Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: MAD TURK DISEASE: TURK SHOT SISTER DEAD 'BECAUSE OF HER MORALS'?

Turk shot sister dead 'because of her morals'
By Tony Paterson in Berlin
Published: 15 September 2005
A Turkish immigrant has confessed to shooting dead his 23-year-old
sister because he "could not accept her morals". The confession came at
the opening of the trial of three Muslim brothers accused of committing
a brutal "honour murder" in the German capital earlier this year.
Hatun Surucu was shot at point-blank range in February as she stood at
a Berlin bus stop near her apartment.
The killing, which shocked Germany, occurred after she refused to
rejoin her husband in Turkey in a marriage arranged by her parents when
she was 15. Yesterday, Ayhan Surucu, her 19-year-old brother, admitted
shooting dead his sister in cold blood: "I killed my sister and I did
it on my own," he told a Berlin court.
"I could not accept her moral behaviour and I was worried that her son
might become addicted to drugs. Today I regret my actions. What I did
cannot be undone," he added.
His two brothers, Mutlu, 26, and Alpaslan, 24, who deny plotting the
murder together with their brother, told the court that at the time
they knew nothing of their sister's murder and that they had had no
contact with her.
Mrs Surucu, who was forced to marry her Turkish cousin, left her
husband and returned to her birthplace of Berlin in 1999. She broke
with her family, refused to wear a traditional Muslim headscarf and
lived with her child in a hostel. She had completed training to become
an electrical engineer only weeks before her death.
Ayhan Surucu, who worked in an internet café before his arrest, said
that on the day of his sister's murder, he had gone to her apartment to
try to "talk sense" into her. "Hatun told me that she would go to bed
with whoever she chose," he told the court.
"That was too much for me, I pulled out the pistol and shot," he added.
Mrs Surucu's killing was the sixth "honour murder" to occur within
Berlin's 200,000-strong Muslim community in the space of four months in
2005. Some 45 similar murders have taken place in Germany over the past
eight years. Her death has provoked a nationwide debate about
immigration policy and charges that successive German governments have
for decades ignored ritual injustices perpetrated in immigrant
communities.
German and Turkish community leaders in Berlin were particularly
alarmed by the reaction of Turkish immigrant children at a school near
the site of Mrs Surucu's killing. Several 13-year-old Turkish children
implied that they thought she had "earned" her death.
Serap Cileli, a German-born Turk who specialises in finding homes for
women who are threatened by "honour murders" said: "Official claims
that the majority of Turks are well integrated here are pure eyewash."
The trial continues.
A Turkish immigrant has confessed to shooting dead his 23-year-old
sister because he "could not accept her morals". The confession came at
the opening of the trial of three Muslim brothers accused of committing
a brutal "honour murder" in the German capital earlier this year.
Hatun Surucu was shot at point-blank range in February as she stood at
a Berlin bus stop near her apartment.
The killing, which shocked Germany, occurred after she refused to
rejoin her husband in Turkey in a marriage arranged by her parents when
she was 15. Yesterday, Ayhan Surucu, her 19-year-old brother, admitted
shooting dead his sister in cold blood: "I killed my sister and I did
it on my own," he told a Berlin court.
"I could not accept her moral behaviour and I was worried that her son
might become addicted to drugs. Today I regret my actions. What I did
cannot be undone," he added.
His two brothers, Mutlu, 26, and Alpaslan, 24, who deny plotting the
murder together with their brother, told the court that at the time
they knew nothing of their sister's murder and that they had had no
contact with her.
Mrs Surucu, who was forced to marry her Turkish cousin, left her
husband and returned to her birthplace of Berlin in 1999. She broke
with her family, refused to wear a traditional Muslim headscarf and
lived with her child in a hostel. She had completed training to become
an electrical engineer only weeks before her death.
Ayhan Surucu, who worked in an internet café before his arrest, said
that on the day of his sister's murder, he had gone to her apartment to
try to "talk sense" into her. "Hatun told me that she would go to bed
with whoever she chose," he told the court.
"That was too much for me, I pulled out the pistol and shot," he added.
Mrs Surucu's killing was the sixth "honour murder" to occur within
Berlin's 200,000-strong Muslim community in the space of four months in
2005. Some 45 similar murders have taken place in Germany over the past
eight years. Her death has provoked a nationwide debate about
immigration policy and charges that successive German governments have
for decades ignored ritual injustices perpetrated in immigrant
communities.
