Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: Nei prossimi testi di storia Italiana!!!!

Address by the Prime Minister of Italy Silvio Berlusconi
Washington, March 1, 2006
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of Congress,
It is an extraordinary honor to be invited to speak before you in the 
Capitol building, one of the great temples of democracy. I speak in 
representation and in the name of a country that has a deep friendship with 
the United States, and is bound to your country by ties which go back many 
centuries.
Many American citizens have Italian roots. For them, the United States was a 
land of opportunity that welcomed them generously, and they contributed 
their intelligence and their labor to help make America great. And I am 
proud to see that so many Italian-Americans are today members of the 
Congress of the greatest democracy in the world.
For my generation of Italians, the United States is the beacon of liberty, 
of civil and economic progress.
I will always be grateful to the United States for having saved my country 
from Fascism and Nazism at the cost of so many young American lives. I will 
always be grateful to the United States for defending Europe from the Soviet 
threat in the long decades of the Cold War. By devoting so much to this 
victorious struggle against Communism, the United States enabled us 
Europeans to employ our precious resources in the recovery and development 
of our economies.
I will always be grateful to the United States for having helped my country 
to climb out of poverty and achieve growth and prosperity after the Second 
World War thanks to the generosity of the Marshall Plan.
And today I am still grateful to the United States for the high price in 
lives you continue to pay in the fight against terrorism to assure our 
common security and defend human rights around the world.
As I will never tire of repeating, when I see your flag I do not merely see 
the flag of a great country: above all, I see a symbol, a universal symbol 
of democracy and freedom.
Mr. Speaker,
These sentiments have inspired all of my political activity and the action 
of the governments that I have had the honor of leading.
The United States has always been able to count on a steadfast, loyal ally 
of the United States, ready to stand by you in defending liberty. We have 
demonstrated this wherever Italy's tangible help has been required, and we 
are deeply proud of this contribution.
Some 40,000 of our troops are assigned exclusively to peace keeping 
operations.
In Afghanistan, we are now commanding NATO's ISAF mission.
In Iraq, we are involved in bringing peace and building democracy.
In the Balkans, Italy is now commanding the missions in Kosovo and Bosnia 
Herzegovina.
We are also present in the Middle East, in Sudan and other parts of the 
world, and in every other place where gaping wounds must be healed.
Mr. Speaker,
Before the barbaric attacks of September 11th, Western countries basked in 
the certainty of their security. They basked in the certainty that after the 
fall of the Berlin Wall nothing could interfere with their civil and 
democratic life.
In 2001, in the early days of my second government, I was called to chair 
the G8 summit in Genoa.
After the conclusion of the summit's official program, the final dinner 
became a dinner among friends.
At one point that evening, I sat back slightly from the table, almost an 
external observer, in order to enjoy the cordial discussion among the 
leaders of the largest industrial countries of the world.
President Bush was chatting amiably with Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi of 
Japan. Pearl Harbor and Hiroshima were but a distant memory. Prime Minister 
Blair was joking with Chancellor Schroeder. And the President of the Russian 
Federation Vladimir Putin was also talking with President Bush. The tragedy 
of the Second World War and the Cold War, which had lasted for so many 
years, was forgotten. I felt great pleasure inside. I thought that the world 
had in fact changed, and how different and peaceful it was the world we were 
handing to our children. An age of lasting peace beckoned.
But just a few short months afterwards the unthinkable occurred.
September 11th marked the beginning of an entirely different type of war 
from those that spilled the blood of humankind in centuries past. It is not 
a conflict between states, nor a clash of civilizations, because it is not 
an attack by Islam on the West. The moderate Islam that is allied with 
Western democracies is itself a target of terrorists. Rather, this is an 
attack by radical fundamentalism, which uses terrorism against the advance 
of democracy in the world and dialogue among civilizations.
Western democracies find themselves facing an assault by extremist 
organizations that strike at the innocent and threaten the basic values on 
which our civilization is founded.
Democratic governments have a daunting task: they must ensure the security 
of their citizens and guarantee that they can live "free from fear".
This is the new frontier of liberty.
Mr. Speaker,
I am firmly convinced that in addition to the generous effort by your great 
country, a grand alliance of all democracies is needed to defend this 
frontier. It is only by joining the efforts of all the democracies on all 
continents that we will be able to free the world from the threat of 
international terrorism, from the fear of aggression by the forces of evil.
The battle to free ourselves from fear is by no means a battle to the 
exclusive benefit of the citizens who live in a democratic system. It is a 
battle that benefits above all those who today languish under authoritarian, 
repressive regimes.
History has shown that the aspiration to democracy is universal, and that 
liberty and democracy are contagious. When people are exposed to the winds 
of democracy, they inevitably demand respect for their right to freedom from 
their governments. You are well aware of that because your country is the 
leading force behind this wind of freedom.
But there is another, equally important reason to forge a common strategy 
among all democracies.
The United Nations forecasts that over the next 25 years the world's 
population will increase by another 2 billion people, but a large part of 
those 2 billion people will be born and will live in countries that today 
are on the fringes of affluence.
