mteb/BrightProPsychologyRetrieval huggingface dataset:
Experimental evidence  Main article:  Iowa gambling task 

In an effort to produce a simple  neuropsychological  tool that would assess deficits in emotional processing,
decision-making, and  social skills  of
OMPFC-  lesioned  individuals, Bechara and
collaborators created the  Iowa gambling task  .  [2]  [11]  The task measures a form of emotion-based
learning. Studies using the gambling task have found deficits in various
neurological (such as  amygdala  and OMPFC
lesions) and psychiatric populations (such as  schizophrenia
 ,  mania  , and
 drug abusers  ).

The Iowa gambling task is a computerized test in which participants are
presented with four decks of cards from which they repeatedly choose. Each
deck contains various amounts of rewards of either $50 or $100, and occasional
losses that are greater in the decks with higher rewards. The participants do
not know where the penalty cards are located, and are told to pick cards that
will maximize their winnings. The most profitable strategy turns out to be to
choose cards only from the small reward/small penalty decks, because although
the reward is smaller, the penalty is proportionally much smaller than in the
high reward/high penalty decks. Over the course of a session, most healthy
participants come to adopt the profitable low-penalty deck strategy.
Participants with brain damage, however, are unable to determine the better
deck to choose from, and continue to choose from the high reward/high penalty
decks.  [12]

Since the Iowa gambling task measures participants' quickness in "developing
anticipatory emotional responses to guide advantageous choices",  [13]  it is
helpful in testing the somatic marker hypothesis. According to the hypothesis,
somatic markers give rise to anticipation of the emotional consequences of a
decision being made. Consequently, persons who perform well on the task are
thought to be aware of the penalty cards and of the negative emotions
associated with drawing such cards, and to realize which deck is less likely
to yield a penalty.  [13]

This experiment has been used to analyze the impairments of people with damage
to the vmPFC, which has been known to affect neural signaling of prospective
rewards or punishments. Such persons perform less well on the task.  [1]  
Functional magnetic resonance imaging
 (fMRI) has been used to analyze the brain during the Iowa gambling
task. The brain regions that were activated during the Iowa gambling task were
also the ones hypothesized to be triggered by somatic markers during decision-
making.  [14]
Hypothesis  When individuals  make decisions  ,
they must assess the  incentive  value of the
choices available to them, using  cognitive 
and emotional processes. When the individuals face complex and conflicting
choices, they may be unable to decide using only cognitive processes, which
may become overloaded. Emotions, consequently, are hypothesized to guide
decision-making.

Emotions, as defined by Damasio, are changes in both body and brain states in
response to stimuli.  [1]  Physiological changes (such as  muscle tone
 ,  heart rate  ,  endocrine activity  , 
posture  "Posture \(psychology\)") ,  facial
expression  , and so forth)
occur in the body and are relayed to the brain where they are transformed into
an emotion that tells the individual something about the stimulus that they
have encountered. Over time, emotions and their corresponding bodily changes,
which are called "somatic markers", become associated with particular
situations and their past outcomes.

When making subsequent decisions, these somatic markers and their evoked
emotions are consciously or unconsciously associated with their past outcomes,
and influence decision-making in favor of some behaviors instead of others.
[1]  For instance, when a somatic marker associated with a positive outcome is
perceived, the person may feel happy and thereby motivated to pursue that
behavior. When a somatic marker associated with the negative outcome is
perceived, the person may feel sad, which acts as an internal alarm to warn
the individual to avoid that course of action. These situation-specific
somatic states are based on, and reinforced by, past experiences help to guide
behavior in favor of more advantageous choices, and therefore are adaptive.