German and Turkish community leaders in Berlin were particularly
alarmed by the reaction of Turkish immigrant children at a school near
the site of Mrs Surucu's killing. Several 13-year-old Turkish children
implied that they thought she had "earned" her death.
Serap Cileli, a German-born Turk who specialises in finding homes for
women who are threatened by "honour murders" said: "Official claims
that the majority of Turks are well integrated here are pure eyewash."
The trial continues.

This Honour-Murders thing is *only* practiced amongst the BACKWARD
cave-dwelling KURDISH Turks of South Eastern Turkey
http://www.kwahk.org/
Kurdish Womens Action Against Honour Killings (KWAHK)
No Honour in Murder
Kurdish Women Action Against Honour killing (KWAHK) is a network of
Kurdish activists, lawyers and academic researchers.
KWAHK aims to raise national and international awareness about the
issue of violence against women in the Kurdish communities, in
particular honour killing

We thank you for your contribution to FORWARD turkish society dear
irish psychopath

So the entire Greek Cypriot population was to be mobilised to take part
in genocide, the murder of Turks, their fellow citizens for over 400
years, throughout the whole island. The whole plan was codenamed
"IPHESTOS (Volcano) 1974," and was described as an Internal Security
(SEA) operation. It was not being done in the guise of warding off an
attack by Turkey. In fact, Turkey was not mentioned. This was to be
purely an internal affair, the business of no outside party, something
between Cypriots alone. The Greek Cypriots would kill, the Turkish
Cypriots would die. As simple as that.
Commander Haralambos Hios of the National Guard had sent his orders to
the following units: The 256th and 276th Infantry Battalions, the
222nd, 261st, 306th, 316th, 321 st, 366th and 391 st Reserve
Battalions, the 183rd Field Artillery Battalion, the 173rd and 190th
Anti-tank Artillery Battalions, the 47th Communications Company, and
other reserve forces. These in turn passed on their instructions to the
units under their command, giving the names of the Turkish areas to be
"cleansed."
A typical example is the instruction, File No. 210/11/61, sent out on
June 12, 1974, by the 256th Infantry Battalion from its headquarters at
Dhiorios (now Tepebay) near Myrtou (Çamlýbel), some 17 miles west of
Kyrenia. The introduction to the order is more or less identical in all
the other orders sent out. "The initiative to begin the operations is
undertaken by the General Staff of the National Guard (GEEF) with the
approval of the Cyprus Government and the Headquarters of the AED
(Greek mainland Armed Forces). "
Right from the start, the genocide operation was shown to be a joint
one with the military High Command in Athens. It may have been called
Internal Security but it was plainly masterminded by, and with a lot of
help from, Greece. The entire genocide programme was to be carried out
"with the approval of the Cyprus Government.... " At that time, 1974,
the Cyprus Government was of course, all-Greek, and was therefore
illegal under the terms of the 1960 constitution. But, illegal or not,
it was the recognised government of the island. So this government,
recognised by the United Nations and the whole world, had given its
approval to the "cleansing" of a fifth of its people.
Under the headline "Mission," the directive explained: "Part of the
mission is to prepare the Greek Cypriot population psychologically and
to organise them and the police for their wider participation in the
cleansing of the Turkish Cypriot enclaves and pockets, using every
means available (weapons etc). These are to be used by each Company as
necessary or as needed for each operation. " The language and style are
typically stilted military, but the meaning is brutally clear. "Attack
at night, silently, without using lights, as quickly as possible, for
the cleansing of the Lefka (Lefke) enclave and the pockets of Ayia
Irini (now Akdeniz), Kazivera (Gaziveren), Elia (Doðancý) and
Angolemi (Taþpýnar). "
These villages spread in a line from Lefke, just south of Soli, to
Myrtou, covering the rich farmlands along the south and east of Morphou
Bay (now Guzelyurt Bay). Leflce, with a population of around 4,000, has
been a Turkish stronghold since 1570, 200 years before the United
States of America was created, It lies between Morphou Bay and the arid
northern foothills of the Troodos mountains. Its citrus orchards and
date palm groves have been famous for centuries. Two perennial rivers
ran for centuries from the Troodos through the Lefke plain to the bay.
