Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: Chi la fa la aspetti,  Glen Greenwald

Affinche Deboni la smetta di mentire
 
Authored by Glenn Greenwald via Substack,
 
What Belarus did, while illegal, is not unprecedented. The dangerous 
tactic was pioneered by the same U.S. and E.U. officials now 
righteously condemning it...
 
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Bolivian President Evo Morales holds a press conference at the Vienna 
International Airport on July 3, 2013, angrily denying any wrongdoing 
on Wednesday after his plane was diverted to Vienna over suspicion 
fugitive US intelligence leaker Edward Snowden was on board. (Photo: 
Patrick Domingo/AFP via Getty Images)
 
U.S. and E.U. governments are expressing outrage today over the forced 
landing by Belarus of a passenger jet flying over its airspace on its 
way to Lithuania. The Ryanair commercial jet, which took off from 
Athens and was carrying 171 passengers, was just a few miles from the 
Lithuanian border when a Belarusian MiG-29 fighter jet ordered the 
plane to make a U-turn and land in Minsk, the nation's capital.
 
On board that Ryanair flight was a leading Belarusian opposition 
figure, 26-year-old Roman Protasevich, who, fearing arrest, had fled 
his country in 2019 to live in exile in neighboring Lithuania. The 
opposition figure had traveled to Athens to attend a conference on 
economics with Belarus’ primary opposition leader Svetlana 
Tikhanovskaya and was attempting to return home to Lithuania when the 
plane was forcibly diverted.
 
Protasevich, when he was teenager, became a dissident opposed to 
Belarus’ long-time authoritarian leader Aleksandr Lukashenko, and has 
only intensified his opposition in recent years. When Lukashenko last 
year was "re-elected” to his sixth term as president in a sham 
election, the largest and most sustained anti-Lukashenko protests in 
years erupted. Protasevich, even while in exile, was a leading 
oppositional voice, using an anti-Lukashenko channel on Telegram — one 
of the few remaining outlets dissidents have — to voice criticisms of 
the regime. For those activities, he was formally charged with various 
national security crimes, and then, last November, was placed on the 
official “terrorist list” by Belarus’ intelligence service (still 
called the "KGB” from its days as a Soviet republic).
 
Lukashenko's own press service said the fighter jet was deployed on 
orders of the leader himself, telling the Ryanair pilot that they 
believed there was a bomb or other threat to the plane on board. When 
the plane landed in Minsk, an hours-long search was conducted and found 
no bomb or any other instrument that could endanger the plane's safety, 
and the plane was then permitted to take off and land thirty minutes 
later at its intended destination in Lithuania. But two passengers were 
missing. Protasevich was quickly detained after the plane was forced to 
land in Minsk and is now in a Belarusian jail, where he faces a 
possible death sentence as a "terrorist” and/or a lengthy prison term 
for his alleged national security crimes. His girlfriend, traveling 
with him, was also detained despite facing no charges. Passengers on 
the flight say Protasevich began panicking when the pilot announced 
that the plane would land in Minsk, knowing that his fate was sealed 
and telling other passengers that he faces a death sentence.
 
Anger over this incident from American and European governments came 
swiftly and vehemently. “We strongly condemn the Lukashenko regime's 
brazen and shocking act to divert a commercial flight and arrest a 
journalist,” U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken posted on Twitter 
on Sunday night, adding that U.S. officials “demand an international 
investigation and are coordinating with our partners on next steps.”
 
 
Because the E.U. includes as member states both the departing country 
of the flight (Greece) and its intended destination (Lithuania), and 
because Ryanair is based in another E.U. country (Ireland), its 
officials are expressing similar condemnations. EU Commission head 
Ursula von der Leyen denounced the forced landing as "outrageous and 
illegal behavior” and warned it “will have consequences". The leaders 
of Lithuania and Ireland demanded serious retaliation and sanctions. It 
is unclear what retaliatory options are available given the strong 
international sanctions regime already imposed on Lukashenko and his 
allies.
 
