Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: brif...

visto che mi hai rotto i coglioni, iniziamo e ti riporto articoli prima
dell' 11 Settembre ed americani, ovvero prima che i multietnici entrassero
in crisi e da parte di quelli che volevano multietnicizzare il mondo, quindi
pensa che sei di fronte ad un 50% della verita', iniziamo dal new york time
(giornale di sinistra).
http://www.nytimes.com/learning/teachers/featured_articles/20000403monday.ht
ml
The Lost Promise of School Integration
oday, nearly half a century after the Supreme Court ruled that school
segregation was unconstitutional, are efforts to achieve racially integrated
public schools legally and politically doomed?
Two weeks ago, the Supreme Court let stand a decision by a federal appeals
court, which held that school authorities in Montgomery County, Md.,
violated the Constitution when they tried to prevent a white student from
transferring to a magnet school from his neighborhood elementary school,
which is predominantly black.
The Montgomery County case is only the latest in a series of decisions,
going back several years, that are making it hard for public schools to
maintain even a semblance of racial diversity in a judicial and political
climate that exalts choice above all other values.
"You can't reconcile choice with diversity, and that's the tragedy," says
Samuel Issacharoff of Columbia Law School, a leading scholar of
desegregation. "Fifty years after Brown versus Board of Education, there is
still no non-coercive mechanism for racial integration that has evolved in
this country."
That unanimous 1954 Supreme Court decision became famous for the phrase,
"Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal." Less
well-remembered is the opinion's insistence that education itself is "the
very foundation of good citizenship ... the principal instrument in
awakening the child to cultural values."
In the court's view, educating children of different races together was key
to the crucial project of creating a society less divided by race. But the
era when courts were willing to force integration through mandatory busing
ended in the mid-1990's. Now, judges and parents are questioning the
constitutionality and value of programs that try to create racially balanced
schools without busing, by restricting who can go to school where. Indeed,
based on a pattern of rulings in recent years, the Supreme Court may be on
the verge of holding this as unconstitutional.
The shift in judicial and public opinion may mean that the central premise
of the Brown decision -- that integrated public schools are the most
important institution in a pluralistic society -- will not survive the 21st
century.
Consider the Montgomery County case. White enrollment at the Glen Haven
elementary school in Montgomery County dropped from 40 percent in 1995 to 24
percent in 1998, although the county as a whole is 53 percent white. In an
effort to stop the rapid decline, the county adopted a policy that no
student could transfer out of a school if the transfer would adversely
affect
racial diversity, unless he or she could prove some kind of "unique personal
hardship." In striking down this policy, the United States Court of Appeals
for the Fourth Circuit, in Virginia, concluded that the Constitution
prohibits "racial balancing" from being used as the decisive factor in
school assignments.
This is a straightforward application of years of Supreme Court decisions
restricting the use of race to distribute government benefits. But those
decisions have left surprisingly few alternatives open to school districts
that value integration. In the early 1980's, many districts began to abandon
futile efforts to integrate neighborhood schools and instead set up magnet
schools in the hope of attracting a diverse group of applicants from the
entire school district. But using random lotteries to determine admission to
oversubscribed magnet schools often fails to produce racial balance. For
this reason, a magnet school in Arlington County, Virginia, recently adopted
a weighted lottery system, giving preferences to minority students. Last
year, the Court of Appeals struck down the weighted lottery on the same
grounds it had invoked in the Montgomery County case: in school admissions,
racial balancing is unconstitutional.
Academically competitive exam schools have had no more luck in adopting
explicit racial and ethnic admissions goals. In recent cases, the Boston
Latin School in Massachusetts and Lowell High School in San Francisco, were
forced to abandon their racial admissions targets. In response, Lowell set
aside 20 percent of its class for applicants who met the minimum test score
cut-off but had suffered from socioeconomic disadvantage. This system
allowed the school to admit disadvantaged white and Asian students, but
produced few African- Americans and Hispanics. The handful of successful
efforts to achieve integration in school
districts as a whole are now in legal jeopardy. Cambridge, Mass., has
designed a program called "controlled choice," in which all schools are open
to everyone regardless of where they live, and parents rank the schools in
order of preference. But each school must have a balanced racial mix. If the
Supreme Court ultimately decides that racial integration for its own sake
can't justify race-based admissions policies, then "controlled choice"
programs like the one in Cambridge may be doomed. "Any school district that
is doing anything around these issues of promoting diversity is feeling
vulnerable right now," says Amy Stuart Wells, a professor of education at
U.C.L.A.
In the new era, only strategies that entice parental choice, rather than
control it, can clearly pass constitutional muster. But in an age when
political support for integration is declining, these strategies face an
uphill battle. Some districts, for example, have increased financing for
inner-city schools on a field-of-dreams theory: If you improve the schools,
white students will come. But the most visible example of this approach, in
Kansas City, was a notable failure. Under court order, the city spent nearly
$200 million to build a state-of-the-art magnet school. The white students
failed to materialize.
Choice plans that allow black parents to send their children to white
suburban schools have had similarly mixed success. Twenty states have open
enrollment laws that allow children to transfer from district to district.
But because few of these states provide for subsidized transportation to the
suburbs, many black parents are unable to avail themselves of the
opportunity. St. Louis, by contrast, was forced by court order to provide
subsidized transportation for children from the inner city to attend 16
suburban school districts. Thirteen thousand children have accepted the
invitation.
"Parents make their decisions on the basis not of ideology but on whatever
they think will advance the education of their children, and they will
choose desegregation whenever it's a viable option," says William Taylor, a
veteran desegregation attorney who represented the plaintiffs in the St.
Louis case.
The experience in St. Louis shows that money is necessary to allow poor
parents the same opportunities to escape failing inner city schools as
richer parents enjoy. This, perhaps, accounts for the growing support among
minorities for school vouchers. Jay Greene of the University of Texas at
Austin contends that in cities that have adopted voucher programs, the
voucher schools tend to be more racially integrated than the public schools.
Nearly a fifth of voucher recipients in Cleveland attend private schools
that reflect the racial composition of the city as a whole, Professor Greene
notes, while only 5.2 percent of Cleveland public school students are in
comparably integrated schools.
Justice Clarence Thomas, a strong supporter of vouchers, has become the
leading national advocate for the view that racial diversity is ultimately
less important than ensuring a genuinely equal education for
African-American children. "It never ceases to amaze me that the courts are
so willing to assume that anything that is predominantly black must be
inferior," Justice Thomas wrote in a 1995 decision criticizing the district
court's decision to convert Kansas City into a magnet district.
Forced to choose between racial diversity and educational quality, most
African- American parents seem to agree with Justice Thomas. In a 1998
survey of 800 white parents and 800 black parents conducted by Public
Agenda, 82 percent of the black parents said that raising academic standards
was more important than achieving more diversity and integration.
These overwhelming numbers do not, however, capture the full complexity and
ambivalence of the views of white and black parents about the value of
integration. In the same poll, 80 percent of black parents and 66 percent of
white parents said it was "very important" or "somewhat important" to them
that their own children attend an integrated school. Only those without the
means to choose an education that is both integrated and adequate are
willing to settle for quality.
With idealism that, in retrospect, seems poignant, the Brown decision
assumed that the removal of state-enforced segregation would be enough to
integrate schools around the country. In the North and the South, that view
proved to be naive and untenable. But now that legal and political tolerance
for even mildly coercive forms of integration appears to be evaporating, the
hope of integrated public schools may soon be a distant memory.
"This is the final frontier," says David Goldberg of the NAACP Legal Defense
and Education Fund. "If the Supreme Court decides that there's no compelling
interest in educational diversity, then the basic premise of Brown will have
been repudiated."