In the past few years, however, Greek South Cyprus has interrupted much
of this flow by means of dams. Nevertheless, Lefke still has enough
water to be able to send supplies by truck tankers to drought-hit areas
as distant as Famagusta on the east coast. Leflce would have been a
rich spoil of war after its cleansing.
And preparations were to be made immediately "to cut off the
electricity supply to the Lefke area from the sub-station at
Peristeronari, the responsibility of the 2end Company of the 356th
Battalion, when the plan commences. " Peristeronari (now Cengizköy)
near Lefke, is not to be confused with Peristerona, a Greek town south
of Morphou. Another file, 210/14/4034 dated March 3l and issued by the
HQ of the National Guard in Morphou, dealt with this town. It gave
instructions to "keep under observation the pocket of Peristerona, with
full preparation to participate in the cleansing of same. " The
specific units to be used to attack the various Turkish towns were
named. For example, the 391st Reserve Infantry Battalion would destroy
Ambelikou (Baðlköy). Then Lefke, Kokkina (Erenköy) and Limnitis
(Yeþilýrmak) were to be wiped out with artillery supporting fire. The
261 st Battalion would clean up Xerovounos (Kurutepe).
Water supplies were to be cut off to Lefke by the 1st Company of the
356th, by the 2nd Company in Kazivera, Elia, Angolemi and Kalo Chorio
(Çamlýköy), and by the 3rd Company in Ayia Irini. The Turks of the
Kyrenia area were not to be neglected. The File 210/12/76 was issued by
the 3rd High Military Command in Kyrenia on April 18, 1974. The
campaign would start, it stated, with the cleansing of Templos
(Zeytinlik), at the western edge of Kyrenia, by the 251 st Infantry
Battalion. This force would also wipe out the Turkish quarter of
Kyrenia, leaving that important north seaport entirely in Greek hands.
Then the National Guard, the police and the Greek Cypriot civilian
population would move over the Kyrenia Pass to Aghirda, on the southern
slopes of towering St. Hilarion, on to Krini (Pmarbay) and finally
Photta (Dagyolu), all just west of the main Nicosia-Kyrenia road, thus
isolating the Fighters on Hilarion and putting the Turkish lifeline to
Kyrenia at the mercy of Greek artillery and mortars.
The plans for genocide tried to leave nothing to chance. While it was
mentioned in the files that it was unlikely the United Nations Peace
Force would intervene - it was a pretty safe assumption, the UN
soldiers having kept as much as possible out of the way of the Greeks
for years - the plans called for LTN uniforms to be used to fool their
intended Turkish victims.
Under "Instructions for Coordination," the April 18 File directed that
"The 2nd and 3rd Bureaux (Intelligence and Operations) of Tactical
Group Command should prepare themselves for the implementation of this
plan in order to carry out activities such as wearing (UN) Peace Force
uniforms and vehicles, cutting off water supplies, electricity and
telephone lines ...... " In 1964, when the L1N Peace Force was
established, EOKA gunmen used crude replicas of LJN equipment, painting
their helmets blue and wearing blue armbands, in order to penetrate
Turkish areas.
The March 7 File also described how Turkish bodies "would be buried in
the vicinity of Turkish Cypriot graveyards. I can only speculate that
this would be done to somehow give the impression that they had died
natural deaths and their burials had nothing to do with genocide. A
great amount of planning had gone into preparing the Greek Cypriot
civilian population to take part in the massacres. The March 31 File
from Morphou demanded that "people and organisations should be
psychologically prepared in order to ensure their participation in the
struggle and operations of cleansing the Turkish regions. "
This brainwashing was assigned to the 1st (Personnel), 2nd and 3rd
Bureaux of the Tactical Group Command. Then each military unit was
expected to prepare the civilians in its own area to "cooperate fully"
with the armed forces. Apparently Greek Cypriots were deemed not
capable of civilian psychological preparation and organisation on such
a large scale, and these duties were given to the officers of the Greek
army contingent and the Greek officers in the National Guard. From the
Files it appears that every National Guard unit was by this time under
the command of a mainland Greek or had at least one or more mainland
Greek officers with it.
The June 12 File from Dhiorios decreed that prior notice of attack was
to be given to civilians and "necessary contacts" established. The
population would then, alongside the military and police forces,
cleanse the Turkish villages. While this was going on, plans were also
made to supply the National Guard, if necessary, by air. As the Guard
had no airborne supply facilities, I am assuming this would be carried
by out the Greek Air Force.
