Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: Il NY Time sposa la mia tesi: Will they have the last laugh?

Rome — 
DURING the circuslike years of Silvio Berlusconi, Italians grew flinchingly accustomed to being the butts of the world’s jokes.
Will they have the last laugh?
 
They look toward America and wonder. Me, too. 
 
In Donald Trump, we have a version of their buffoonish former prime minister — a clown all our own. He baffles and appalls much of Europe.
 
Here in Italy he prompts an additional reaction: relief, even satisfaction, that another country is proving vulnerable to an emphatically tanned, flamboyantly randy and frequently ridiculous billionaire who makes promises that he can’t possibly keep.
 
The Ferragamo is on the other foot.
 
“We do feel, partly, ha-ha-ha,” said Maria Valentini, a professor at a university just outside Rome. “It’s your turn.”
 
After I ended a telephone chat with an Italian architect I know well, he texted me an assessment from his assistant, who explained that under Berlusconi, 
 
“We felt like idiots. Now we feel better, thinking that in the U.S., they are being idiots squared.”
 
“It’s our revenge,” Roberto D’Alimonte, an Italian political scientist, told me. “Maybe America is becoming more like Italy.” He wasn’t entirely serious about the revenge. He was about America.
 
Italy is a fascinating vantage point for the upheavals of 2016, and not only because of the echoes of Berlusconi in Trump, which I’ve examined before.
 
Harsh nationalist sentiments are gripping Europe, and they demonstrate the pervasiveness of the anxieties that Trump is preying on and of the social and economic currents behind his rise. Austria nearly became the first Western European country with a democratically elected leader from the far right since the end of World War II. Britain is about to decide whether to exit the European Union.
 
There’s concern about a revival of fascism, as The Times’s Peter Bakerrecently noted.
And yet Italy, where Fascism was forged after World War I, seems placid in the context of the Continent. The current prime minister, Matteo Renzi, is charting an unremarkable center-left course.
 
“Italy has become some kind of oasis,” Patrizio Nissirio, a senior editor at the Italian news agency ANSA, told me. “That’s a sentence I never thought I’d say.”
 
Italians complain that Renzi is uninspiring and unimaginative, but for now seem to prefer that to megalomaniacal and rash.
 
For them — for us — are these the only choices?
 
Make no mistake: Italy has problems. Desperate migrants by the thousands are trying to reach Sicily by boat from Northern Africa, and many are dying en route. In October there will be an epochal vote about a constitutional change that would reconfigure Italy’s Parliament, and Renzi has staked his government on its success.
 
I arrived in Milan to be foiled by a train strike. I made my way to Rome just in time for a garbage strike. The city’s most recent mayor resigned in disgrace, and the campaign to pick his successor has been a morose one. None of the Romans I encountered envisioned better days ahead.
But they were glad not to be residents of France, where Marine Le Pen surges anew. Or of Greece, where everything has fallen apart.
Or of the United States. Berlusconi, they argued, looks tame next to Trump. They have a point.
 
To talk with them about the parallels is to remember how universal some types of gullibility are. We all crave saviors. And certain political conditions create certain political opportunists. It’s predictable, even when observers fail to predict it.
 
Berlusconi’s ascent was as surprising to many Italians in the 1990s as Trump’s was to many of us. “We realized that we didn’t know our own country,” said Raffaella Menichini, a longtime journalist with the Italian newspaper La Repubblica. American journalists found ourselves in the same boat.
 
Berlusconi came to power by fashioning himself as a bold exception and antidote to the professional political class, which had just been racked by a widespread corruption scandal. He saw his opening.
He was a superrich businessman who knew how to feed the media — heck, he owned much of the media — and he pledged to use his entrepreneurial savvy to restore Italy’s economic dynamism, pushing the country forward by bringing it back to supposedly brighter days. He promised a “new Italian miracle.”
There was nostalgia in that vow, as there is in Trump’s to “make America great again.” 
 
Like Berlusconi, Trump deftly exploited profound disgust with politics as usual. And he understands, as Berlusconi did, that extreme bluntness mitigates extraordinary affluence, giving a plutocrat a bridge to, and bond with, the common man or woman.
 