e continuiamo con il washington post... Chissa' dove li avra' presi i suoi
dati il coglionazzo brif, e ricordate una cosa: questi sono giornali
americani e possono dire solo il 50% della verita' per ovvi motivi.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A11185-2001Jul17?language=printer
Schools' Racial Isolation Growing
By Darryl Fears
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, July 18, 2001; Page A03
As federal courts rolled back school desegregation plans over the last
decade, black and Latino students became more segregated in impoverished
school districts than at any time in the last 30 years, according to a
Harvard University study released yesterday.
White students became isolated, too, says the survey by the Civil Rights
Project at Harvard University, but in richer suburban schools that attract
better teachers and superior resources.
The segregation of white students is so pronounced, the survey says, that it
occurs even within majority black and Latino school districts, such as the
District of Columbia. Although fewer than one in 20 students in District
schools is white, the typical white pupil attended a school with a slight
majority of white students.
"We are punishing people who've never been given an equal opportunity," said
the survey's chief author, Harvard education professor Gary Orfield. "We're
a society that's never had successful separate but equal institutions . . .
Children are not being allowed to receive high school diplomas in extremely
impoverished schools."
The survey's findings are significant, Orfield said, because research has
shown that segregated minority schools are on islands of poverty and offer
vastly unequal opportunities. He cited a 1999 study of two elite law schools
that showed that Latino and black students who were admitted had attended
integrated schools.
Roderick Harrison, director of DataBank for the Washington-based Joint
Center for Political and Economic Studies, agreed. "I do think that one of
the big problems is that the average black and Latino 17-year-old reads at
the level of a white 13-year-old," Harrison said.
But he also sympathized with black critics of Orfield who have said that
segregation per se is less of a problem than the poor financing of
inner-city schools. "A lot of that has to do with the concentration of
poverty around minority schools. There is a heavy price to be paid."
In several states, federal court decisions during the 1990s helped to create
the cultural divide in schools, according to the survey. In Oklahoma City, a
U.S. District Court judge ruled in 1991 that local school districts that had
fulfilled court desegregation orders should be released from those orders.
Within the nine years that followed, U.S. district courts in Charlotte,
Tampa, Miami-Dade County, Fla., and other jurisdictions issued similar
opinions that allowed schools to end forced busing meant to send poor black
students to more affluent white schools.
National Education Association President Bob Chase addressed the disparity
during a speech last year commemorating the Supreme Court's 1954 decision in
Brown v. Board of Education, which led to school integration and, later, the
forced busing of minority students to white schools in the South.
"As we commemorate that pivotal Supreme Court ruling," Chase said, "we also
recognize that millions of students of color are still segregated into
rundown schools, with overcrowded classrooms, less experienced teachers,
outdated textbooks and outmoded technology.
"Instead of correcting historical school finance inequities over the past 46
years," he said, "regressive political forces have designed new schemes to
divert even more public money away from public schools. Many of the more
than 500 court-ordered and voluntary school desegregation plans established
since Brown have been eliminated in less than a decade."
More than 70 percent of the nation's black students attend predominantly
minority schools that suffer from poor funding, the survey found. More and
more, Latinos are joining black students in those struggling schools,
Orfield said, creating language barriers and friction between students that
local, state and federal authorities are not addressing.
Latinos are fueling revolutionary change in the way American schools now
appear, the survey shows. Between 1968 and 1998, the number of Latino
students grew from 2 million to 7 million, an increase of 245 percent.
Orfield said the segregation of Latino students, mostly immigrants in the
West and Southwest, is problematic because Spanish-speaking students have
lost contact with English speakers, who can speed their knowledge of the
language they must learn to excel in required standardized tests.
White enrollment in public schools fell by 5.6 million in the 30 years
between 1968 and 1998. In 1968, there were three times as many black
students as Latinos in American public schools. Thirty years later, black
and Latino students attended public schools in equal numbers.
"This is an extraordinary switch," the survey says. "Our schools will be the
first major institutions to experience non-white majorities." California and
New Mexico now have a Latino majority in their schools. Texas has a black
and Latino majority. Mississippi and Louisiana have black majorities. Hawaii
has an Asian majority.
On the mainland, Asians were the most integrated of the minorities, since a
majority of Asian households are in white communities, Orfield said.
Harrison of the Joint Center noted that school financing relies heavily on
local tax bases, which shrank in most major cities as whites migrated to
suburbs.
"I think there's some underemphasis of segregated housing patterns,"
Harrison said. "You're not going to get integrated schools until you have
integrated neighborhoods."
Š 2001 The Washington Post Company