Attached to the March 7, 1974, File was a map of Cyprus to the scale of
1:100,000 and maps to the scale of 1:50,000 for both Turkish and Greek
sectors of Nicosia, Lapithos (now Lapta) and Ayia Irini. Maps were also
issued for two other areas. One was for Paleometokho, a largish town
just west of Nicosia airport, the other for Leflconikon (Gepitkale), a
town in the centre of a group of Turkish villages in the Mesarya plain
between Nicosia and Famagusta Bay. And although I have no captured
files or maps covering the rest of the country, later events prove that
it was the intention to cleanse the whole island of Turks, and I am
forced to conclude that Genocide Files were prepared and issued for all
Cyprus.
Paratroopers, presumably to be part of any air drop, had been secretly
trained in Greece. Genocide File 330/7/25507 - dated February 13, 1974,
and issued in Nicosia under the signature of Constantinos Kombokis,
commander of the Cyprus Commando Forces, to the 31st, 32nd and 33rd
Commando Units - gave the names of the first officers selected. The
training in Greece of officers to command units had also taken place.
File 330/110/43287 dated August 7, 1973, named the Greek Cypriot
officers to attend the Halkidos Infantry School in Greece. The
three-month course was from September 10 to December l5, 1973. The
chosen men sailed from Limassol on the A/B Kipros at 16.00 hours on
September 5. They wore civilian clothes. They were also issued with
identity cards with their photos in civilian clothes.
There were 33 names on the list, given under the signature of National
Guard staff officer Pavlos Papadakis. One name had been crossed out.
Commando training also took place in Cyprus. Revised orders kept
pouring out, perhaps because of the changing political situation. Then
Commander Haralambos Hios began making his final preparations and
advising the units under his command. On May 31, 1974, File 210/75/3057
made certain alterations in the genocide plans and he told his units to
complete their preparations by June 10. On July 3, Hios sent out what
was apparently his last order before the onslaught was to commence. In
File 210/109/2176, he gave the final changes in this "Top Secret"
order.
"The units will work out the necessary modifications in the plans
concerning their own sections of the operations and return them to me
by July 10, 1974. " So it appeared that the plans in the Genocide Files
would be put into operation some time after July 10. What had been
tried unsuccessfully in 1963, 1964 and 1967 would be attempted once
more. But this time it would be different. This was not to be the
haphazard killing spree of the Akritas Plan, with so much study given
to thwarting foreign criticism, masterminded by the unholy trinity of
Makarios, Yorgadjis and Clerides, with atTrted civilians charging this
way, that way and every which way, a massacre here, a slaughter there.
This time it was the IPHESTOS 1974 Plan. It had been carefully plotted,
meticulously worked out, with the sort of care that had gone into the
Normandy landings in 1944, if you like. The moon landings, even. There
were plans, hundreds of plans, and thousands of typewritten pages and
maps, gone over and corrected, and altered and changed. Every command
HQ, every unit, every man knew exactly what to do. And there would be
no need to worry about foreign opinion, for it would be over swiftly,
with a speed that would catch the world unawares. It would be all over
before Turkey could get an invasion fleet on the move.
This time the army would be in charge, the National Guard with its
mainland Greek officers and the mainland Greek contingent. And hundreds
more Greek officers clandestinely flown in to urge on the great mob of
civilians and police who would help in the 1974 Cyprus Rites of
Genocide. And it would all be run from Athens, the capital of the
Mother Country, Greece. This was the brainchild of General Dimitrios
Ioannides, the strongman, who needed the conquest of Cyprus to
consolidate his rule, to be hailed by his disenchanted people as the
man who gave Greece the first stepping stone to a new Hellenic Empire.
For Cyprus, it would be the Final Solution.
But it was not to be. Greece and the Greeks were to be denied their
twin ambitions - the annihilation of the Cyprus Turks and Enosis. For,
despite the furious protests of Britain, the United States and, of
course Greece, in the five days of civil war on the island Turkey
managed the incredible feat of planning, organising and carrying out
the successful sea and air landings that gave the persecuted Turks
their own country.
It should have been the Turkish version of the Final Solution. But the
new factor of the European Union and its expansionist aggression
frightens me. The way I see it now is that the Greek Cypriots and their
Greek mainland allies - or masters, perhaps - having failed twice to
remove the Turks from Cyprus, see the Union as a way to succeed with
genocide by stealth.
