Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: SPAGNA: GARZON NEI GUAI, HA OCCULTATO 203.000 DLR

E' bufera sul giudice piu' famoso di Spagna: Baltasar Garzon. Il 'grande 
inquisitore', denuncia la Corte di Cassazione di Madrid, si e' 
"dimenticato" di dichiarare 203.000 dollari percepiti tra il marzo del 
2005 e il giugno del 2006 quando si trovava per un anno sabbatico a New 
York, dove ha anche tenuto alcune lezioni all'Universita'. Il 'Tribunale 
Supremo' ha girato l'incartamento al 'Consejo general del poder judicial 
(Cgpj), il Csm spagnolo. E' quanto scrive il sito web di El Mundo 
secondo cui Garzon, celebre per aver fatto arrestare l'ex dittatore 
cileno Augusto Pinochet e recentemente per aver messo sotto accusa 
esponenti di primo piano del Partido Popular, negli stessi 15 mesi 
continuo' a percepire lo stipendio di magistrato della Procura 
nazionale. Garzon ricevette indennita' di viaggio per 21.152 dollari, 
oltre ad altri 21.650 per pagare alla figlia la retta della scuola 
internazionale delle Nazioni Unite. A queste voci si aggiungono i circa 
160.000 dollari di stipendio per le lezioni tenute al Centro Rey Juan 
Carlos I e al Centro di Diritto e Sicurezza presso la New York 
University. Il giudice, scrive El Mundo, rischia grosso perche' quando 
chiese la sua pausa retribuita, in seguito prorogata, "non ha mai reso 
conto dei redditi percepiti e dei rimborsi spese" quando era negli Usa.


tipico sinistro.

> "dimenticato" di dichiarare 203.000 dollari percepiti tra il marzo del
Quindi chi indaga su di lui... č politicizzato?
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 Quindi chi indaga su di lui... è politicizzato?
Lui e' un giudice, perche' non provi a pensare prima di parlare?

 Lui e' un giudice, perche' non provi a pensare prima di parlare?
Appunto.. quindi chi indagherà su di lui.. è politicizzato.. rapisarda.. 
ma perché ti rendi ridicolo.. ma tu pensi cazzo.. quando scorreggi con 
il cervello?
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 il cervello?
Coglione e' un giudice indagato da altri giudici per evasione
fiscale.
La poltica che c'entra? Ah, la tua volgarita' e' penosa.

 La poltica che c'entra? Ah, la tua volgarita' e' penosa.
"coglione".. è carineria? Ma ti rendi conto che sei ridicolo quando in 
modo ossessivo ti scagli contro i giudici?
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 modo ossessivo ti scagli contro i giudici?
A proposito.. sto aspettando la lista dei giudici politicizzati.. ti do 
altri cinque minuti.
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 modo ossessivo ti scagli contro i giudici?
garzon e' un giudice politicizzato e adesso, a quanto sembra, pure
evasore fiscale. Insomma, il tuo idolo!

 altri cinque minuti.
...e chi cazzo credi di essere per dare ordini?
Aspetta un milione di anni, fesso.

 evasore fiscale. Insomma, il tuo idolo!
Sě? Politicizzato.. e per chi e da chi? Ti do conque minuti per dirolo. 
A proposito.. non lo sai che esiste la presunzione di innocenza o vale 
solo per il tuo duce?
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 Aspetta un milione di anni, fesso.
Allora.. vedi che dici balle... sei un bugiardo, un falso.. e un 
osssessivo. Rapisarda.. in parole povere.. voti berlusconi. ahhahahaa
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 solo per il tuo duce?
Coglione, non sai neanche leggere. Ho scritto infatti, "a quanto
sembra", puro stile Travaglio che a te piace tanto.

 osssessivo. Rapisarda.. in parole povere.. voti berlusconi. ahhahahaa
sei isterico, avresti bisogno di uno che ti desse un sonoro schiaffo
in quel bel faccione che ti ritrovi...

 sembra", puro stile Travaglio che a te piace tanto.
A quanto sembra, anche Berlusconi č colpevole di corruzione.. o no?
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 A quanto sembra, anche Berlusconi è colpevole di corruzione.. o no?
No, a me non sembra.

