Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: Vi rende conto  merde rosse? siete costretti a idolatrare un buffone come

celentano che non capisce un cazzo di politica!!
siete alla frutta 

 celentano che non capisce un cazzo di politica!!
C'è chi sa cantare impegnando la voce, e c'è chi fa lo stronzo come te e gli 
riesce benissimo pure senza fare grossi sforzi. 

 celentano che non capisce un cazzo di politica!!
beh, secondo me capisce più della zanicchi, se può parlare quell'oca
giuliva figuriamoci se non può parlare celentano

Cetto La Qualunque ha detto questo giovedì :

Silvio Berlusconi's record
The man who screwed an entire country
The Berlusconi era will haunt Italy for years to come
Jun 9th 2011 | from the print edition
SILVIO BERLUSCONI has a lot to smile about. In his 74 years, he has 
created a media empire that made him Italy’s richest man. He has 
dominated politics since 1994 and is now Italy’s longest-serving prime 
minister since Mussolini. He has survived countless forecasts of his 
imminent departure. Yet despite his personal successes, he has been a 
disaster as a national leader—in three ways.
Two of them are well known. The first is the lurid saga of his “Bunga 
Bunga” sex parties, one of which has led to the unedifying spectacle of 
a prime minister being put on trial in Milan on charges of paying for 
sex with a minor. The Rubygate trial has besmirched not just Mr 
Berlusconi, but also his country.
However shameful the sexual scandal has been, its impact on Mr 
Berlusconi’s performance as a politician has been limited, so this 
newspaper has largely ignored it. We have, however, long protested 
about his second failing: his financial shenanigans. Over the years, he 
has been tried more than a dozen times for fraud, false accounting or 
bribery. His defenders claim that he has never been convicted, but this 
is untrue. Several cases have seen convictions, only for them to be set 
aside because the convoluted proceedings led to trials being timed out 
by a statute of limitations—at least twice because Mr Berlusconi 
himself changed the law. That was why this newspaper argued in April 
2001 that he was unfit to lead Italy.
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We have seen no reason to change that verdict. But it is now clear that 
neither the dodgy sex nor the dubious business history should be the 
main reason for Italians looking back on Mr Berlusconi as a disastrous, 
even malign, failure. Worst by far has been a third defect: his total 
disregard for the economic condition of his country. Perhaps because of 
the distraction of his legal tangles, he has failed in almost nine 
years as prime minister to remedy or even really to acknowledge Italy’s 
grave economic weaknesses. As a result, he will leave behind him a 
country in dire straits.
A chronic disease, not an acute one
That grim conclusion might surprise students of the euro crisis. Thanks 
to the tight fiscal policy of Mr Berlusconi’s finance minister, Giulio 
Tremonti, Italy has so far escaped the markets’ wrath. Ireland, not 
Italy, is the I in the PIGS (with Portugal, Greece and Spain). Italy 
avoided a housing bubble; its banks did not go bust. Employment held 
up: the unemployment rate is 8%, compared with over 20% in Spain. The 
budget deficit in 2011 will be 4% of GDP, against 6% in France.
Yet these reassuring numbers are deceptive. Italy’s economic illness is 
not the acute sort, but a chronic disease that slowly gnaws away at 
vitality. When Europe’s economies shrink, Italy’s shrinks more; when 
they grow, it grows less. As our special report in this week’s issue 
points out, only Zimbabwe and Haiti had lower GDP growth than Italy in 
the decade to 2010. In fact GDP per head in Italy actually fell. Lack 
of growth means that, despite Mr Tremonti, the public debt is still 
120% of GDP, the rich world’s third-biggest. This is all the more 
worrying given the rapid ageing of Italy’s population.
Low average unemployment disguises some sharp variations. A quarter of 
young people—far more in parts of the depressed south—are jobless. The 
female-participation rate in the workforce is 46%, the lowest in 
western Europe. A mix of low productivity and high wages is eroding 
competitiveness: whereas productivity rose by a fifth in America and a 
tenth in Britain in the decade to 2010, in Italy it fell by 5%. Italy 
comes 80th in the World Bank’s “Doing Business” index, below Belarus 
and Mongolia, and 48th in the World Economic Forum’s competitiveness 
rankings, behind Indonesia and Barbados.
The Bank of Italy’s outgoing governor, Mario Draghi, spelt things out 
recently in a hard-hitting farewell speech (before taking the reins at 
the European Central Bank). He insisted that the economy desperately 
needs big structural reforms. He pinpointed stagnant productivity and 
attacked government policies that “fail to encourage, and often hamper, 
[Italy’s] development”, such as delays in the civil-justice system, 
poor universities, a lack of competition in public and private 
services, a two-tier labour market with protected insiders and exposed 
outsiders, and too few big firms.
All these things are beginning to affect Italy’s justly acclaimed 
quality of life. Infrastructure is getting shabbier. Public services 
are stretched. The environment is suffering. Real incomes are at best 
stagnant. Ambitious young Italians are quitting their country in 
droves, leaving power in the hands of an elderly and out-of-touch 
elite. Few Europeans despise their pampered politicians as much as 
Italians do.
Eppur si muove
When this newspaper first denounced Mr Berlusconi, many Italian 
businesspeople replied that only his roguish, entrepreneurial chutzpah 
offered any chance to modernise the economy. Nobody claims that now. 
Instead they offer the excuse that the fault is not his; it is their 
unreformable country’s.
Yet the notion that change is impossible is not just defeatist but also 
wrong. In the mid-1990s successive Italian governments, desperate not 
to be left out of the euro, pushed through some impressive reforms. 
Even Mr Berlusconi has occasionally managed to pass some liberalising 
measures in between battling the courts: back in 2003 the Biagi 
labour-market law cut red tape at the bottom, boosting employment, and 
many economists have praised Italy’s pension reforms. He might have 
done much more had he used his vast power and popularity to do 
something other than protect his own interests. Entrepreneurial Italy 
will pay dearly for his pleasures.
And if Mr Berlusconi’s successors are as negligent as he is? The euro 
crisis is forcing Greece, Portugal and Spain to push through huge 
reforms in the teeth of popular protest. In the short term, this will 
hurt; in the long term, it should give the peripheral economies new 
zip. Some are also likely to cut their debt burden by restructuring. An 
unreformed and stagnant Italy, with a public debt stuck at over 120% of 
GDP, would then find itself exposed as the biggest backmarker in the 
euro. The culprit? Mr Berlusconi, who will no doubt be smiling still.

Cambiare un PRESIDENTE EUROPEO con un TRUFFATORE CORRUTTORE PIDUISTA 
FALSARIO SPERGIURO E LA DRO BRINAZOLO?
 
Al Cafone, detto il Nanostronzo,  ha ricevuto uno schiaffone a 
Bruxelles da ANGELA MERKEL, LA CULONA INCHIAVABILE SECONDO IL NOSTRO 
GRANDE STATISTA: LA MERKEL LO HA BYPASSATO COME SI SCAVALCA UN 
BERLUSCONE DI CANE SU UN MARCIAPIEDE  e ha telefonato a NAPOLITANO!
 
Se ci fosse stato PRODI IL GRANDE a rappresentarci, Merkel e Sarkozy lo 
avrebbero abbracciato e avrebbero ascoltato i suoi consigli sul da 
farsi.
In fondo basterebbe garantire i titoli greci per far crollare i loro 
tassi passivi e permettere alla Grecia di tirare avanti.
 
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