The Union will allow the whole island of Cyprus, before the north and
south situation is solved, into the Union with assurances to Turkey
that she will follow as soon as possible - but no signed guarantee, of
course. Once inside the union and with Turkey still outside, the
Europeans can demand the withdrawal of the Turkish forces from the
island on the grounds that it is now an alien force inside the union,
invaders no less, and must go.
As soon as that happens, we know - from the experiences of the past -
just what will happen to the Turks of the Turkish Republic of North
Cyprus. The Greeks will take homes and land whether or not they were
ever Greek-owned, the Turks will become officially a minority, as
promised by the Greeks, and settled in "social housing", as promised by
Glafkos Clerides himself. And that will be the beginning of the end for
the Turks. And there will be shots fired, make no mistake about that,
and there will be killings, just as there have been ever since the
Greeks have wanted the Turks out of Cyprus. Few would ever reach the
"Promised Land" of social housing, the "Arbeit Macht Frei" of the Third
Reich that sent millions of Jews to death, and the bulldozers may once
again be sealing ubiquitous mass graves that are the mark of the Greek
Cypriot.
This scenario may never happen, but I fear it could. Because the
protection of Turkey will cease if there is a unilateral entry to the
EU by Cyprus. President Denktash points out that Glafkos Clerides has
stated this when he declared "When we enter the EU, Turkey's guarantor
status will cease to exist." And, says Mr. Denktash, "He is speaking
the truth. Once EU membership is accomplished, whatever we have
discussed with the Greeks so far - bi-zonality, communality,
restrictions of freedoms of travel, settlement and owning property -
will all contradict EU laws."
Therefore another solution to bear in mind is some kind of federation
with Turkey, should it be necessary to beat the European Union to the
punch. Britain already has this kind of federation with Northern
Ireland. The United Kingdom is composed of Great Britain (itself
composed of Scotland, England and Wales) and Northern Ireland. There is
a sea between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. There is one between
Turkey and North Cyprus. Northern Ireland is the north part of the
island called Ireland. North Cyprus is the north part of the island of
Cyprus.
The whole could be called the UR - the United Republic of Turkey and
North Cyprus. Perhaps even the United Republics of Turkey, North Cyprus
and other Turkic states that have emerged since the end of the Cold
War. But if the whole of Cyprus enters the European Union without the
simultaneous entry of Turkey, I feel sure Enosis, union with Greece,
will swiftly take place, and Turkey will be surrounded by Greek
sovereign territory. And that is a scenario for war.
The Turks of Cyprus may find themselves all too soon in a dilemma -
unite with Greece and become a despised and persecuted minority, or
unite with Turkey and remain free

 The whole plan was codenamed "IPHESTOS (Volcano) 1974,"
....
The fact that the so-called "codename" "Iphestos" doesn't mean Volcano
in Hellenic but it is merely the name of the ancient God of metallurgy
proves that this "article" is a forged-propagandistic one. It makes you
look like an idiot. The rest of this load of bullshit was deleted.
Nestor,
"Ah dismiri Ellas, den anastithikes ek tou tafou, apla allakses tafon:
Apo ton Tourkikon eis ton Xristianikon"
-- Adamantios Korais.

GENOCIDE
HARRY SCOTT GIBBONS
Harry Scott Gibbons is a journalist. He served in the Middle East,
Cyprus, Turkey, Greece and the United States and is the author of the
book The Genocide Files, published by Charles Bravos, London, 1997.
For several years following the publication of my book, The Genocide
Files, I have been repeatedly asked for my opinion on how the Cyprus
problem can be solved, meaning: 'What was the future of Northern
Cyprus?'
Until now, I have always answered along these lines:
The Cyprus problem was solved in July 1974, when the Turkish Armed
Forces intervened in the vicious civil war that followed a covert Greek
invasion and an Athens inspired and led coup that deposed the
president. This intervention - which was legal under the terms of the
Treaty of Guarantee, which is firmly embedded in the Cyprus
Constitution - brought the civil war to an end, overturned the coup and
thus forestalled enosis (union with Greece), which the coup leaders
later said they intended to declare and which was another act
specifically forbidden under the Constitution.
I have then been asked why, after the separation of the two races led
in 1983 to the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern
Cyprus, no country except Turkey recognised the validity of the new
country. I have always replied that it would be only a matter of time.
