It’s official: The United Kingdom is leaving the European Union. 
 
 On Wednesday, UK Prime Minister Theresa May submitted notice to the president of the European Council, Donald Tusk, that her country would be departing his union under Article 50 of the EU’s Lisbon Treaty. This marks the formal beginning of EU and UK negotiations over what the British and EU relationship will look like after Britain leaves. If the negotiations don’t produce any agreement, then the UK will simply be kicked out of all EU agreements — including, most notably, the EU’s internal free trade and free migration agreements. 
 
 That outcome, often referred to as a “hard Brexit,” would be a disaster. Many of the 3.5 million EU citizens living in the UK would no longer be sure if they could legally remain in Britain. The British economy would be at serious risk: About 44 percent of British exports go to the EU, so new UK-EU trade barriers could well cause a new British recession. 
 
 So what’s about to happen is two years of intense negotiations to try to avoid that outcome. The goal will be to develop a compromise deal on key controversies, like migration, that would allow for a “soft Brexit” — one in which the UK retains some access to the EU’s single market. 
 
 But the EU and the UK are starting very far apart, with diametrically opposed goals on the fundamental issues. And because all 27 remaining EU countries and the European Parliament need to agree to a final deal, there are all sorts of reasons it could get vetoed. A ton of unpredictable events, ranging from the French far-right candidate winning a presidential election to Donald Trump offering Britain a trade deal, could upend the negotiations entirely between now and 2018. 
 
 The point, in short, is that Britain has just armed the clock on a ticking time bomb. And nobody knows if it will be defused. 
 
 What we know is about to happen 
 
 Now that Prime Minister May has officially given notice to Tusk, the next step is to begin negotiations about the negotiations. In about a month, the UK and EU will formally sit down to come to terms on how the negotiations will work. 
 
 “Most of the formal stuff that will be agreed upon in the big meetings has already been penciled in,” Tim Oliver, an expert on the EU at the London School of Economics, tells me. “But that doesn’t mean they can overcome the sticking points about what issues to consider, what order to consider them, and so forth.” 
 
 Ultimately, Oliver believes, “nothing substantive” will be agreed upon until after the French presidential election in April and the German parliamentary election in late September. That’s because the French and Germans are, by far, the two most important EU member states. Without a firm sense of who their leaders will be in the coming years, it will be impossible to know what terms the EU might agree to. 
 
 After these elections, the real negotiating will begin. The EU and UK will need to come to agreements on the final terms of the UK’s departure from the EU. Some key issues include: 
 
 Whether the UK will receive any kind of free trade deal with the EU, or whether it will simply be treated like any other country, subject to the tariffs permitted by World Trade Organization rules 
 
 Whether British financial services, a vital part of both the UK and EU economies, will be permitted to continue operating without restriction on the continent 
 
 Whether the UK will continue to permit unrestricted migration of EU citizens (other than Croatians) into the UK, which it currently does as part of the European Economic Area, and vice versa 
 
 What rights current EU citizens living in the UK will have to remain and continue working in the UK, and vice versa 
 
 Whether the UK will continue to abide by the huge number of EU regulations and laws, and continue to submit to the European Court of Justice on trade disputes with EU states 
 
 Once those issues are substantively agreed to, the UK and EU will need to work out a transition plan. If the final deal limits UK access to European markets, for example, they will need to work out how many years it will be before European tariffs on British goods go up. If EU migration to the UK is going to be restricted, they’ll need to figure out when the UK is allowed to start applying those restrictions and how strict their migration limits can be in the near term. 
 
 The transition issue is important because the UK and the EU are deeply linked. UK products, for example, are currently built according to EU regulations. If the UK isn’t going to be governed by those rules anymore, UK companies will need some time to adjust — to redesign their products for a more heavily non-European market. 
 
 If the UK and the EU Commission, the EU’s executive branch, manage to come to an agreement about all of this, things still aren’t done. Every EU member state then needs to agree to this final arrangement, as does a majority of the European Parliament. 
 
 Theoretically, the two-year provision of Article 50 creates an incentive for this to get negotiated quickly, as a hard Brexit benefits no one. 
 
 “It would certainly be a worse economic problem for the UK than the EU, but it would be a very bad economic problem for the EU,” Jeremy Shapiro, research director at the European Council on Foreign Relations, says. 
 
 But at the same time, it’s very plausible that a deal won’t be made within that time. The EU is too large and bureaucratic, and the number of veto points too large, for something this complex to be resolved quickly. 
 
 “One of the most difficult things in these negotiations is the fact that even if the EU wanted now to do a good deal with the UK, it almost certainly couldn’t do it within those two years,” Oliver says. “The EU isn’t equipped, really, to negotiate a speedy exit.” 
 
 If two years pass without a deal being reached, the EU and Britain may jointly decide to temporarily extend all existing EU agreements with Britain — making it an EU country in all but name — until final status negotiations are finished. That means we could be at the beginning of a very, very long negotiating process. 
 
 Britain and the EU want opposite things 
 
 The best way to think about the negotiations is a kind of push-pull over three main issues: migration, trade, and sovereignty. 
 
 The Schengen Agreement requires that every EU country agree to let citizens of other EU countries live and work within its borders. This led to a large influx of EU migrants to the UK, especially after poorer post-communist countries joined the EU in 2004. 
 
 Backlash to this immigration was a key driving force behind the Brexit referendum’s success; 62 percent of "Leave" voters, according to a poll of 12,000 Britons, said that immigration was "a force for ill" in the UK. Prime Minister May vowed, in a January 2017 speech outlining her Brexit policy, to “get control of the number of people coming to Britain from the EU.” 
 
 Another key reason for Brexit was frustration with EU control over British laws. Leave voters saw EU institutions, like the European Court of Justice, as limiting British control over vital concerns like industry regulations. May vowed in her Brexit speech that “we will take back control of our laws and bring an end to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in Britain.” 
 
 Yet at the same time, the UK wants to maintain its access to the EU common market, arguably the key benefit to remaining in the EU. It wants the economic privileges of remaining in the EU without the politically controversial international laws and permissive migration rules. 
 
 It’s a sort of “have our cake and eat it too” demand, and the EU is having none of it. 
 
 “The EU has been very strongly signaling that they’re just not going to give access to the common market without the free movement of labor,” Shapiro says. “That would really damage the very central notion of the common market, and it would also give incentives for other countries to ask for all kinds of opt-outs.” 
 
 Which means the EU arguably has an incentive to make Brexit as painful a process as possible. 
 
 Public opinion has swung against the EU since the Great Recession and subsequent eurozone economic crisis. Right-wing populist movements — all of which are deeply hostile to the EU — are rising around the continent. The EU needs to explain why these populists are wrong — to show that if a country leaves the EU, it will suffer. If it lets Britain leave with a sweetheart deal, then far-right politicians in countries like Greece and France could argue that they could depart the EU with ease. If more countries do leave, the whole union could theoretically start to unravel. 
 
 So a deal that’s really good for the UK economy and popular with UK voters is objectively bad for the future of the European Union. That means the two sides are starting very far apart. 
 
 Ultimately, the only way to avoid a painful, hard Brexit will be for both sides to compromise somewhat — to come to mutually acceptable agreements on migration, sovereignty, and trade. This isn’t terribly complex as a matter of policy: One could imagine some kind of compromise where Britain retains favorable trade rights with the EU and agrees to give EU immigrants special rights in Britain. But politically, such an agreement would involve painful compromises for both sides, meaning that even successful negotiations will likely be fraught and angry for a time. 
 
 “I can see a real crunch where both sides reach an impasse, and they have to back off — take a significant break,” Oliver says. “It’s not so much complex [policy]; it’s political willingness by both sides to agree to certain ideas.” 
 
 There are many ways this whole thing could go sideways 
 
 To add to the fundamental difficulty of the negotiations, there are lots of events outside of the Brexit process that could change the dynamics of entire negotiation. 
 
 The first, and most obvious, is the upcoming French election. It’s possible, the polling data suggests, that far-right populist Marine Le Pen could win the presidency. Not likely — most polls have her losing to her top rival, Emmanuel Macron, by a fairly large margin — but still possible. 
 
 Le Pen is staunchly anti-EU; her campaign is promising to take France off the euro within six months of victory. If she wins, then one of the most powerful countries in the EU will have become fundamentally hostile to the institution, shifting the internal balance of power in the EU in a way that’s likely to strengthen Britain’s bargaining position. 
 
 “Everything ... completely goes out the window if Marine Le Pen is elected,” Shapiro says. “It completely changes the incentives of what’s, right now, the most hard-line [anti] Brexit state — and obviously one of the most powerful actors in the EU.” 
 
 There’s also the not-small matter of the United States. Donald Trump has repeatedly endorsed the UK vote to leave, even referring to himself as “Mr. Brexit” during the campaign. If he were to offer the UK a favorable free trade deal with the US upon its departure from the EU, that could lessen the economic pain of Brexit considerably — and strengthen Britain’s negotiating hand by making a hard Brexit more palatable for the UK. 
 
 On the EU’s side, there’s the not-insignificant matter of the United Kingdom’s viability as a country. The UK is technically made up of four separate “countries” — England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland — that currently function more like US states. Yet Scotland and Northern Ireland both voted to stay in the EU, and political leaders in both countries have threatened to leave the UK as a result of Brexit. 
 
 Of the two, Scotland is the more pressing problem. The most popular party there is the pro-independence Scottish National Party; just one day before the official Article 50 announcement, Scotland’s parliament passed a vote in favor of holding (another) referendum on Scottish independence. This puts pressure on May to come to some kind of deal that preserves a stronger relationship with the EU. 
 
 “It’s the issue of Scottish independence, and another referendum, that genuinely does scare Theresa May — because she does not want to be the prime minister that loses Scotland and sees the breakup of the United Kingdom,” Oliver says. 
 
 Finally, you add on top of that all the different incentives of the EU’s 27 member states. While many are likely to agree to whatever agreement the UK and the European Commission arrive at, some might not. Spain, for instance, is using the vote to stake a claim to Gibraltar — a peninsula on Spain’s southern coast long controlled by Britain. Poland and Hungary are run by deeply euroskeptical parties who might push for a deal that weakens the EU as an organization. 
 
