Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: Dopo i tedeschi i coreani , venghino signori venghino.....

 
http://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?no=227445&rel_no=1
cit.
"mi consenta tutto il mondo si burla di me 
.............................cribbio" 

Ralph Barker ha scritto:

l'apparato massmediatico comunista in mano all'ulivo (cit.)

Se invece di carcare artatamente, da bravo servo sinistrato, solo gli
articoli che criticano il Cavaliere cerchi anche sui media internazionali
gli articoli in cui si sbeffeggia Prodi e la sx italiana ne trovi a
centinaia....
Questo ad esempio è molto simpatico:
Italy's numismatic Mr Prodi - guru or godfather?
Parliament Magazine (Brussels)
May 17 1999
Domenico Pacitti
POLITICS, universities and the Roman Catholic Church are often held to be
Italy's three greatest scourges, respectively responsible for the promotion
of a Machiavellian mentality, insensitivity to truth and merit as values and
the repression of an independent social and moral conscience. Together they
have helped maintain a long-standing system, rooted in the
Counter-Reformation and reaching back perhaps even as far back as the late
Roman Empire, in which corruption continues to be not only socially
acceptable but also virtually indispensable for survival.
Like all Italian institutions, including the judiciary and the police force,
they are viewed by many as quite literally mafias, sharing identical ground
rules with the notorious and more dramatic Sicilian variety, the main
difference being that while the latter eliminates its victims physically,
the former tends to do so psychologically and spiritually. Common to both
are the principle of exchange of favours, gross over-concern with power and
money, a cynical disrespect of the law, strict observance of the code of
silence and the complete disregard of all social and moral criteria.
History shows that a peculiarly Italian corporative spirit has always
automatically transformed any collective undertaking into mafia, rendering
it impossible for even the most passive participants to avoid complicity in
corruption. The popular saying "In Italia tutto è mafia" (In Italy
everything is mafia) warns that any resistance to the system would be about
as futile as trying to stem the tide.
Viewed in this light, it is both ironical and perplexing that an Italian
professor-politician (over 40% of Italy's politicians are university
lecturers) with a permissive Christian Democratic background, should have
been unanimously approved on a "soul for Europe" ticket to take over from an
outgoing Commission accused of fraud, nepotism and mismanagement -
activities in which Italians have traditionally been past masters and of
which Mr Prodi himself has certainly had first-hand experience.
It was the Church which, through the customary channels of "raccomandazione"
(recommendation on the basis of criteria other than merit), obtained for Mr
Prodi his first major government appointment as industry minister in the
later 70s under the premiership and spiritual guidance of Giulio Andreotti.
Mr Andreotti, who has been Christian Democrat prime minister a record seven
times, is currently standing trial for his alleged involvement with the
Sicilian mafia in the 1979 murder of a journalist who made him the subject
of a damning article. That an elusive Mr Prodi may have managed to escape Mr
Andreotti's questionable influence is supported by the fact that a number of
letters addressed to Mr Prodi at his own ministry are reported to have been
returned "addressee unknown".
Mr Prodi began to make his presence felt in 1982 when the Christian Democrat
leader, Ciriaco De Mita, another former prime minister who later faced
allegations of corruption, placed him at the head of Italy's mammoth state
holding company, IRI (the Industrial Reconstruction Institute). When it was
decided that he had failed to fulfil his brief of reducing patronage,
inefficiency and waste, Mr Prodi was sacked but reinstated again for one
year in 1993. During his premiership in 1996, a public prosecutor who
accused him of abuse of office and criminal offences in connection with
exploiting the privatisation of public companies for personal gain while
chairman of IRI was suddenly transferred without explanation.
The chief private company involved was an economic research centre,
appropriately named Nomisma (numismatics, or coin collecting), which Mr
Prodi founded in his home town of Bologna and ran together with some one
hundred shareholders. Mr Prodi's company, which the centre-right national
daily newspaper Il Giornale called "a sort of mafia cosca clan", secured
numerous contracts from the Emilia regional council in record time to
produce study reports on topics such as public holidays (£86,000), the state
of research and innovation (£70,000) and the economic impact of the Italian
army (£48,000). Although these and similar studies are said to have been
either plagiarised or simply thrown together, several were readily purchased
by the Bologna provincial council, which just happened to be chaired by
Vittorio Prodi, Mr Prodi's brother, who in turn commissioned a Church
history of Bologna (£80,000) from another of Mr Prodi's brothers, Paolo
Prodi, a university professor.
Another of Nomisma's clients, the Tobacco Documentation and Information
Centre, had previously been created at the behest of the Philip Morris
company, which subsequently signed lucrative contracts with the Italian
Finance Ministry for the production and sales of cigarettes in Italy. Mr
Prodi's wife too, Flavia Franzoni, is reported to have performed
remunerative part-time work providing study reports for public institutions
(£140,000). She is also said to have benefited from a deal which privatised
a former school for social assistants.
But Nomisma's biggest single killing was a piece of research on high speed
carried out for the national railways. Netting a cool £4 million and working
out at over £2 per word, it carried such gems as "The advantage of high
