Newsgroup: it.politica
Titolo: "Obama il grande"

L'ultimo libro di Massimo Teodori: "Obama il grande. Con una guida 
essenziale alle presidenziali 2016", Marsilio, Venezia 2016, pp. 110, 
euro 10.
-- 
Namib
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Die Arbeiter haben kein Vaterland (Karl Marx)

 euro 10.
 
 
 
 
Cos'ha fatto di grande quell'inetto? Ha fatto solo casini. 
 
 
 
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euro 10.
 
Obama il grande bugiardo vincitore di 4 Premi Pinocchio e premiato per
aver detto la piu' grossa bugia dell' anno, cioe' questa "if you like
your doctor you can keep your doctor, period" poi ha tolto dopo 50
anni l'embargo USA sulla vendita di armi e mezzi militari al Vietnam
diventando in effetti un venditore di armi "made in USA" questo c'e'
scritto in quel libro?
 
 
--
I think, therefore I question.

 L'ultimo libro di Massimo Teodori: "Obama il grande. 
 
il 90% degli yankee è più povero di 10 anni fa. Che ciò piaccia ai radicali, è normale. Che piaccia a un ...sbruotofl...COMUNISTA...beh, è normale nel padiglione alienati...

 Cos'ha fatto di grande quell'inetto? Ha fatto solo casini. 
 Obama il Grande, reputato all'altezza di Washington e di lincoln dal genio della economia, il nobel Paul Krugman, ha letteralmente salkvato il suyoN Paese dal rischio di default in cui l'avevano lanciato le folli guerre assassine dei Bush, specie l'ultima in Irak basata su infami menzogne e che ha rimepito iul cimitero di Arlington di 5000 nuove tomba!
 
Uno ci poensa rararemente, ma senza la truffa dei BUISH alle elezioni presidenziali, Al GORE presidente non avrebbe mai fatto quella guyerra, e quei coerpi pieni di vermi sotto terra sarenbbero padri felici e i loro genitori nonni pieni di nipotini.
 
Obama il Garnde ha salvato gli Usa con una geniale politica keynesiana, ha salvato l'auto e dimezzato la disoiccupazione.
Ha dato una ssistenza sanitaria anche ai poveri e ha fatto pace con cuba dopo 51 anni di embargo, con l'Iran dopo 35 anni e ha visitato Vietnam e Hiroshima cercando di superare l'odio provocato là dagli americani.
Ha tentato, fallendo, di limitare la vemndita delle armi alemno ai pazzodi: la lobby della armi paga il Congresso e non c'è nulla da fare, per ora. Così negli States continuano i massacri.

 il 90% degli yankee è più povero di 10 anni fa.
 
fonte?


DONALD TRUMP, il gaglioffo bancarottiere col ciuffo.
 
Il premio Nobel pe l'economia PAUL FKRUGMAN invece dice:
 
 
In Defense of Obama
The Nobel Prize-winning economist, once one of the president’s most notable critics, on why Obama is a historic success
By Paul Krugman October 8, 2014
 
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President Obama signing the Affordable Care Act. In our new cover story, Paul Krugman explores the president's successes. Win McNamee/Getty
 
When it comes to Barack Obama, I've always been out of sync. Back in 2008, when many liberals were wildly enthusiastic about his candidacy and his press was strongly favorable, I was skeptical. I worried that he was naive, that his talk about transcending the political divide was a dangerous illusion given the unyielding extremism of the modern American right. Furthermore, it seemed clear to me that, far from being the transformational figure his supporters imagined, he was rather conventional-minded: Even before taking office, he showed signs of paying far too much attention to what some of us would later take to calling Very Serious People, people who regarded cutting budget deficits and a willingness to slash Social Security as the very essence of political virtue.
Sidebar
President Barack Obama
Hope and Change Index: 6 Years of Progress, By the Numbers »
 
And I wasn't wrong. Obama was indeed naive: He faced scorched-earth Republican opposition from Day One, and it took him years to start dealing with that opposition realistically. Furthermore, he came perilously close to doing terrible things to the U.S. safety net in pursuit of a budget Grand Bargain; we were saved from significant cuts to Social Security and a rise in the Medicare age only by Republican greed, the GOP's unwillingness to make even token concessions.
 
