Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: Russia and Latin America: innovation and cooperation

Russia and Latin America: innovation and cooperation 
18:24 | 30/ 01/ 2007 
 
 
MOSCOW. (Yury Zaitsev for RIA Novosti) - One of Russia's foreign policy
priorities is to intensify political dialogue and economic cooperation
with Latin America, which has a large market and is a world leader in
agricultural raw materials and foodstuffs. Russia could supply Latin
American countries with high tech products and services. 
The outlook for Russia's economic cooperation with Latin America is
generally good. Today, it accounts for a mere four percent of Russia's
total foreign trade, and this figure could be doubled or tripled. Trade
with Brazil, for example, is approaching three billion dollars. In the
Soviet times, the record was $835 million, but it only lasted for one year
- 1983. At that time, machines and equipment amounted to 60% of Soviet
exports there. Today, mineral fertilizer makes up three quarters of
Russian supplies to Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico. Equipment features
prominently only in trade with Cuba, but these are mainly spare parts for
Soviet-made machines. 
Cooperation in innovation is negligible. With many countries, it simply
does not exist. Russia is not on the list of 25 biggest investors in Chile
and Peru, and its investment in Mexico is insignificant. The most
promising directions of Russia's cooperation with Latin America are fuels
and other raw materials, the power industry, metallurgy, the chemical and
petrochemical industry, machine-building, transport, and agro-industrial
sector. 
Cooperation in space deserves special mention in the field of high
technologies. Mexico, Chile, and Argentine launch their satellites with
Russian carrier rockets. A Brazilian astronaut went to space on a Russian
Soyuz; Brazil is building a modern launch system using Russian blueprints
at its Alcantara launch site in the state of Maranhao. Russian experts are
helping their Brazilian colleagues to develop effective carriers of
payloads into space. 
In the fuel-and-energy sector, cooperation and transfer of technologies
could be oriented to the introduction of modern methods of prospecting for
and monitoring of mineral and organic raw materials resources (space
facilities could be used for this purpose among others); increasing the
level of their recoverability and development; and construction of
reliable and environmentally safe transportation systems. For instance,
Russian RUSAL has already privatized one of Guyana's biggest
bauxite-producing companies, and invested several million dollars into it
to supply Russia with two million tons of bauxites every year. This is an
impressive figure for Russia, and even more so for Guyana. 
The Russian oil giant LUKoil is trying to gain a foothold in the Latin
American fuel-and-energy market. In the power industry, innovation policy
could focus on the building and use of combined-cycle plants for electric
power stations on gaseous fuel and effective steam power plants based on
latest technologies of solid fuel combustion. The Russian electric power
company Silovye Machiny (former Energomashexport) has won a bid for the
supply of equipment for electric power stations in Mexico, Brazil, and
Chile. 
Through-cycle technologies, which help save the maximum of resources and
energy at all stages, are of particular interest for Latin American
countries with advanced metallurgical industry. These technologies will
also be effective in the chemical, and petrochemical industries. 
Russia's experience in automated design and production, high-accuracy
machining, and use of advanced methods of control and fault-detection
during the manufacture and operation of components could be applied in
machine building. 
Technological cooperation may develop in upgrading transportation
vehicles, and road-building machines and equipment. Uruguay is currently
buying Russian Ural trucks for its army. An Avtovaz assembly plant is
operating in Ecuador. Russia is selling helicopters and other aircraft to
Mexico, Venezuela, Columbia, and Peru. 
Russian experts believe that to develop innovation projects, Russia should
establish high-tech joint ventures with Latin American countries in order
to test pilot models of cooperation and joint science-intensive
production, and to put latest Russian developments to commercial use in
the region. Importantly, innovation projects will only be effective if
they are based on breakthrough fundamental and applied research, and are
guided by commercial considerations from the very start. 
Vigorous government support for scientific, technical, and innovation
cooperation between Russia and Latin America is an important, if not
decisive, precondition for its success. The government should back
domestic demonstration projects at international exhibitions, expand the
licensing of home technologies abroad, and guarantee transparency of
technological exports and imports. 
For Russia, Latin America is a very interesting and promising trade and
economic partner. Brazil, for instance, is the world's fourth producer of
aircraft, and the world's leader in the market of regional and medium-haul
planes. It owns 45% of this market. Paradoxically, Russia is purchasing
these aircraft from the United States, whereas the U.S. is buying them in
Brazil. 
Yury Zaitsev is academic advisor at the Russian Engineering Academy. 
-- 
Qultura politica di Tonibaruch su It.Politica.Internazionale :
Tonibaruch: "Chomsky... uno svitato filonazista"
http://groups.google.it/group/it.politica.internazionale/msg/4fcafdb551331642?dmode=source&hl=3Dit
 
