Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: Alé!

Mi sa che si ricomincia:
http://www.televideo.rai.it/televideo/pub/notiziasolotesto.jsp?id=790008&pagina=100&sottopagina=1
 Nasce Consiglio transizione siriano
 Le opposizioni siriane hanno annunciato
 oggi ad Ankara,in Turchia,la creazione
 di un Consiglio nazionale di transizio-
 ne formato da 94 membri.
 L'annuncio � stato trasmesso dalla tv
 panaraba Al Jazeera.
 Il Consiglio ha anche eletto tre vice-
 presidenti e un presidente. Quest'ulti-
 mo � Burhan Ghaliun, un noto intellet-
 tuale, originario di Homs,e da decenni
 residente in Francia. Da qualche anno
 Ghaliun insegna sociologia politica al-
 la Sorbona di Parigi.
Ma anche no:
http://www.televideo.rai.it/televideo/pub/notiziasolotesto.jsp?id=789960&pagina=100&sottopagina=1
WP: se cade Assad,chi controller� armi?
 Un improvviso collasso del governo del
 presidente siriano Bashar Al Assad po-
 trebbe comportare un drastico allenta-
 mento dei controlli sugli armamenti del
 Paese: lo segnalano responsabili ameri-
 cani ed esperti di armi citati dal "Wa-
 shington Post".
 Il prestigioso giornale ricorda come la
 Siria sia in possesso di alcuni degli
 agenti chimici pi� letali mai trasfor-
 mati in armamenti e "sparsi in migliaia
 di proiettili d'artiglieria e testate"
 facili da trasportare.
 Carlo "Jurassic Park" 

  shington Post".
tradotto dalle balle delle wmd (che ancora qualcuno prenda sul serio
gli yankee che parlano di wmd dopo l'iraq è la dimostrazione
inconfutabile che chi parla di razionalità umana non è più ancorato
alla realtà di chi parla del sesso degli angeli. Che per la cronaca è
maschile, come attesta un autorevole compagno), la Turchia vuole
papparsi la Siria in un sol boccone, gli yankee tergiversano perchè
Assad gli sta sul cazzo, ma non tanto da rischiare la rinascita
dell'impero ottomano per buttarlo giù....

