARE COPY LINK Yvette Felarca, from activist group By Any Means Necessary, says her group's violent reaction to a white supremacist rally at the California Capitol will help prevent violence against immigrants. She was later arrested and faces assault charges. 
 
 At least two of the injured were pulled inside the Capitol so they could be treated, the CHP said. 
 
 The Traditionalist Worker Party bills itself as a group of about 500 followers nationwide “defending faith, family, and folk against the politicians and oligarchs who are running America into the ground.” 
 
 “We intend to achieve that goal by building a nationwide network of grassroots local leaders who will lead Americans toward a peaceful and prosperous future free from economic exploitation, federal tyranny, and anti-Christian degeneracy,” the group states on its website. 
 
 The group and its California affiliate, Golden State Skinheads, sent about 30 people to speak up for Trump supporters who have been denied their freedom of speech, spokesman Matt Parrott said after the violence. 
 
 “The purpose of the protest was actually a reaction around the Donald Trump rallies where working-class white Americans were trying to peacefully organize, not on racial terms,” he said. “We wanted to have a march to show we will not back down in the face of radical leftists, who threatened violence beforehand.” 
 
 Parrott said his group was “prepared for a fight; they were prepared to defend themselves.” 
 
 The party’s chairman is Matthew Heimbach, who reportedly is Parrott’s son-in-law and briefly was a Trump delegate until his racial views became known. He sparked national headlines when he was accused of shoving an African American woman at a Trump rally in Kentucky in March. 
 
 Heimbach could not be reached Sunday, but anti-hate groups that monitor such organizations have labeled Heimbach as a rising leader among white nationalists. 
 
 “He’s part of the dry-cleaned Klan, if you will,” said Brian Levin, director of the Center for the Study of Hate & Extremism at California State University, San Bernardino. 
 
 Levin said a similar outbreak of violence occurred at a Ku Klux Klan rally in Anaheim in February where three people where stabbed and he ended up sheltering two injured Klan members from angry counterprotesters. 
 
 He said he had planned to attend Sunday’s rally to observe because so much publicity had been generated in advance of it, but changed his mind at the last minute because Heimbach began talking of canceling it. 
 
 Typically, violence at such rallies stems from the white nationalist side, Levin said, but the left is now organizing rapidly to challenge the neo-Nazi groups. 
 
 “One of the things we’re seeing this election season is an increase in the violence,” Levin said. “It started on the right, and now we’re seeing it on the left as well. It wouldn’t surprise me if a good portion of the people involved were anti-fascists. 
 
 “The anti-fascists were broadcasting that they were going to shut this rally down, and I think it’s pretty clear that they were looking for a confrontation.”
– There were chaotic and bloody scenes outside California's Capitol building Sunday when a far-right group calling itself the Traditionalist Worker Party tried to hold a rally. Witnesses tell the Los Angeles Times that things turned violent as soon as a few dozen members of the white supremacist group turned up at the Sacramento rally, where they were met by hundreds of anti-Nazi demonstrators. At least nine people were hospitalized—seven of them with stab wounds—and many others suffered cuts, scrapes, and bruises. A Sacramento police spokesman tells the AP that the group had a permit to hold the rally and at least 100 police officers had been there to try to keep order. The TWP, formed last year as an offshoot of the Traditionalist Youth Network, another white nationalist group, had said the rally aimed to show the "precarious situation our race is in." But "the purpose of the protest was actually a reaction around the Donald Trump rallies where working-class white Americans were trying to peacefully organize, not on racial terms," group spokesman Matt Parrott tells the Sacramento Bee. Parrott is believed to be the father-in-law of TWP leader Matthew Heimbach, who was described by the Washington Post earlier this year as the "next David Duke" after he was filmed shoving a protester at a Trump rally in Kentucky. Before the rally, Heimbach tweeted a photo of some "brave comrades." (A Jewish man rescued a KKK leader during similar violence at a protest in Anaheim earlier this year.)