But now the shoe is on the other foot: Obama faces trash talk left, right and center – literally – and doesn't deserve it. Despite bitter opposition, despite having come close to self-inflicted disaster, Obama has emerged as one of the most consequential and, yes, successful presidents in American history. His health reform is imperfect but still a huge step forward – and it's working better than anyone expected. Financial reform fell far short of what should have happened, but it's much more effective than you'd think. Economic management has been half-crippled by Republican obstruction, but has nonetheless been much better than in other advanced countries. And environmental policy is starting to look like it could be a major legacy.
 
I'll go through those achievements shortly. First, however, let's take a moment to talk about the current wave of Obama-bashing. All Obama-bashing can be divided into three types. One, a constant of his time in office, is the onslaught from the right, which has never stopped portraying him as an Islamic atheist Marxist Kenyan. Nothing has changed on that front, and nothing will.
president obama
Sean Gallup/Getty
 
There's a different story on the left, where you now find a significant number of critics decrying Obama as, to quote Cornel West, someone who ''posed as a progressive and turned out to be counterfeit.'' They're outraged that Wall Street hasn't been punished, that income inequality remains so high, that ''neoliberal'' economic policies are still in place. All of this seems to rest on the belief that if only Obama had put his eloquence behind a radical economic agenda, he could somehow have gotten that agenda past all the political barriers that have con- strained even his much more modest efforts. It's hard to take such claims seriously.
 
Finally, there's the constant belittling of Obama from mainstream pundits and talking heads. Turn on cable news (although I wouldn't advise it) and you'll hear endless talk about a rudderless, stalled administration, maybe even about a failed presidency. Such talk is often buttressed by polls showing that Obama does, indeed, have an approval rating that is very low by historical standards.
 
But this bashing is misguided even in its own terms – and in any case, it's focused on the wrong thing. 
 
Yes, Obama has a low approval rating compared with earlier presidents. But there are a number of reasons to believe that presidential approval doesn't mean the same thing that it used to: There is much more party-sorting (in which Republicans never, ever have a good word for a Democratic president, and vice versa), the public is negative on politicians in general, and so on. Obviously the midterm election hasn't happened yet, but in a year when Republicans have a huge structural advantage – Democrats are defending a disproportionate number of Senate seats in deep-red states – most analyses suggest that control of the Senate is in doubt, with Democrats doing considerably better than they were supposed to. This isn't what you'd expect to see if a failing president were dragging his party down.
 
More important, however, polls – or even elections – are not the measure of a president. High office shouldn't be about putting points on the electoral scoreboard, it should be about changing the country for the better. Has Obama done that? Do his achievements look likely to endure? The answer to both questions is yes.
 
HEALTH CARE
 
When Obama signed the Affordable Care Act, an excited Joe Biden whispered audibly, ''This is a big fucking deal!'' He was right.
Sidebar
Obamacare, RS issue 1207
Obamacare: It's Working! »
 
The enactment and implementation of the Affordable Care Act, a.k.a. Obamacare, has been a perils-of-Pauline experience. When an upset in the special election to replace Ted Kennedy cost Democrats their 60-vote Senate majority, health reform had to be rescued with fancy legislative footwork. Then it survived a Supreme Court challenge only thanks to a surprise display of conscience by John Roberts, who nonetheless opened a loophole that has allowed Republican-controlled states to deny coverage to millions of Americans. Then technical difficulties with the HealthCare.gov website seemed to threaten disaster. But here we are, most of the way through the first full year of reform's implementation, and it's working better than even the optimists expected.
 
We won't have the full data on 2014 until next year's census report, but multiple independent surveys show a sharp drop in the number of Americans without health insurance, probably around 10 million, a number certain to grow greatly over the next two years as more people realize that the program is available and penalties for failure to sign up increase.
 
It's true that the Affordable Care Act will still leave millions of people in America uninsured. For one thing, it was never intended to cover undocumented immigrants, who are counted in standard measures of the uninsured. Furthermore, millions of low-income Americans will slip into the loophole Roberts created: They were supposed to be covered by a federally funded expansion of Medicaid, but some states are blocking that expansion out of sheer spite. Finally, unlike Social Security and Medicare, for which almost everyone is automatically eligible, Obamacare requires beneficiaries to prove their eligibility for Medicaid or choose and then pay for a subsidized private plan. Inevitably, some people will fall through the cracks.
 