 The point, then, is that this is an immensely complicated negotiation with a ton of moving parts. Not only are the two main parties involved very far apart on the core points of disagreement, but there are lots of other actors who have the ability to throw a monkey wrench into the proceedings. 
 
 That means the odds of the worst possible outcome — a hard Brexit — are higher than you might think. Not inevitable, or even necessarily likely, as nobody really wants it. Rather, it’s just that the negotiations are so involved that any number of unforeseeable things could end up dooming them. 
 
 “Some people thought, actually, Brexit’s not really gonna happen; she [May] wants a soft Brexit,” Oliver says. “But this has been in the cards for a while. People are slowly waking up to this.” 
 
 CORRECTION: This article originally identified the UK as part of the EU’s Schengen Agreement. Free movement between the UK and (most) EU countries is instead provided for under the European Economic Area. ||||| Tweet with a location 
 
 You can add location information to your Tweets, such as your city or precise location, from the web and via third-party applications. You always have the option to delete your Tweet location history. Learn more ||||| Donald Tusk has accepted Theresa May's Article 50 letter and Britain has begun the process of leaving the EU. 
 
 The President of the European Council said in his statement to Britain: "we already miss you. Thank you and goodbye". 
 
 Many Remainers on social media became emotional at the EU's reaction to Brexit. 
 
 Among these was JK Rowling, who tweeted: "When your ex is so noble about the break up you'd almost rather they threw a drink in your face". 
 
 Others commented on the farewell statement Mr Tusk made: ||||| Reuters Soon, the Union Jack won’t be flying at the European Commission headquarters in Brussels. 
 
 LONDON (MarketWatch) — It was a quiet, low-key moment, with little drama or fanfare. At 12:30 today, Sir Tim Barrow, Britain’s permanent representative to the European Union, left a routine meeting of EU ambassadors to personally deliver a letter on behalf of the British government to Donald Tusk, the president of the European Council. 
 
 Article 50, which will begin the two-year process of leaving the EU, was finally triggered. 
 
 But the lack of ceremony should not obscure the importance of the moment. In truth, triggering Article 50 will change both Britain and the European Union profoundly. It will strengthen the U.K. economy, while also accelerating its decoupling from the rest of Europe. It will make the EU work better, and perhaps even rescue the euro EURUSD, -0.0176% , yet also make it as lesser force in the world. 
 
 And it will accelerate the shift of power away from the Atlantic towards the Pacific. The final verdict of history remains to be seen, of course — but after the invasion of Iraq in 2003, it may turn to be the second major geopolitical event of the 21st century. 
 
 In the months ahead, there will be a huge amount of attention devoted to the minute details of the divorce settlement. How much will Britain have to pay before it can leave, and what kind of share will it get of the assets it has built up over the 40 years of its membership? What kind of access will it have to the Single Market, and on what terms? Will European companies still be able to sell their products tariff-free in Britain? 
 
 At times, there will be bitter and unpleasant rows. In the end, the chances are that no deal will be reached, at least within the two-year time frame, and Britain will end up trading with Europe on the same basis as South Korea or Japan. 
 
 In time, however, as with any divorce, all that will be forgotten, and both sides to the separation will go their separate ways, and forge their own future. So, measured over decades rather than months or years, what difference will the U.K. leaving make? 
 
 Here are three big trends to watch. 
 
 First, the British economy will be stronger — but different. The consensus among the economic establishment that Brexit would fatally weaken the U.K. has turned out to be as misguided as most elite opinion. In fact, Britain seems to have emerged so far in slightly better shape. A major currency devaluation has helped its struggling export industries. Companies are still investing — only this week, Qatar sunk another £5 billion into the country. 
 
 The economy is still growing. Some jobs and industries will be lost, but others will be gained — and net-net, Britain will come out slightly ahead. 
 
 What will happen is that the economy will change. There are many reasons why the U.K. is leaving the EU, but one of them is that its economy has been drifting away from the rest of the continent for a long time already. The EU accounts for 44% of its exports, down from 55% a decade ago — an incredibly rapid decline, given the normally glacial pace at which trade flows change. 
 
 Leaving the EU is going to accelerate that. Expect that trade share to go down to 30% or less in the decade ahead. Expect as well for Britain to become a lower tax, lighter regulation commercial hub. The U.K. will never be the Singapore of Europe that some of the Brexit champions hope for. Even leaving aside the greyer skies, it is too big for that. But it will be something a lot closer to it. 
 
 Second, the EU will be more unified — but also diminished. In the wake of the vote, many thought it might just be the first country to leave. Unless there is a surprise victory for Marine Le Pen in France, that does not look very likely now — and the likely winner of that election, Emmanuel Macron, is a strong champion of closer integration. 
 
 In fact, the U.K.’s departure appears to have made the rest of the continent appreciate the Union even more. And with the U.K. gone, it will lose a truculent opponent of deeper sovereignty. The EU is likely to stride forward to something far closer to a single state — which, as it happens, is exactly what the euro needs if it is to survive. In that sense, the EU will be stronger. 
 
 That said, it will also be a smaller entity. Keep in mind that Britian, on current trends, will overtake Germany as Europe’s biggest economy by the 2030s. An EU that doesn’t include the continent’s biggest nation — and its most powerful military capability — can’t really claim to speak for the whole of Europe. It will just represent one part of it — and that is smaller claim. 
 
 Finally, real power will now be negotiated between the United States and China. For much of the last 60 years, the EU has aspired to be a genuine superpower. At least some of its champions explicitly saw it as rivalling and indeed replacing the U.S. as the major force in the world — that was part of the thinking behind creating a single currency that could rival the dollar. 
 
 Without the U.K., that is not going to happen now. Instead, it will left to the U.S. and China to vie with one another for global dominance. That will be the only genuine geopolitical conflict of any real importance. A small, less important EU will ensure that the story of the 21st century will be determined by what happens in the Pacific. 
 
 Europe and the Atlantic will be a sideshow — an interesting sideshow, to be sure, but a sideshow all the same. 
 
 What happens over two-year divorce negotiations does not matter that much. The rows will be forgotten fairly quickly. Over the medium term, both the U.K. and the EU will be very different after this week — and that process has a long, long way to run. ||||| Starting in 1996, Alexa Internet has been donating their crawl data to the Internet Archive. Flowing in every day, these data are added to the Wayback Machine after an embargo period. ||||| Magnus Bergström/KAW Foundation 
 
 When the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union on 23 June last year, the decision triggered a period of intense soul-searching and uncertainty, not least for a research community with strong and long-standing financial and social links to the continent. Worries about science funding, residency rights and even about racist attacks took root in laboratories across the country. 
 
 But the vote also marked the beginning of a phoney war: little of substance could be done or said by the government until it triggered the previously obscure ‘Article 50’ clause, in the EU’s governing treaty, to start the official process of leaving (see 'A slow divorce'). On 29 March, Theresa May will do just that. Nature has spoken to eight people whose lives have been changed by the ‘leave’ vote, to see what their experiences tell us about how science will progress, post-Brexit. 
 
 Simone Immler: I’m moving to Britain, despite Brexit 
 
 Ian Chapman: I spend half of my time dealing with Brexit 
 
 Gerry Gilmore: I’m probably out of a job, but my concern is for the next generation 
 
 Jernej Ule: I may leave the UK — if I have to 
 
 Marino Zerial: Come to Germany, where funding is good 
 
 Anna Scaife: All we have left is uncertainty 
 
 Mike Galsworthy: Scientists need to offer their vision for Brexit 
 
 Dominic Shellard: Now is not the time for academics to feel powerless 
 
 I’m moving to Britain, despite Brexit 
 
 Simone Immler, evolutionary biologist, Uppsala University, Sweden 
 
 On 10 June last year, Immler interviewed for her dream job, a permanent position studying the evolution of sex, at the University of East Anglia (UEA) in Norwich, UK. Immler, who is Swiss, and her Israeli husband both run labs at Uppsala University — but the UEA was dangling a pair of positions in front of them. 
 
 Then, two weeks later, the United Kingdom voted to leave the EU. “We said, ‘This can’t be true’,” Immler recalls. But after reassurance from friends in the United Kingdom that the nation would still be welcoming to immigrants, she and her husband, evolutionary biologist Alexei Maklakov, decided to make the leap. Their family moved to the United Kingdom this month. 
 
 Despite uncertainties over the outcome of Article 50 negotiations, Immler is taking a ‘glass-half-full’ perspective. She hopes that the United Kingdom will follow the example of Israel, a non-EU country that pays into funding bodies such as the European Research Council, from which both she and her husband receive support. She will maintain a lab in Uppsala for another year, so that graduate students and postdocs can continue their projects there. But as a former postdoc at the University of Sheffield, UK, she knows the benefits of free movement across Europe, and worries that she will struggle to draw graduate students and postdocs from a large pool of young scientists. 
 
 “I’m generally optimistic,” Immler says. “It would have to come to extreme measures for us to leave again. Life would have to become very difficult for non-Brits in Britain, and we’re still hopefully quite far from that.” 
 
 I spend half of my time dealing with Brexit 
 
 Ian Chapman, chief executive officer, Culham Centre for Fusion Energy, Abingdon, UK 
 
 UK Atomic Energy Authority 
 
 The morning after the United Kingdom’s referendum on its membership in the EU, as other staff at the UK national laboratory for fusion-energy research walked around in a daze, Chapman was hastily making plans. His interview for a job to head the centre — which hosts the EU-funded Joint European Torus (JET) — was just days away, and the centre’s future was suddenly up in the air. “I’d made a load of preparations for things I wanted to say, and then I summarily had to rip them all up and start again,” he says. 
 
 Chapman got the job. He is now tasked with leading JET through the tumult and managing a skittish staff of around 550. The physicist estimates that at least half of his time is spent dealing with the impact of Brexit. 
 
 His main goal is to keep JET — a facility that holds the world record for fusion power — running beyond the end of its current contract in December 2018. Another is to maintain the United Kingdom’s involvement in the International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER) in southern France, for which JET is a test bed. Both tasks got harder in January, when the UK government announced that, as part of the country’s withdrawal from the EU, it would also pull out of the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom), the body that distributes EU fusion funding and manages the United Kingdom’s membership of ITER. 
 
