Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: 51 Documents: Zionist Collaboration With the Nazis

Bagarozzo, fatti una cultura...
51 Documents: Zionist Collaboration With the Nazis
September 2004, page 86
Book Review
51 Documents: Zionist Collaboration With the Nazis
By Lenni Brenner, ed. Barricade Books, 2002, 342 pp. List: $22; AET:
$15.
Reviewed by Sara Powell
It's no secret that Zionism embraced political expediency to advance
the cause of carving Eretz-Israel from the land of its native
inhabitants. In his 1983 book, Zionism in the Age of the Dictators,
Lenni Brenner shows that 20th century Zionists observed shockingly few
limits to that expediency. Not surprisingly, the book received little
coverage in the American media. Now, in 51 Documents, Brenner has
compiled a wide variety of letters, statements, articles, and
judgements-some of which appeared in his earlier book-by a broad array
of activists and authors, that documents Zionist cooperration with the
Nazis. On the face of it, the notion seems absurd. However, Brenner
presents the case-made in many Zionists' own words-that the Nazi
agenda of expelling the Jews from Germany fit nicely with the Zionist
plan for enticing those Jews into settling in Palestine and creating a
new Jewish nation.
In addition to introductory and concluding chapters, the book is
organized into five sections which lead the reader through early,
pre-Zionist documents; pre-Holocaust ideological factions; the
Holocaust era itself; and a chapter on the Stern Gang and the Nazis.
Readers should note that a few documents are not indicative of
collaboration in and of themselves, but provide the background to
others written in response. These latter do indicate levels of
collaboration between Zionists and fascists, both the Nazis in
Germany, and those in Mussolini's Italy. Brenner's brief explanatory
notes at the beginning of each document are helpful, as are the
glossary and index.
51 Documents assumes a certain knowledge of Zionist history, and
requires a close reading and some deconstructive efforts on the part
of the reader. Those willing to commit the time and effort, however,
are rewarded with some stunning revelations. The reason some Zionists
eschewed the boycott against Hitler's Germany, for instance, is that
they had a financial deal-Ha'avara-with Germany allowing Jews to
exchange their wealth for goods to be exported to Palestine at less of
a loss, as an incentive to emigrate. Those wondering why Zionists
today are so organized and experienced in their public relations
efforts discover that these battles have been fought before. Moreover,
the section on Nazi and Zionist understandings of "nationality" versus
citizenship reveals how German and Israeli practices are based on the
same concept.
51 Documents also sheds a whole new light on the term "Holocaust
guilt," frequently understood to mean Western, non-Jewish guilt for
not acting against the Holocaust earlier. However, these documents
make it clear that Holocaust guilt began with those Zionists who made
the undoubtedly difficult, but politically expedient choice to place
Eretz-Israel at the top of their priorities, above the lives of their
threatened European brethren.
From a Zionist Executive Meeting speech by Yitzhak Gruenbaum on Feb.
18, 1943:
And when some asked me: "Can't you give money from Keren Ha Yesod
(Palestine Foundation Fund) to save Jews in the Diaspora?" I said:
"No!" And again I say no....And, because of these things, people
called me an anti-Semite, and concluded that I'm guilty, for the fact
that we don't give ourselves completely to rescue actions. (p. 211)
However difficult it may be, the reader must confront some rather
disturbing conclusions. The most unsettling realization for this
reviewer is that pre-Holocaust Zionists were able to politically align
themselves with the Nazis because both groups fundamentally saw race
as an important dividing line-and, moreover, were determined to keep
it that way. From Vladimir Jabotinsky to Albert Einstein,
"assimilation" of Jews into the societies in which they lived was not
an acceptable option. Rather, Jewish nationalism required equality on
a national level, not a personal one. As Jabotinsky explained, "It is
impossible for a man to become assimilated with people whose blood is
different from his own" (p. 10); in Einstein's words, "Palestine is
first and foremost not a refuge for East European Jews, but the
incarnation of a reawakening sense of national solidarity" (p. 29).
Finally, David Yisraeli, a member of the Stern Gang, wrote the
following in late 1940, as part of a proposal to Hitler. It was
delivered in 1941 to two German diplomats in Lebanon.
3. The establishment of the historic Jewish state on a national and
totalitarian basis, bound by a treaty with the German Reich, would be
in the interest of a maintained and strengthened future German
position of power in the Near East (p. 301).
Such beliefs, of course, were not limited to Nazis and Zionists.
Scientific and philosophical constructs of the day considered such
differentiation legitimate, and ideas of racial difference-and,
therefore, racial supremacy-were practiced around the world.
Another disturbing conclusion a reader must inevitably face is that
Zionists learned both tactical and political lessons from the Nazis
and that, even today, these lessons are applied to further the Zionist
cause. Although most likely known to potential readers of this book,
another disturbing element is the cover-up of the less than savory
roles of current Israeli leaders, including former prime ministers, in
the terrorist Irgun and Stern Gang just before, during, and after the
Holocaust. Likewise, the succumbing of various U.S. officials to
Zionist pressure is a familiar, but distressing, story.
51 Documents seems to represent a renewed attempt by Brenner to bring
information regarding Zionist collaboration with the Nazis to U.S.
supporters of Israel, as well as to Jews and Muslims, in order to
expand dialogue with knowledge, and save lives-both Palestinian and
Israeli-in the process. Readers of 51 Documents will find it difficult
not to remove the rose colored glasses that so many seem to wear when
examining Zionism.

 position of power in the Near East (p. 301).
Cioe' un terrorista riconosciuto come tale dalla comunita' ebraica e
braccato come tale fino a quando la banda Stern non fu totalmente
smantellata, avrebbe qualche valore a livello di cosa fosse il SIONISMO?
:)
*LOL*
-Stefano