Tonibaruch: "Hai per caso uno sfogo purulento tutto capillari e siero
presso il buco del culo e il cazzo di coniglio tutto raggrinzito e a
chiazze che ti macchia le mutande e la braghetta?"
http://groups.google.it/group/it.politica.internazionale/msg/1f324d4f5a1c4d94?dmode=source&hl=it
questo articolo e` stato inviato via web dal servizio gratuito 
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ab...@newsland.it

 Yury Zaitsev is academic advisor at the Russian Engineering Academy. 
Peccato, speravo in qualche altra comica di Pilgher.
Tb

 Peccato, speravo in qualche altra comica di Pilgher.
la figura da comico , anzi da pagliaccio szalasiano, l'hai fatta tu
goebbelsuccio che non sei stato in grado di dimostrare quali e perche'
sono cazzate l'elenco di fatti nell'articolo di Pilgher sul forte legame
tra Pol Pot e gli USA.


 la 
Come ci si sente ad aver postato uno che per il *dizionario oxford* è 
praticamente sinonimo di "cazzaro"?
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AH AHAH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AHAH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH 
AH AH AH AH AHAH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AHAH AH AH AH AH AH 
AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AHAH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH AH!!!
Tb

 praticamente sinonimo di "cazzaro"?
Il lemma e' stato inserito nel dizionario da agenti neocon del Mossad
infiltrati nell'OUP.
Palmiro Pangloss

 Come 
CUT
Non smentisci i fatti elencati da Pilgher. Non sei in grado di farlo
goebbelsuccio. 
E con cio' confermi la tua fama di nazistucolo cialtrone 


 CUT
Stai cercando di pilgherare?
Tb
-- 
[Tb] :
Il dovere di un comunista sarebbe quello di formare un cordone sanitario
attorno alla feccia nazi
[.sergio.]
No [...] se posta articoli che condivido      |     
http://snipurl.com/11s9a
--------------------------------------------------
Il mio blog: 
www.tonibaruch.blogspot.com