 Mi sa che si ricomincia
interessante anche questo articolo di Time - sembra che Assad stia
perdendo diversi alleati
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2090927,00
Unfriending Assad: Turkey, Iran and Even Hizballah Begin to Re-Think
Syria
By Rania Abouzeid / Beirut Monday, Aug. 29, 2011
Syria's President Bashar al-Assad seems to have a knack for making
enemies and losing friends. Although the lanky leader's dynastic
dictatorship has had an on-again, off-again relationship with the West
since he assumed power upon the death of his father in 2000, he could
always count on the support of those other Western pariahs — Iran and
the Lebanese Shi'ite militant group Hizballah — as well as the
wheeling-and-dealing Turks. In fact, his stormy ties with the West
were a point of pride, proof of his anti-Israeli and anti-American
credentials, cementing his position in a "resistance axis" stretching
from Tehran through Lebanon's Hizballah and Hamas in the occupied
Palestinian territories.
Still, Assad's ability to outlast calls for his ouster by his many
foes is one thing; antagonizing his friends is another. Assad, it
seems, has forgotten the age-old Arabic saying: "If your sweetheart is
made of honey, don't lick it all away." The Syrian president has done
just that; exhausting the patience and ignoring the advice of his
allies by pushing ahead with his vicious campaign of violence against
largely peaceful pro-democracy protesters. More than 2,000 people have
killed in six months of anti-regime demonstrations which show no sign
of abating. The violence seems to have emboldened protesters, rather
than cowed them, and pushed the tolerance of Syria's allies. (See why
the pressure is growing on Assad in the wake of Gaddafi's takedown.)
Ankara appears to have neared breaking point with Damascus. Turkish
President Abdullah Gul didn't mince his words on Sunday, saying that
he had "lost confidence" in the Syrian regime, but stopped short of
asking Assad to leave. Still, his view was clear. "Today in the world
there is no place for authoritarian administrations, one-party rule,
closed regimes," he told Turkey's state-run Anatolia news agency.
"These will either be changed by force or by the initiative of those
who rule."
The toothless Arab League has called for restraint and will send its
new chief, Nabil al-Araby, to Damascus to seek an end to the
bloodshed. But the most significant rebuke has come from Iran, Syria's
staunchest ally. Iran's foreign minister has called on Damascus to
recognize the "legitimate" demands of its people, an ironic statement
given Tehran's own crackdown against its indigenous pro-democracy, or
"green" movement in 2009 following disputed elections. It is,
nevertheless, still harsh criticism. Even President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad has called for dialogue with protesters in Damascus,
contradicting the Syrian state's narrative that the security forces
are facing "armed gangs" and "terrorists," but maintaining that there
are "foreign elements" fomenting the unrest. "The government should
answer to the demands of its people, be it Syria, Yemen or other
countries,'' Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi was quoted by Iran's
ISNA news agency as saying. ''The people of these nations have
legitimate demands, and the governments should answer these demands as
soon as possible."
Hizballah had echoed its sponsors in Iran, claiming that Syria is the
victim of a "foreign conspiracy," a "Zionist plot" to weaken it for
its anti-Israeli stance. But the group's leader, Sayyed Hassan
Nasrallah, also mimicked Tehran's most recent advice to Assad:
"Everyone who is a friend of Syria and seeks to preserve the country
and its unity should combine efforts to help push them toward dialogue
and peaceful resolution," he said last week. (See pictures of the
ongoing protests in Syria.)
Tehran can't afford to lose Assad, its Arab lynchpin, but can Assad
afford to lose Iran? Sunni Saudi Arabia has long sought to pry
Damascus from Tehran's orbit to weaken what Jordan's King Abdullah has
termed a creeping "Shi'ite crescent" across the majority Sunni Middle
East. It's an ancient schism in Islam, that has precipitated a low-
level cold war for influence in the region between the Shi'ite Iranian
state, and the Sunni monarchies, led by Saudi Arabia.
Some Syrians fear that a deal may be brokered by Riyadh to keep a
weakened, chastized Assad in power on the condition that he break with
Tehran and Hizballah. There are many unanswered questions: Can Assad
do it? Will he do it? But why should he do it, especially given that
he clearly believes he is winning and will emerge on the other side of
this bloodletting on his terms? In his most recent television
appearance on Aug. 21, a relaxed Syrian president said that the
"security situation is better now" and that he was "not worried"
because "we are capable of dealing with it."
The protesters, however, seem in no mood to entertain the idea of
keeping Assad in power, in any way, shape or form. In countless
interviews with protesters, and activists over weeks and months, one
view has been constant: that Assad has spilt too much blood, killed
too many people and shown no remorse. "His regime has already fallen,"
said one man in the Syrian city of Hama, "because his words mean
nothing to us anymore." Indeed, the increasing calls for his execution
heard at protests these days seem to underline a prevalent view among
activists at least that Assad has no place in Syrian politics anymore.
(See how activists are secretly dissenting in Damascus.)
Hizballah, too, has lost the respect of many Syrians. Its canary
yellow flag, emblazoned with a bright green Kalashnikov, has been
burnt during several demonstrations across the country. Many
protesters have taken to calling it "the party of the Devil" rather
than "the party of God," its English translation. Nasrallah, a
charismatic, humble and strategic thinker, has helped oversee his
party's evolution from a ragtag militia to Lebanon's most powerful
political group, complete with its own armed wing as well as a sizable
presence in parliament. Has Nasrallah made the wrong bet? His party's
vaunted stature in the region has taken a tumble; it has long been the
party of the oppressed, the party of the underdog, the party that
strongly supported the Egyptian and Bahraini revolutionaries. But that
has now suffered as Hizballah continues to back Assad.
Will the wily Nasrallah continue to stick with the regime, which has
been an invaluable conduit for weapons and money from Iran to Lebanon,
even as Assad falls deeper into international and regional isolation?
Does Hizballah really need him, given that it holds so much sway in
Lebanon, including its main transit points by air and sea as well as
its porous land border with Syria? Will Hizballah break from Assad or
will he break from it? The thing about friendships is that, sometimes,
other interests get in the way.
Read more: 
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2090927,00.html#ixzz1WRRq78Wz