There was, I said, a de facto recognition; Northern Cyprus was a
reality, not simply a dream like enosis was for the Greeks. It had a
democratically elected president, government and parliament and there
had been no 'inter-communal fighting', as the Greeks always described
their attacks on the Turks, since the 1974 intervention. And one day, I
said, the de jure recognition would surely come without the need for
any drastic change in the workings of this independent, quiet and
peaceful little country.
But recent events have made me amend this viewpoint. I do believe now
that Turkey and Northern Cyprus must bring about some drastic change or
changes if this Turkish safe haven is to survive. But I must go into
the past to show how I have altered my view.
A side effect of the intervention was to allow the return to power of
the legally elected president, Archbishop Makarios. I do not believe
the archbishop ever thanked Turkey for this munificence, instead
demanding till the day of his death the expulsion of the Turkish
Cypriots from the safe haven the intervention had given them, perhaps
extending the maxim, 'Beware of Greeks bearing gifts' to 'Beware also
of bestowing gifts on Greeks'.
The intervention gave Turkish Cypriots the northern third of the island
and an exchange of populations, that the Greek Cypriots agreed to,
confirmed the acceptance of the existence of two distinct entities -
each inhabited by its own race and each with its own religion and
language. It was a de facto ethnic safe haven for the Turks of Cyprus.
But hardly had the ink dried on this agreement - signed on the Greek
side by the present President of Greek Cyprus, Glafcos Clerides - than
the Greek Cypriots showed once again that they will not abide by any
agreement that does not suit their plans for their own future.
When Makarios, the spearhead of the terrorist organisation EOKA, which
had for years murdered Britons, Turks and Greeks alike in its ambition
to end Britain's colonial occupation and unite the island with Greece,
signed up to a constitution for the establishment of a new Cyprus
republic, he agreed to give up for ever his single-minded quest for
enosis.
But, as soon as the republic was born in 1960, the Greeks began calling
for the constitution's amendment, with the specific purpose of
declaring the forbidden enosis. Unfortunately for this plan, the
Turkish Cypriots had been given specific safeguards that would ensure
their equality with the Greeks and remove all physical threats to their
survival (threats which enosis would certainly impose). Among these
safeguards was the power of the veto invested in the Turks. Therefore,
in Greek eyes, the Constitution simply had to go.
During the night of 20-21 December 1963, the Greeks launched a series
of attacks on Turks throughout the Nicosia area. The combined forces of
uniformed Greek Cypriot police and civilian EOKA gunmen began
systematically to murder Turks and arrest and disarm Turkish policemen.
At the same time, the Greek Cypriots took complete control of the
Cyprus government information organisation and announced that the
'legal' authorities were putting down a Turkish uprising.
Within days, Turkish civil servants throughout the island had been
ousted from their positions and Greeks now ran the entire governmental
administration. Armed EOKA thugs physically prevented the
vice-president, a Turk, Dr Fazõl Küçük, from entering his office.
But, at ground level, the Greek actions seemed so haphazard that
although it quickly became obvious the attack on the Turks was
premeditated, the extent of the planning was not fully discovered until
April 1966, when a Greek Cypriot newspaper, Patris, gave details of
what has become known as the Akritas Plan. This was the first exercise
in ethnic cleansing - racial extermination or genocide, as I prefer to
call it - the Makarios government undertook.
The object of this ethnic cleansing, as the Akritas Plan explained, was
to prepare for the amendment of the Constitution in such a way as to
allow the government to legally - in its eyes at least - unite the
island with Greece, the Greek Cypriot 'Motherland'. In the plan, there
were details given on how to provoke the Turks into taking up arms
against the government so that the 'legal' forces of the state could be
empowered to crush what would be called a Turkish revolt, expel all
Turks from the police and every other government institution, seal off
the Turkish population in enclaves throughout the island, and pronounce
a fait accompli before Christmas 1963. The Akritas Plan envisaged that
the Western world would be too preoccupied with Christmas festivities
to interfere in time to prevent enosis. Further, not only would the
speed of events take Turkey by surprise, but Turkey would also be
unable to call a meeting of the two other Guarantor Powers, Britain and
Greece, who together were pledged to keep Cyprus independent, in time
to prevent the island's union with Greece.