There is little doubt that the forced landing of this plane by Belarus, 
with the clear intention to arrest Protasevich, is illegal under 
numerous conventions and treaties governing air space. Any forced 
landing of a jet carries dangers, and safe international air travel 
would be impossible if countries could force planes flying with 
permission over their air space to land in order to seize passengers 
who might be on board. This act by Belarus merits all the condemnation 
it is receiving.
 
Yet news accounts in the West which are depicting this incident as some 
sort of unprecedented assault on legal conventions governing air travel 
and basic decency observed by law-abiding nations are whitewashing 
history. Attempts from U.S. officials such as Blinken and E.U. 
bureaucrats in Brussels to cast the Belarusians’ behavior as some sort 
of rogue deviation unthinkable for any law-respecting democracy are 
particularly galling and deceitful.
 
*  *  * Il dirottamento dell'aereo di Morales
 
In 2013, the U.S. and key E.U. states pioneered the tactic just used by 
Lukashenko. They did so as part of a failed scheme to detain and arrest 
the NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden. That incident at the time caused 
global shock and outrage precisely because, eight years ago, it was 
truly an unprecedented assault on the values and conventions they are 
now invoking to condemn Belarus.
 
In July of that year, the democratically elected President of Bolivia, 
Evo Morales, had traveled to Russia for a routine international 
conference attended by countries which export natural gas. At the time 
of Morales’ trip, Edward Snowden was in the middle of a bizarre 
five-week ordeal where he was stranded in the international transit 
zone of Sheremetyevo Airport in Moscow, unable to board a flight to 
leave Russia or exit the airport to enter Russia.
 
On June 23, Hong Kong officials rejected a demand from the U.S. 
Government that they arrest Snowden and hand him over to the U.S. Hong 
Kong was the city Snowden chose to meet the two journalists he had 
selected (one of whom was me) because of what he regarded as the city's 
noble history of fighting against repression and for independence and 
free expression. When announcing their refusal to hand over Snowden, 
Hong Kong officials issued a remarkably defiant, even mocking statement 
explaining that Snowden had been permitted to leave Hong Kong “on his 
own accord.” That statement also accused the U.S. of having issued a 
legally improper and inaccurate extradition demand which they were 
duty-bound to reject, and then pointedly noted that the real crime 
requiring investigation was U.S. spying on the populations of the rest 
of the world.
 
Snowden thus left Hong Kong that day with the intent to fly to Moscow, 
then immediately board a flight to Cuba, and then proceed to his 
ultimate destination in a Latin American country — Bolivia or Ecuador — 
in order to seek asylum there. But even after then-President Barack 
Obama denied that the U.S. Government would be "wheeling and dealing” 
in order to get Snowden into U.S. custody — “I'm not going to be 
scrambling jets to get a 29-year-old hacker,” he dismissively claimed 
during a June press conference — the U.S. Government was, in reality, 
doing everything in its power to prevent Snowden from evading the 
clutches of the U.S. Government.
 
Led by then-Vice President Joe Biden, U.S. officials warned every 
country in both Europe and South America said to be considering shelter 
for Snowden of grave consequences should they offer asylum to the 
whistleblower. Threats to Havana caused the Cuban government to rescind 
its commitment of safe passage they had issued to Snowden's lawyer. 
Under Biden's pressure, Ecuador also reversed itself by proclaiming the 
safe passage document issued to Snowden was a mistake.
 
And on the day that Snowden had left Hong Kong, the U.S. State 
Department unilaterally cancelled his passport, which is why, upon 
landing in Moscow, he was barred from boarding his next international 
flight, destined for Havana. With the Russian government unable to 
allow him to board a flight due to his invalidated passport and with 
Snowden's asylum requests pending both with Russia and close to two 
dozen other states, he was forced to remain in the airport until August 
1, when Moscow finally granted him temporary asylum. He has lived there 
ever since. This has always been a staggering irony of the Snowden 
story: the primary attack on him by U.S. officials to impugn his 
motives and patriotism is that he lives in Russia and thus likely 
cooperated with Russian authorities (a claim for which no evidence has 
ever been presented), when the reality is that Snowden would have left 
Russia eight years ago after a 30-minute stay in its airport had U.S. 
officials not used a series of maneuvers that barred him from leaving.
 
