mteb/BrightProPsychologyRetrieval huggingface dataset:
In this study, 1104 current smokers included 914 males (82.79%), with an
average age of 43.61 years (SD was 11.38 years). The majority of current
smokers were married (84.96%), with an education of college and above
(62.68%). 45.57% of current smokers were official staff or administrative
staff. Approximately 74% of smokers had an individual monthly income over 5000
RMB, and 21.83% of them had at least 1 type of non-communicable diseases
(NCD). In comparison with female current smokers, male current smokers were
elder, had higher proportion of married status, with lower percentage of
college and above education, with lower individual monthly income, and with
higher prevalence of NCD (Table  1
 ).
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Business and economy  One study sought to analyze the role of the availability heuristic in
financial markets. Researchers defined and tested two aspects of the
availability heuristic:  [19]

* Outcome Availability – availability of positive and negative investment outcomes, and
* Risk Availability – availability of financial risk.  [19]

On days of substantial  stock market 
moves, abnormal stock price reactions to upgrades are weaker, than those to
downgrades. These availability effects are still significant even after
controlling for event-specific and company-specific factors.  [19]

Similarly, research has pointed out that under the availability heuristic,
humans are not reliable because they assess probabilities by giving more
weight to current or easily recalled information instead of processing all
relevant information. Since information regarding the current state of the
economy is readily available, researchers attempted to expose the properties
of business cycles to predict the availability bias in analysts' growth
forecasts. They showed the availability heuristic to play a role in analysis
of forecasts and influence investments because of this.  [20]

In effect, investors are using the availability heuristic to make decisions
and subsequently, may be obstructing their own investment success. An
investor's lingering perceptions of a dire market environment may be causing
them to view investment opportunities through an overly negative lens, making
it less appealing to consider taking on investment risk, no matter how small
the returns on perceived "safe" investments. To illustrate,  Franklin
Templeton  's annual Global
Investor Sentiment Survey 1 asked individuals how they believed the  S&P 500
Index  performed in 2009, 2010, and
2011. 66 percent of respondents stated that they believed the market was
either flat or down in 2009, 48 percent said the same about 2010 and 53
percent also said the same about 2011. In reality, the S&P 500 saw 26.5
percent annual returns in 2009, 15.1 percent annual returns in 2010, and 2.1
percent annual returns in 2011, meaning lingering perceptions based on
dramatic, painful events are impacting decision-making even when those events
are over.  [21]

Additionally, a study by Hayibor and Wasieleski found that the availability of
others who believe that a particular act is morally acceptable is positively
related to others' perceptions of the morality of that act. This suggests that
availability heuristic also has an effect on  ethical   decision making  and
ethical behavior in organizations.  [22]
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million life-years could have been gained, roughly 40% higher. The upcoming
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Alternative explanations  Much of the criticism against the availability heuristic has claimed that
making use of the content that becomes available in our mind is not based on
the ease of recall as suggested by Schwarz et al.  [4]  For example, it could
be argued that recalling more words that begin with K than words with the
third letter being K could arise from how we categorize and process words into
our memory. If we categorize words by the first letter and recall them through
the same process, this would show more support for the representative
heuristic than the availability heuristic. Based on the possibility of
explanations such as these, some researchers have claimed that the classic
studies on the availability heuristic are too vague in that they fail to
account for people's underlying mental processes. Indeed, a study conducted by
Wanke et al. demonstrated this scenario can occur in situations used to test
the availability heuristic.  [33]

A second line of study has shown that frequency estimation may not be the only
strategy we use when making frequency judgments. A recent line of research has
shown that our situational working memory can access long-term memories, and
this memory retrieval process includes the ability to determine more accurate
probabilities.  [34]
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Media  After seeing news stories about child abductions, people may judge that the 
likelihood  of this event is greater.  Media
coverage  can help fuel a person's
example bias with widespread and extensive coverage of unusual events, such as
 homicide  or  airline accidents
 , and less coverage of more
routine, less sensational events, such as common diseases or  car accidents
 . For example, when asked to rate the
probability of a variety of causes of death, people tend to rate "newsworthy"
events as more likely because they can more readily recall an example from
memory.  [10]  Moreover, unusual and vivid events like homicides,  shark
attacks  , or  lightning
 are more often reported in mass media than
common and un-sensational causes of death like common diseases.  [11]

For example, many people think that the likelihood of dying from shark attacks
is greater than that of dying from being hit by falling airplane parts when
more people actually die from falling airplane parts.  [12]  When a shark
attack occurs, the deaths are widely reported in the media whereas deaths as a
result of being hit by falling airplane parts are rarely reported in the
media.  [13]