According to the hypothesis, two distinct pathways reactivate somatic marker
responses. In the first pathway, emotion can be evoked by changes in the body
that are projected to the brain – called the "body loop". For instance,
encountering a feared object like a snake may initiate the  fight-or-flight
 response and cause fear. In the
second pathway, cognitive representations of the emotions (imagining an
unpleasant situation "as if" you were in that particular situation) can be
activated in the brain without being directly elicited by a sensory stimulus –
called the "  as-if body loop ")
". Thus, the brain can anticipate expected bodily changes, which allows the
individual to respond faster to external stimuli without waiting for an event
to actually occur.  [4]  The amygdala and vmPFC (a subsection of the  orbital
 and  medial prefrontal
cortex  or OMPFC)
are essential components of this hypothesized mechanism, and therefore damage
to either structure will disrupt decision-making.  [10]
Somatic_marker_hypothesis "Phineas Gage")

In  economic theory  , human decision-making is
often modeled as being devoid of emotions, involving only logical reasoning
based on  cost-benefit calculations  .  [3]  In contrast, the somatic marker hypothesis
proposes that emotions play a critical role in the ability to make fast,
rational decisions in complex and uncertain situations.  [1]

Patients with frontal lobe damage, such as  Phineas Gage  , provided the first evidence that the frontal lobes were
associated with decision-making. Frontal lobe damage, particularly to the
vmPFC, results in impaired abilities to organize and plan behavior and learn
from previous mistakes, without affecting intellect in terms of  working
memory  ,  attention
 , and  language comprehension and expression
 .  [4]  [5]

vmPFC patients also have difficulty expressing and experiencing appropriate
emotions. This led Antonio Damasio to hypothesize that decision-making
deficits following vmPFC damage result from the inability to use emotions to
help guide future behavior based on past experiences. Consequently, vmPFC
damage forces those affected to rely on slow and laborious cost-benefit
analyses for every given choice situation.  [6]
Unconscious memory used to perform tasks

**Procedural memory** is a type of  implicit memory  (  unconscious  ,  long-term  memory)
which aids the performance of particular types of tasks without  conscious
 awareness of these previous 
experiences  .

Procedural memory guides the processes we perform, and most frequently resides
below the level of conscious awareness. When needed, procedural memories are
automatically  retrieved  "Recall \(memory\)") and
utilized for execution of the integrated procedures involved in both 
cognitive  and  motor skills
 , from tying shoes, to reading, to flying
an airplane. Procedural memories are accessed and used without the need for
conscious control or attention.

Procedural memory is created through _procedural learning_ , or repeating a
complex activity over and over again until all of the relevant  neural
systems  work together to
automatically produce the activity. Implicit procedural learning is essential
for the development of any motor skill or cognitive activity.
**Rumination** is the focused attention on the symptoms of one's  mental
distress  , and on its possible
causes and consequences, as opposed to its solutions, according to the
_Response Styles Theory_ proposed by  Nolen-Hoeksema  in 1998.  [1]  [2]

Because the Response Styles Theory has been  empirically  supported, this model of rumination is the most widely used
conceptualization. Other theories, however, have proposed different
definitions for rumination. For example, in the _Goal Progress Theory_ ,
rumination is conceptualized not as a reaction to a  mood
 "Mood \(psychology\)") state, but as a "response
to failure to progress satisfactorily towards a goal".  [3]  As such, both
rumination and  worry  are associated with  anxiety
 and other negative emotional states; however, its
measures have not been unified.  [4]  Multiple tools exist to measure
ruminative thoughts. Treatments specifically addressing ruminative thought
patterns are still in the early stages of development.  [5]
Definition  

_Tacit knowledge_ can be defined as skills, ideas and experiences that are
possessed by people but are not codified and may not necessarily be easily
expressed.  [5]  With tacit knowledge, people are not often aware of the
knowledge they possess or how it can be valuable to others. Effective transfer
of tacit knowledge generally requires extensive personal contact, regular
interaction,  [6]  and trust. This kind of knowledge can only be revealed
through practice in a particular context and transmitted through  social
networks  .  [7]  To some extent it is
"  captured  " when the
knowledge holder joins a network or a  community of practice
 .  [6]

Some examples of daily activities and tacit knowledge are: riding a bike,
playing the piano, driving a car, hitting a nail with a hammer,  [8]  putting
together pieces of a complex jigsaw puzzle, and interpreting a complex
statistical equation.  [5]

In the field of  knowledge management  , the concept of tacit knowledge refers to knowledge that cannot
be fully  codified  . An individual can acquire
tacit knowledge without language.  Apprentices  , for example, work with their  mentors  and learn craftsmanship not only through language but also by 
observation  , imitation, and practice.