Still, Obamacare means a huge improvement in the quality of life for tens of millions of Americans – not just better care, but greater financial security. And even those who were already insured have gained both security and freedom, because they now have a guarantee of coverage if they lose or change jobs.
 
What about the costs? Here, too, the news is better than anyone expected. In 2014, premiums on the insurance policies offered through the Obamacare exchanges were well below those originally projected by the Congressional Budget Office, and the available data indicates a mix of modest increases and actual reductions for 2015 – which is very good in a sector where premiums normally increase five percent or more each year. More broadly, overall health spending has slowed substantially, with the cost-control features of the ACA probably deserving some of the credit.
 
In other words, health reform is looking like a major policy success story. It's a program that is coming in ahead of schedule – and below budget – costing less, and doing more to reduce overall health costs than even its supporters predicted.
 
Of course, this success story makes nonsense of right-wing predictions of catastrophe. Beyond that, the good news on health costs refutes conservative orthodoxy. It's a fixed idea on the right, sometimes echoed by ''centrist'' commentators, that the only way to limit health costs is to dismantle guarantees of adequate care – for example, that the only way to control Medicare costs is to replace Medicare as we know it, a program that covers major medical expenditures, with vouchers that may or may not be enough to buy adequate insurance. But what we're actually seeing is what looks like significant cost control via a laundry list of small changes to how we pay for care, with the basic guarantee of adequate coverage not only intact but widened to include Americans of all ages.
 
It's worth pointing out that some criticisms of Obamacare from the left are also looking foolish. Obamacare is a system partly run through private insurance companies (although expansion of Medicaid is also a very important piece). And some on the left were outraged, arguing that the program would do more to raise profits in the medical-industrial complex than it would to protect American families.
 
You can still argue that single-payer would have covered more people at lower cost – in fact, I would. But that option wasn't on the table; only a system that appeased insurers and reassured the public that not too much would change was politically feasible. And it's working reasonably well: Competition among insurers who can no longer deny insurance to those who need it most is turning out to be pretty effective. This isn't the health care system you would have designed from scratch, or if you could ignore special-interest politics, but it's doing the job.
 
And this big improvement in American society is almost surely here to stay. The conservative health care nightmare – the one that led Republicans to go all-out against Bill Clinton's health plans in 1993 and Obamacare more recently – is that once health care for everyone, or almost everyone, has been put in place, it will be very hard to undo, because too many voters would have a stake in the system. That's exactly what is happening. Republicans are still going through the motions of attacking Obamacare, but the passion is gone. They're even offering mealymouthed assurances that people won't lose their new benefits. By the time Obama leaves office, there will be tens of millions of Americans who have benefited directly from health reform – and that will make it almost impossible to reverse. Health reform has made America a different, better place.
president obama
Susan Walsh/AP
 
FINANCIAL REFORM
 
Let's be clear: The financial crisis should have been followed by a drastic crackdown on Wall Street abuses, and it wasn't. No important figures have gone to jail; bad banks and other financial institutions, from Citigroup to Goldman, were bailed out with few strings attached; and there has been nothing like the wholesale restructuring and reining in of finance that took place in the 1930s. Obama bears a considerable part of the blame for this disappointing response. It was his Treasury secretary and his attorney general who chose to treat finance with kid gloves.
 
It's easy, however, to take this disappointment too far. You often hear Dodd- Frank, the financial-reform bill that Obama signed into law in 2010, dismissed as toothless and meaningless. It isn't. It may not prevent the next financial crisis, but there's a good chance that it will at least make future crises less severe and easier to deal with.
 
Dodd-Frank is a complicated piece of legislation, but let me single out three really important sections.
 
First, the law gives a special council the ability to designate ''systemically important financial institutions'' (SIFIs) – that is, institutions that could create a crisis if they were to fail – and place such institutions under extra scrutiny and regulation of things like the amount of capital they are required to maintain to cover possible losses. This provision has been derided as ineffectual or worse – during the 2012 presidential campaign, Mitt Romney claimed that by announcing that some firms were SIFIs, the government was effectively guaranteeing that they would be bailed out, which he called ''the biggest kiss that's been given to New York banks I've ever seen.''
 
But it's easy to prove that this is nonsense: Just look at how institutions behave when they're designated as SIFIs. Are they pleased, because they're now guaranteed? Not a chance. Instead, they're furious over the extra regulation, and in some cases fight bitterly to avoid being placed on the list. Right now, for example, MetLife is making an all-out effort to be kept off the SIFI list; this effort demonstrates that we're talking about real regulation here, and that financial interests don't like it.
 