In a 2010 study exploring how vivid television portrayals are used when
forming  social reality  judgments,
people watching vivid violent media gave higher estimates of the prevalence of
crime and police immorality in the real world than those not exposed to vivid
television. These results suggest that  television violence
 does in fact have a direct causal impact
on participants' social reality beliefs. Repeated exposure to vivid violence
leads to an increase in people's risk estimates about the prevalence of crime
and violence in the real world.  [14]  Counter to these findings, researchers
from a similar study argued that these effects may be due to effects of new
information. Researchers tested the new information effect by showing movies
depicting dramatic risk events and measuring their risk assessment after the
film. Contrary to previous research, there were no long-term effects on risk
perception due to exposure to dramatic movies. However, the study did find
evidence of idiosyncratic effects of the movies - that is, people reacted
immediately after the movies with enhanced or diminished risk beliefs, which
faded after a period of 10 days.  [15]

Another measurable effect is the inaccurate estimation of the fraction of
deaths caused by terrorism compared to homicides with other causes.  [16]
While the FDA had planned to implement the graphic warning labels nine years
ago, it has been entangled in litigation with the tobacco industry over the
issue. The rules to add the  labels  include textual warnings and color graphics
with photorealistic images depicting the negative health consequences of
cigarette smoking, such as warnings that smoking can cause erectile
dysfunction or head and neck cancer, and can lead to COPD.
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Vividness effects  Two studies with 108 undergraduates investigated vivid information and its
impact on social judgment and the availability heuristic and its role in
mediating vividness effects.

In study 1, Subjects listened to a tape recording that described a woman who
lived with her 7-year-old son. Subjects then heard arguments about the woman's
fitness as a parent and were asked to draw their own conclusions regarding her
fitness or unfitness. The concrete and colorful language were found to
influence judgments about the woman's fitness as a mother.

In study 2, a series of male and female names were presented to subjects; for
each name, subjects were told the university affiliation of the individual
(Yale or Stanford). When some names were presented, subjects were
simultaneously shown a photograph that purportedly portrayed the named
individual. Subsequently, to assess what subjects could remember (as a measure
of availability), each name was represented, as well as the appropriate
photograph if one had been originally presented. The study considered whether
the display or non-display of photographs biased subjects' estimates as to the
percentage of Yale (vs Stanford) students in the sample of men and women whose
names appeared on the original list, and whether these estimated percentages
were causally related to the respondents' memory for the college affiliations
of the individual students on the list. The presence of photographs affected
judgments about the proportion of male and female students at the two
universities. Such effects have typically been attributed to the ready
accessibility of vividly presented information in memory—that is, to the
availability heuristic.