Patris claimed that Makarios had personally organised the entire scheme
and had made the military preparations himself. The paper wrote,
"Makarios entrusted Yorgadjis [Polycarpos Yorgadjis, former EOKA gunman
and now Minister of the Interior] who took the code name of Akritas,
with the task of establishing the organisation. The Minister of Labour,
Tassos Papadopoulos, was appointed deputy chief of the organisation,
and Glafcos Clerides [then Speaker of the 50-member Cyprus parliament]
became the Chief of Operations." Clerides is now, of course, President
of the Greek South Cyprus and recognised by the world as the president
of the whole island.
What became known as the Christmas War or, in the Turkish version,
Bloody Christmas, was actually the Akritas Plan for genocide. There was
bloody slaughter of the Turks and the Greeks also paid a terrible
penalty in deaths and injuries when the Turkish fighters hit back, but
the Greeks' aim, enosis, was not realised.
I believe I had a part in wrecking this plan. I was based in Cyprus at
that time as the Middle East correspondent of the London Daily Express
and had arrived back from an assignment in Africa the day before the
shooting began. In fact, I was having dinner in a Nicosia restaurant
and heard the first shots ring out.
I sent a report on this to my newspaper and gave more details the
following day. The result was that the foreign press poured in,
swamping the cable office and telephone lines with reports of Greek
atrocities. The success of the Akritas Plan was based on suffocating
all Turkish protest and keeping the operation as secret as possible
while enosis was arranged. Now the whole world knew what was going on
and, while the fierce fighting continued, the element of surprise had
been lost. Christmas came and went, by which time the three Guarantor
Powers had become involved, as had the United Nations, and enosis was
not achieved.
But, as I said, the Akritas Plan for Genocide, was not known for years.
In the interval, the now famous Green Line was drawn across the capital
city, Nicosia, to protect the Turkish quarter, a United Nations peace
force arrived, Makarios received a slap on the wrist and was told to
behave himself and the world's press left. I was sent to Istanbul for a
year, after which I quit newspaper work for a time to write a book on
the ongoing war in the Yemen.
The bloodshed continued on the island for 11 years after that
Christmas, but the world had now lost interest. Those 11 years were
hell on earth for the Turkish Cypriots, starved, hounded from pillar to
post by the now all-Greek authorities, and pursued by the emergent
Greek Cypriot National Guard led by mainland Greek officers. And, where
they had owned 35 percent of the land, mostly the best agricultural
acreage, they were now squeezed into three percent of it, spread across
the island in tiny enclaves.
The Greeks of Cyprus had attempted genocide against their fellow
citizens, the Turks, and had failed. 11 years later, they tried again.
The Cyprus Turks were still in bondage, deprived of their human rights,
surviving on handouts from the Turkish government, their lives with no
apparent future. Makarios, meanwhile, had quarrelled with the Greek
generals' new junta, which had replaced the Colonels' junta that had
ruled Greece from 1967 to 1973. The result of this was that, while
Makarios, Clerides, et al. were preparing the second, definitive, Final
Solution of the Turkish Problem, namely another genocide offensive, the
Athens junta led by General Dimitrios Ioannides was preparing to solve
its Makarios Problem.
The second genocide attempt, as it was later revealed, was due to begin
some time after 10 July 1974, the actual date not specified. Athens was
totally involved in this plan as documents captured later were to
prove, but the contentious attitude of Makarios apparently made them
decide to take over and execute it themselves. The result, as I wrote
in my book, was in Makarios and General Ioannides seeking to best each
other in deviousness, ending with a plot, not from within, but hastily
slammed on top of another plot, a Byzantine cocktail with a squeeze of
Machiavelli, a recipe for a brutal, gory debacle.
On 15 July 1974, the Greek Cypriot National Guard and an army of Greek
mainland troops, who had been smuggled in without the knowledge of
Makarios, staged a successful coup in Nicosia. Blowing up the
presidential palace outside the city walls, the death of Makarios was
announced and a new president, the EOKA killer, Nicos Sampson, a
long-time friend of General Ioannides, was installed. Sampson
immediately attempted to allay any fears the Cyprus Turks may have
(with good reason) been entertaining, promising they would be unharmed.
I wondered about this at the time, unaware that the plan for their
extermination was based, like the 1963 version, on secrecy.
But, Makarios had not died in his palace. He escaped unscathed, managed
to make a radio broadcast calling on his supporters to oust his
usurpers and the civil war began. Not only had the military coup
breached the Constitution, but all over the country Greeks were killing
Greeks, and the slaughter begun to include innocent Turkish families
fleeing to safety.