Another key provision in Dodd-Frank is ''orderly liquidation authority,'' which gives the government the legal right to seize complex financial institutions in a crisis. This is a bigger deal than you might think. We have a well-established procedure for seizing ordinary banks that get in trouble and putting them into receivership; in fact, it happens all the time. But what do you do when something like Citigroup is on the edge, and its failure might have devastating consequences? Back in 2009, Joseph Stiglitz and yours truly, among others, wanted to temporarily nationalize one or two major financial players, for the same reasons the FDIC takes over failing banks, to keep the institutions running but avoid bailing out stockholders and management. We got a chance to make that case directly to the president. But we lost the argument, and one key reason was Treasury's claim that it lacked the necessary legal authority. I still think it could have found a way, but in any case that won't be an issue next time.
 
A third piece of Dodd-Frank is the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. That's Elizabeth Warren's brainchild, an agency dedicated to protecting Americans against the predatory lending that has pushed so many into financial distress, and played an important role in the crisis. Warren's idea was that such a stand-alone agency would more effectively protect the public than agencies that were supposed to protect consumers, but saw their main job as propping up banks. And by all accounts the new agency is in fact doing much more to crack down on predatory practices than anything we used to see.
 
There's much more in the financial reform, including a number of pieces we don't have enough information to evaluate yet. But there's enough evidence even now to say that there's a reason Wall Street – which used to give an approximately equal share of money to both parties but now overwhelmingly supports Republicans – tried so hard to kill financial reform, and is still trying to emasculate Dodd-Frank. This may not be the full overhaul of finance we should have had, and it's not as major as health reform. But it's a lot better than nothing.
 
THE ECONOMY
 
Barack Obama might not have been elected president without the 2008 financial crisis; he certainly wouldn't have had the House majority and the brief filibuster-proof Senate majority that made health reform possible. So it's very disappointing that six years into his presidency, the U.S. economy is still a long way from being fully recovered.
 
Before we ask why, however, we should note that things could have been worse. In fact, in other times and places they have been worse. Make no mistake about it – the devastation wrought by the financial crisis was terrible, with real income falling 5.5 percent. But that's actually not as bad as the ''typical'' experience after financial crises: Even in advanced countries, the median post-crisis decline in per- capita real GDP is seven percent. Recovery has been slow: It took almost six years for the United States to regain pre-crisis average income. But that was actually a bit faster than the historical average.
 
Or compare our performance with that of the European Union. Unemployment in America rose to a horrifying 10 percent in 2009, but it has come down sharply in the past few years. It's true that some of the apparent improvement probably reflects discouraged workers dropping out, but there has been substantial real progress. Meanwhile, Europe has had barely any job recovery at all, and unemployment is still in double digits. Compared with our counterparts across the Atlantic, we haven't done too badly.
 
Did Obama's policies contribute to this less-awful performance? Yes, without question. You'd never know it listening to the talking heads, but there's overwhelming consensus among economists that the Obama stimulus plan helped mitigate the worst of the slump. For example, when a panel of economic experts was asked whether the U.S. unemployment rate was lower at the end of 2010 than it would have been without the stimulus, 82 percent said yes, only two percent said no.
 
Still, couldn't the U.S. economy have done a lot better? Of course. The original stimulus should have been both bigger and longer. And after Republicans won the House in 2010, U.S. policy took a sharp turn in the wrong direction. Not only did the stimulus fade out, but sequestration led to further steep cuts in federal spending, exactly the wrong thing to do in a still-depressed economy.
 
We can argue about how much Obama could have altered this literally depressing turn of events. He could have pushed for a larger, more extended stimulus, perhaps with provisions for extra aid that would have kicked in if unemployment stayed high. (This isn't 20-20 hindsight, because a number of economists, myself included, pleaded for more aggressive measures from the beginning.) He arguably let Republicans blackmail him over the debt ceiling in 2011, leading to the sequester. But this is all kind of iffy.
 
The bottom line on Obama's economic policy should be that what he did helped the economy, and that while enormous economic and human damage has taken place on his watch, the United States coped with the financial crisis better than most countries facing comparable crises have managed. He should have done more and better, but the narrative that portrays his policies as a simple failure is all wrong.
 