 A slow divorce The months after the UK vote to leave the European Union have been a rollercoaster for scientists. 23 June 2016 United Kingdom votes to leave the EU. 18 November House of Commons science select committee says that all EU researchers living in the United Kingdom should be given the right to stay. 21 November UK government promises extra £2 billion (US$2.5 billion) per year in research and development spending by 2020. 17 January 2017 Prime Minister Theresa May lists “science and innovation” as 1 of 12 priorities in Brexit negotiations. 24 January Supreme Court rules that Parliament must vote on Brexit. 26 January Physicists shocked when government says that leaving the EU will also mean leaving the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom). 16 March Bill allowing government to trigger Article 50 is passed. 29 March UK government is expected to trigger Article 50. 
 
 The decision wasn’t a complete surprise, says Chapman. But it came without warning or an obvious plan for how to maintain the United Kingdom’s fusion programme after the nation leaves Euratom. Chapman is now collecting data to help the government to work out the implications of various ways forward, which range from becoming an associate member of Euratom to funding an independent programme of research. 
 
 He also fills his hours by settling staff members’ nerves. Scientists at JET are preparing for a 2019 dress rehearsal of a fuel mix that ITER will eventually use, which should see JET break its own fusion record — but it may never happen. Routine negotiations to extend JET’s contract are on ice. 
 
 The uncertainty has not yet triggered a mass exodus, says Chapman, but some top-level staff members have accepted positions elsewhere, and candidates have rejected job offers, citing questions over JET’s future. 
 
 Despite these uncertainties, Chapman thinks that the government understands what is at stake and says that it has been responsive. But the United Kingdom’s fusion community needs a concrete signal from the government — and soon. “There’s a time window beyond which the disquiet will ratchet up, and we will start to haemorrhage capacity,” says Chapman. “That will be hugely damaging, for us as an organization and for the entire fusion community.” 
 
 I’m probably out of a job, but my concern is for the next generation 
 
 Gerry Gilmore, experimental philosopher, University of Cambridge, UK 
 
 Gerry Gilmore 
 
 Brexit is likely to put Gilmore out of one of his jobs. As scientific coordinator of Opticon, EU's Optical Infrared Coordination Network for Astronomy, he plans to hand control of the centre to an institution in an EU member state. 
 
 “It’s not even a question of us making that decision,” he says. “The UK government made the decision. Now, every grant coordinated from the UK has to leave.” 
 
 Opticon makes telescope time available to scientists across Europe and develops telescope technology, including real-time observation, electronic controls and superfast cameras. Because the consortium is funded by the European Union, Gilmore fears that the United Kingdom will lose access to the brain power that it needs to stay ahead in a competitive field. 
 
 Opticon also helps to set the long-term strategic agenda of telescope-based research and infrastructure across the EU, and Gilmore worries that the United Kingdom will soon have little say in such matters. 
 
 Gilmore’s European Research Council grant is also on the line as a result of Brexit, but his main concerns lie with young researchers. He fears that the next generation of UK scientists will have to shape their careers in a greatly diminished environment, as will European researchers who could lose access to UK universities. 
 
 Universities such as Cambridge also stand to lose funding if no deal granting them access to Horizon 2020, the European Commission’s research-funding programme, is negotiated. Opticon received €8.5 million (US$9.2 million) from the EU between 2013 and 2016 alone. Even if the UK government tops up national research funding to compensate for the loss of European programmes, Gilmore says, it can never replace the inspiration that British scientists gain from working with European colleagues. 
 
 “It’s simple — if the UK leaves the EU, its scientists leave,” he says. “It’s just an incredibly stupid decision.” 
 
 I may leave the UK — if I have to 
 
 Jernej Ule, molecular biologist, Francis Crick Institute, London 
 
 Marcus Rockoff/MPI-IE 
 
 Later this year, Ule’s laboratory will welcome a rare specimen — a Brit. The rest of his team hail from Switzerland, Spain, France, Italy, elsewhere in Europe and beyond, and Ule is a Slovenian citizen who has lived in the United Kingdom for a decade. “My identity is European, not Slovenian or English,” he says. “I don’t want to choose countries — it’s a bit too narrow for how I work.” 
 
 Last August, Ule’s group was among the first to move into the Francis Crick Institute, a gleaming new £700-million ($880-million) super-lab in central London. The researchers still feel a buzz when they arrive for work, but “when it comes to Brexit, the conversation turns a bit gloomy”, Ule says. 
 
 Brexit’s threat to freedom of movement is a hot topic in the lab, as is continued access to EU funding. Half of the group receives money from the European Research Council, and Ule fears the financial hit if the United Kingdom loses access to EU research funding after Brexit. But even if national funders make up the lost cash, Ule says, vying with Europe’s top researchers for EU grants also helps the lab to stay at the cutting edge. “National funding agencies don’t care if you’re the second best, as long as you’re the best in the UK,” he says. 
 
 Ule doesn’t plan to leave Britain, but says that could change if a ‘hard Brexit’ — which may put an end to EU citizens’ easy passage to and from the country — puts limits on the openness he feels his lab represents. “If it’s something that goes against my principles, then I would consider going elsewhere.” 
 
 Come to Germany, where funding is good 
 
 Marino Zerial, director, Max Planck Institute of Molecular Cell Biology and Genetics, Dresden, Germany 
 
 MPI-CBG 
 
 Brexit could be a boon for European research, at least in the short term, predicts Zerial. “The UK is becoming less attractive to do research, and so more people are going to consider countries in mainland Europe — particularly Germany, where the funding is so good.” 
 
 Germany’s research and development spending relative to its gross domestic product is among the highest in Europe. 
 
 Zerial expects to see an increase in applications to the large, international graduate school that is jointly run by his institute with the Technical University of Dresden, as well as in applications for postdoc and group-leader positions. “It’ll be to our benefit.” 
 
 But Brexit will hurt European science in the long run, he says. “When you lose an important piece of the European science landscape like the UK, it makes the European community weaker.” 
 
 He worries that there could be fewer funding opportunities in the United Kingdom for collaborative research with institutes in mainland Europe — and that remaining opportunities might face much more bureaucracy. “European Union funding, whatever its weaknesses, supports loads of projects, and the community treasures very much the collaborations involved,” he says. 
 
 All we have left is uncertainty 
 
 Anna Scaife, astrophysicist, University of Manchester, UK 
 
 SKA Organisation 
 
 “People treat you differently now,” says Scaife. Since the referendum, her European colleagues have been wary about starting new collaborations, owing to the uncertainty that now hangs over potential projects with UK citizens. 
 
 This cautiousness extends to both sides. Scaife and her colleagues are hesitant to participate in EU calls for proposals. She fears that she might become a liability to her colleagues’ applications to Horizon 2020, because of the extra risk of having a British institution on board. “That would be the worst thing — to see a project lose, and worry that you might be responsible,” she says. 
 
 Brexit is a constant topic of discussion in Scaife’s department, which works closely with many European organizations, including CERN, Europe’s particle-physics laboratory near Geneva, Switzerland, and the Atacama Large Millimetre Array in Chile, an international facility run in large part by the European Southern Observatory. Without access to EU funding and the expertise of European colleagues, Scaife worries that the United Kingdom will be sidelined in future projects. “Our networks, our contacts will continue to be able to collaborate. All we have left is uncertainty.” 
 
 But what hurts Scaife most is seeing European colleagues being made to feel unwelcome in their UK home. Some areas of greater Manchester voted ‘leave’ by a large margin, and since the referendum, many international researchers have been subjected to anti-European and anti-immigrant abuse, she says. “These people contribute to the intellectual capital of our country, so it is hard to understand that hostility. And colleagues find it very distressing.” 
 
 For Scaife, the idea that extra spending from the UK government could make up for shortfalls in EU funding and the loss of the United Kingdom’s welcoming culture is preposterous. She says that collaboration is the lubricant that drives the nation’s ideas machine. Without access to the brightest people, and without creating a positive environment for European scientists, she warns, the United Kingdom is playing a dangerous game of isolationism. 
 
 Scientists need to offer their vision for Brexit 
 
 Mike Galsworthy, co-founder, Scientists for EU 
 
 Gavin Black Photography 
 
 On the night of the Brexit referendum, Galsworthy watched the results come in from the ‘Britain Stronger In Europe’ campaign war room. A former research-policy analyst, Galsworthy had co-founded Scientists for EU to ensure that scientists’ voices were prominent in campaign efforts to persuade Britons to vote ‘remain’. When he returned from a television interview around midnight, after the results had begun to swing pro-Brexit, the mood had grown decidedly grimmer, Galsworthy says — “and it stayed grimmer”. 
 
 Galsworthy, who works full time for Scientists for EU, was ready for the outcome. “My main concern was to document what this means for the UK science community,” he says. Within a few weeks, Scientists for EU had collected more than 400 complaints from the research community: infrastructure and hiring freezes, foreigners turning down jobs in the United Kingdom — “dozens of stories of impact”, Galsworthy says. 
 
 Despite being on the losing side of the referendum, Galsworthy considers that his campaign to give scientists a louder voice has been successful. Before the 2015 general election, science was not on the political agenda, he says. “Science is certainly on the political radar now.” The UK government has tried to address scientists’ concerns by announcing £2 billion ($2.5 billion) per year of new funding for research by 2020, and guaranteeing support of existing EU research grants, also up to 2020, that might be jeopardized by Brexit. 
 
 But more broadly, the government has tarnished the United Kingdom’s image in the eyes of many scientists in Britain and beyond, Galsworthy says. Researchers’ concerns were not alleviated when Prime Minister Theresa May said, in a recent speech, “If you believe you're a citizen of the world, you're a citizen of nowhere.” 
 
 “This was something that doubled down on the hurt of Brexit and the fracturing that it caused, and went straight to the identity of the science community,” says Galsworthy. “She was oblivious.” 
 
 With the terms of Britain’s exit from the EU still deeply uncertain, he now hopes to galvanize researchers to offer their own vision for what science in the United Kingdom and Europe should look like. Brexit, he maintains, is an existential threat to the region’s role as a global hub for science — “unless we can be smart enough to sidestep this”. 
 
 Now is not the time for academics to feel powerless 
 
 Dominic Shellard, vice-chancellor, De Montfort University, Leicester, UK 
 
 Andy Gotts 
 
 The morning after the UK voted to leave the EU, Shellard called a meeting at De Montfort University. A thousand people turned up at just a few hours’ notice. 
 