So, on the one hand we will have 6 billion human beings living in 
destitution and on the other, fewer than 2 billion living in wealth. 
Migratory pressures will inevitably soar.
In order to prevent this from happening, and even more to prevent hunger and 
desperation from generating hatred and being exploited by fundamentalists, 
we must raise those countries out of poverty and start them down the road to 
well-being. It is our moral duty but it is also in our vital interest. This 
will only be possible if democracy is allowed to spread and strengthen. All 
of our efforts must therefore be directed at fostering the development of 
institutions that ensure good governance, the rule of law, respect for human 
rights and free market economies in those countries.
Only democracy can provide liberty. And only liberty can guarantee that 
individuals will be able to develop their talents, channel their energies, 
achieve their dreams and conquer prosperity.
The only possible road is to work together to spread democracy.
My government has relentlessly sought to forge a grand alliance of all of 
the world's democracies. It is for this reason that I lent my vigorous 
support to President Bush's initiative to establish a UN Democracy Fund.
It is for these reasons that I am convinced that the task that lies ahead of 
us is to promote a culture of respect for human rights and its fundamental 
freedoms in all countries.
Mr. Speaker,
If we are to complete this mission successfully, it is essential that the 
bonds linking the United States and the European Union remain strong and 
sound.
It is this belief that prompted me to start a decisive, continuing 
diplomatic and political initiative with my European colleagues to ensure 
that the European Union did not weaken its ties to the United States in 
reaction to the events in Iraq.
For the same reason we cannot ignore the danger that a united Europe might 
seek to define its identity in contrast to America. The necessary political 
and institutional integration of Europe must not mean the creation of a 
"Fortress Europe", closed to the rest of the world in the belief that in 
doing so it can preserve its prosperity and liberty.
A conception of European unity founded on a fanciful wish for 
self-sufficiency would be morally suspect and politically dangerous.
Disagreement or, worse, opposition between the United States and Europe 
would be entirely unjustified and would jeopardize the security and 
prosperity of the entire world.
The West is and shall remain one: we cannot have two Wests. Europe needs 
America and America needs Europe. This holds equally true on the political, 
economic and military planes.
It is therefore absolutely necessary, indeed fundamental to sustain and 
reinvigorate the Atlantic Alliance, the alliance that for more than half a 
century has guaranteed peace in liberty.
From "defense alliance", NATO is gradually becoming a security organization. 
While defensive alliances are exclusive, created to protect against the 
threat of other blocs, organizations that protect security must be 
inclusive, because they become even more effective as the number of member 
countries increases.
This is why I strongly supported the establishment of the NATO-Russia 
Council, bringing the Russian Federation into the security architecture of 
the free world.
I am proud to have worked together with President Bush and President Putin 
to ensure that this came to pass, and that this momentous decision, which 
confirmed the Russian Federation's decision to join the West and embrace its 
values, would be consecrated in Italy, at the historic summit at Pratica di 
Mare, near Rome.
That day in 2002 marked the end of the nightmare of mutual annihilation by 
two blocs in arms against each other that had lasted for more than half a 
century.
NATO must remain the fundamental instrument to guarantee our security. The 
new European defense capability must therefore be complementary to NATO's. 
Together, NATO and the European Union shall be democracy's instruments for 
guaranteeing security in a globalizing world. I have always worked to 
achieve this objective, which I consider strategic, and will continue to do 
so.
In this context the United Nations through a process of reform will have to 
recover their central role to become more efficient and to be able to tackle 
the challenges of the new Millennium.
Mr. Speaker,
Our values of democracy and liberty allowed the West to ensure that their 
peoples enjoy a degree of prosperity unparalleled in the history of 
humankind.
History has shown that only democracy permits a sound market economy to 
flourish, because political freedom and economic freedom are but two sides 
of the same coin.
Nonetheless we are aware that there are countries that are opening to the 
market economy, but where authentic democracy does yet not reign and human 
rights are not adequately respected. The more developed and democratic 
countries must therefore work with determination to ensure that everywhere 
the opening to the free market is accompanied by the strengthening of 
democratic institutions and respect for human rights.
The market economy has always been a powerful drive for countries to 
transform from autocratic or authoritarian regimes into genuine democracies.
Action to expand the market economy in the world is therefore a key part of 
our efforts to affirm our values, to affirm liberty for a safer, more 
prosperous and secure world.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of Congress,
The bonds between Americans and Italians are strong and enduring. I am 
convinced that they will continue to strengthen and that the United States 
will always find in Italy a partner nation with which it can share the same 
vision of the world.
Allow me to conclude by sharing with you a brief story.
It is the story of a young man, one who had just graduated from high school. 
His father took him to a cemetery that was the final resting place for brave 
young soldiers - young people who had crossed an ocean to restore dignity 
and liberty to an oppressed people. In showing him those crosses, that 
father made his son vow never to forget the ultimate sacrifice those young 
American soldiers had made for his freedom. That father made his son vow 
eternal gratitude to that country.
That father was my father and that young man was me.
I have never forgotten that sacrifice and that vow, and I never will.
Thank you.