The key to acquiring tacit knowledge is  experience  . Without some form of shared experience, it is extremely
difficult for people to share each other's  thinking processes
 .  [9]
**Tacit knowledge** or **implicit knowledge** —as opposed to formalized,
codified or  explicit knowledge  —is  knowledge  that is difficult
to express or extract; therefore it is more difficult to transfer to others by
means of writing it down or verbalizing it. This can include  motor skills
 , personal  wisdom  ,  experience  ,
 insight  , and  intuition  .  [1]

For example, knowing that London is in the United Kingdom is a piece of_explicit_ knowledge; it can be written down, transmitted, and understood by a
recipient. In contrast, the ability to speak a language, ride a bicycle, knead
dough, play a musical instrument, or design and use complex equipment requires
all sorts of knowledge which is not always known _explicitly_ , even by expert
practitioners, and which is difficult or impossible to explicitly  transfer
 to other people.
Tendency to give more importance to negative experiences

The **negativity bias** ,  [1]  also known as the **negativity effect** , is a
 cognitive bias  that, even when
positive or neutral things of equal intensity occur, things of a more negative
nature (e.g. unpleasant thoughts, emotions, or social interactions;
harmful/traumatic events) have a greater effect on one's psychological state
and processes than neutral or positive things.  [2]  [3]  [4]  In other words,
something very positive will generally have less of an impact on a person's
behavior and cognition than something equally emotional but negative. The
negativity bias has been investigated within many different domains, including
the  formation of impressions  and general evaluations; attention, learning, and memory; and 
decision-making  and risk
considerations.
Availability heuristic

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The **availability heuristic** , also known as **availability bias** , is a
mental shortcut that relies on immediate examples that come to a given
person's mind when evaluating a specific topic, concept, method, or decision.
This  heuristic  , operating on the notion that,
if something can be  recalled  "Recall \(memory\)")
, it must be important, or at least more important than alternative solutions
not as readily recalled,  [1]  is inherently biased toward recently acquired
information.  [2]  [3]

The mental availability of an action's consequences is positively related to
those consequences' perceived magnitude. In other words, the easier it is to
recall the consequences of something, the greater those consequences are often
perceived to be. Most notably, people often rely on the content of their
recall if its implications are not called into question by the difficulty they
have in recalling it.  [4]
**Categorization** is a type of  cognition 
involving conceptual differentiation between characteristics of conscious 
experience  , such as  objects
 "Object \(philosophy\)") , events, or  ideas
 . It involves the  abstraction  and differentiation of aspects of experience by sorting and
distinguishing between groupings, through  classification
 or  typification
 [1]  [2]  on the basis of traits,
features, similarities or other criteria that are  universal
 "Universal \(metaphysics\)") to the group.
Categorization is considered one of the most fundamental  cognitive abilities
 , and it is studied
particularly by  psychology  and  cognitive
linguistics  . 

Synonyms_and_near-synonyms
"Classification \(general theory\)") ). Categorization and classification
allow humans to organize things, objects, and ideas that exist around them and
simplify their understanding of the world.  [3]  Categorization is something
that humans and other organisms _do_ : "doing the right thing with the right
_**kind** _ of thing." The activity of categorizing things can be nonverbal or
verbal. For humans, both concrete objects and abstract ideas are recognized,
differentiated, and understood through categorization. Objects are usually
categorized for some adaptive or pragmatic purposes.

Categorization is  grounded  in the features that distinguish the category's members
from nonmembers. Categorization is important in learning, prediction, 
inference  ,  decision making
 , language, and many forms of
organisms' interaction with their environments.
**Share** All sharing options for:  How Trump makes extreme things look
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“Don’t normalize this” has become a kind of rallying cry during President
Trump’s first year in office -- a reminder to not get too acclimated to
Trump’s norm-breaking and erratic behavior.