 Stai
cut
poverino il goebbelsuccio. annaspa nel suo letame visto che non riesce a
trovare nemmeno una (secondo lui) cazzata di Pilgher in questo articolo :
The Long Secret Alliance: Uncle Sam and Pol Pot
John Pilger writes in "The Long Secret Alliance: Uncle Sam and Pol Pot" 
(at 
http://www.users.bigpond.com/nlevine/alliance.html
 ) 
The US not only helped create conditions that brought Cambodia's Khmer
Rouge to power in 1975, but actively supported the genocidal force,
politically and 
financially. By January 1980, the US was secretly funding Pol Pot's exiled
forces on the Thai border. The extent of this support-$85 million from
1980 to 
1986-was revealed six years later in correspondence between congressional
lawyer Jonathan Winer, then counsel to Sen. John Kerry (D-MA) of the
Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee, and the Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation. Winer
said the information had come from the Congressional Research Service
(CRS). When 
copies of his letter were circulated, the Reagan administration was
furious. Then, without adequately explaining why, Winer repudiated the
statistics, while not 
disputing that they had come from the CRS. In a second letter to Noam
Chomsky, however, Winer repeated the original charge, which, he confirmed
to me, was 
"absolutely correct." Washington also backed the Khmer Rouge through the
United Nations, which provided Pol Pot's vehicle of return. Although the
Khmer Rouge 
government ceased to exist in January 1979, when the Vietnamese army drove
it out, its representatives continued to occupy Cambodia's UN seat. Their
right to do 
so was defended and promoted by Washington as an extension of the Cold
War, as a mechanism for US revenge on Vietnam, and as part of its new
alliance with China 
(Pol Pot's principal underwriter and Vietnam's ancient foe). In 1981,
President Carter's national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, said,
"I encouraged the 
Chinese to support Pol Pot." The US, he added, "winked publicly" as China
sent arms to the Khmer Rouge through Thailand. 
A s a cover for its secret war against Cambodia, Washington set up the
Kampuchean Emergency Group (KEG) in the US embassy in Bangkok and on the
Thai-Cambodian 
border. KEG's job was to "monitor" the distribution of Western
humanitarian supplies sent to the refugee camps in Thailand and to ensure
that Khmer Rouge bases 
were fed. Working through "Task Force 80" of the Thai Army, which had
liaison officers with the Khmer Rouge, the Americans ensured a constant
flow of UN 
supplies. Two US relief aid workers, Linda Mason and Roger Brown, later
wrote, "The US Government insisted that the Khmer Rouge be fed ... the US
prefered that 
the Khmer Rouge operation benefit from the credibility of an
internationally known relief operation." In 1980, under US pressure, the
World Food Program handed 
over food worth $12 million to the Thai army to pass on to the Khmer
Rouge. According to former Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke,
"20,000 to 
40,000 Pol Pot guerrillas benefited." This aid helped restore the Khmer
Rouge to a fighting force, based in Thailand, from which it Although
ostensibly a State 
Department operation, KEG's principals were intelligence officers with
long experience in 
With 50 CIA agents running Washington's Cambodia operation from Thailand,
the dividing line between the international relief operation and the US
war blurred. 
Indochina. In the early 1980s it was run by Michael Eiland, whose career
underscored the continuity of American intervention in Indochina. 
In 1969-70, he was operations officer of a clandestine Special Forces
group code-named "Daniel Boone," which was responsible for the
reconnaissance of the US 
bombing of Cambodia.5 By 1980, Col. Eiland was running KEG out of the US
embassy in Bangkok, where it was described as a "humanitarian"
organization. 
Responsible for interpreting satellite surveillance photos of Cambodia,
Eiland became a valued source for some of Bangkok's resident Western press
corps, who 
referred to him in their reports as a "Western analyst." Eiland's
"humanitarian" duties led to his appointment as Defense Intelligence
Agency (DIA) chief in 
charge of the Southeast Asia Region, one of the most important positions
in US espionage. In November 1980, the just elected Reagan administration
and the Khmer 
Rouge made direct contact when Dr. Ray Cline, a former deputy director of
the CIA, secretly visited a Khmer Rouge operational headquarters inside
Cambodia. 
Cline was then a foreign policy adviser on President-elect Reagan's
transitional team. Within a year,according to Washington sources, 50 CIA
agents were running 
Washington's Cambodia operation from Thailand. The dividing line between
the international relief operation and the US war became more and more
confused. For 
example, a Defense Intelligence Agency colonel was appointed "security
liaison officer" between the United Nations Border Relief Operation
(unbro) and the 
Displaced Persons Protection Unit (dppu). In Washington, sources revealed
him as a link between the US government and the Khmer Rouge. 
THE UN AS A BASE 
By 1981, a number of governments, including US allies, became decidedly
uneasy about the charade of continued UN recognition of Pol Pot as
legitimate head of 
the country. This discomfort was dramatically demonstrated when a
colleague of mine, Nicholas Claxton, entered a bar at the UN in New York
