Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: [cuba] Who has what to hide about Luis Posada Carilles?

Who has what to hide about Luis Posada Carilles?
Posada was charged in Venezuela in the 1976 Cuban jetliner bombing
that killed 73 people. By delaying extradition it looks as if the Bush
Administration is desperate to keep right-wing secrets.
Tom Crumpacker
"For now we see as through a glass, darkly."
-->
.
Luis Posada's immigration case is now set for hearing before a
Homeland Security judge in Texas on Aug. 29. On May 21 Secretary Rice
indicated the Homeland case might go on for many months and his
extradition would be determined on its completion. With motions and
appeals and paid lawyers, this might mean years. A provision in the
1922 US-Venezuela extradition treaty says the custodial state can keep
the alleged criminal until its own proceedings against him arising
from crimes committed there are completed.
But surely a minor "crime" such as a traffic ticket or a failure to
report to Homeland Security on entry is not what was contemplated. And
even if Posada could somehow convince the Homeland judges of the
validity of his spurious residency and asylum claims (that he is a US
resident although he has lived abroad for 30 years; that he is
entitled to asylum here although he has murdered scores of innocent
people), he still should be extradited now to Venezuela because his
migration status has nothing to do with extradition for trial for his
alleged crime, murdering 73 innocent Cubana flight 455 passengers in
1976.
So why not just send him to the extradition judge and be done with it?
What's the reason for keeping him here? Delay for delay's sake?
Aggravate the Venezuelan government? Weaken the US claim to be the
world leader in its "war against terrorism"? None of these seem very
convincing as motives, even for this Administration. According to
recently declassified CIA reports ( National Security Archives, Book
153, FBI report 11/2/76 ), in custody after his Oct. 6, 1976 bombing
of the Cubana civilian airliner, flight 455, Posada threatened through
his co-conspirator Morales Navarette that if forced to talk, the
Venezuelan government "would go down the tube" and there would be
"another Watergate."
George Bush Senior, CIA Director at the time of the Cubana bombing,
had previously appointed Ted Shackley as his Deputy Director for
Special Operations. Since Bay of Pigs, Shackley had been in charge of
the JM/Wave Miami CIA station which had been training anti-Castro
extremists for possible invasion, then demolitions (Posada ran the
school), biological warfare and murderous incursions into Cuba. In
1976 CIA had urged several violent US anti-Castro groups to join
together under one umbrella organization called CORU. It was led by
Orlando Bosch and took credit for the Letelier murders in Washington,
DC in September.
Bush Senior has said he was not with the CIA before being appointed
director by President Ford in early 1976. Joseph McBride in an article
in The Nation of July 16, 1988 wrote: "A source with close connections
to the intelligence community confirmed that Bush started working for
the CIA in 1960 or 1961, using his oil business for clandestine
activities." There's a memo from FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to the
State Department dated Nov. 28, 1963 concerning information developed
by the Miami FBI office about groups in Miami seeking to blame the JFK
murder on the Cuban government. It says the information was orally
furnished on Nov. 23 to "George Bush of the CIA." Bush Senior was in
Dallas then. As was another CIA operative, Chauncey Holt (now
deceased), who identified Posada as being in Dealey Plaza at the time
of the murder.
Other sources, among them CIA agent Marita Lorenz, placed Orlando
Bosch and Guillermo Novo there. The question arises whether their
presence there can be dismissed as coincidence. After all, Bosch,
Posada's accomplice in the Cuban airline bombing, was pardoned by
President Bush Senior in 1990 against the strong objection of his own
Justice Department, which had implicated him in more than 70 terrorist
crimes. And Guillermo Novo and Posada were just last year pardoned on
another bombing charge and released by the US-friendly outgoing
president of Panama. Yet another anti-Castro extremist, Felix
Rodriguez, who killed Ernesto Guevara and worked with Posada in the
Iran-Contra supply network, has long been a Bush Senior personal
friend.
It's apparent that Posada could supply many of the missing pieces of
the puzzles of the last 45 years.