But the real danger of the Trump presidency might have less to do with Trump’s
abnormality and more to do with how “normal” he makes other Republicans look
by comparison.

There’s a  concept  in political theory
developed by Joseph P. Overton which suggests that there’s a “window” of
acceptable ideas and policy proposals in public discourse. Everything inside
the window is normal and expected, while everything outside the window is
radical, ridiculous, or unthinkable. And Overton argued that the easiest way
to move that window was to force people to consider ideas at the extremes, as
far away from the window as possible. Because forcing people to consider an
unthinkable idea, even if they rejected it, would make all _less_ extreme
ideas seem acceptable by comparison -- it would move the “window” slowly in
that direction.

That “Overton Window” concept is helpful for explaining how media coverage of
Trump has been warped during his first year in office. Trump’s presidency has
forced news networks to grapple with conspiracy theories, right-wing trolls,
and dishonest government spokespeople -- making them a regular fixture of our
national political debates. And that grappling has moved the Overton Window in
ways that will warp our politics long after Trump’s presidency comes to an
end.

You can find this video and all of Vox's videos  on YouTube
 . Subscribe for more episodes of 
Strikethrough  , our series exploring the
media in the age of Trump.
](https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Eliminative_materialism&action=edit)
to  make it understandable to non-experts
 , without removing the technical details.
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Philosophical view that some states of mind, as commonly understood, do not
exist

**Eliminative materialism** (also called **eliminativism** ) is a 
materialist  position in the  philosophy of
mind  . It is the idea that
the majority of  mental states  in  folk
psychology  do not exist.  [1]  Some
supporters of eliminativism argue that no coherent  neural basis
 will be found for many everyday
psychological concepts such as  belief  or  desire
 "Desire \(emotion\)") , since they are poorly
defined. The argument is that psychological concepts of  behavior
 and  experience 
should be judged by how well they reduce to the biological level.  [2]  Other
versions  entail  the
nonexistence of conscious mental states such as  pain 
and  visual perceptions  .  [3]

Eliminativism about a class of entities is the view that the class of entities
does not exist.  [4]  For example,  materialism  tends to be eliminativist about the  soul 
; modern chemists are eliminativist about  phlogiston  ; modern biologists are eliminativist about _ élan vital
 _ ; and modern physicists are
eliminativist about  luminiferous ether  . Eliminative _materialism_ is the relatively new
(1960s–70s) idea that certain classes of mental entities that common sense
takes for granted, such as beliefs, desires, and the subjective sensation of
pain, do not exist.  [5]  [6]  The most common versions are eliminativism
about  propositional attitudes  , as expressed by  Paul 
and  Patricia Churchland  ,
[7]  and eliminativism about  qualia  (subjective
interpretations about particular instances of subjective experience), as
expressed by  Daniel Dennett  , 
Georges Rey  ,  [3]  and  Jacy Reese Anthis
 .  [8]
Illusionism  

**Illusionism** is an active program within eliminative materialism to explain
 phenomenal consciousness  as an illusion. It is promoted by the philosophers  Daniel
Dennett  ,  Keith Frankish
 , and  Jay Garfield
 , and the neuroscientist  Michael
Graziano  .  [64]  [65]  Graziano
has advanced the  attention schema theory of consciousness
 and postulates that
consciousness is an illusion.  [66]  [67]  According to  David Chalmers
 , proponents argue that once we can
explain consciousness as an illusion without the need for a realist view of
consciousness, we can construct a debunking argument against realist views of
consciousness.  [68]  This line of argument draws from other debunking
arguments like the  evolutionary debunking argument
 in the field of 
metaethics  . Such arguments note that
morality is explained by evolution without positing  moral realism
 , so there is a sufficient basis to
debunk moral realism.  [69]
Direct-access view  

The **direct-access view** posits that the state occurs when memory strength
is not enough to recall an item, but is strong enough to trigger the state.
[2]  That is, the rememberer has direct access to the target word's presence
in memory, even though it cannot be immediately recalled. Theories of the
causes of tip of the tongue phenomenon that adopt direct-access views include
the  blocking hypothesis  , the  incomplete-activation hypothesis  , and the
transmission-deficit model  .  [2]
Incomplete-activation hypothesis  