 in quel bel faccione che ti ritrovi...
Sě.. ma sei tu che dici che sono politicizzati mica io... allora mi dici 
chi sono questi giudici? IO sono isterico? Non puoi incolpare gli altri 
per le tue ossessioni.
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 No, a me non sembra.
ahha.. ahha.. lo vedi che ho ragione a dire che sei un falso e in malafede?
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 per le tue ossessioni.
Niente.. Rapisarda si dimostra ancora una volta.. un berluscoide... aaaha..a
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 2005 e il giugno del 2006
Obama in USA lo avrebbe fatto Ministro del Tesoro.

longion ha scritto:

IN Italia Berlusconi lo avrebbe fatto ministro della giustizia. Tanto.. 
uno come Previti in più o in meno.
-- 
EU®
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 per le tue ossessioni.
L'ha detto anche il vostro Financial Times che in Italia la giustizia
e' politicizzata.

 e' politicizzata.
L'ha detta criticando perň Berlusconi e il suo modo per sfuggire alla 
stessa.
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 uno come Previti in più o in meno.
Ma Previti non e' Ministro della giustizia mentre Timothy Geithner e'
Ministro del Tesoro, la differenza non e' mica poco, non ti pare?

 stessa.
Non cerdo, posta l'articolo se hai il coraggio.