speed is speed", "Speed is greatly appreciated because it saves time",
"Preference for the train is inversely proportionate to distance from the
station: those who live closest to the station use the train more readily"
and "The market value of a flat whose view across a bay is blocked by an
eight-lane flyover inevitably falls".
A recently published book which courageously names names - always a perilous
practice in Italy - places Mr Prodi's Bologna mafia high among the country's
major power groups. Should a new law be approved, says its author, Bologna
will as European capital of culture for the year 2000 receive £33 million -
£9 million in the first three years and £24 million over the next twenty
years - in order to encourage restoration work, which would leave the Prodi
family laughing all the way to the bank.
It is an open secret that Mr Prodi obtained his professorship at the
University of Bologna, again, through Church recommendations, thus forcing a
potentially more deserving candidate to wait up to ten years under the
present system for another opportunity, change career or attempt entry
through the usual corrupt means depending on his or her level of moral
integrity. It is sadly indicative though hardly surprising that in the
course of his 25 years of teaching economics and industrial policy at
Bologna, Mr Prodi never once spoke out against Italy's universities, one of
the country's most criticised mafias, sometimes said to merit the title of
universities only by courtesy and arguably the most grotesquely corrupt in
the civilised world.
Pending the improbable event of his being brought to trial and convicted of
corruption, Mr Prodi seems likely to continue enjoying his foreign
reputation as Italy's honest politician, rendered more plausible by an
ingratiating priestly manner, an affable nature and an engaging
down-to-earth human approach. But the average Italian remains convinced that
Mr Prodi has as much chance of being morally upright and free of corruption
as he has of being fully immersed in the nearby River Po and stepping out
bone dry.
Within this context Tony Blair's words, "I have always made it clear that
Romano Prodi has all the qualities to be an excellent president of the
Commission", seem decidedly over-generous and Mr Prodi's robust backing by
European Socialists for a full five-and-a-half year mandate perhaps
ill-considered. Just last month the Socialists argued that Mr Prodi's
candidacy for European elections was morally unacceptable - a fine point
under the circumstances.
Doubtless Mr Blair's judgement is at least partly based on Italy's
successful entry into the European Monetary Union under Mr Prodi's
premiership last year. But as Italy's greatest living historian and social
observer Indro Montanelli has pointed out, whatever the official records may
have shown, there was no legitimate way that Italy could have brought
herself into line with the entry conditions in such a short term. Only time
will tell whether the Bank of Italy is the one Italian institution
miraculously exempt from a mafia mentality. The real miracle was that Mr
Prodi's 55th post-war government somehow managed to survive for as long as
28 months. This, as it turned out, had little to do with Mr Prodi himself
and much to do with the widespread Italian fear that failure to enter the
EMU would have had disastrous consequences for Italy, a fear shared also by
the Communist Refoundation party and trade unions which lent Mr Prodi their
backing.
As Italy continues to look to Europe for political, economic and moral
salvation, Mr Prodi has had a dream, which he has set down in the form of a
new book published just last month, An Idea of Europe. "The search for a
European soul", he writes, "is beginning to appear as the dominant problem
for the future of our continent. It is certainly a sign of weakness to think
in terms of a possible future path for Europe's institutions (the
strengthening of Parliament, the resolution for the right of veto in
exceptional cases and the reorganisation of the European Commission and its
powers) while no one is able to dictate to us the path for the
reconstruction of a European soul." But in the course of a chapter entitled
"A Soul for Europe", which makes copious reference to the Roman Catholic
Church, it emerges fairly clearly that Mr Prodi himself intends to dictate
such a path while at the same time stressing the prior need for a "great
moral revolution".
One might be excused for hoping that in calling for a "specific mandate by
EU leaders for reform", Mr Blair intends to leave as little initiative as
possible for Mr Prodi's creative capabilities and that he also understands
that Italians can be made to work efficiently and even honestly provided
they are kept under close surveillance.
To many bemused Italians, stunned by Mr Prodi's windfall appointment but
already planning to cash in on it, entrusting Mr Prodi with the presidency
of the European Commission is tantamount to entrusting the running of a
brewery to a chronic alcoholic, the operation of a casino to an inveterate
gambler or the governorship of the Bank of England to the Sicilian mafia.
Fortunately, Italy is also an unpredictable country of exceptions, where the
only thing that is certain is that nothing is certain. Given the right
conditions, Mr Prodi might even succeed. Should he fail, he can always
confess his sins.
NOTE: Parliament Magazine is an English-language quality weekly published in
30,000 copies and densely circulated in Brussels, Strasbourg and Luxembourg.
It is read mainly by members of the European Parliament, the European
Commission, the Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice.

 "mi consenta tutto il mondo si burla di me
In particolare.....
IN SPAGNA
Prodi ocultó información del escándalo de Eurostat
El escándalo por las irregularidades económicas de Eurostat, el departmento
estadístico de la Unión Europea, podría salpicar al presidente de la
Comisión. Romano Prodi no dijo todo lo que sabía sobre este asunto, en el
que las dudas se extendien sobre tres comisarios.