The incomplete activation hypothesis states that TOTs occur when the target
word in memory is not sufficiently activated to be recalled but rememberers
can sense its presence nonetheless.  [2]  The accessibility of the target word
fluctuates due to factors that increase its activation level, such as cues.
[2]  The target word's activation level may fluctuate to a level that is high
enough for it to be retrieved and the TOT state to be resolved.  [2]
Cue-familiarity theory  

Cue-familiarity theory suggests that the strong feelings elicited by
recognizing a familiar cue about the target word cause the tip of the tongue
phenomenon.  [2]  A familiar cue should create a TOT state, whether or not the
target word is known.  [2]  When one encounters a cue for a target word, the
level of recognition is assessed, and a strong level of recognition will
elicit a tip of the tongue state.  [2]  It has been found that cues that are
repetitive tend to create more TOTs than if one single cue is given.  [2]
This might suggest that cue factors can play a role in causing TOT states.
[2]
Transmission-deficit model  

The transmission deficit model is based on a multi-component theory of memory
representation that suggests that  semantic  and
 phonological  information is stored in
memory and retrieved separately. The transmission deficit model posits that
TOTs occur when there is activation of the semantic component of the target
word memory but this activation does not pass on to the phonological level of
the memory of the target word.  [2]  Thus, TOTs are caused by the deficit in
transmission of activation from the semantic memory store to the phonological
memory store.  [20]

According to cognitive psychologists Deborah M. Burke, of  Pomona College
 , and Donald G. MacKay, of the 
University of California, Los Angeles
 , this phenomenon occurs due primarily to three reasons, all based
on weakened neural connection: the lack of frequent use of a word, the lack of
recent use of a word, and aging.  [21]
Inferential view  

The **inferential view** of TOTs claims that TOTs aren't completely
inaccessible, but arise from clues about the target that the rememberer can
piece together.  [2]  This is to say that the rememberer  infers
 their knowledge of the target word, and the imminence
of retrieval depends upon the information that they are able to access about
the target word from their memory. These views disregard the presence of the
target word in memory as having an effect on creating tip of the tongue
states.
Blocking hypothesis  

See also:  Blocking effect 

The blocking hypothesis states that retrieval cues elicit the retrieval of a
word related to the target that then blocks the retrieval of the correct word
and causes the tip of the tongue phenomenon to occur.  [2]  In other words,
TOTs occur when plausible but incorrect responses to a query come to mind
quickly. The person recognizes that the related words are incorrect but cannot
retrieve the correct word because it is inhibited.  [2]  These related words
are termed blockers because they block the ability to retrieve the correct
word.  [2]  This accounts for why TOTs predict memory performance. Once the
inhibition of the correct word is removed or the blockers are forgotten, the
TOT will be resolved.  [2]  Evidence for this  hypothesis  is minimal as it is difficult to measure.  [2]  Most research
that takes on this approach give participants blockers and see if they produce
TOT states.  [2]  This method is controversial as it is unclear if the
blockers given produce TOT states or act as  retrieval cues
 .  [2]

The hypothesis that blockers act more like retrieval cues is mainly supported
by the idea of phonological similarities between the target word and the
blocker word. Phonological blockers are words that sound similar to the target
word. According to Bown & Harley, "phonological neighbors (of blockers)
usually act as support in lexical retrieval rather than as a hindrance".  [18]
In contrast, an alternative argument suggests that phonological blockers
hinder the ability to retrieve the target word causing a tip of the tongue
state.  [19]
There is more support for the idea that blockers act as neither primers nor
enhancers, but rather more like a side effect. In Metcalf & Kornell's research
the incubation period helped participants to retrieve the word by the same
amount for the original non-blocked TOTs and the blocked TOTs.  [2]  This
suggests that blockers have no effect on the retrieval or the causes of tip of
the tongue states.