with Thaoun Prasith, 
Pol Pot's representative. "Within minutes," said Claxton, "the bar had
emptied." Clearly, something had to be done. In 1982, the US and China,
supported by 
Singapore, invented the Coalition of the Democratic Government of
Kampuchea, which was, as Ben Kiernan pointed out, neither a coalition, nor
democratic, nor a 
government, nor in Kampuchea. Rather, it was what the CIA calls "a master
illusion." Cambodia's former ruler, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, was appointed
its head; 
otherwise little changed. The Khmer Rouge dominated the two
"non-communist" members, the Sihanoukists and the Khmer People's National
Liberation Front (kpnlf). 
From his office at the UN, Pol Pot's ambassador, the urbane Thaoun
Prasith, continued to speak for Cambodia. A close associate of Pol Pot, he
had in 175 called 
on Khmer expatriates to return home, whereupon many of them "disappeared." 
The United Nations was now the instrument of Cambodia's punishment. In all
its history, the world body has withheld development aid from only one
Third World 
country: Cambodia. Not only did the UN-at US and Chinese insistence-deny
the government in Phnom Penh a seat, but the major international financial
institutions 
barred Cambodia from all international agreements on trade and
communications. Even the World Health Organization refused to aid the
country. At home, the US 
denied religious groups export licenses for books and toys for orphans. A
law dating from the First World War, the Trading with the Enemy Act, was
applied to 
Cambodia and, of course, Vietnam. Not even Cuba and the Soviet Union faced
such a complete ban with no humanitarian or cultural exceptions. By 1987,
KEG had 
been reincarnated as the Kampuchea Working Group, run by the same Col.
Eiland of the Defense Intelligence Agency. The Working Group's brief was
to provide 
battle plans, war materiel, and satellite intelligence to the so-called
"non-communist" members of the "resistance forces." The non-communist fig
leaf allowed 
Congress, spurred on by an anti-Vietnamese zealot, then-Rep. Stephen
Solarz (D-NY), to approve both "overt" and "covert" aid estimated at 
$24 million to the "resistance." Until 1990, 
The "trial" of PolPot was a 
wonderful Khmer Rouge theater- 
cum-media-event, but was 
otherwise worthless. 
Congress accepted Solarz' specious argument that US aid did not end up
with or even help Pol Pot and that the mass murderer's US-supplied allies
"are not even 
in close proximity with them [the Khmer Rouge]." 
MILITARY LINKS 
While Washington paid the bills and the Thai army provided logistics
support, Singapore, as middleman, was the main conduit for Western arms.
Former Prime 
Minister Lee Kuan Yew was a major backer of the US and Chinese position
that the Khmer Rouge be part of a settlement in Cambodia. "It is
journalists," he said, 
"who have made them into demons." 
Weapons from West Germany, the US, and Sweden were passed on directly by
Singapore or made under license by Chartered Industries, which is owned by
the 
Singapore government. These same weapons were captured from the Khmer
Rouge. The Singapore connection allowed the Bush administration to
continue its secret aid 
to the "resistance," even though this assistance broke a law passed by
Congress in 1989 banning even indirect "lethal aid" to Pol Pot. In August
1990, a former 
member of the US Special Forces disclosed that he had been ordered to
destroy records that showed US munitions in Thailand going to the Khmer
Rouge. The 
records, he said, implicated the National Security Council, the
president's foreign policy advisory body. 
In 1982, when the US, Chinese, and asean governments contrived the
"coalition" that enabled Pol Pot to retain Cambodia's UN seat, the US set
about training and 
equipping the "non-communist" factions in the "resistance" army. These
followers of Prince Sihanouk and his former minister, Son Sann, leader of
th kpnlf, were 
mostly irregulars and bandits. This resistance was nothing without Pol
Pot's 25,000 well-trĐained, armed, and motivated guerrillas, whose
leadership was 
acknowledged by Prince Sihanouk's military commander, his son, Norodom
Ranariddh. "The Khmer Rouge," he said, are the "major attacking forces"
whose victories 
were "celebrated as our own." 
The guerrillas' tactic, like that of the Contras in Nicaragua, was to
terrorize the countryside by setting up ambushes and seeding minefields.
In this way, the 
government in Phnom Penh would be destabilized and the Vietnamese trapped
in an untenable war: its own "Vietnam." For the Americans in Bangkok and
Washington, 
the fate of Cambodia was tied to a war they had technically lost seven
years earlier. "Bleeding the Vietnamese white on the battlefields of
Cambodia" was an 
expression popular with the US policy-making establishment. Destroying the
crippled Vietnamese economy and, if necessary, overturning the government
in Hanoi, 
was the ultimate goal. Out of that ruin, American power would again assert
itself in Indochina. 
The British-who have had special military forces in Southeast Asia since
World War II-also played a key role in supporting Pol Pot's armed force.
After the 
"Irangate" arms-for-hostages scandal broke in Washington in 1986, the
Cambodian training became an exclusively British operation. "If Congress
had found out 
that Americans were mixed up in clandestine training in Indochina, let
alone with Pol Pot," a Ministry of Defense source told Simon