(Obama's claim to not care much about Snowden was issued at roughly the 
same time that the U.S. and U.K. governments were engaged in other 
extreme acts, including sending law enforcement agents into The 
Guardian's London newsroom to force them to physically destroy their 
computers used to store their copy of the Snowden archive, as well as 
detaining my husband, David Miranda, under a terrorism law at Heathrow 
Airport, with the advanced knowledge of the Obama administration).
 
While in Moscow, President Morales — on July 1, the day before he was 
scheduled to return to Bolivia — gave an interview to a local Russian 
outlet in which he said Bolivia would be open to the possibility of 
granting asylum to Snowden. The next day, Morales boarded Bolivia's 
presidential jet to fly back to La Paz as scheduled, with a flight plan 
that including flying over several E.U. member states — including 
Austria, France, Spain, Italy and Portugal, as well as Poland and the 
Czech Republic — with a stop to refuel in Spain's Canary Islands.
 
The Bolivian plane flew through Poland and the Czech Republic without 
incident. But flight records show that while flying over Austria toward 
France the plane suddenly took a sharp turn to the east, back to the 
Austrian capital of Vienna, where it made an unscheduled landing. 
Morales and his entourage were stranded there for twelve hours before 
re-boarding the plane and flying back to Bolivia.
 
Bolivian officials immediately announced that in mid-flight, they were 
told by France, Spain and Italy that their permission to fly over those 
countries’ air space had been rescinded. Without enough fuel to fly an 
alternative route, the Bolivian pilot was forced to make a U-turn and 
land in Vienna. Bolivian officials were told that the reason for the 
mid-air refusal of these E.U. countries to allow use of their airspace 
was because of assurances they were given by an unspecified foreign 
government that Snowden was on the plane with Morales, and that he was 
traveling because Bolivia had granted him asylum.
 
After Morales’ plane was forced to land at the Vienna airport, Austrian 
officials quickly announced that they had searched the plane and 
determined that Snowden was not on it. While Bolivia denied that they 
consented to any such search of the presidential plane, Bolivian 
officials angrily mocked the notion that Snowden would be secretly 
smuggled by Morales from Russia to Bolivia. The whole time this was 
happening, Snowden was in Moscow. Needless to say, had Snowden been on 
Morales’ plane that was forced to land in Vienna, Austrian officials 
would have instantly detained him and turned him over to the U.S., 
which had by then issued an international arrest warrant. The only 
reason Snowden did not suffer the same fate that day as the one 
Protasevich suffered on Sunday is because he happened not to be on the 
targeted plane that was forced to make an unscheduled landing in 
Vienna.
 
The international outrage toward the E.U. and U.S. over the forced 
downing of the Bolivian presidential plane poured forth just as swiftly 
and intensely as the outrage now coming from those states to Belarus. 
Bolivia's U.N. Ambassador called it an attempted "kidnapping” — exactly 
the term which the states he so accused are now using for Belarus. 
Brazil's then-President Dilma Rousseff expressed “outrage and 
condemnation." Then-Argentine President Cristina Kirchner described the 
downing of Morales’ plane as the “vestiges of a colonialism that we 
thought were long over,” adding that it “constitutes not only the 
humiliation of a sister nation but of all South America.” Even the 
U.S.-dominated Organization of American States expressed its “deep 
displeasure with the decision of the aviation authorities of several 
European countries that denied the use of airspace,” adding that 
"nothing justifies an act of such lack of respect for the highest 
authority of a country."
 