Italians are fascinated by Trump. He’s prominent in newspapers, which tease out themes that connect him to Berlusconi, such as his objectification of women.
“The Italians look at Trump as a kind of Berlusconi,” said Marco Ventura, who was a spokesman for Berlusconi’s government when I covered it from 2002 to 2004. “But it’s too easy a comparison.”
And too easy on Trump. While Berlusconi had his rants and his scapegoats, warning Italians of overzealous judges and unrepentant Communists, there was little if anything on a racist par with Trump’s repeated vilifications of Mexicans and Muslims. He projected more affability.
 
“He always said that when you speak to people, you have to show that you have the sun in your pocket,” said Giuliano Ferrara, an Italian political analyst who worked in the Berlusconi government.
 
BUT Ferrara and other Italians noted a more crucial difference, and they did so in conversations before Hillary Clinton savaged Trump’s foreign-policy credentials in that belatedly fiery jeremiad on Thursday. Trump, they said, has the potential to muck up the world in a way that Berlusconi never could. So Americans’ indulgence of him is infinitely more dangerous than Italians’ of Berlusconi.
 
“Italy doesn’t claim to be the watchdog of the world,” Valentini observed. “You are.”
 
Domenico Minchilli, the architect I mentioned before, said that Trump, as president, would have “100 million times more power than Berlusconi ever had.”
“So while everyone was making fun of him over here until about a month ago,” Minchilli added, “I think everyone’s now frozen in terror that this guy could actually make the giant leap to the Oval Office.”
 
I sense that to be true around Europe. I know it to be true in Italy, where any hunger for that last laugh ultimately pales next to a panic over its price.
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 In Donald Trump, we have a version of their buffoonish former prime minister — a clown all our own. He baffles and appalls much of Europe.
 
 
Beh, è casuale, ma il NY dice quello che scrivo da almeno due mesi.
 
e

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Il NYT e' un giornale di sinistra, recentemente il NYT ha scritto un
articolo contro Donald Trump intervistando una donna che lo conoseva,
l'articolo parlava male di Trump (dal NYT c'e' da aspettarselo) ma poi
la donna avendo letto l'articolo critica duramente il NYT (vista in
televisione) dicendo che il NYT ha falsificato l'intervista citando
frasi prese fuori dal contesto ecc. Gli articoli di politica del NYT
vanno presi con le pinze.
 
Qua il link.
 
Former Trump girlfriend hits back at 'upsetting' NYT cover story
 
Read more:
http://www.politico.com/story/2016/05/ex-trump-girlfriend-new-york-times-223205#ixzz4Aoh9PSFl
 
Follow us: @politico on Twitter | Politico on Facebook
 
 
Il NYT e' la versione americana di Repubblica, il Papa ha detto che
legge solo Repubblica, una persona che legge solo un giornale non e'
informato, una persona che legge solo un giornale e' indottrinato.
 
--
I think, therefore I question.

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Il Papa non ha mai detto che legge solo LA Repubblica, visto che scrive sull'Osservatore Romano, si spera che legga quel che scrive.
 
E poi non parlare del Papa, per Francesco uno che vota Trump non è un cristiano, è un  razzista becero che odia il prossimo, quindi il contrario del comandamento di Gesù.
 
Il NYT è un grandissimo giornale, in USa destra o sinistra, sono molto relativi.
E a me non interessa. La donna che parla bene o male di Trump interessa ancora meno. E' quel che dice il trombone che fa testo.
 
L'ultima berlusconata l'ha detta sul giudice della Corte Suprema ch lo indaga per la truffa alla Trump University: ha detto che l'ha con lui perchè , visto che si chiama Gonzales, è messicano...
 
Come ricorda il nostro gaglioffo truffatore di Stato quando accusava i giudici perchè lui delinqueva e quelli indavagavano!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Erano "antropologicamente diversi dalla razza umana" e invitava gli italiani  "scopargli le mogli".
ORA TUTTI SANNO che il gaglioffo criminale era lui e i giudici facevano il loro dovere.
Tutto il mondo è paese: e ogni politico delinquente accusa i giudici e i gonzi credono a lui.
E i gonzi sono tanti: la madre dei gonzi è sempre incinta e spesso fa parti gemellari... ;-)
 
e

E i gonzi sono tanti: la madre dei gonzi è sempre incinta e spesso fa parti gemellari... ;-)
 
La prendo come autocritica, senza la faccina.


 La prendo come autocritica, senza la faccina.
Non pretendo tanto ma se voti Trump te ne pentirai.
 
e