Leggitelo tutto.. una sentenza recente ha rigettato le accuse di 
diffamazione a mezzo stampa promosso dagli avvocati di berlusconi:
An Italian story
Apr 26th 2001
 From The Economist print edition
After next month’s election, Silvio Berlusconi, Italy’s richest 
businessman, is expected to become prime minister again. Yet he is still 
locked in a string of legal battles. His companies have used money from 
untraceable sources—and he even faces allegations of links to the Mafia
AP Hoping for leniency
ON APRIL 20th, in a drab courtroom in Milan, three judges met to hear 
evidence in a big trial. The case involved the alleged bribery of 
judges. Taped to the door was a handwritten list of the accused. At the 
top was Silvio Berlusconi’s name.
This case illustrates vividly that Mr Berlusconi has not put his legal 
problems behind him. Shortly before he first became Italy’s prime 
minister, in May 1994, his business empire, Fininvest, became a subject 
of the mani pulite (clean hands) investigations. This operation, 
launched by magistrates in Milan in 1992, had exposed deep-rooted 
corruption in Italian politics, the bureaucracy and business.
When Mr Berlusconi founded his political party, Forza Italia, in 1993, 
little was known about his business methods. He portrayed himself to 
Italians as a self-made man who had built up a powerful television 
empire by breaking the monopoly of Italy’s state-owned broadcaster, RAI. 
He told them that he represented a clean break with Italy’s corrupt past.
Since 1994, however, magistrates have investigated many allegations 
against Mr Berlusconi, including money-laundering, association with the 
Mafia, tax evasion, complicity in murder and bribery of politicians, 
judges and the finance ministry’s police, the Guardia di Finanza. Mr 
Berlusconi, who strongly denies all the allegations, maintains that 
left-wing magistrates dominate the judiciary, and that the mani pulite 
investigations were politically motivated. Not surprisingly, his closest 
associates echo these assertions. “Mr Berlusconi has been persecuted 
since 1993. There is something rotten in the judicial system,” says 
Fedele Confalonieri, an old friend and chairman of Mediaset, Fininvest’s 
television group.
A senior British judge, Lord Justice Simon Brown, took a rather 
different view in 1996. The case involved an unsuccessful attempt by Mr 
Berlusconi to stop Italian magistrates getting their hands on some 
documents seized by the Serious Fraud Office in Britain. The magistrates 
needed these documents as evidence in a case of illegal party financing, 
whereas Mr Berlusconi claimed the alleged offence was political. It was 
a misuse of language, Lord Justice Brown said,
to describe the magistrates’ campaign as being for “political ends”, or 
their approach to Mr Berlusconi as one of political persecution...the 
magistracy are demonstrating...an even-handedness in dealing equally 
with the politicians of all political parties. It is, indeed, somewhat 
ironical that the applicants here are seeking to be regarded as 
political offenders in respect of offences committed in part whilst Mr 
Berlusconi himself was actually in office...I just cannot see corrupt 
political contributors...as “political prisoners”.
But Mr Berlusconi has a second line of defence. “Italy is not a normal 
country. Even an anomaly like Mr Berlusconi must be understood in the 
context of the country. He has done nothing worse than any businessman 
in Italy,” pleads Mr Confalonieri.
Indeed, many Italians, by no means all of them on the right, echo this 
defence. Mr Berlusconi, they say, did only what all businessmen had to 
do to get ahead: pay off anybody, politicians and judges included, who 
was in a position to help. Mr Berlusconi’s fault, they say, is simply 
that he was cleverer, and became richer, than his rivals. Besides, they 
add, what were the magistrates themselves up to, before the mani pulite 
campaign, when they were notably inactive in pursuing bigwigs?
Others disagree. “He went beyond the acceptable way of doing business in 
Italy,” comments a top Italian banker.
Wheels of justice
Three things are important if the full background to Mr Berlusconi’s 
legal entanglements is to be understood. First, once an allegation of a 
crime is made in Italy, magistrates have a legal duty to investigate. 
They can investigate the allegation for a maximum of two years without 
bringing charges. Second, once charges are brought, the justice system 
moves slowly: a trial can last for years, as can the appeal process. 
Third, in Italy, the accused are not considered guilty before definitive 
conviction in the final appeals court.
Click to enlarge
Mr Berlusconi has had no definitive convictions so far, but only three 
of nine criminal proceedings against him have reached the final appeals 
court (click to see the charge sheet). In the one case where the result 
is known, concerning illegal political donations, this court did not 
find him innocent. It upheld the verdict of the first appeals court 
which, because of the lapse of time since the offence, had applied the 
statute of limitations. Under the Italian penal code, this extinguishes 
the crime.
Mr Berlusconi’s legal problems all stem from his business career, which 
started in the 1960s. When he entered politics, he gave up the 
directorships of all his Fininvest companies, except AC Milan, a 
football club. However, he remains the controlling shareholder, and one 
or both of his grown-up children sit on the board of each of the main 
companies in the empire.
The structure of that empire is not straightforward even now, and has 
been far more convoluted in the past. Twenty-two holding companies, each 
of them beneficially owned by the Berlusconi family, control around 96% 
of the main private holding company, Fininvest.
Fininvest’s biggest asset by far is a controlling stake, worth 13.1 
trillion lire ($6.0 billion), in Mediaset. Terrestrial television in 
Italy is dominated by two groups: Mediaset, and the state-owned RAI. 
Between them, Mr Berlusconi’s three TV networks (Canale 5, Italia 1 and 
Retequattro) have a 43% share of the national audience and over 60% of 
total TV advertising sales.
Television is only one part of Mr Berlusconi’s media empire. He has a 
controlling stake in another quoted company, Mondadori, which is Italy’s 
largest publishing group. Mondadori’s books division has almost 30% of 
the domestic market; its magazine division, with around 50 titles, 38%. 