The official versions of Watergate and JFK’s murder don't make a lot
of sense when one considers motivations of the supposed actors. It's
now clear that Nixon ordered the burglary of Democratic National
Headquarters in 1972. But what was he looking for at such great risk?
In his book on Watergate, Staff Chief H. R. Haldeman wrote that when
Nixon was caught on tape talking about the risk that a Watergate probe
could "blow the whole Bay of Pigs thing," he was actually referring to
the JFK murder, not the invasion of Cuba. As Vice President in 1960 (a
political protégé of Senator Prescott Bush), Nixon had supervised the
preparation of the invasion. It seems odd he would confuse these
events if they were unrelated. Moreover, what could be "blown" about
the Bay of Pigs that was not already known?
And why did Lee Harvey Oswald kill JFK? The Warren Commission and the
subsequent Congressional committees could not come up with a motive.
In an effort at the time of the murder to blame the Cuban government,
a photo of Oswald was spread across US newspapers showing him on a New
Orleans street holding a "Fair Play for Cuba Committee" sign. But why
were there no other members of the New Orleans committee? Why did
Oswald give the address of the committee as 544 Camp St., which was
the side entrance for the offices of Sergio Arcacha Smith and Guy
Banister, both rabid anti-Castro extremists? Why were anti-Castro
Cubans often seen there? Why did Oswald spend much of his time there?
Why was Allen Dulles, the CIA Director who planned the Bay of Pigs and
was subsequently fired by JFK, put on the Warren Commission? Why did
CIA misinform the Commission on so many key evidentiary matters? The
official answers to these questions seem to be "blowin' in the wind."
It's like a jigsaw puzzle with half the pieces missing.
In the fall of 1963, JFK was not relying much on CIA intelligence or
opinions regarding Cuba. Negotiations (supposedly secret) were about
to start between US and Cuba to possibly normalize relations. JFK's
conditions were that Cuba distance itself from the Soviet Union and
stop aiding revolutionary movements in Latin America, to which Castro
seemed amenable.
A key part of Allen Dulles's Bay of Pigs plan was "Operation 40." They
were 40 CIA agents, mostly gunmen, whose job was to kill the leading
members of Cuba's government. Some, like Posada, had previously worked
in enforcement for the Batista regime. Prior to the invasion they were
waiting in Dominican Republic. Their boat took off for Cuba but turned
around when informed the invasion was failing. They returned to the
US, and, unbeknownst to JFK, Operation 40 continued on. For years and
decades, with some changes in names and personnel.
Many of the original names kept appearing in connection with
subsequent covert, violent CIA projects, such as Operation Mongoose,
Operation Phoenix, the JFK murder, the regime changes in Chile, El
Salvador, Nicaragua, the Watergate burglary, the bombing of Cubana
flight 455, the Iran-Contra war, and Operation Condor which
exterminated many South American progressives. Names like Luis Posada,
Orlando Bosch, Felix Rodriguez, E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis, Antonio
Veciana, Guillermo Novo, Eugenio Martinez, Ricardo Morales, David
Sanchez Morales, David Phillips, all members of the 40.
In an oligarchy where the important decisions are made in secret by a
power elite, where the mainstream media is used to manipulate rather
than inform, it's often difficult for the public to distinguish actual
from virtual reality. It's apparent that Posada could supply many of
the missing pieces of the puzzles of the last 45 years. He has friends
in Miami and they have brought him here to resurface after 30 years.
If he needed money or a place to hide comfortably, they could easily
have provided him with such in another country. What we now know about
his past is enough to say that he and his friends could be going
public with his knowledge of CIA operations as a threat or extortion
chip, perhaps to affect future US policy toward Cuba. This would
explain why his legally required extradition is being delayed.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Tom Crumpacker, a retired lawyer and member of the Miami Coalition to
End US Embargo of Cuba, writes from Austin, Texas. He may be reached
at 
cru...@aol.com
Sat September 17, 2005

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