 “There were lots of very distressed people,” he says. “There were staff who were in tears. One Polish student asked me whether I could write him a letter. I said, ‘What do you need a letter for?’. He said ‘I’m going home to Poland this weekend and I need a letter to give to the border guards at Heathrow to let me back into the country.’” 
 
 Like many university vice-chancellors in the United Kingdom, Shellard does not want the nation to leave the EU. As in other UK universities, significant percentages of his staff, his students and his research funding come from the EU. In the wake of the vote, the university sector has been wracked with nerves about all three of these elements being damaged. 
 
 Whereas some vice-chancellors have taken to writing to newspapers or issuing pleas for protection, Shellard launched a campaign he called #LoveInternational, to reassure existing and potential staff and students from the EU, as well as to protect their residency rights. 
 
 His tactics included holding a 24-hour vigil in support of EU staff and students — and more broadly against intolerance globally. Shellard also toured Europe, talking to concerned people in Nicosia, Warsaw, Stockholm, Vilnius and Berlin. 
 
 Similar to many in academia, Shellard stresses the need for universities to obtain certainty on three key issues: the rights of EU nationals residing in the United Kingdom, the status of EU students at UK universities, and European research funding. However, he doubts that universities will be at the top of the government’s priority list now that negotiations are starting. 
 
 His message to the academic community is this: instead of waiting for someone else to do something, “You can make a difference. You can engage. You mustn’t feel impotent.” ||||| Photo 
 
 LONDON — Only hours before Britain is to embark on its momentous journey out of the European Union, Scotland’s Parliament on Tuesday underscored one of the risks along that path by voting to demand a new referendum on Scottish independence. 
 
 By a vote of 69 to 59, members of the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh approved plans to request a referendum on independence that could take place just before Britain completes its withdrawal from the European Union, a process known as Brexit. 
 
 That timing has already been rejected by Prime Minister Theresa May of Britain, who must agree to any legally binding referendum on Scotland’s future. 
 
 Nevertheless, the Scottish Parliament’s vote sets the stage for a constitutional tussle between London and Edinburgh, and it illustrates the far-reaching, and destabilizing, consequences of Britain’s divisive decision in June to withdraw from the European Union. In that referendum, 52 percent of voters chose to leave the European Union. 
 
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 But Scotland voted, 62 percent to 38 percent, to remain in the bloc, illustrating a divergence between Scottish and English politics that poses an existential risk to Britain. In Northern Ireland, too, a majority voted to remain in the European Union, amid fears that a withdrawal could weaken the peace process there. 
 
 The Scottish vote came on the eve of a historic day for a British government intent on disentangling itself from more than four decades of European integration. 
 
 Photo 
 
 On Wednesday, Mrs. May is expected to send formal notification of Britain’s desire to leave the bloc by invoking Article 50 of its governing treaty. 
 
 Late Tuesday, Mrs. May’s office issued a photograph of the prime minister signing the letter; its delivery will start the clock on a negotiation scheduled to last two years. During that time, Mrs. May aims to agree to divorce terms and to negotiate a new economic relationship with the countries that remain in the European Union. 
 
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 In a speech that she is expected to deliver on Wednesday, she will argue that as Britons “face the opportunities ahead of us on this momentous journey, our shared values, interests and ambitions can — and must — bring us together,” according to excerpts issued by her office. 
 
 Mrs. May will also promise that, in negotiations, she will “represent every person in the whole United Kingdom,” including citizens of countries in the European Union who have made Britain their home. 
 
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 As she embarks on the talks to leave the bloc, Mrs. May knows that one of her many challenges is to secure a deal that helps avert a breakup of Britain. 
 
 But because of her control over the timing, a referendum on Scottish independence is unlikely to happen anytime soon. 
 
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 The vote on Tuesday empowers Scotland’s pro-independence first minister, Nicola Sturgeon, to formally request a referendum, but she already knows Mrs. May’s answer: not now. 
 
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 The British government plans to withhold agreement at least until it has secured its departure from the bloc, scheduled for the first half of 2019. 
 
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 On Tuesday, David Mundell, the British government’s Scottish secretary, seemed to push the timetable further by saying that government “won’t be entering into any negotiations at all until the Brexit process is complete.” That hints at a date beyond the British withdrawal and after any further transitional period, perhaps several years later. 
 
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 Nevertheless, Britain’s vote has given Ms. Sturgeon’s governing Scottish National Party a reason to demand another independence referendum, less than three years after it lost the last one in 2014. 
 
 At that time, Scots were told that if they voted to leave Britain, they would lose their place in the European Union. They may now lose it anyway. Ms. Sturgeon argued that Scots should have the right to choose between Brexit “or becoming an independent country, able to chart our own course and create a true partnership of equals across these islands.” 
 
 Ms. Sturgeon argues that the shape of any Brexit deal should be known by autumn 2018. Scots should then have the opportunity to try, through independence, to stay in the European Union, or at least in its single market and customs union, she has said. 
 
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 But with London intent on blocking a referendum anytime soon, Ms. Sturgeon’s best hope may be for Mrs. May’s stalling tactics to backfire — annoying Scots enough to persuade a majority to support independence if they finally have the chance to vote. ||||| Theresa May did not refer directly to Gibraltar in her Article 50 letter | Pool photo by Christopher Furlong/Getty Images | Pool photo by Christopher Furlong/WPA via Getty How Europe’s press reacted to Brexit Trigger Day What Europe’s papers had to say about Britain triggering Article 50 divorce talks. 
 
 British Prime Minister Theresa May’s move on Wednesday to formally notify the EU of Britain’s intention to quit the bloc had U.K. red tops celebrating, the French press worrying of the “consequences of the break” and Germans warning the divorce “could be expensive for the British.” 
 
 In Britain, most papers used an image of May signing the Article 50 letter to the EU for their front pages. The Daily Express was joyous, proclaiming: “Dear EU, we’re leaving you,” while the Sun said “Dover and out” to the Continent. The Daily Mail chirped: “Freedom!” 
 
 The left-leaning Independent took a more somber view of the day, leading with a story on “Ex-business secretaries urge May to reject ‘nightmare’ hard Brexit.” 
 
 One of the few papers not to use the picture of May, the Guardian went instead with a striking jigsaw-puzzle inspired image, noting: “Today Britain steps into the unknown.” 
 
 A steely-eyed First Minister Nicola Sturgeon made the front page of the Scotsman, which declared: “Scottish parliament backs call for independence referendum,” continuing: “But Theresa May says no to indyref2 despite Holyrood vote.” 
 
 The Scottish Daily Mail was less restrained: “As SNP (and their Green stooges) force through Holyrood support for a referendum, U.K. ministers’ resolve hardens. No new vote on independence for five years.” 
 
 Across the Channel in France, in a relatively small front page story, Le Monde wrote: “Brexit: the consequences of the break.” Le Figaro marked the occasion with the headline: “29 March 2017: The day the U.K. says goodbye to Europe.” 
 
 In Germany, Spiegel Online led with the headline: “May’s five-front battle begins,” before talking down the PM’s chances of success. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung also couldn’t resist a pot-shot, warning the affair “could be expensive for the British.” 
 
 Over in Portugal, Público led with a shadowed image of a statue of Winston Churchill overlooking Big Ben. In Spain, La Vanguardia wrote that May had signed away “44 years of ties with the EU.” El Pais took a dramatic route, proclaiming London had initiated a process that would “mark the future of Europe.” It continued: “We leave poetry behind: from today onwards, it’s time for prose.” 
 
 Belgium’s Le Soir carried the headline: “Theresa May signs the end of the Europe of 28.” 
 
 INDEPENDENT DIGITAL Ex-business secretaries urge May to reject EU hard Brexit #tomorrowspaperstoday pic.twitter.com/55eAqK3a1u — Neil Henderson (@hendopolis) March 28, 2017 
 
 GUARDIAN: Today Britain steps into the unknown #tomorrowspaperstoday pic.twitter.com/uY63zlSVtn — Neil Henderson (@hendopolis) March 28, 2017 
 
 THE SCOTSMAN: Scottish Parliament backs call for independence referendum #tomorrowspaperstoday pic.twitter.com/yKwhT8CcVh — Neil Henderson (@hendopolis) March 28, 2017 
 
 SCOTTISH DAILY MAIL: No new vote on independence for FIVE years #tomorrowspaperstoday pic.twitter.com/AyWBii7cXz — Neil Henderson (@hendopolis) March 28, 2017 ||||| The starter’s pistol has fired. British Prime Minister Theresa May has officially triggered “Article 50” of the Lisbon Treaty, initiating a two-year process of negotiations to bring the United Kingdom out of the European Union. 
 
 When 52% of the British electorate voted to leave the E.U. in June 2016, few realized just what a fiendishly complicated process it would be. After four decades of European integration, the bloc has buried its tendrils deep within every facet of British life — from its economy to its legal system. The process of Brexit begins in the shadow of great uncertainties for the United Kingdom, its citizens and its residents. 
 
 In truth, there are hundreds of unanswered questions about what Brexit will mean to Britain and to Europe. Here are just a few of them: 
 
 Leaving the E.U. 
 
 Vote Leave supporters cheer as the results come in at a referendum party at Millbank Tower in central London early on June 24, 2016. Geoff Caddick—AFP/Getty Images 
 
 What will it cost the U.K. to leave the E.U.? 
 
 €60 billion, if the E.U’s senior diplomats get their way. The sum would cover the U.K.’s long-term commitments, such as contributions for pensions and regional development projects that won’t be completed until long after Brexit. The U.K. will try to whittle that down by negotiation, and may look to offset at least part of it against its sizable claims on E.U. institutions, such as its 16% stake in the European Investment Bank, worth nearly €40 billion (see below). 
 
 Does Britain have enough negotiators? 
 
 Britain hasn’t been in charge of its own trade policy for 44 years and there is a global shortage of trade negotiators. An initial review suggested the U.K. Has only about 20 experts in this field — against 600 highly experienced negotiators in the E.U. The U.K.’s business department has advertised for 300 negotiators and trade specialists. The fear is that strict pay structures will mean obvious candidates in lucrative roles with top law firms will snub working for the public sector. 
 
 Where will Brexit negotiations take place? 
 