The Berlusconi family also owns one of Italy’s leading national 
newspapers, il Giornale.
Fininvest also has a 36% stake in Mediolanum, a fast-growing 
financial-services group that Ennio Doris founded in 1982 with Mr 
Berlusconi’s financial backing. Mediolanum was floated on the 
stockmarket in 1996. And Fininvest has a clutch of loss-making 
businesses (see table below), such as its Internet portal, Jumpy, 
launched just as the dotcom party was finishing, and Pagine Utili, a 
struggling telephone-directories firm.
The money trail
Mr Berlusconi cut his business teeth on property development in and 
around Milan. In the late 1960s, he had the idea of developing Milano 2, 
a garden city of around 3,500 flats. It was built on the eastern 
outskirts of Milan beneath the flight path of aircraft taking off from 
nearby Linate airport. The appeal of the development was enhanced after 
the aircraft were mysteriously diverted over other residential areas.
This was not the only mystery. Companies in Switzerland, where 
beneficial ownership is impenetrable, injected 4.1 billion lire (33.5 
billion lire in today’s money) in equity into the Italian companies 
responsible for Milano 2. So, on paper, this project belonged not to Mr 
Berlusconi, but to anonymous third parties.
Officials at the Bank of Italy suspected that Mr Berlusconi was behind 
the Swiss companies. At the time, holding capital abroad without telling 
the authorities was a criminal offence. A team from the Guardia di 
Finanza, led by Massimo Berruti, investigated in 1979, but concluded, 
despite evidence that Mr Berlusconi had personally guaranteed bank loans 
to the Italian companies, that he was not the beneficial owner of the 
Swiss companies. Mr Berruti’s boss signed the official report. Like Mr 
Berlusconi, he belonged to the infamous P2 masonic lodge. Immediately 
after his investigation, Mr Berruti left the Guardia di Finanza and 
worked as a lawyer for Mr Berlusconi. He is now a Forza Italia member of 
parliament.
Milano 2 gave birth to Mr Berlusconi’s television empire. In 1978, he 
launched a local cable-television station for Milano 2, called 
Telemilano. This scheme became far grander. Mr Berlusconi’s ambition was 
to challenge RAI’s monopoly on national television advertising, for 
which there was huge pent-up demand. Telemilano became Canale 5 in 1980.
There was one major snag: only RAI was permitted by law to broadcast 
nationally. Although private commercial television was unregulated in 
most respects, a court ruling in 1980 allowed private television 
stations to broadcast only on a local basis.
But Mr Berlusconi soon found a way round this ruling. He bought 
programmes, especially American films and soaps, and offered them at 
very low prices to small, regional television stations. Mr Berlusconi 
collected the revenue from pre-recorded advertising slots that he 
inserted. Each station in the Canale 5 circuit agreed to broadcast the 
same programmes at the same time. In this way, he secured his national 
audience.
How did Mr Berlusconi finance his budding television empire? Part of the 
answer is with bank debt. He had a large helping hand from public-sector 
banks, which provided bigger loans than Fininvest’s creditworthiness 
seemed to merit. But the rest of the answer is not clear at all. In 
1978, at the birth of his television group, Mr Berlusconi set up the 22 
holding companies that control Fininvest. From 1978 to 1985, 93.9 
billion lire (387 billion lire in today’s money) flowed into the 22 
companies, ostensibly from Mr Berlusconi.
In 1997, a financier with links to the Mafia alleged to magistrates in 
Sicily that Mr Berlusconi had used 20 billion lire of Mafia money to 
build up his television interests. The magistrates asked the Bank of 
Italy to help the anti-Mafia division investigate. Two officials spent 
18 months combing the shareholder, banking and accounting records of the 
22 companies. The Economist has a copy of their reports, which run to 
over 700 pages. The two main findings are startling.
The first is Mr Berlusconi’s lack of openness with the two trust 
companies that he instructed to be the registered holder of his shares 
in the 22 companies. The trust companies were subsidiaries of Banca 
Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL), a large bank. Mr Berlusconi put money into 
the holding companies through two little-known Italian banks, rather 
than through BNL itself. Thus, BNL’s trust companies had no clear 
picture of the ultimate source of these funds. In 1994, BNL’s managers 
were so concerned about this that they carried out two inspections of 
BNL’s relations with the 22 companies.
These inspections revealed other anomalies, such as share sales that 
were registered solely on Mr Berlusconi’s word, and with no documentary 
evidence. For instance, when he sold shares in one of the holding 
companies to a Fininvest subsidiary for 165 billion lire, the funds 
bypassed the trust companies altogether. So they had no idea how, or 
even whether, the buyer had paid for the shares.
The second finding is that the ultimate source of the money put into the 
22 companies cannot be traced. There were three reasons for this. First, 
29.7 billion lire had been paid in cash, or cash equivalents. Second, 
the investigators had found no extant supporting documents in the 
records of the trust companies, banks or holding companies for 20.6 
billion lire. Third, Mr Berlusconi had been adept at sending funds round 
in circles.
Why did Mr Berlusconi want to do this? The investigators were baffled. 
One company, Palina, ostensibly a third party, had sent 27.7 billion 
lire to the trust companies, which had then transferred this sum to the 
holding companies. From there, the funds went to Fininvest, and then, 
through a Fininvest subsidiary, back to Palina. All these transactions 
took place on the same day and at the same bank. The investigators found 
that hidden behind Palina was Mr Berlusconi. He had used a 75-year-old 
stroke-victim to front for him. Soon after the transactions took place, 
Palina was liquidated. Its books had been kept blank.
So the true source of the 93.9 billion lire that flowed into the 22 
companies in 1978-85 remains a mystery that only Mr Berlusconi can 
solve. We have sent him questions about this, in writing, but he has 
declined to answer. A close reading of the reports suggests that the 
possibility of money-laundering in the 22 companies cannot be ruled out. 
Banca Rasini, one of the little-known banks used by Mr Berlusconi and 