In both studies, vividness affected both availability (ability to recall) and
judgments. However, causal modeling results indicated that the availability
heuristic did not play a role in the judgment process.  [30]
Time:  2024/03/27 20:09:19
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A growing body of researches have demonstrated that women experience
significant health disparities related to tobacco smoke [  28
:7–12.") ,  29
:379–81.") ]. Women have lower rates of
successfully quitting, and experience greater risk of certain health
consequences of smoking [  30 :1297–305.") ].
Furthermore, women smokers response more strongly to GWLs on cigarette
package, and are more likely to consider smoking cessation due to GWLs [  31
:40–4.") ,  32 :3–14.") ]. In this study, we identified that female smokers had
over 2.4 folds of smoking cessation intention due to GWLs in comparison with
male smokers, which was in line with previous evidences that graphic warning
labels were more effective in motivating female smokers to quit [  32
:3–14.") ]. This
might attribute to the fact that women are more sensitive to malignancies and
respiratory illnesses depicted on top of the cigarette package, and then
induced strong negative emotions [  4
:543–7.") ,  31
:40–4.") ,  32 :3–14.") ]. We recommend that sex differences in smoking cessation
intention due to GWLs on cigarette packs should be considered when adopting
GWLs into tobacco control measures.
Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease
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Standardized Deviation
Ease of recall as a critique  One of the earliest and most powerful critiques of the original Tversky and
Kahneman  [32]  study on the availability heuristic was the Schwarz et al.
[4]  study which found that the ease of recall was a key component in
determining whether a concept became available. Many studies since this
criticism of the original availability heuristic model have repeated this
initial criticism, that the ease of recall factor became an integral facet of
the availability heuristic itself (see Research section).
##  Conclusions
In this study, 41.85% of current smokers had plan to quit in a year, and over
58% of current smokers reported smoking cessation intention due to GWLs. In
order to evaluate the exclusive effect of GWLs on smokers’ intention to quit,
we divided 1104 current smokers into smokers with plan to quit (Group A, _n_ =
462) and smokers without plan to quit (Group B, _n_ = 642). Figure  3
 showed that over 75% of current
smokers in Group A and approximately 40% of current smokers in Group B had
smoking cessation intention due to GWLs, in spite of their gender, individual
monthly income, tobacco smoking intensity and smoking burden. Meanwhile,
female smokers (χ  2  (group-A)  = 4.77, χ  2  (group-B)  = 12.82, _P_ <
0.05), smokers with lower monthly income(χ  2  (group-A)  = 21.71, χ  2
(group-B)  = 8.22, _P_ < 0.05), with smoking intensity < 20 cigarettes/day (χ
2  (group-A)  = 7.37, χ  2  (group-B)  = 13.96, _P_ < 0.05) had higher
percentage of smoking cessation intention due to GWLs both among current
tobacco smokers with and without plan to quit (Fig.  3
 ).
4. Xiangjin Gao
Global Adult Tobacco Survey
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2. Yan Qiang
Tobacco consumption is the leading cause of death in the world, and frequent
inhalation of cigarette smoke toxicants causes both short-term and long-term
health effects [  1 :1912.") , [ 2
](/articles/10.1186/s12889-021-12257-8#ref-CR2 "World Health Organization. WHO
report on the global tobacco epidemic, 2017: monitoring tobacco use and
prevention policies: World Health Organization. Available from:
* Published  :  26 November 2021
ITC:
* 2714  Accesses
In this study, 58.06% (641/1104) of current smokers reported smoking cessation
intention due to the assumed graphic warning labels on cigarette package. Uni-
variable logistic regression in Table  3
 indicated that female smokers,
smokers with lower monthly income, lower education, lower smoking intensity
and lower personal tobacco burden had higher percentage of smoking cessation
intention due to GWLs. Meanwhile, smokers with smoking cessation attempt, with
plans to quit smoking in a year also had higher percentage of smoking
cessation intention due to GWLs. Based on variable selection criteria of
logistic regression, variables with a _p_ value less than 0.05 in uni-variable
logistic regression were selected and fitted into multi-variable logistic
regression. Analysis results demonstrated that female smokers [Odd Ratio (OR =
2.41), 95% Confidence Interval (CI) 1.61–3.59] had higher smoking cessation
intention than male smokers, smokers with higher individual monthly income had
lower percentage of smoking cessation intention (OR were 0.35, 0.46 and 0.41).
Smokers with smoking intensity < 20 cigarette/day [OR = 1.92, 95% CI
(1.44–2.55)], with tobacco burden < 20% [OR = 1.94, 95% CI (1.35–2.79)] had
higher smoking cessation intention due to GWLs on cigarette package. Smokers
with plan to quit in a year also had higher smoking cessation intention due to
GWLs [OR = 6.58, 95% CI (4.71–9.18)] (Table  3
 ).
In this study, we define a current smoker as a person who smoked at least 100
cigarettes in a lifetime and still smoke at least once a week at the time of
investigation [  8 :43–9.") ,  22
:5216–28.") ], and the second hand tobacco smoke exposure as
those who are exposed to tobacco smoke for at least 15 min each day and at
least 1 day each week. We define smoking cessation attempt as smokers with
quitting attempt for at least 24 h, and we define tobacco smoking relapse as
smokers who have made smoking cessation attempt but relapse back to smoking.
In this study, we define smoking cessation intention as current smokers who
report the intention to quit due to the assumed graphic warning labels on
cigarette package. We define smoking duration as the time interval (year)
between age at investigation and age at tobacco smoking initiation among
current smokers, and then classify it into three groups (‘< 10’ years, ‘10–20’
yeas, and ‘> 20’ years), smoking intensity is defined as the number of
cigarettes smoked per day and then categorized as < 20 cigarette/day and ≥ 20
cigarettes/day. Personal tobacco burden is defined as the percentage of
individual monthly expense on tobacco purchase divided by individual monthly
income, and classified into < 20% and ≥ 20% [  22
:5216–28.") ]. In this study, Education is recorded as completed
years of schooling and categorized into three categories of 1–9 years (junior
high school or lower), 10–12 years (senior high school), and > 12 years
(college and above). Individual monthly income is divided into four groups (<
5000 RMB, 5000–10,000 RMB, 10001–20,000 RMB, and over 20,000 RMB).
A
child with an oxygen mask. A diseased lung. A woman with a huge bump on her
neck.
##  Availability of data and materials
_BMC Public Health_  ** volume  21 ** , Article number:  2170  (  2021
)  Cite this article
As a way of communication with consumers, cigarette package has become more
important following restrictions on other types of tobacco advertisement [  8
:43–9.") ], and is a key
component of marketing mix for tobacco industries that aimed at reinforcing
brand appeal and discouraging negative cognition which might cause smokers
quitting [  9 :312–9.") ]. Overwhelming studies
demonstrate that advertising exposure predicts increased trend of tobacco
smoking behavior globally [  10 :269–79.") ,  11
:38–49.") ]. A systematic review indicates the
causal relationship between advertisement exposure and youth smoking
initiation and adult smoking continuation, and tobacco advertisement also
contributes to higher rates of smoking initiation and smoking cessation
relapse [  10 :269–79.") ]. The WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco
Control (FCTC) recommends the removal of all tobacco industry branding and
mandates graphic warning labels on cigarette package, which is crucial for
decreasing the high prevalence of tobacco consumption worldwide [  12
:421.") ].
") ]. Surgeon General’s Advisory Committee (SGAC) of United States indicates tobacco smoking is a health hazard of sufficient importance, and is associated with the increased risk of health problems [  3 :1059–60.") ]. Generally, tobacco smoking has negative health effect and is the single largest preventable cause of morbidity and mortality all over the world [  4 :543–7.") ]. World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that the number of people addict to tobacco smoking is over 1 billion, and over 8 million people will die from tobacco related diseases by 2030 if the current trend continues [  5  ]. In order to curb the elevated prevalence of tobacco smoking, many public health interventions have been attempted in efforts, including health literacy campaigns, targeted smoking bans, advertise restrictions, graphic warning labels and excise taxes, etc. [  6  ,  7 . PLoS One. 2018;19\(9\):e0204416.") ].
*[
DOI
]: Digital Object Identifier
####  BMC Public Health
Overview and history  _\(cropped\).jpg) Kahneman's
research established that common human errors can arise from  heuristics and
biases 