 brif
e' proprio qui che sbagli... non ci saranno mai... guardati intorno, avete
perso.
E chi ha iniziato a copia incollare articoli, pirla?

 ha scritto nel messaggio
news:werV7.27337$US4.4...@news2-win.server.ntlworld.com...

Homburg (e vale anche per quell'altro di nome Antonio),
se non 16 milioni, saranno tanti...leggetevi i rapporti Onu!
Quindi, pensate al suicidio. E' meglio per voi.
Intanto, spregevoli e ringhiosi razzisti, mentre voi vi tirate le vostre
seghe mentali sul ng - null'altro sapete fare - pensando ad improbabili
vostre "azioni" per "fermare" le migrazioni (vanno bene i trattori blindati
"serenissimi", tipo S. Marco-Venezia?), io contribuisco a "formare" gli
stranieri, a metterli condizione di conoscere i loro diritti, a saper - se
necessario - difendersi dai beceri e dagli ignoranti razzisti, a crescere
nella loro istruzione e cultura in un rispetto reciproco dei doveri.
Voi siete un nulla.
Parlate, ma suběte.
Vi lamentate e frignate.
Vivete nella vostra inconscia paura del nuovo, dell'altro, del diverso.
Crepate, razzisti. Non vi resta altro.
Addio.
brif

 brif
ho paura che sei salito sul carro sbagliato al momento sbagliato,
condoglianze.

brif
piccolo schifoso vermetto rinnegato.Se noi patrioti bianchi non possiamo al
momento fare niente per fermare con mezzi civili e democratici l'invasione
straniera č solo perchč la cosiddetta democrazia occidentale ha emanato
delle leggi che puniscono con pene fino a sei anni di reclusione chi esprime
opinioni contrarie al meticciato e all'invasione.
Sei solo un fascistello per procura che al riparo di uno Stato totalitario
in cui le uniche opinioni lecite sui mass-media sono quelle
mondialiste,propugna la morte della propria razza in favore di un utopia
smentita mille volte .
Dici che abbiamo paura del diverso ?
Piccolo bastardo e allora perchč la tua pseudodemocrazia non chiede con un
bel referendum se il popolo vuole la societŕ multirazziale o no ?
Facile vincere quando l'avversario č impossibilitato per legge a ribattere.
Ma quando verrŕ una bella crisi economica le multinazionali occidentali non
avranno piů possibiltŕ di comprare il consenso.
Te la ricordi come č finita la guerra d'Algeria stronzo ?

> Te la ricordi come è finita la guerra d'Algeria stronzo ?
Artamano non ti scaldare, dammi retta aspetta altri dieci-quindici anni
quando non serviranno piu' immigrati perche' la produzione sara' in mano ai
robots o comunque spostata in altri paesi a minor costo, e sopratutto
aspetta qualche altra genialata dei nostri amichetti multietnici mussulmani
e vedrai che quelli come brif li andremo a prendere uno ad uno... e non ci
sara' pieta'...



se veramente mettono solo robot (senza "esse" finale, pirla...non stai
delirando in inglese!!!!!) , andiamo a prendere uno ad uno gli
industriali.