After five days, during which some 2000 uniformed and civilian Greeks
died, the Turkish armed forces intervened. The landings and their
success have been fully recorded elsewhere - including in my book - but
here I want to expose the true facts of the second act of genocide.
With the Turkish army on the north of the island was a Greek-speaking
liaison officer, Turkish Cypriot fighter Erol Fehim. As his unit moved
west of Kyrenia, they came across several hastily abandoned Greek army
camps. In the camps they found documents, signed and stamped by the
military, giving complete instructions for the obliteration of the
Turkish Cypriot population. When Erol Fehim read them, he found he was
holding in his hands a plan code named Iphestos [Volcano] 1974.
These were the genocide files.
Erol Fehim has translated some of them for me, and I found them
horrifying. They detail the enclaves and villages to be 'cleansed'.
Even the sleepy little village of Templos, now Zeytinlik, where, in the
sanctuary of Ottoman House, I wrote the Genocide Files and studied
these documents, was to be wiped out.
Every detail of the extermination plans is revealed, the villages to be
wiped out with their inhabitants, the units assigned to specific areas
and tasks, and even where to bury the Turkish corpses, it is all there.
It is frightening reading, and perhaps the most frightening thing of
all is the revelation that the Greek Cypriot civilian population was to
be organised and brainwashed into joining in the slaughter.
The Genocide Files that I have had translated are only a small part of
the mass of instructions sent out to the Greek Cypriot National Guard
during the months leading up to the Greek coup d'état. But, these
particular ones deal with the area where they were captured, from
Kyrenia, north of Nicosia, to Morphou Bay, in the north-west of the
island.
After reading them, it becomes apparent that Greek Cypriot assertions
that the coup had nothing to do with the Turkish Cypriots were
ludicrous. In view of the fact that these files show clearly that
Greece and the Greek Cypriots intended to wipe out the Turkish
Cypriots, their protestations - kept up to this day - that no harm was
intended to the Turks must be one of the most monstrous, pitiless,
callous, cynical lies I have ever come across.
Only in the Serb-Bosnia conflict 20 years later is there a comparison.
When Serb shells were fired deliberately into crowded Moslem market
places and other busy centres, even a cemetery where a funeral was
taking place, blowing innocent civilians to pieces, the Serb propaganda
machine immediately claimed the Bosnian Moslems had fired the shots,
murdering their own people to gain sympathy from the rest of the world!
How do humans become like this? Was God looking the other way when
these people were created?
Those involved, or to be involved, in the extermination plans are
detailed in the document with the File number 216/5/296, dated 7 March
1974. It was issued by the National Guard's 3rd High Military Tactical
Command in Nicosia and signed by its commander, Mikhael Georgitses.
The plans stated clearly that the Greek Cypriot population was to be
"organised" to assist the Greek Cypriot National Guard in "cleansing"
designated villages of their Turkish inhabitants. Greek women and
children were to be kept in their homes, but should they decide to flee
any consequent fighting, the Greek Cypriot Ministries of Interior,
Defence and Labour were made responsible for providing shelter, food
and other necessities for them. The Ministry of Health was to take care
of their physical well being.
So the entire Greek Cypriot population was to be mobilised to take part
in genocide, the murder of Turks, their fellow citizens for over 400
years, throughout the whole island.
Iphestos 1974 was described as an Internal Security (SEA) operation. It
was not being done in the guise of warding off an attack by Turkey. In
fact, Turkey was not mentioned. This was to be purely an internal
affair, the business of no outside party, something between Cypriots
alone. The Greek Cypriots would kill; the Turkish Cypriots would die.
As simple as that.
Commander Haralambos Hios of the National Guard had sent his orders to
the following units: the 256th and 276th Infantry Battalions, the
222nd, 261st, 306th, 316th, 321st, 366th and 391st Reserve Battalions,
the 183rd Field Artillery Battalion, the 173rd and 190th Anti-tank
Artillery Battalions, the 47th Communications Company and other reserve
forces.
These in turn passed on their instructions to the units under their
command, giving the names of the Turkish areas to be 'cleansed'.
A typical example is the instruction, File No. 210/11/61, sent out on
12 June 1974 by the 256th Infantry Battalion from its headquarters at
Dhiorios (now Tepebasõ) near Myrtou (Çamlõbel), some 17 miles west
of Kyrenia.

Yeaaahhhhhh keep up the denials
DUMB Grikcyp butchering swine !