As the controversy exploded, the key E.U. states tried at first to 
falsely deny that they played any role in the incident, insisting that 
they had not closed their airspace to Bolivia's plane. France had 
quickly claimed that while it had originally denied use of its airspace 
to the Bolivian plane while in mid-air, then-President Francois 
Hollande reversed that decision after he learned Morales was on board. 
Eventually, though, the French fully admitted the truth: “France has 
apologised to Bolivia after Paris admitted barring the Bolivian 
president's plane from entering French air space because of rumors 
Edward Snowden was on board.”
 
Meanwhile, Spain also ended up apologizing to Bolivia. Its then-Foreign 
Minister cryptically admitted: "They told us they were sure... that he 
was on board.” Though the Spanish official refused to specify who the 
"they” was — as if there were any doubts — he acknowledged that the 
assurances they got that Snowden was on board Morales’ plane was the 
only reason they took the actions they did to force the plane of the 
Bolivian leader to land. “The reaction of all the European countries 
that took measures - whether right or wrong - was because of the 
information that had been passed on. I couldn't check if it was true or 
not at that moment because it was necessary to act straight away,” he 
said. While denying Spanish authorities had fully "closed” its airspace 
to Morales, they acknowledged what they called "delays” in approving 
mid-flight air space rights forced Morales to land in Austria and 
apologized for this having been handled “inappropriately” by Madrid.
 
BBC, July 5, 2013
 
Along with numerous other countries, Bolivia had no doubt about who it 
was who told all these countries, falsely, that they were certain 
Snowden was on Morales’ plane and thus demanded it be forced to land. 
Its defense minister, who was on the plane, left no doubt on this 
question: "This is a hostile act by the United States State Department 
which has used various European governments." The Bolivian foreign 
minister said that these countries, at the behest of the Obama 
administration, conspired to "put at risk the life of the president.”
 
Given that it was only the U.S. which was so desperate to get their 
hands on Snowden — they had already used Vice President Biden to lead a 
highly coercive effort to threaten countries with punishment if they 
gave him asylum — few doubted where this false intelligence originated 
and who was behind the unprecedented act of forcing a presidential 
plane to land. Indeed, all of this was so glaringly obvious that not 
even the U.S. government was willing to deny it.
 
The duty to answer international questions about this incident was left 
to the spokesperson for the Obama State Department. At the time, that 
position was occupied by Jen Psaki, now the Biden White House Press 
Secretary. As he so often does, the Associated Press’s State Department 
reporter Matt Lee led the way in relentlessly pressing Psaki, demanding 
answers to what role the U.S. played in this incident. As she so often 
does, Psaki did everything possible to refuse even minimal transparency 
— neither admitting nor denying that the U.S. was behind all of this — 
yet she nonetheless made critical concessions at the July 3 State 
Department Press Briefing:
 
QUESTION: Did the U.S. have any role in encouraging Western European 
countries to block the flight of the Bolivian President yesterday? Was 
there any communication between the U.S. and those countries in the 
affair?
 
MS. PSAKI: Well, as you know because we’ve talked about it quite a bit 
in here, the U.S. has been in touch – the United States, I should say, 
officials – have been in touch with a broad range of countries over the 
course of the last 10 days. And we haven’t – I haven’t listed those 
countries; I’m certainly not going to do that today.
 
Our position on Mr. Snowden has also been crystal clear in terms of 
what we want to happen, and that message has been communicated both 
publicly and privately in a range of these conversations we’ve had with 
countries. And let me just repeat: He’s been accused of leaking 
classified information. He’s been charged with three felony accounts 
and should be returned to the United States. I don’t know that any 
country doesn’t think that that is what the United States would like to 
happen. . . .
 
QUESTION: There’s been a great deal of criticism though from Latin 
American leaders about the decision, not least because Snowden doesn’t 
appear to have been on board. You don’t sound like you’re denying that 
there were conversations about this. I mean, they – a number of Latin 
American leaders today have specifically criticized the U.S. for 
intervening in a diplomatic flight. Are you – am I right in 
understanding you’re not denying there were conversations about that?
 