 Almost certainly in Brussels, in the new Europa building. The psychedelic, egg-shaped, eco-friendly home for the European Council and Council of the European Union was designed by Belgian architect Philippe Samyn and brought into use at the beginning of the year. Officials are said to be uncertain about what to do with the U.K. delegation rooms once Brexit happens. 
 
 How long will they take? 
 
 A very long time. Article 50 begins the formal, two-year process of negotiation only on the terms of withdrawal from the European Union. It can only be extended by agreement with all 27 remaining European Union states. The U.K. hopes to have a framework for the post-Brexit relationship with the EU in place by the end of that process, in April 2019, but many believe that will not be settled for many years. Senior European figures say these talks — on trade, laws, markets, security and more — could take up to a decade, according to former EU ambassador to the U.K. Ivan Rogers. It’s highly likely we’ll still be talking about Brexit in the mid-20s. 
 
 Could Queen Elizabeth halt the process? 
 
 Theoretically yes, but in reality it would never happen. All bills, including Article 50, need royal assent — in other words, the Queen has to formally agree to make the bill into an Act of Parliament (law). The Queen is also due to introduce a ‘Great Repeal Bill’ in her next Queen’s Speech, which will repeal the European Communities Act 1972, ending the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in the U.K. and enshrining all existing E.U. law into British law. If the Queen were to refuse to give her assent to either, it would spark a constitutional crisis. The last time a monarch did so was in 1707, so anti-Brexiteers needn’t get their hopes up. 
 
 Is there any way individual Brits could opt to stay in the E.U.? 
 
 The idea of ‘associate E.U. membership’ has been raised, but it’s not likely to go anywhere. Charles Goerens, the European Parliament lawmaker from Luxembourg who came up with the idea, argues this remains a “realistic” aim. This would see Brits who want to work in the bloc granted this status and given a vote in European Parliament elections, while keeping their U.K. passport. British remain campaigners love the idea, but it is likely to be vetoed by May because it will create a two-tier system. Others in the E.U. are far from convinced that it would work. 
 
 Could Brexit lead to greater xenophobia towards E.U. migrants? 
 
 Reported incidents of religiously or racially motivated crimes in England and Wales was up 41% in July – just after the referendum – on the same no the previous year, according to Home Office figures. Nick Clegg, the pro-E.U. former deputy prime minister, tells TIME: “A Spanish woman in my constituency who has lived in England for many, many years who was talking Spanish to her young son had someone, for the first time, tell her ‘you should be going home’. There’s a sort of everyday nastiness, much of which is not recorded but has clearly increased very sharply – some very nasty people feel that their dark tendencies have been legitimized.” The fear is the start of The Article 50 process could see these prejudices unleashed again. 
 
 The Union 
 
 British Prime Minister Theresa May meets with Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon at the Crown Plaza Hotel in Glasgow, Scotland, on March 27, 2017. Russell Cheyne—WPA Pool/Getty Images 
 
 What happens to Scotland? 
 
 Scotland voted overwhelmingly – 62% to 38% – to remain in the E.U. and its government is seeking a way to opt out of Brexit. First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has paved the way for a second independence referendum not even three years after Scots narrowly rejected secession from the U.K. She argues Brexit means there is a “material change” that justifies another vote. May has refused to yield to Sturgeon’s demands for a special deal that would give Scotland continued membership of the E.U.’s Single Market. The Scottish Parliament voted on March 28 to hold a second referendum between Autumn 2018 and Spring 2019, by which time the economic risks of Brexit will be coming into ever sharper focus. 
 
 What happens to the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland? 
 
 After two decades of peace, the fear is that Brexit will create a hard border between a Northern Ireland that is part of the U.K. and a Republic that will remain within the E.U. Britain’s exit from the E.U.’s Customs Union has raised the prospect of physical checks on, for example, trucks carrying goods between Northern Ireland and the Republic. However, lawmakers are hopeful that Ireland will be made a special case and European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker has argued the E.U. does not want any hard border to be put in place. 
 
 What happens to Gibraltar? 
 
 Spain has sought to use Brexit as an excuse to turbocharge its long-term desire to take back ‘The Rock’, a peninsular within its borders that has belong to the U.K. since the 18th century. The territory was the most pro-remaining slither voting district, with 96% voting to stay. Spain has suggested a joint sovereignty deal to protect Gibraltar’s ties with the E.U., but foreign minister Alfonso Dastis has acknowledged this is unlikely due to Britain’s refusal to negotiate. 
 
 What happens to the Channel Islands? 
 
 The most southerly part of the British Isles are self-governing Crown Dependencies and not part of the E.U. However, their key financial services industries do risk losing a degree of access to E.U. markets, making it harder for them to compete with the likes of Ireland and Luxembourg, which have likewise specialized in providing ‘offshore’ services to international companies and investors. Jersey’s financiers have been advising the British government on how the City of London could continue to serve their European customers. 
 
 Could cities in Britain opt out of Brexit? 
 
 Unlikely, given that it would violate the territorial integrity of the U.K., as well as being impossible to enforce in practice. What to do with an E.U. worker who is allowed to live and work in London, if his or her business suddenly relocated to, for example, Manchester or Edinburgh? Elected mayors, a relatively new feature of political life in the U.K., are trying to develop their own plans, notably in London. Ultimately though, rights of migration and residence are highly likely to be decided at national level. 
 
 Coming and Going 
 
 British tourists play pool at a English bar in Benalmadena, Spain, on March 17, 2016. Spain is Europe's top destination for British expats. David Ramos—Getty Images 
 
 What happens to citizens of the U.K. currently living in the E.U. and vice versa? 
 
 The House of Lords has defied the Government, voting for an amendment to the Brexit bill that will protect the rights of E.U. nationals living in the U.K. This is further than May wants to go and the government is likely to overturn this amendment when the bill is voted on next. The Prime Minister is looking to nail down a reciprocal deal for the rights of Brits in Europe before making any full commitment to E.U. citizens, but some lawmakers fear this means both groups will end up as “bargaining chips.” 
 
 What happens to British pensioners living in the E.U.? 
 
 Around 1.2 million Brits are estimated to live in other E.U. member states. Like expats anywhere in the world, they are still entitled to the state pension. What is unclear is whether they will still qualify for increases in payments under what is know as the ‘triple lock’: pensions can go up in line each year with whatever is higher of average earnings, inflation, or 2.5%. However, the U.K. will have to broker a social security deal with the E.U. to make sure triple lock increases are still allowed, otherwise new ex-pat retirees will see their pensions frozen at their initial rate. 
 
 Can E.U. citizens allowed to stay after Article 50 expect access to the N.H.S.? 
 
 All E.U. citizens in the U.K. have access to the N.H.S. at present, despite a little-known rule that residents who are students or not employed but with plenty of money should have already taken out comprehensive health insurance. The Brexit campaign was partly based on the strain that immigration puts on the N.H.S., so unlimited access – particularly for the recently-arrived – is clearly at risk under the future arrangements. There are fears that even those who have lived in the U.K. for longer than five years might have to fill in an 85-page application form for permanent residency that will give them this access. Reciprocal access of U.K. citizens to E.U. health care systems could also become more complicated. 
 
 Will British citizens have to get visas to travel to Europe? 
 
 Unlikely, given how much money is at stake in both directions. E.U. citizens spent nearly 7.3 billion pounds visiting the U.K. in 2015, and countries such as Spain and Greece will resist anything that hit their tourism businesses. Still, May’s insistence on a hard Brexit theoretically risks the need for visas to even neighboring France. The E.U. has in recent years worked towards abolishing visas rather than introducing them, not least to support its tourism industry. 
 
 What will happen to the Channel Tunnel? 
 
 Trains will keep running from London to Paris and Brussels, but the Eurostar company is expecting Brexit to hit its bottom line. In evidence to Parliament executives said there were “no” benefits for the company to Brexit. Indeed, Eurostar’s business case might be undermined through any unforeseen additional costs Brexit could impose. The company has also blamed the economic consequences of the Brexit on a recent reduction of services, but, long-term, the impact is expected to be minimal. 
 
 The Economy 
 
 Andrew Thorpe collects milk from his van for an order during his early morning milk doorstep delivery service in Ilkley, Britain, on May 16, 2016. Matthew Lloyd—Bloomberg/Getty Images 
 
 What happens to banks in London? 
 
 France is trying to woo City of London bankers to Paris. HSBC chief executive Stuart Gulliver said in January that around 1,000 of its staff would move from the British to French capital, while UBS said about a fifth of its 5,000 British staff could go, most likely to Germany’s financial centre, Frankfurt. Dublin and Luxembourg are among other centers hoping to take a slice of the U.K.’s huge banking industry, but Britain retains advantages of history and geography and hopes to keep the sector largely intact. 
 
 What will happen to the U.K. car industry, almost all of which is foreign-owned? 
 
 Car manufacturers have warned May that the introduction of tariffs would result in job and sale losses for an industry that is booming, with output at its highest level of production since 1999. Four-fifths of all cars made in the U.K. are exported and over half of those go to the E.U., so Mike Hawes, the chief executive of the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders, warned a deal that is as close to the Single Market as possible is vital. Nissan has announced an expansion of is plant in Sunderland in the North-east of England, but GM’s plants in the U.K. look vulnerable after the sale of its European operations to French-based PSA Group. 
 
 What will happen to Britain’s farmers? 
 
 Farmers are worried their industry will be hit by a 60% loss of income in the form of E.U. subsidies, a situation that Informa Agribusiness Intelligence has warned could see 90% of farms collapse. U.K. ministers have vowed to maintain subsidies to 2020, a year after Brexit negotiations are completed, but thereafter the focus will be on how trade deals will change the sector. There are fears the U.S. will flood the market with cheap beef treated with hormones that were, in effect, banned by the E.U., while a deal with New Zealand could see sheep farm businesses wrecked by cheap imports. 
 
 What will happen to Britain’s fishing industry? 
 
 The House of Lords reported in December that the U.K.’s fishing industry would need continued access to E.U. markets in order to remain viable. The U.K.’s fishing industry strongly disagrees, and is keen on defending exclusive access to U.K. waters. A deal granting access would be controversial, because re-establishing U.K. control of these waters, ceded in the 1970s, was a major aim among more hardened Brexiteers. 
 
 Will Brexit impact British astronauts? 
 