once his father’s employer, cropped up in trials of several 
money-launderers in the 1980s. But the anti-Mafia investigators found no 
evidence to support the allegation that had triggered their work. They 
clearly hoped to produce a second report, but the time limit for the 
investigation had by then expired.
A friend in need
After he bought his two largest private competitors, Italia 1, in 1983, 
and Retequattro, in 1984, Mr Berlusconi had secured a virtual monopoly 
in private television. To skirt round the law and broadcast nationwide, 
he needed help from political friends. None helped more than Bettino 
Craxi, who became leader of the Socialist Party in 1976 and prime 
minister in 1983. Mr Berlusconi, through his two main networks, had a 
powerful political weapon to offer.
In October 1984, officials in several Italian cities shut down his 
television stations for broadcasting illegally. This spelled potential 
disaster for the heavily indebted Fininvest group. Within days, Craxi, 
who died in Tunisia last year after being sentenced in absentia to 
prison for corruption, signed a decree that allowed Mr Berlusconi’s 
stations to stay on air. After some parliamentary tussles, this decree 
became law.
Craxi’s decree did nothing to prevent concentration of ownership. But 
neither did the Mammi law (named after Oscar Mammi, the telecoms 
minister), passed in 1990. Tailor-made to suit Mr Berlusconi with his 
three national networks, it said that no single group could own more 
than three out of the 12 networks that would be licensed. The coalition 
government of the day, which depended heavily on Craxi’s Socialist 
Party, pushed through this controversial measure despite the resignation 
of five ministers in protest. In effect, this law entrenched the duopoly 
between Mediaset and RAI. In 1991 and 1992, Mr Berlusconi paid a total 
of 23 billion lire into Craxi’s offshore bank accounts from a 
clandestine part of his Fininvest empire, known as All Iberian.
Following leads from their investigation of Craxi’s bank accounts, 
prosecutors discovered a secret and substantial network of Fininvest 
companies, incorporated in such jurisdictions as the British Virgin 
Islands and the Channel Islands. These companies were not disclosed as 
subsidiaries in Fininvest’s accounts. According to prosecutors, in 1993 
Mr Berlusconi signed a letter to his auditors falsely stating that these 
companies were not part of the Fininvest group.
The prosecutors claim to have found a wide-ranging international fraud, 
perpetrated under the direction of Mr Berlusconi, to siphon off huge 
amounts from Fininvest into the secret offshore companies. According to 
them, Fininvest used various fraudulent financial techniques. The 
offshore companies, the prosecutors claim, used these funds for all 
sorts of illegal activities, such as the offshore companies purchasing:
through a third party, quoted shares in companies in the Fininvest 
group, the apparent intention being to inflate the price of the shares. 
That this operation was a sham was clear from the fact that the shares, 
which were bearer shares, remained at all times in the possession of the 
same fiduciary.
A genuine buyer of bearer shares in a quoted company would hardly have 
left them in the safe keeping of the same person used by the seller.
Offshore interests
Another leg of the prosecutors’ case is that the offshore companies were 
used to warehouse secret stakes in television companies in Italy and 
Spain. The prosecutors say they have strong documentary evidence of 
this. The Mammi law required Mr Berlusconi to sell 90% of his interest 
in Telepiu, a pay-TV network that he set up in 1990. However, according 
to the prosecutors, Mr Berlusconi kept control of this stake until 1994 
through his offshore companies. He arranged contracts with associates 
who agreed to act as fronts for him. Under these contracts, while legal 
ownership of the shares passed to the investors, beneficial ownership 
remained with Mr Berlusconi’s offshore companies.
The magistrates also uncovered a similar alleged warehousing operation 
for a 52% stake in Telecinco, a Spanish television station. At the time, 
Spanish antitrust legislation did not allow anyone to own more than 25% 
of such companies. Baltasar Garzon, an anti-corruption magistrate in 
Spain, wants Mr Berlusconi’s immunity as a member of the European 
Parliament lifted. He is likely to have to wait. For eight months, 
Spain’s foreign and justice ministries have been locked in a strange 
wrangle about which is the competent authority to submit a request to 
the European Parliament.
Mr Berlusconi is currently on trial for falsifying the accounts of the 
Fininvest holding company. The effect of the alleged falsification of 
the accounts was to hide all the alleged illegalities. False accounting 
is a serious offence in Italy, punishable by up to five years in jail. 
Magistrates have recently applied for a case to be brought on equally 
serious charges of false accounting relating to the group accounts of 
Fininvest.
However, Mr Berlusconi may be planning an escape. On March 17th he told 
a meeting of Italian businessmen that, if elected, his government would 
decriminalise most cases of false accounting. So the magistrates’ work 
may have been in vain. Yet although they have been unable to trace the 
ultimate destination of the tens of billions of lire paid out by various 
parts of Mr Berlusconi’s secret offshore empire, they have discovered 
where some payments went.
Mr Berlusconi gained control of Mondadori, the publishing group, in 1991 
after a bitter battle with Carlo De Benedetti, a wealthy Italian 
businessman who was himself briefly imprisoned in the mani pulite 
period. Mr Berlusconi is alleged to have bribed an appeal-court judge, 
Vittorio Metta, with 400m lire to rule in his favour in a case that 
decided the battle with Mr De Benedetti.
When magistrates started investigating the case, they discovered that Mr 
Metta had paid 400m lire in cash in 1992 towards the cost of a flat. In 
February 1991, the month after Mr Metta’s ruling, one of Fininvest’s 
secret offshore companies paid 3 billion lire into a Swiss bank account 
of Mr Berlusconi’s close associate and lawyer, Cesare Previti, who was 
defence minister in his government in 1994. From Mr Previti’s account, 
magistrates traced a payment of 425m lire to a Swiss bank account of 
another lawyer, Attilio Pacifico, who withdrew this amount in cash in 
October 1991. Mr Pacifico allegedly handed over the bribe to Mr Metta.