 Washington, March 1, 2006
pensavo ci fossero riferimenti a calipari, all' uranio impoverito, a jill
carrol, a veronica lario che lo fa cornuto...
solita solfa

Pil 2001  1,8%
     2002  0,3%
     2003  0,0%
     2004  1,1%
     3005  0,0%
Distribuzione dei minori introiti per tasse dal 2001 al 2005
22,7% destinato con 1200 euro di media annui al 10% popolazione più ricca! 

 ricca!
E scrivere il peso in percentuale sul reddito no? Forse sarebbe piů 
indicativo e meno falsato. Poi, ovviamente fa' la stessa cosa per il periodo 
tra 96 e 01... 

 indicativo e meno falsato.
E' prorio percentualmente che al 10% dei cittadini più ricchi è stato 
devoluto il 22% della somma stanziata per riduzione delle tasse, tanto e 
vero che questo 10% l'ha investiti in borsa, unica cresciuta, a differenza 
del prodotto interno lordo, rimasto stazionario. Penso che a tutti quelli 
che non riescono ad arrivare a fine mese, perchè hanno uno stipendio di 800 
euro, anche se hanno risparmiato il 70% delle tasse, pari a 10 euro al mese, 
poco interessa. Resta il fatto che i 25.000 miliardi delle vecchie lire che 
non entrano più nelle casse dello stato, hanno portato il deficit al 4,1% 
nel 2005, non determinando nessun beneficio per le classi meno abbienti. la 
tabella esaustiva la trovi a pag 70 della relazione ISTAT che ho più volte 
citato.

 wrote:
In USA Berluskatz avrebbe due o tre ergastoli: per i vari falsoni in
bilancio, per colusione mafiosa, per eversione e insulti ala
magistratura...
e.
Leggete "L'amico degli amici" - tutte le prove che Dellutri è mafioso e fece da tramite per 30 anni tra Cosa Nostra e Berlusconi.