 Probably not. Britain is currently a member of the European Space Agency, so there are fears its departure from the E.U. would deny astronauts like former International Space Station resident Tim Peake from making the journey into orbit. But the space flight program is distinct from the E.U., to the extent that Canada is an associate member. British business minister Jesse Norman has confirmed that the U.K.’s future involvement in the ESA will be “handled separately from E.U. discussions.” The E.U. states should be happy with this, given the U.K. is one of the agency’s biggest budget contributors. 
 
 What will happen to European football players playing in the U.K.? 
 
 Players from E.U. countries will enjoy the same rights to reside and work in the U.K. as any E.U. citizen. Clubs currently have to apply for work permits for players from outside the European Economic Area (REF), and the baseline assumption is that this regime will apply to all non-U.K. players after Brexit. Broadly speaking, permits are easier to get for players who already represent their countries. Applying that principle to E.U. players won’t affect top-level recruitment much, but could limit the signing of young players for club academies. 
 
 Will Scotch Whisky cost more? 
 
 Depends where you live. Neither the E.U. nor the U.S., the two biggest export markets for Scottish distillers, impose import tariffs under WTO rules, so there is no direct risk there. Prices may rise in countries with which the E.U. has a free-trade agreement (FTA). The 2008 E.U.-Korea FTA, for example, phased out import tariffs on spirits completely (cheese-makers weren’t so lucky, being limited to quotas of tariff-free imports). Just as important as tariffs are FTA provisions that stop other countries from letting cheap local substitutes be labelled as “Scotch.” The U.K. will have to renegotiate tariffs, quotas and brand protection mechanisms in any new deals. 
 
 Will the U.K. have to regulate its own nuclear industry? 
 
 Yes — but not because of Brexit. Euratom is a 60-year-old agency designed to develop the E.U.’s nuclear energy market. It is legally distinct from the E.U., so there was shock when the U.K. Government sneaked out news recently that it would leave Euratom, which is thought to help provide a fifth of the country’s electricity. Critics say the referendum did not give a mandate for this change, while British regulators, already short of nuclear experts, will have to take over Euratom’s regulatory role and replace treaties it has with the likes of the U.S. 
 
 Will E.U. workers in skill shortage industries, such as fruit picking and construction, be allowed to stay in the U.K.? 
 
 Even many Brexiteers believe a system of permits will have to be developed for industries that have relied on, in particular, cheap Eastern European workers since the E.U. was expanded in the early 2000s. The fruit-picking industry is heavily lobbying lawmakers, because 95% of its seasonal workforce are from the E.U. However, there is the prospect they will not want to stay if the pound remains weak against the euro. It could prove more financially rewarding for them to exercise their free movement rights in other wealthy E.U. countries. 
 
 Is it too risky to take a job in U.K. if you’re a Brit right now? 
 
 If the job is fairly short-term, no. Article 50 negotiations will last two years, while May’s push for a transitional period between the divorce settlement and absolute Brexit should offer a few years of additional clarity and certainty on job rights. 
 
 The Finances 
 
 A television displays Theresa May's Brexit speech as traders monitor financial data on the trading floor at broker ETX Capital in London on Jan. 17, 2017. Luke MacGregor—Bloomberg/Getty Images 
 
 Will the U.K. still qualify for European Investment Bank (EIB) loans? 
 
 Not under the current rules, but the Luxembourg-based EIB has said it’s willing to change them to keep the ship steady. The EIB is a state-backed development bank that lends chiefly to infrastructure projects and indirectly backs programs for lending to small and medium-sized businesses. The U.K., which has some big infrastructure projects in the offing, is rare among E.U. states for not having a state-backed development bank of its own, and may have to tweak its own rules for similar lending by commercial banks to support credit availability. 
 
 Will central banks continue to hold sterling as a reserve currency? 
 
 The pound’s role as a reserve currency is already minimal, and Deutsche Bank said in January that it will become “increasingly irrelevant” as a global reserve currency (similar forecasts were made prior to the launch of the euro). Central banks no longer need pounds to cover their countries’ trade with the U.K., although Britain’s status as a stable, law-based democracy will mean that sterling remains an attractive store of value, at least if it can avoid further depreciation in the foreign exchange market. But a loss of capital inflows would make it much harder to cover the U.K.’s current account deficit, running at nearly 100 billion pounds a year. 
 
 Could Britain slash taxes on goods and services? 
 
 The E.U. runs a common V.A.T. system, so the U.K. will be free to introduce new rates for certain goods and services. This could give Britain a huge competitive advantage over its continental neighbors, given attempts to make practical improvements to V.A.T. for insurers and banks have been caught up in Brussels bureaucracy. In theory, Britain could scrap the levy on many products altogether, but it is the second biggest source of tax revenue so this highly unlikely. 
 
 What about corporation tax? 
 
 The government cut the standard rate of corporate income tax to 19% from 20% in this year’s budget, and pre-announced a further cut to 17% in 2020, the lowest among the G20 group of major industrial and emerging economies. The move aims at incentivising business to stay in the U.K. post-Brexit. Theresa May has hinted that the U.K. could cut it even further if the E.U. chose to punish it for Brexit by refusing favorable trade terms, although some have warned that openly engaging in tax competition could be counterproductive, hardening attitudes against Britain in other member states. 
 
 What happens to British university funding? 
 
 May seems to be pushing for U.K. to remain part of the E.U.’s Horizon program, which funds university research projects, through a bespoke arrangement. However, vice-chancellors of British institutions have already reported that they are being kicked off as lead universities on cross-border studies and that leading academics are looking to leave or prospective European lecturers think the U.K. is too risky a place to work. Former Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg says British academics and universities will struggle while they “haven’t got the faintest idea what the status” of the U.K. will ultimately be. 
 
 Rules and Regulations 
 
 Pedestrians pass over London Bridge on Feb. 8, 2017. The city's poor air quality set a modern record at the end of January. Chris Ratcliffe—Bloomberg/Getty Images 
 
 Is the U.K. planning to loosen environmental regulations to stay competitive? 
 
 This is uncertain. The U.K.’s environmental and climate change standards and policies are embedded in E.U. law, but after Brexit, Britain will no longer take part in agreeing these fixed regulations and would be able to loosen its own. The E.U.’s emissions trading scheme and the U.K.’s own Climate Change Levy are both unpopular with various business sectors, but the more the U.K. loosens such regulations, the more it will expose itself to E.U. countermeasures to stop would be cast as environmental “dumping.” 
 
 What about labor laws? 
 
 Theresa May has promised to maintain E.U. labor laws — such as the expansion of discrimination categories in employment law such as age, sexual orientation and religion— through the “Great Repeal Bill,” which turns all existing E.U. rules into domestic law. The Trade Unions Congress, the body representing the majority of Britain’s trade unions, has nonetheless warned that workers rights could be eroded if Britain’s follows through on its threat to turn into a low tax and low regulation haven if it does not get a fair deal from the E.U. But it is unclear how the government will go down this route in reality and according to the OECD’s employment index, Britain is the least regulated labor market in the E.U., meaning there is already very little in terms to labor laws to be loosened. 
 
 Is the U.K. likely to loosen food safety standards? 
 
 There is a worry among politicians and campaigners that food safety standards will be weakened in the attempt to forge quick trade deals with foreign countries, like the U.S., criticized for their lax regulatory environments. The National Farmers Union is keen for those standards to not be watered down if they leave the E.U. But if other countries with low food safety standards begin to import cheaper produce to the U.K., the NFU is mindful that regulations in the U.K. will have to be changed in order to keep its producers competitive 
 
 How will the E.U. and U.K. resolve trade disputes in future? 
 
 Today, when British and European companies and governments argue over things like patents, food labelling or the clearing of trades in financial derivatives, the E.U. Court of Justice in Luxembourg is the court of last resort. That will have to change when the U.K. leaves the E.U.’s single market. New trading arrangements need a new legal framework for dispute resolution. The depth and breadth of cross-border trade between the E.U. and U.K. demands a solution that is faster and more specific than the World Trade Organization, but the issue so central to sovereignty concerns at the heart of Brexit, and so fiendishly complex, that a diplomatic and legal miracle will be needed to engineer an arrangement as straightforward as the existing one. 
 
 Law and Order 
 
 Europol Director Rob Wainwright speaks during the large international consultations with representatives of the Global Counterterrorism Forum and the anti-ISIS coalition in the fight against terror at the Europol headquarters in The Hague on Jan. 11, 2016. Jerry Lampen—AFP/Getty Images 
 
 Will Britain continue to share national security data with the E.U.? 
 
 The security threats to the U.K. — from Islamist terror, Russian infiltration or organized crime — are to a large degree the same as those facing the E.U., so it’s no surprise that Theresa May has already pledged that cooperation on security will be a key part of the future relationship. The U.K. ‘opted in’ to a new intelligence-sharing program in November, five months after the referendum. Intelligence-gathering — including a unique degree of collaboration with the U.S. – is one of the biggest assets that the U.K. brings to the negotiations, and May will hope to get cooperation in matters going well beyond national security in return for sharing its secrets. 
 
 Will E.U. criminals face extradition from the U.K? 
 
 A speculative ‘yes’ says Steve Peers, an expert on E.U. law from the University of Essex. The U.K could follow countries, like Norway and Iceland, which are not a part of the E.U., but have created extradition treaties that are “more or less” the same as the European Arrest Warrant (EAW)— which is an E.U.-wide system that makes it easier to extradite people wanted for serious crimes. Leaving the E.U. might also make it easier to deport European criminal defendants who recently moved to the U.K. and committed crimes on British soil. But authorities may face roadblocks deporting criminals who are long-term residents of the U.K., as it could contravene local human rights laws. 
 
 Will Britain stay in Europol, the E.U.’s law enforcement body? 
 
 Probably. It has already opted to stay in Europol since leaving. The U.K.’s police minister Brandon Lewis said “the reality of cross-border crime remains” even if the U.K. is leaving the E.U. It seems May would like to find an accommodation to stay close to Europol. For example, the U.S. is an associate member and does not have to adhere to European Court of Justice rules. 
 
 Will Britain have to tighten its customs borders? 
 