O'Dwyer-Russell of the 
London Sunday Telegraph, "the balloon would have gone right up. It was one
of those classic Thatcher-Reagan arrangements. It was put to her that the
SAS should 
take over the Cambodia show, and she agreed." 
POL POT'S WASHINGTON IMPUNITY 
Shortly after the start of the Gulf War in January 1991, President Bush
described Saddam Hussein as "Adolf Hitler revisited." Bush's call for
"another 
Nuremberg" to try Saddam under the Genocide Convention was echoed in
Congress and across the Atlantic in London. It was an ironic distraction.
Since the 
original Fuhrer expired in his bunker, the US has maintained a network of
dictators with Hitlerian tendencies-from Suharto in Indonesia to Mobutu in
Zaire and a 
variety of Latin American mobsters, many of them graduates of the US Army
School of the Americas. But only one has been identified by the world
community as a 
genuine "Adolf Hitler revisited," whose crimes are documented in a 1979
report of the UN Human Rights Commission as "the worst to have occurred
anywhere in the 
world since Nazism." He is, of course, Pol Pot, who must surely wonder at
his good fortune. Not only was he cosseted, his troops fed, supplied, and
trained, his 
envoys afforded all diplomatic privileges, but-unlike Saddam Hussein Ń he
was assured by his patrons that he would never be brought to justice for
his crimes. 
These assurances were given publicly in 1991 when the UN Human Rights
Sub-commission dropped from its agenda a draft resolution on Cambodia that
referred to 
"the atrocities reaching the level of genocide committed in particular
during the period of Khmer Rouge rule."16 No more, the UN body
decided,should member 
governments seek to "detect, arrest, extradite or bring to trial those who
have been responsible for crimes against humanity in Cambodia." No more
are 
governments called upon to "prevent the return to government positions of
those who were responsible for genocidal actions during the period 1975 to
1978." 
Such guarantees of impunity for the genocidists were also part of the UN
"peace plan" drafted by the permanent members of the Security Council:
that is, by the 
United States. To avoid offending Pol Pot's principal backers, the
Chinese, the plan dropped all mention of "genocide," replacing it with the
euphemism: 
"policies and practices of the recent past." On this, Henry Kissinger, who
played a leading part in the mass bombing of Cambodia in the early 1970s,
was an 
important influence. Western propaganda prior to the UN "peace process" in
Cambodia concentrated on the strength of the Khmer Rouge, so as to justify
their 
inclusion. UN officials and American and Australian diplomats talked about
35-40,000 Khmer Rouge. "You will understand," they would say, "we can't
leave a force 
as powerful as that outside the tent." As soon as the Khmer Rouge had been
welcomed back to Phnom Penh and, in effect, given a quarter to a third of
the 
countryside, they refused to take part in the elections. The tune then
changed. They were now "finished," chorused Western diplomats. They were
"weakened beyond 
hope." 
In the meantime, the Khmer Rouge was establishing itself as the richest
terrorist group in history by selling off tracts of Cambodia's forests, as
well as its 
precious stones, to the Thai, whose government was a signatory to the
"peace accords." No one stopped them. They established four large new
bases inside 
Thailand, complete with a field hospital. Thai soldiers guarded the road
that led to them. The "they are finished" line remains in vogue to this
day. 
Undoubtedly, they have been numerically diminished by defections and
attrition, but their number was always a false measure of their true
strength. It seems the 
State Department believes they are far from finished. On July 10 this
year, the spokesperson Nicholas Burns let slip that Khmer Rouge strength
ran into 
"thousands." 
The real threat from the Khmer Rouge comes from their enduring skill at
deception and infiltration. Before they seized power in 1975, they had
honeycombed Phnom 
Penh. This process is almost certainly under way again. As one resident of
Phnom Penh said recently, "They're everywhere." The "trial" of Pol Pot
this year was 
a wonderful piece of Khmer Rouge theater-cum- Pol Pot's patrons not only
cosseted him, supplied, and trained his troops, but also guaranteed him
impunity. 
media-event, but was otherwise worthless as an indication of the
organization's strength and immediate aims. 
The truth is that no one on the outside can really say what these are, and
that alone is a measure of the organization's strength and resilience. The
Cambodian 
leader Hun Sen, for one, clearly retains a respect for the veracity and
menace of their ambitions. 
The media relish Pol Pot as a unique monster. That is too easy and too
dangerous. It is his Faustian partners in Washington, Beijing, London,
Bangkok, 
Singapore, and elsewhere who deserve proper recognition. The Khmer Rouge
have been useful to all their converging aims in the region. Eric Falt,
the UN's senior 
spokesperson in Phnom Penh at the time of that manipulated organization's
"triumph" in Cambodia, told me with a fixed smile, "The peace process was
aimed at 
allowing [the Khmer Rouge] to gain respectability." Unfortunately, many
ordinary Cambodian people share his cynicism. They deserve better. 


 cut
PILGHER!
E sei steso anche tu.


 PILGHER!
ti tormenta che non lo puoi smentire nell'articolo su Pol Pot e gli USA eh
goebbelsuccio?