Although the magistrates found no direct proof of the payment in cash to 
Mr Metta, they believed they had a strong case based on indirect proof. 
Scrutiny of Mr Metta’s bank accounts revealed no cash withdrawals 
amounting to 400m lire in the relevant period. Neither did investigation 
of the Italian and Swiss bank accounts of a retired Italian judge who, 
according to Mr Metta, had given him the 400m lire in wodges of 
cash—though the accounts did contain several million dollars.
So the magistrates believed they had established that Mr Metta had 
received 400m lire in cash from the money that Mr Berlusconi paid to Mr 
Previti in February 1991. Last June, a judge at a preliminary hearing 
took a different view. He believed Mr Metta and ruled, therefore, that 
Mr Berlusconi and the other defendants, who included Mr Previti and Mr 
Metta, had no case to answer. The magistrates have appealed.
Dealings with judges
Mr Berlusconi is also on trial for alleged bribery of judges. His 
co-defendants, who all deny the charges, include Mr Previti and Mr 
Pacifico, and, again, the case involves Mr De Benedetti as the offended 
party. In 1985, Mr De Benedetti signed a contract to buy SME, a food and 
catering conglomerate, from IRI, a large state-owned group. Mr 
Berlusconi and another businessman formed a company to mount a higher 
bid for SME. After a court ruling in 1986 that his contract was not 
valid, Mr De Benedetti’s deal with IRI fell through. He then took the 
case to the highest appeals court, where he also lost.
One charge against Mr Berlusconi, which he denies, is that he induced 
judges to find in his favour by promising them money. Whether this is 
true or not, there is a clear trail of money from Mr Berlusconi to 
Renato Squillante, a judge, via Mr Previti. The Economist has documents 
that show a transfer, on March 6th 1991, of $434,404 from one of Mr 
Berlusconi’s Swiss bank accounts to one of Mr Previti’s, and on March 
7th, a transfer of the same amount from Mr Previti’s account to the 
Swiss bank account of Rowena Finance, a Panamanian company. Court 
evidence shows that Rowena Finance’s account is Mr Squillante’s. Mr 
Berlusconi had wanted to appoint his chum, Mr Previti, as justice 
minister in 1994, but the president of Italy refused to approve this.
Mr Berlusconi has been absent from the 26 hearings scheduled to date in 
this trial—some recently postponed, as his lawyers are standing in the 
election. He has applied for the judges to be replaced, as he claims 
they are prejudiced.
If he is eventually found guilty of the crime in the final appeals 
court, he could receive a prison sentence; the statute of limitations 
will not kick in until 2008. Unlike the crime of false accounting, it 
will be very difficult for his government, if he wins the election, to 
decriminalise the offence of bribing judges. This trial could also be 
unique in Italian judicial history. No serving prime minister of Italy 
since the war has yet been a defendant in a criminal trial.
Cosy with Cosa Nostra?
Mr Berlusconi’s problems with the magistracy have not been confined to 
Milan. In Sicily, Mafia pentiti (supergrasses who have “repented”), 
especially Salvatore Cancemi, whose evidence has helped prosecutors 
secure several convictions against Mafia bosses, have made very grave 
allegations against Mr Berlusconi and his close friend, Marcello 
Dell’Utri. Mr Cancemi alleged in 1996 that both were in direct contact 
with the Mafia boss who ordered the bombing which killed an anti-Mafia 
magistrate, Paolo Borsellino, in 1992.
After a two-year investigation, magistrates applied last year for the 
inquiry to be closed without charges. They did not find evidence to 
corroborate Mr Cancemi’s allegations. Similarly, a two-year 
investigation, also launched on evidence from Mr Cancemi, into Mr 
Berlusconi’s alleged association with the Mafia was closed in 1996.
A parallel investigation resulted in charges against Mr Dell’Utri of 
aiding and abetting the Mafia, which he denies. With the exception of Mr 
Berlusconi, nearly all the prosecution witnesses in the trial, which 
started in 1997, have been heard. According to Ennio Tinaglia, the 
lawyer for the province of Palermo, a civil party in the case, the 
prosecution has “presented strong evidence of Mr Dell’Utri’s very close 
links with the Mafia.” Mere mention of the Mafia makes Fininvest’s 
managers twitch. “Mafia is second only to paedophilia as a crime. It is 
a terrible, shameful thing,” says Mr Confalonieri, one of Mr Dell’Utri’s 
former colleagues.
So who is Mr Dell’Utri? Apart from a short spell in the late 1970s, Mr 
Dell’Utri, a Sicilian, worked with Mr Berlusconi in Fininvest from 1974 
to 1994. As chief executive of Publitalia, Mediaset’s advertising wing, 
he was responsible for the cash generator of the Fininvest group. Mr 
Dell’Utri, a member of the Italian parliament, was a co-founder of Forza 
Italia, and acted as Mr Berlusconi’s campaign manager in the 1994 election.
Magistrates have also applied for Mr Dell’Utri to be brought to trial on 
charges of conspiracy to slander their colleagues. And he is currently 
under investigation for allegedly attempting to bribe a prosecution 
witness at his trial. A court case in 1996 revealed that Mr Dell’Utri 
received donazioni (gifts), often in cash, of 4 billion lire from Mr 
Berlusconi between 1989 and 1993.
While Mr Berlusconi is not obliged to testify in his own trials, even as 
prime minister, he cannot escape giving evidence in Mr Dell’Utri’s. 
Prosecutors will probe him about his long-standing friendship with Mr 
Dell’Utri. And he will have to answer other questions that he has 
hitherto avoided. These include how and why he employed Vittorio 
Mangano, a convicted mafioso from a powerful clan in Palermo, on his 
country estate near Milan for two years in the 1970s.
High on the prosecutors’ list will be questions on the anti-Mafia 
investigators’ reports about the 22 holding companies. Not least, they 
will ask him where the 22 companies got their funds. There will also be 
questions about a Sicilian television company that he owned with a 
Mafia-related figure.
Despite his claims that he is the shining archetype of a self-made man, 
Mr Berlusconi has needed a lot of help from insalubrious quarters. 
Though he says he wants to replace the old corrupt system, his own 
business empire is largely a product of it. His election as prime 
minister would similarly perpetuate, not change, Italy’s bad old ways.
-- 
EU®