MS. PSAKI: I’m not going to get into diplomatic conversations that 
happened over the past 10 days and which countries they were with, but 
I would point you to the countries that you’re referring to and ask you 
to ask them about decisions that were made.
 
QUESTION: But Jen, were you in communication with those countries or 
alerted to the fact that they would be either – well, not allowing a 
certain plane to land – the President’s plane?
 
MS. PSAKI: We have been in contact with a range of countries across the 
world who had any chance of having Mr. Snowden land or even transit 
through their countries, but I’m not going to outline when those were 
or what those countries have been.
 
QUESTION: Jen --
 
QUESTION: Why isn’t it unseemly for any country to essentially deny a 
head of state safe passage through its airspace? Why – regardless of 
whether Snowden was on that plane, why isn’t that in and of itself 
patently offensive?
 
MS. PSAKI: Well, Roz, I would point you to those specific countries to 
answer that question.
 
QUESTION: But if the – if a similar situation were to happen involving 
Air Force One, it would be an international incident.
 
MS. PSAKI: I’m not getting into a hypothetical. That’s not something 
that is currently happening that we’re currently discussing. . . .
 
QUESTION: Can you say whether the United States or whether you are 
aware that the U.S. Government ever at some point had any information 
that Snowden might be on this plane?
 
MS. PSAKI: I’m not aware of – I’m not aware of, but not something I 
would get into even if I did know. . . .
 
QUESTION: At the airport, the Austrian authorities searched the plane 
of Morales. Did the U.S. ask for that?
 
MS. PSAKI: Again, we – I would point you to all of these individual 
countries to describe to you what happened and why any various 
decisions were made.
 
QUESTION: Did you consult with Austrian authorities when they let the 
plane touch down, when they let plane go on the ground?
 
MS. PSAKI: I think my last answer answered that question.
 
That exchange led to headlines confirming what most had already 
strongly suspected: “US admits contact with other countries over 
potential Snowden flights.” As Psaki put it, even while refusing to 
admit that the U.S. was behind the downing of Morales’ plane: “I don’t 
know that any country doesn’t think that that is what the United States 
would like to happen.”
 
Illustrating how little the U.S. cares about even pretending to abide 
by the standards it imposes on others, the Biden administration on 
Monday sent out Psaki herself to condemn Belarus’ conduct as “a 
shocking act” and “a brazen affront to international freedom and peace 
and security by the regime.” It would not even occur to Biden officials 
— just for the sake of appearances if nothing else — to try to find 
someone to do this other than the same person who, in 2013, obfuscated 
and defended the actions of the U.S. and E.U. in doing the same thing 
to Bolivia's presidential plane. U.S. officials simply do not believe 
that they are bound by the same standards to which its adversaries must 
be subjected.
 
None of what happened with this Morales incident has any bearing on the 
justifiability of what Belarus did on Sunday. That the U.S. and its 
E.U. allies committed a dangerous international crime in 2013 does not 
mitigate the criminal nature of similar actions by Belarus or any other 
country eight years later. The dangers of forcing down airplanes in 
order to arrest someone who is suspected to be on that plane are 
manifest. The danger increases, not decreases, as more countries do it.
 
But no journalist, especially Western ones, should be publishing 
articles or broadcasting stories falsely depicting Sunday's incident as 
an unprecedented assault that could be perpetrated only by a 
Russian-allied autocrat. The tactic was pioneered by the very countries 
who today are most vocally condemning what happened. Any reporting of 
this story that excludes this vital history and context in favor of a 
false narrative of this being “unprecedented” — as is true of the vast 
majority of Western media reports about what Belarus did — does a grave 
disservice to both journalism and the truth. If it is outrageously 
dangerous and criminal to force the downing of a plane to arrest the 
passenger Roman Protasevich, then it must be equally dangerous and 
criminal to do the same in an attempt to arrest suspected passenger 
Edward Snowden.
 