 Undoubtedly, and it might make life difficult for importers. British ports alone will have to hire thousands of extra staff to check products from the E.U. that could previously pass through easily, haulage firms have warned. This red tape is likely to delay E.U. goods entering Britain by a day, a huge problem for a manufacturing industry that relies on the ‘just-in-time’ production model of getting parts in and out of factories quickly. ||||| London (CNN) Brexit officially began Wednesday after UK Prime Minister Theresa May triggered Article 50 , kicking off Britain's withdrawal from the European Union and the painstaking legislative to-do list that comes with it. 
 
 One of the next key steps will come when May's government introduces the Great Repeal Bill. 
 
 The bill is designed to put an end to the EU's legal jurisdiction over the UK. But first it will transpose all current EU laws into the UK statute books "to ensure the maximum stability on exit," the government says. 
 
 Parliament will then begin the daunting task of deciding which EU laws to keep and which to scrap, essentially untangling four decades of EU rules now enshrined in UK legislation. 
 
 There are nearly 20,000 EU legislative acts in force that make up a mind-boggling set of rules dictating everything from how much clean energy a country should use to the acceptable curvature of a grocery store banana. 
 
 So where will the government begin? Here's a list of just 50 things the UK will need to work out as it sets sail on its own. 
 
 The big questions 
 
 1. A new immigration system 
 
 Immigration was a key issue in the Brexit debate. After the UK withdraws from the union, a system to allow its nationals to visit, work, study and live in the EU -- and vice versa -- must be hammered out. 
 
 The UK is currently part of the European Single Market, which allows goods, services and people to move freely through member states. EU citizens have the right to travel and seek work in other EU countries. Roughly 1.2 million Brits were settled in the EU in 2015, and around 3.2 million EU nationals were living in the UK, according to government statistics 
 
 But as May has made clear, the UK will no longer be part of the single market , so this free movement will come to an end after Brexit. 
 
 The idea of a points-based system like Australia's has been floated, with the aim of attracting immigrants with certain skills to fill gaps in the economy. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2. Asylum seekers and refugees 
 
 But that law will no longer apply after Brexit, so those countries won't be obliged to receive asylum seekers whom the UK wants to send back. If the UK wants to preserve the principle of Dublin III, the government must negotiate separate bilateral arrangements with each individual country. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 JUST WATCHED Brexit: What happens after Article 50? Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH Brexit: What happens after Article 50? 01:29 
 
 3. A trade deal with the EU 
 
 One of the most contentious points of the Brexit debate was the UK's trade relations with the EU. A new trade deal is expected to be one of the most difficult and important parts of the negotiations. 
 
 The UK intends to leave the EU's single market and may also leave the EU customs union, through which Britain enjoys tariff-free trade. If no trade deal is agreed upon, the UK would have to trade with the EU under World Trade Organization rules , which could lead to new tariffs and regulations. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4. Trade deals with everyone else 
 
 Post-Brexit doors are opening for the UK to strike new trade deals with non-EU countries like the US, China, Brazil, Australia and Canada. As a member of the EU -- which negotiates trade deals as a bloc -- this would not have been possible. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5. Security vs. privacy 
 
 The UK government has proved nosier than most of its EU counterparts -- last year, Parliament passed the Investigatory Powers Act , better known as the "Snooper's Charter," which gives UK law enforcement agencies unprecedented access to personal data and requires telecommunications companies to store web-browsing histories for a year. 
 
 But the EU has strict data protection laws -- including one directive, for example, that says EU countries must guarantee that information is stored or accessed only if the user has been informed and been given the right of refusal. 
 
 The EU in December ruled that parts of the "Snooper's Charter" were unlawful . When the UK leaves the EU however, the judgment will be rendered invalid. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6. Law enforcement 
 
 The peculiar and pedantic 
 
 7. Working out what jam is 
 
 In 2010, an EU directive was passed stating that jams must consist of 60% sugar and come from a list of approved fruits in order to be classified as jam. The directive alarmed many small business owners already marketing their product as jam, who thought they would have to either change their labels or sugar content due to the regulation. 
 
 In 2013, Michelle "Clippy" McKenna, a British apple preserve maker, argued that her product was a jam even though it didn't cross the sugar threshold -- but it turned out that there was a clause in the EU rule allowing for exemptions. It was just that the UK had not included this clause into its own law . The government has kept a lid on its plans to amend any food directives for now, although Brexit would allow the UK to can the jam rule altogether should it wish to. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8. Pig semen 
 
 Want to import pig semen into the EU? Farmers seeking to improve the quality of their pork must obtain pig semen from an authorized collection center and make sure it comes with an animal health certificate, according to another EU directive . It's not clear how the future of the swine gene pool will be affected by Brexit yet -- but it's surely on the minds of the farmers overseeing the 10,000 pig farms in the UK 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9. Bright lights 
 
 Could traditional incandescent light bulbs make a return to high street shelves in the UK? The UK mostly phased out incandescent bulbs following an EU directive favoring more energy efficient options in 2009. But the regulation only applied to domestic use , and to this day the traditional light bulbs are commercially available in the UK. It's possible Britain could bring back the bright lights after Brexit. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10. Bendy bananas 
 
 The EU rules on bananas have long been the subject of mockery. According to the 1994 regulation , bananas must be "free from malformation or abnormal curvature," be more than 14 centimeters in length and come in bunches of at least four. Other parts of the regulation say the fruit must be free from pests and mostly free of bruises. Bananas might be bendier after Brexit -- but could they be less appetizing too? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11. Footwear labeling 
 
 Look at the label on your shoes. If you bought it in the EU, you'll find information about the materials used to make them. EU law specifies that shoe labels must be embossed on the footwear or attached by an adhesive label, fastener or string. Shopping for shoes after Brexit could be a much more confusing affair if the UK doesn't find its footing with a new bill. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12. Move your horses 
 
 If you want to move a horse within the EU, strict rules apply . The animal must show no sign of disease in the 48 hours prior to traveling and must have had no contact with horses that have an infectious disease in the previous 15 days. But countries outside the EU face even tougher rules, including additional inspections by experts from EU countries and the European Commission. A post-Brexit UK may need to negotiate a separate arrangement to avoid these stricter regulations. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13. The future of football 
 
 The rules around sporting transfers are likely to change when Britain leaves the EU -- and impact one of the world's most watched leagues 
 
 That means once Britain's demarcation from the EU is finally drawn, footballers looking to ply their trade in the English Premier League -- or in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland -- are likely to be subject to a tougher set of rules that govern transfers from outside the region. 
 
 The English Football Association in 2015 tightened the rules for non-EU players joining English teams in an effort to give indigenous players more chance. 
 
 So non-EU players had to have made a minimum number of international appearances for a top-50 country over the previous two years (the higher the ranking, the fewer the number of matches necessary). 
 
 Spanish superstar footballers, for example, may have to get the same work permits as Brazilians to play in post-Brexit England. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14. Safety at work 
 
 EU laws on health and safety at work are often mocked for being excessive. Employers must make sure workers have information about the weight and weight distribution of a load before handling it, and they must organize workstations to make handling as safe as possible. The directive warns of increased risks if the floor is uneven, the load is unwieldy or the worker is wearing unsuitable clothing. Without this law, or a similar replacement, is UK workplace safety in jeopardy? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15. The future of coloring in 
 
 The EU is currently attempting to introduce new measures limiting the amount of lead allowed in toys and items that may be chewed on by children. Some British media characterized the proposal as little more than bureaucrats in Brussels clamping down on coloring pencils and crayons. 
 
 According to the European Chemicals Agency, the average lead content in the blood of European children is up to four times higher than recommended . EU toy safety regulations are some of the toughest in the world . It is unclear if the UK will stick to these rules after Brexit. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16. Noisy vehicles 
 
 An EU regulation aims to cut down on noise pollution by ensuring new cars are a little quieter than before. In three stages, it will ban new four-wheel passenger vehicles that are louder than 77 decibels by 2026, and vehicles carrying goods will be limited to 79 decibels. It also requires electric and hybrid cars to make artificial engine noises to avoid accidents, especially involving pedestrians. The chances of Britain being flooded with annoyingly noisy vehicles after Brexit seems unlikely, but the country may not stick to such stringent rules. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17. Trade in torture instruments 
 
 EU member nations are banned from importing items that have no practical use other than carrying out capital punishment, torture or inhuman or degrading treatment . Among them are electric chairs and shock belts, shackles, gallows, guillotines and pepper spray. Revisiting this law could make for some interesting deliberations in UK Parliament. 
 
 The nitty gritty 
 
 18. Brits abroad 
 
 At the moment, UK nationals can turn up to an EU country, flash their passports and be granted freedom of movement within the union. But once the country pulls out of the EU, this privilege could come to an end. 
 
 The government will need to negotiate a deal for its citizens and will likely try to retain visa-free travel. But the European Commission may have other ideas -- it currently has a proposal on that table for a visa waiver system , much like the scheme in the United States, to tighten screening of all non-EU members entering the EU. This would involve applying online for a visa ahead of time and paying a small fee to be given access to the zone. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19. Roaming charges 
 
 EU citizens pay relatively low roaming fees for phone calls and data usage within the EU. And the union is aiming to abolish roaming charges altogether by June this year 
 
 As outsiders, telecommunications companies will not be obliged to offer the same low rates to British travelers, and these rates may come down to what kind of deal the government strikes with the EU. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20. Cost of air travel 
 
 Air travel between EU countries has become much more affordable since the EU removed several competition barriers , allowing budget airlines to flourish. But after Brexit, UK airlines such as EasyJet won't be able to take advantage of these benefits and will need to make new agreements to operate in EU airspace, according to the Chief Executive of the Civil Aviation Authority. The impact this could have on prices is unclear. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21. Air passenger rights 
 
 If you're an EU citizen and your flight is canceled or delayed, or if you're denied boarding against your will, you are entitled to various forms of compensation under EU law. Even if you're simply seated in a class lower than you paid for, you can claim up to 75% of the price of the ticket. After Brexit, UK citizens will no longer have these rights. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22. The 48-hour work week 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23. Carers' rights 
 
 landmark 2008 European Court of Justice decision ruled that non-disabled employees are protected by law if discriminated against on the basis of their association or care for a disabled person. For example, if an employer discriminated against a parent caring for a disabled child, the parent could claim for discrimination. After Brexit, the UK government will be free to decide on the future of carers' rights in the workplace. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24. Equal pay for agency workers 
 
 The EU has also obliged employers to pay temporary agency workers at the same rate as permanent employees. The government may choose to revisit this rule, which Open Europe says costs the economy a further £2.1 billion ($2.6 billion) a year 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25. Part-time workers' pension 
 
 Rulings by the European Court of Justice obliged the UK to enroll part-time workers in employer pension schemes -- not doing so was seen as discrimination against women , who work part-time roles in higher numbers. It is unclear whether the government will reconsider this rule. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26. Annual leave 
 
 Under EU law, if you get sick while on annual leave, you can retake that leave at a later date and even carry it over into the following year. According to the Local Government Association , this conflicts with UK law, which doesn't allow employees to carry over leave from one year to the next. This conflict may mean that this particular EU regulation is scrapped after Brexit. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27. Gender equality 
 
 Under its Strategic Gender Equality plan , the EU allocated 6.17 billion euros ($6.7 billion) between 2014 and 2020 to reach certain targets, such as reducing the gender pay gap, preventing and combating violence against women and getting more women involved in science, technology, engineering and mathematics. The UK government will need to decide how to fill this funding gap, post-Brexit. 
 