 Obama in USA lo avrebbe fatto Ministro del Tesoro.
Ancora a rosicare? Minchia, che dentatura.
saluti
marco minardi
-- 
questo articolo e` stato inviato via web dal servizio gratuito 
http://www.newsland.it/news
 segnala gli abusi ad 
ab...@newsland.it

 >>longionha scritto:
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Io parlavo di un articolo del Financial Times molto piu' recente, c'e'
scritto in chiare lettere che piu' chiaro di cosi' non si puo'

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Perche vai fuori delle righe ?
Tra l'altro dimostri di essere politicizzato tu stesso .... sparando alzo zero su tutto l'orizzonte. Io non l'avrei mai fatto.
Con la tua filosofia hai fregato tutti i tuoi compagni e i vostri capi partito. " ahhahahaa "
Il maggiore campione e postatore della sinistra, scienziato di riferimento di gran parte dei sinistri del grupo é " un bugiardo, un falso.. e un osssessivo " ed é il Maestro di vita Ernesto Sotuttoio do Cazzimiento, meglio noto come ernesto ernesto banana o ernesto ciancialesto.
Perché non scrivi a lui:  " Allora.. vedi che dici balle... sei un bugiardo, un falso.. e un osssessivo. [ernesto].. in parole povere.. voti [Prodi e successori]. ahhahahaa
Ciao :)
-- 
Questo articolo e` stato inviato dal sito web 
http://www.nonsolonews.it