Indeed, the only two differences between these situations that one can 
locate are factors against the Western nations responsible for the 
downing of Morales’ plane. Unlike what Belarus did, the U.S. and its 
European allies obviously had no confirmation of Snowden's presence on 
the plane. They forced it to land based on a guess, on rumor, on 
speculation, which turned out to be utterly false. The second 
difference is that there are obviously additional international and 
diplomatic implications from forcing the plane of a democratically 
elected president to land as opposed to a standard passenger jet: that 
is, at the very least, a profound attack on the sovereignty of that 
country. Again, there are no valid justifications for what Belarus did, 
but to the extent one wants to distinguish its actions from what US/EU 
nations did in 2013, those are the only identifiable differences.
 
The Washington Post, July 3, 2013
 
The blatant double standards the U.S. and Europe have endlessly tried 
to impose upon the world — whereby they are freely permitted to do 
exactly what they condemn when done by others — is not just a matter of 
standard lawlessness and hypocrisy. While there was extensive coverage 
in the Western press on the downing of Morales’ plane, there was not 
even a fraction of the media indignation expressed over the actions by 
their own governments as they are now conveying when the same is done 
by Belarus. In Western media discourse, only Bad Countries are capable 
of bad acts; the U.S. and its allies are capable, at worst, only of 
well-intentioned mistakes. Thus do the exact same actions by each side 
receive radically different narrative treatment from the Western press 
corps.
 
When the U.S. media helps to perpetuate this narrative, it deceives and 
misleads the audience they purportedly inform by concealing the bad 
acts of the U.S. and implying if not stating that such acts are the 
sole province of the Bad Countries who are adverse to the U.S. Doing so 
both enables rogue nation behavior by Western powers and implants 
jingoistic propaganda. It is hard to imagine a case where this dynamic 
is more vividly present than this outpouring of outrage at Belarus for 
doing exactly that which the U.S. and Europe did to Bolivia in 2013.

Il 5/25/2021, Romano ha detto :

Esiste una seconda versione del fatto.
 
Ci fu un allarme bomba con una telefonata a Ryan Air, il pilota 
informato decide di atterrare sull'aeroporto piu' vicino Mink, si alza 
un caccia per scortarlo come da protocolli, sbarcano tutti e 
controllano i documenti, arrestano Pratasevic ricercato in Bielorussia, 
nello stesso istante viene inviata la foto dell'arresto alla 
organizzazione Soros in Polonia, che immediatamente fa partire il tweet 
con la notizia, ancora non si sa ufficialmente se lo arrestano ma la 
notizia e' partita su twitter, questo avviene mentre e' in corso una 
riunione UE sulla Russia.
 
Che il giorno seguente applica le sanzioni.
Una faccenda Navalny bis in pratica.
 
On May 23, a plane of RyanAir airlines flying from the Athens to 
Vilnius carried out an emergency landing at the Minsk airport, 
following a bomb alert. This is widely claimed to be a special 
operation ordered by President Alexandr Lukashenko aimed at arrest of 
one of opposition figures Roman Pratasevich, who was on board. However, 
a closer look at the incident and the newly-released data prove that 
other forces could be behind this ‘special operation’.
 
Lithuanian PM calls for closure of Belarusian airspace
Ryanair passengers diverted to Minsk speak of ordeal
NOW PLAYINGBelarus hit with sanctions, blogger appears in video
UK: Belarus must be held to account for jet incident
 
Latvia's PM slams 'asymmetrical reaction' after diplomats expelled from 
Minsk
Russia says Belarus taking ‘reasonable’ approach after plane diversion 
to Minsk
Minsk authorities search luggage of Ryanair flight
 
Reports about the explosive device on board were not confirmed. 
Passengers took another flight.
Everyone except Protasevich, his girlfriend to whom he handed his 
personal belongings, including a laptop and a phone, and four Russian 
citizens.
 