 In his 2017 spring budget speech, Chancellor of the Exchequer Philip Hammond pledged to commit £20 million ($25 million) of government funding to support a nationwide campaign to stop violence against women and girls. Hammond also reinstated the controversial "tampon tax," a 5% tax placed on the sanitary item, which will be used to deliver an additional £12 million ($15 million) in support of women's charities nationwide, according to Hammond. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28. Maternity leave 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29. Erasmus 
 
 UK university students currently have access to Erasmus , an EU student exchange program that allows them to study in another Erasmus country for three to 12 months. Nearly half of all UK students who travel to study elsewhere for a short period do so through this scheme. Access to Erasmus will no longer be automatic and will have to be renegotiated. 
 
 JUST WATCHED Oxford University: EU workers must stay in UK Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH Oxford University: EU workers must stay in UK 08:39 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30. Recognition of qualifications 
 
 EU citizens who get a professional qualification in one EU country may work in another safe in the knowledge that their skill -- whether it be accounting, teaching, beekeeping or wine-tasting -- will be recognized. 
 
 It's fairly simple for UK citizens to find work or training elsewhere in the EU by using the European Qualifications Framework and the Europass to list their skills and qualifications. These standardized documents help universities and employers to compare applicants from countries across the EU. Once Britain has left the EU, UK citizens may not be able to access these tools and countries may decide not to recognize each other's qualifications unconditionally. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31. Horizon 2020 
 
 A number of UK universities, including Edinburgh, Manchester, Oxford and Cambridge, have received millions of euros in funding through Horizon 2020 , an EU program that promotes research into topics as diverse as health and well-being, green transport, outer space and future technologies. 
 
 According to the "white paper" on Brexit, the government "will work with the European Commission to ensure payment" when funds are awarded in research programs including Horizon 2020 . It promised to guarantee such grants, even if projects continue after the UK leaves the EU. The role of UK universities in future EU-led research programs remains unclear, however. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 32. CO2 Emissions 
 
 The UK is part of the EU Emissions Trading System , the cornerstone of the EU's climate change policy and the world's first and biggest carbon market. Under the ETS, a cap is set on the total amount of certain greenhouse gases that can be emitted, and is reduced over time so that total emissions fall. The system is now in its third phase -- where a single, EU-wide cap on emissions applies in place of the previous system of national caps. If the UK leaves the ETS, the EU-wide cap will need to be adjusted and legislation introduced to keep the UK's CO2 emissions in check. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 33. Keeping beaches clean 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 34. The air we breathe 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 35. The fate of wild birds 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 36. Animal welfare 
 
 Farm animals kept in the EU must be fed a wholesome diet, have enough space to move around and be treated immediately if they're sick or injured, according to one directive . There are around 40 other pieces of EU legislation that also deal with animal welfare , according to the RSPCA. As the government has made clear it won't remain in the EU's single market, Parliament will have to decide which regulations to keep and which to drop. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 37. Save the bees 
 
 Two years later the UK granted farmers an emergency authorization to use them on oilseed rape seeds. The UK expressed doubts about the effectiveness of the rules and could alter or drop them after Brexit. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 38. Getting treatment 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 39. Dealing with pandemics 
 
 The EU has an early warning and response system for potential public health threats, such as the SARS epidemic in 2003. Countries can easily share information, pool resources for lab investigations and work together to develop new strategies for future threats. After Brexit, the UK won't be part of this system and will have to develop other ways of coordinating with EU countries. 
 
 JUST WATCHED How much will Brexit cost the UK? Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH How much will Brexit cost the UK? 01:06 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 40. EU health program 
 
 Through the EU health program , launched in 2014, EU countries work closely together to combat unhealthy behaviors, such as smoking and drug and alcohol abuse, by sharing information and good practices. Projects with these goals can receive up to 80% of their funding from the EU. The UK may still be eligible to be part of the program after Brexit but membership is not guaranteed. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 41. Disease prevention and control 
 
 The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control works to identify and combat threats to human health from infectious diseases such as influenza, waterborne diseases and HIV. It makes it easier for organizations across the EU to share information and expertise. 
 
 According to a report by the Royal College of Physicians , programs managed by the ECDC "could not be effectively fulfilled by national governments independently." After Brexit, the UK would be excluded from the ECDC and would need to negotiate a special arrangement to remain a member. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 42. Medicine 
 
 Under mutual recognition licensing , any medical product licensed in the UK can be distributed throughout the EU. 
 
 At a recent hearing , Health Secretary Jeremy Hunt confirmed that after Brexit the UK won't be part of the European Medicines Agency, the body responsible for authorizing new medicines, and instead hopes to negotiate its own form of mutual recognition agreement with the EU. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 43. Road safety 
 
 Vehicle and road safety is covered by a long list of EU laws. EU regulations set out safety standards for all kinds of vehicles and even specify the type of crash protection systems required for vehicles in order to reduce the number and severity of injuries to pedestrians. After Brexit, the UK will be responsible for introducing national road and vehicle safety laws to protect its citizens. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 44. 'Passporting' for the finance industry 
 
 A gripe for the finance industry during the Brexit debate was the possible loss of "passporting" -- the right for UK businesses to provide financial services anywhere in the EU and the wider European Economic Area while being based in the UK and regulated by UK authorities. 
 
 In the Brexit negotiations, the government could try to retain this right as part of a new agreement with the EU. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 45. Firearms 
 
 EU law sets out strict regulations on who can own a firearm and buy ammunition. Among other things, the law requires EU states to keep a database of registered firearms and carry out regular checks on license holders. The law was also designed to make it easier for countries to share information about firearms and their movements around the EU. After Brexit, the UK could decide to loosen or tighten these regulations in its own laws. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 46. Rules on tobacco 
 
 The EU has strict rules on how cigarettes and other tobacco products can be manufactured, marketed and sold. EU law is behind the large health warnings on cigarette packets. It will soon prevent extra flavors such as fruit or menthol being added to tobacco products that could encourage people, especially young people, to start smoking. Although the UK has strict tobacco laws of its own, the government will need to clarify where it stands on EU regulations, such as the ban on menthol cigarettes, which are currently available widely. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 47. Irish dairy 
 
 For Irish dairy farmers whose land straddles the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, Brexit could have significant implications. If a "hard border" is imposed, new import and export charges could be introduced This could mean big costs: 30% of total of Irish dairy exports go to the UK 
 
 Farmers who have cows and a bottling plant on one side of the border, but with the milking equipment on the other side, could be hit with these import/export taxes if a hard border is introduced. As of now, it's not clear what will happen to the common travel area that exists between Northern Ireland, which will remain part of the UK, and the Republic of Ireland, which will stay in the EU. The British government said that its aim is "to have as seamless and frictionless a border as possible" in a 77-page "white paper." 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 48. The French border 
 
 In 2003, the French and UK governments signed the Le Touquet accord, which allows the UK to check passports in France and effectively situates the border on French soil. The agreement has nothing to do with EU law but last March the then French Economy Minister Emmanuel Macron suggested Le Touquet could end if Britain voted to leave the EU. 
 
 Macron also warned that migration to Britain would increase if it left the EU , including from those who had camped out for months at a camp in the French city of Calais. 
 
 Macron is now a frontrunner in the presidential election, and he hasn't forgotten his pledge. At a campaign rally in London in February, he suggested he would try to partly renegotiate the agreement . Softer language perhaps, but the possibility of a change to border arrangements remains. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 49. Keep broadband affordable 
 
 The EU has put in place a set of rules that are intended to help keep broadband costs down. They oblige governments to clear any legal obstacles that may hold back network operators from giving telecoms operators access to their physical infrastructure on reasonable terms and conditions, including price. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 50. New passports
– On March 29, 2019, Britain will no longer be a member of the European Union. That's the schedule, at least, now that Prime Minister Theresa May has notified the EU of the United Kingdom's decision to exit and set in motion a two-year clock to negotiate the details. "This is an historic moment from which there can be no turning back," said May. A look at Brexit coverage: "We already miss you. Thank you and goodbye." That's what the president of the European Council said in response to May's letter, reports the Telegraph. It prompted JK Rowling (a Brexit opponent) to tweet, "When your ex is so noble about the break up you'd almost rather they threw a drink in your face." History buffs, here is the actual letter signed by May. Don't expect real negotiations to begin on the exit until fall 2017 because of pivotal elections in France and Germany. The Washington Post has a what's-next feature. If no deal on the particulars is reached, Britain will still leave, an outcome being called a "hard Brexit." Vox explains why that would be a "disaster." CNN has a 50-item list of issues that must be hammered out, including figuring out an immigration system that will allow British citizens to work and travel in the EU and vice versa. Time answers 42 questions, including whether the queen can step in and halt the process. The answer? Technically yes, but don't hold your breath. Politico looks at coverage in European papers, with perhaps the most striking front page being the Guardian's jigsaw puzzle. See it here. (The Irish, meanwhile, think the newspaper screwed up its map, as the Irish Independent explains.) Brexit means the EU's hope of being a superpower is done, per an analysis at MarketWatch. It's the US and China now. Meanwhile, Scotland wants out of the UK. Its parliament voted to hold another referendum on independence relatively quickly, though May, who must sign off, opposes the idea. The New York Times reports on the tussle. Nature talks to eight researchers whose work has been upended by Brexit.