 Ancora a rosicare? Minchia, che dentatura.
Non solo la dentura...ho una foresta tutta mia :))

Eugene Upperwood ha scritto:
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Tutta roba scritta direttamente o sotto la regia della corrispondente di Roma dell'Economist ( non del Financial Times contestatoti da longion). Questa orrenda femmina che si chiama Tana de Zulueta fu infatti ringraziata per i suoi articoli, almeno, con un seggio parlamentare datole dai comunisti.
E tu hai il coraggio di parlare di magistrati politicizzati che sono dempre stati il piatto forte dei comunisti ?
Se quel compagno Garzon é stato talmente ingordo e coglione da prendere i soldi in Spagna mentre guadagnava alla grande in America senza dichiarare sono cazzi suoi e oltre a dover pagare come tutti i cittadini che evadono, dovrebbe essere comunque cacciato con disonore dalla magistratura spagnola che ha infangato con il suo operato.
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Perché non ci posti una definitiva sentenza di condanna per corruzione di Berlusconi ?
E' un fatto che le toghe rosse continuino a provarci da una quindicina di anni ma per ora non ci sono ancora riuscite.
Se non la hai puoi chiederla al tuo compagno il Maestro di vita Ernesto Sotuttoio do Cazzimiento, aka ernesto banana, ernesto ciancialesto, ecc.  Lui può certamente costruirtene una ......
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 Non solo la dentura...ho una foresta tutta mia :))
Si vede. Sei un pericolo maggiore della EXXON per gli ambientalisti.
saluti
marco minardi

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Impossibile, gestire bene la mia foresta e' nel mio interesse, alla
faccia di Al Gore e i cazzari come lui :)

faccia di Al Gore e i cazzari come lui :)
Come hanno fatto a dare un premio Nobel a quel coglione .....
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 Come hanno fatto a dare un premio Nobel a quel coglione .....
Considerando che il co-vincitotre (mi sfugge il nome adesso) ebbe il
coraggio e la decenza di rinunciare.

 coraggio e la decenza di rinunciare.-
Ho trovato il nome e non e' come pensavo, qualche volta succede.