Roman Protasevich is one of the main figures of Belarus opposition, a 
co-founder of the Telegram channel Nexta that was used for coordination 
of mass protests since August 2020.
 
One of the main proofs that the incident was a planned operation of 
Belarus special forces is the publication on his Telegram channel of 
his private message, where cautious Protasevich described a suspicious 
Russian man, who tried to take a photo of his documents before landing. 
The authors of the channel consider this as proof that Roman 
Protasevich began to be followed back in Athens.
 
“I was silent, and he turned to me in Russian with some stupid 
question,” – Protasevich wrote to his friends.
 
“Such a middle-aged, fit, with a bald head. In one T-shirt, in 
light-colored pants and a leather case.”
 
A closer look at the chronology of events casts doubts on the claims of 
a “special operation” of special forces.
 
The crew commander of the aircraft of the RyanAir company informed 
Minsk about the mining on May 23, at 12:50 local time. At that moment 
the plane was already near the Lituanian border, but the pilots decided 
to act in accordance with the international security instructions and 
requested a landing in Minsk.
 
A recording of the pilots’ call with the dispatcher has been recently 
published online. It confirmed that it was pilots’ decision to land in 
Minsk. At this moment, Minsk airport received an e-mail about the bomb 
on board. The crew’s decision to land in Minsk was also confirmed by 
reports from the communications department of the Lithuanian 
International Airport.
 
Immediately after the call, the information was reported to President 
Lukashenko, who gave the command to take measures and secure the 
landing. The air forces of Belarus reacted to the emergency in 
according with international standards. The MIG-29 was following the 
aircraft in order to provide assistance if necessary.
 
As soon as the plane landed, passengers were evacuated, after which 
sappers and rescue services were deployed. At the same time, passengers 
were screened in accordance with safety standards.
 
Exactly at that moment, a photo of Protasevich appeared online with 
reports about his arrest. It was published by the assistant of Svetlana 
Tikhanovskaya on his Twitter account. According to reports, the photo 
was allegedly sent to the “opposition team” by Protasevich’s 
girlfriend, who was flying with him, for internal use, but they rushed 
to post it on the Internet even before official reports of his arrest.
 
Meanwhile, the so-called ‘special operation’ was carried out right on 
the eve of the first offline European Summit, where the European 
diplomats are going to have a strategic debate on Russia. What a 
coincidence!
 
The head of EU diplomacy, Josep Borrell, following the results of the 
EU summit on May 24, will have to prepare a report on relations with 
Russia.
 
Hype in global media platforms based on accusations of Lukashenko in 
neglecting international norms and in ‘international terrorism’, is 
aimed to have an impact on the results of the summit. European 
countries were going to discuss new restrictions against Minsk before 
the incident, but after an international scandal, this topic may become 
the main one on the forum’s agenda.
 
The European Union is considering the closure of not only air, but also 
ground communication with Belarus in response to the actions of 
President Lukashenko, Bloomberg reported, citing a senior European 
official close to negotiations on new EU sanctions against Belarus
 
*******
Il giorno dopo la Lituania ammaina la bandiera bielorussa da una 
manifestazione sportiva e la sostituisce con quella della opposizione, 
che e' la bandiera polacca.
 
La Bielorussia espelle i diplomatici Lituani causa questo atto.
 
La Lituania espelle i diplomatici bielorussi in reazione.
 
La Nato sta tirando su barriere in filo spinato su tutto il confine 
orientale belli. :') :') :')
 
Il Covid prepara alla guerra gonzi, basta vedere Liguori sul suo 
telegiornale che e' tutto un "siamo invasi dai cinesi".
 
By the way Mediaset e' diventata Mediaset Infinity, Bollore' e' entrato 
nel tempio, Bollore' e' uno del gruppo Rothschild.
E Silvio sta male.