While America remains an incredibly unequal society, and we haven't seen anything like the New Deal's efforts to narrow income gaps, Obama has done more to limit inequality than he gets credit for. The rich are paying higher taxes, thanks to the partial expiration of the Bush tax cuts and the special taxes on high incomes that help pay for Obamacare; the Congressional Budget Office estimates the average tax rate of the top one percent at 33.6 percent in 2013, up from 28.1 percent in 2008. Meanwhile, the financial aid in Obamacare – expanded Medicaid, subsidies to help lower-income households pay insurance premiums – goes disproportionately to less-well-off Americans. When conservatives accuse Obama of redistributing income, they're not completely wrong – and liberals should give him credit.
 
THE ENVIRONMENT
 
In 2009, it looked, briefly, as if we might be about to get real on the issue of climate change. A fairly comprehensive bill establishing a cap-and-trade system to limit greenhouse-gas emissions actually passed the House, and visions of global action danced like sugarplums in environmentalists' heads. But the legislation stalled in the Senate, and Republican victory in the 2010 midterms put an end to that fantasy. Ever since, the only way forward has been through executive action based on existing legislation, which is a poor substitute for the new laws we need.
Sidebar
Former US Vice President Al Gore
The Turning Point: New Hope for the Climate »
 
But as with financial reform, acknowledging the inadequacy of what has been done doesn't mean that nothing has been achieved. Saying that Obama has been the best environmental president in a long time is actually faint praise, since George W. Bush was terrible and Bill Clinton didn't get much done. Still, it's true, and there's reason to hope for a lot more over the next two years.
president obama
Doug Mills/The New York Times
 
First of all, there has been much more progress on the use of renewable energy than most people realize. The share of U.S. energy provided by wind and solar has grown dramatically since Obama took office. True, it's still only a small fraction of the total, and some of the growth in renewables reflects technological progress, especially in solar panels, that would have happened whoever was in office. But federal policies, including loan guarantees and tax credits, have played an important role.
 
Nor is it just about renewables; Obama has also taken big steps on energy conservation, especially via fuel-efficiency standards, that have flown, somewhat mysteriously, under the radar. And it's not just cars. In 2011, the administration announced the first-ever fuel-efficiency standards for medium and heavy vehicles, and in February it announced that these standards would get even tougher for models sold after 2018. As a way to curb green house-gas emissions, these actions, taken together, are comparable in importance to proposed action on power plants.
 
Which brings us to the latest initiative. Because there's no chance of getting climate-change legislation through Congress for the foreseeable future, Obama has turned to the EPA's existing power to regulate pollution – power that the Supreme Court has affirmed extends to emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. And this past summer, the EPA announced proposed rules that would require a large reduction over time in such emissions from power plants. You might say that such plants are only a piece of the problem, but they're a large piece – CO2 from coal-burning power plants is in fact a big part of the problem, so if the EPA goes through with anything like the proposed rule, it will be a major step. Again, not nearly enough, and we'll have to do a lot more soon, or face civilization-threatening disaster. But what Obama has done is far from trivial.
 
NATIONAL SECURITY
 
So far, i've been talking about Obama's positive achievements, which have been much bigger than his critics understand. I do, however, need to address one area that has left some early Obama supporters bitterly disappointed: his record on national security policy. Let's face it – many of his original enthusiasts favored him so strongly over Hillary Clinton because she supported the Iraq War and he didn't. They hoped he would hold the people who took us to war on false pretenses accountable, that he would transform American foreign policy, and that he would drastically curb the reach of the national security state.
Sidebar
Obama Vs. The Hawks »
 
None of that happened. Obama's team, as far as we can tell, never even considered going after the deceptions that took us to Baghdad, perhaps because they believed that this would play very badly at a time of financial crisis. On overall foreign policy, Obama has been essentially a normal post-Vietnam president, reluctant to commit U.S. ground troops and eager to extract them from ongoing commitments, but quite willing to bomb people considered threatening to U.S. interests. And he has defended the prerogatives of the NSA and the surveillance state in general.
 
Could and should he have been different? The truth is that I have no special expertise here; as an ordinary concerned citizen, I worry about the precedent of allowing what amount to war crimes to go not just unpunished but uninvestigated, even while appreciating that a modern version of the 1970s Church committee hearings on CIA abuses might well have been a political disaster, and undermined the policy achievements I've tried to highlight. What I would say is that even if Obama is just an ordinary president on national security issues, that's a huge improvement over what came before and what we would have had if John McCain or Mitt Romney had won. It's hard to get excited about a policy of not going to war gratuitously, but it's a big deal compared with the alternative.
 