In the late 1960s and early 1970s,  Amos Tversky  and  Daniel Kahneman 
began work on a series of papers examining "heuristic and  biases
 " used in the judgment under  uncertainty
 . Prior to that, the predominant view in
the field of human  judgment  was that humans are
 rational actors  . Kahneman and
Tversky explained that judgment under uncertainty often relies on a limited
number of simplifying heuristics rather than extensive  algorithmic
 processing. Soon, this idea spread beyond
academic psychology, into law, medicine, and political science. This research
questioned the descriptive adequacy of idealized models of judgment, and
offered insights into the  cognitive processes  that explained human error without invoking motivated 
irrationality  .  [5]  One simplifying
strategy people may rely on is the tendency to make a judgment about the
frequency of an event based on how many similar instances are brought to mind.
In 1973, Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman first studied this phenomenon and
labeled it the "availability heuristic". An availability heuristic is a mental
shortcut that relies on immediate examples that come to a given person's mind
when evaluating a specific topic, concept, method, or decision. As follows,
people tend to use a readily available fact to base their beliefs on a
comparably distant concept. There has been much research done with this
heuristic, but studies on the issue are still questionable with regard to the
underlying process. Studies illustrate that manipulations intended to increase
the subjective experience of ease of recall are also likely to affect the
amount of recall. Furthermore, this makes it difficult to determine whether
the obtained estimates of frequency, likelihood, or typicality are based on
participants' phenomenal experiences or on a biased sample of recalled
information.  [5]

However, some textbooks have chosen the latter interpretation introducing the
availability heuristic as "one's judgments are always based on what comes to
mind". For example, if a person is asked whether there are more words in the
English language that contain a t or a k, the person will probably be able to
think of more words that begin with the letter t, concluding that t is more 
frequent  than k.  [6]  In this
Wikipedia article itself, for example, there are multiple instances of words
such as "likely", "make", "take", "ask", "work" and indeed "Wikipedia", but
(aside from names) only a couple of initial K's: "know" and "key".
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**Fig. 1**
Social Media:
##  Abstract
##  Funding
*  Fernanda Pires 
*  Juan Ochoa 
*  Kim North Shine
* Study:  Estimated Prevalence of Smoking and Smoking-Attributable Mortality Associated With Graphic Health Warnings on Cigarette Packages in the US From 2022 to 2100 
*  FDA Cigarette Labeling 
*  Cancer Intervention and Surveillance Modeling Network 
*  Center for the Assessment of Tobacco Regulations