SOCIAL CHANGE
 
In 2004, social issues, along with national security, were cudgels the right used to bludgeon liberals – I like to say that Bush won re-election by posing as America's defender against gay married terrorists. Ten years later, and the scene is transformed: Democrats have turned these social issues – especially women's rights – against Republicans; gay marriage has been widely legalized with approval or at least indifference from the wider public. We have, in a remarkably short stretch of time, become a notably more tolerant, open-minded nation.
 
Barack Obama has been more a follower than a leader on these issues. But at least he has been willing to follow the country's new open-mindedness. We shouldn't take this for granted. Before the Obama presidency, Democrats were in a kind of reflexive cringe on social issues, acting as if the religious right had far more power than it really does and ignoring the growing constituency on the other side. It's easy to imagine that if someone else had been president these past six years, Democrats would still be cringing as if it were 2004. Thankfully, they aren't. And the end of the cringe also, I'd argue, helped empower them to seek real change on substantive issues from health reform to the environment. Which brings me back to domestic issues.
 
As you can see, there's a theme running through each of the areas of domestic policy I've covered. In each case, Obama delivered less than his supporters wanted, less than the country arguably deserved, but more than his current detractors acknowledge. The extent of his partial success ranges from the pretty good to the not-so-bad to the ugly. Health reform looks pretty good, especially in historical perspective – remember, even Social Security, in its original FDR version, only covered around half the workforce. Financial reform is, I'd argue, not so bad – it's not the second coming of Glass-Steagall, but there's a lot more protection against runaway finance than anyone except angry Wall Streeters seems to realize. Economic policy wasn't enough to avoid a very ugly period of high unemployment, but Obama did at least mitigate the worst.
 
And as far as climate policy goes, there's reason for hope, but we'll have to see.
 
Am I damning with faint praise? Not at all. This is what a successful presidency looks like. No president gets to do everything his supporters expected him to. FDR left behind a reformed nation, but one in which the wealthy retained a lot of power and privilege. On the other side, for all his anti-government rhetoric, Reagan left the core institutions of the New Deal and the Great Society in place. I don't care about the fact that Obama hasn't lived up to the golden dreams of 2008, and I care even less about his approval rating. I do care that he has, when all is said and done, achieved a lot. That is, as Joe Biden didn't quite say, a big deal.

By Paul Krugman October 8, 2014
 
Questa e' piu' recente.
 
10 Reasons Obamacare is (and will continue to be) a Failure
 
Is Obamacare failing? We all know that it is so far, both in the
bill's intended goals and as a government program in general. Here are
10 reasons why the Affordable Care Act is failing, and why it will
continue to do so.
 
1.  Strong Public Opposition  
 
One thing is abundantly clear about Obamacare: it has never been
well-received by the public. Polls have been  especially brutal, with
over 95% of polls taken since passage of the bill showing strong
opposition, usually by double-digit margins. Proponents of the bill
knew it was unpopular at the time it passed and believed it would
"grow" on people over time. That hasn't happened, and it is very
difficult to push an agenda that has little public support
 
2.  Insurance Costs Continue Meteoric Rise  
 
One of the central claims made by the "central planners" was that
insurance premiums would go down for buyers.  Instead, the law
actually forces plans to cover more and more ("children" must be
covered to age 27, smorgasbord of newly "free" "women's health"
services) that everyone was forced to pay into. Add in the abundance
of taxes and fees that are simply passed on to consumers and the
initial claim that Obamacare would reduce premiums is laughable. It
doesn't take a trained economist to know that raising minimum
requirements of coverage, forcing more coverage be provided, raising
taxes, forcing high-risk patients into pooled plans, and reducing
options would raise 
 
3.  Too Many Loopholes to be Effective  
 
One of the problems with a bill written by lobbyists and bureaucrats,
passed by people who never read it, and numbers in the 1,000s of pages
is that there will probably be a loophole or two in there.  States and
businesses found those loopholes and have taken advantage of them to
avoid being (more) negatively impacted by the law. Employers have cut
back hours or reduced staff to avoid hitting certain requirements.
States have opted out of the state-exchanges and opted for the federal
government to run their own exchanges. Perhaps the only good thing
about Obamacare is that it was so poorly put together that many
businesses and individuals have found a way to escape much of it. At
the same time, those loopholes have completely halted many of the core
goals of the bill, adding to the general failure of Obamacare. 
 
4.  Leaves 31 Million Uninsured by 2023  
 
Originally, the bill was touted as a means to both cover the uninsured
(either through subsidies or "forcing" people who could afford
insurance to buy it) and help reduce costs for everyone. Now, the
administration downplays the impact the bill has on people, instead
regularly inferring that 90% of people are not impacted by the bill
outside of all the great "free" stuff they are forced buy coverage for
now. But the reality is that the goal of insuring all the uninsured
isn't going to be met. The Congressional Budget Office projected that
by 2023 - more than a decade after implementation - that 31 million
people will  still be uninsured. This is the case even with subsidies
being provided to help the poor, and the  wonderful IRS enforcing
forced-purchase laws. 
 
5.  Program Costs Continue to Blow Past Initial Estimates  
 
One of the great charades of the Obama administration was framing the
Obamacare bill as a program with a price-tag below the magic $1
trillion mark. The CBO initially scored the bill as costing $900B over
the first decade. Of course, the CBO could only make these estimates
based on what the bill said would happen, not what most of us knew
actually would happen. In order to get the bill under $1 trillion,
taxes that would never be implemented and cuts that would never be
made were added. Some "savings" were double-counted. Other reductions
in the cost of the bill were made on rosy expectations of reducing
costs and cutting waste. And anyone familiar with the  2013 sequester
or just government in general knows is that the government never
willingly cuts or reduces anything. But most importantly, the bill was
framed as only costing that $900 billion over a decade, which included
four years before most of the provisions were implemented. In 2014,
CBO figures showed that the true cost of the first decade of Obamacare
will be closer to $1.8 trillion. Any chance that estimate would have
passed at the time? 
 
6.  The Program is Run by the Government  
 
Pointing out the Obamacare is run by the government as a reason it is
failing is almost an "enough said" scenario. But let's be honest. When
has the government ever run anything cost-efficiently or effectively?
Everything the government touches turns to rot. Very, very, very
expensive rot. Of course, this is why conservatives prefer
market-based solutions to healthcare. Real people making real
decisions is always better than government bureaucrats working with
their crony allies to make those decisions. 
 
7.  States Reject the Bill  
 
One of the "loopholes" that will prove most damaging to the
implementation of Obamacare is the ability of states to refuse to set
up a state health insurance exchange and instead leave it up to the
federal government to run them. Over half of states have chosen not to
run a state exchange, and even with three years to set up the
exchanges, the federal government has failed to establish the
exchanges. Instead, they continue to push back deadlines for the
exchanges. While the federal government attempted to persuade states
to create them with the promise of huge financial support, the mostly
conservative states realized that the long-term costs would be
unsustainable and the federal government would still be dictating
everything anyway. 
 
8.  Inability to Alter Bill  
 
When Obamacare was initially passed, Democrats had full control of
both chambers of congress. With 60 votes in the US Senate and a
healthy lead in the US House of Representatives, the Republicans
couldn't stop anything. As unpopular elements of the bill have popped
up, though, it is virtually impossible to make fixes to the bill
without Republican approval. Many conservatives have argued - and I am
one of them - that the GOP should not help remove unpopular elements
of Obamacare. They passed it. They can deal with it. Some elements the
Democrats have sought to change include the medical device tax, which
is one of the funding mechanisms of Obamacare. Also, errors in the
state exchange planning portion of the bill could provide significant
speed bumps down the road. 
 
9.  True "Benefits" Remain Unclear 
 
In order to escape the heavy hand of government, businesses have been
forced to follow the law as passed and find ways to avoid being
negatively impacted. As a result of the law, businesses have been
forced to drop full-time employees to part-time status, stop hiring
altogether, and scrap plans for expansion. Not only does this hurt the
overall employment market, but employees are being impacted with less
hours. Those employees are not only still not getting
employee-provided insurance, but they are now making less money
overall, making it more difficult to purchase government-mandated
insurance through exchanges that are not even set up yet. 


 L'ultimo libro di Massimo Teodori: "Obama il grande. 
 
"non importa di che colore sia il Duce. Quello che conta è SALUTO AL DUCE!"