Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: India, inizia visita ufficiale del premier britannico Cameron

http://notizie.virgilio.it/notizie/esteri/peace_reporter/2010/07_luglio/28/india_inizia_visita_ufficiale_del_premier_britannico_cameron,25389648.html
India, inizia visita ufficiale del premier britannico Cameron
Una nutrita delegazione, novanta persone, per rilanciare i rapporti
con la vecchia colonia - Il premier britannico David Cameron è giunto
oggi a Bangalore, nell'India meridionale, per una visita ufficiale di
due giorni, tesa a rilanciare le relazioni politiche, economiche e
commerciali con l'India. Cameron è accompagnato da una delegazione di
90 persone di vari settori della società (imprenditori e personalità
della cultura e dello sport), di cui fanno parte anche sei ministri,
fra cui quello degli Esteri, William Hague, e quello delle Finanze,
George Osborne. In giornata il premier britannico si dedicherà alla
conoscenza a Bangalore della realtà tecnologica ed industriale
indiana, ed in serata raggiungerà New Delhi dove per domani sono in
calendario incontri con le massime autorità politiche, fra cui il
collega Manmohan Singh.
--
Ed ecco un'interessante opinione dall'Indian Express:
--
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/reinventing-the-raj/653225/
Reinventing the Raj
C. Raja Mohan
Dr Singh also referred to the decision of India’s first prime
minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, who took India into the British
Commonwealth against much criticism in Delhi. Nehru explained his
decision by underlining the “free basis” of the political cooperation
he visualised with Britain.
India should not deny itself a beneficial engagement with Britain
“simply because in the past we had fought and thus carry on the trail
of our past karma along with us. We have to wash out the past with all
its evil.”
Despite the optimism of India’s founding fathers about a future
relationship with Britain, Delhi and London steadily drifted apart.
The Cold War, the Anglo-American tilt towards Pakistan on Jammu and
Kashmir, India’s drift towards the Soviet Union, and the steady
erosion of economic links removed all foundations for a partnership —
equal or otherwise.
It is only the end of the Cold War and India’s outward economic
orientation that opened the doors in the early ’90s for renewing a
serious bilateral engagement. Much has happened in the last two
decades, but a lot remains to be done on bringing the British and
Indian economies closer.
Beyond trade and commerce, Dr Singh and Cameron should focus on
liberating the bilateral ties from the political constraints that have
prevented a genuine security cooperation since the proclamation of a
strategic partnership in 2005.
One important obstacle to stronger political ties had been Labour’s
condescension towards India. Whether it was Robin Cook’s “values-based
foreign policy” or David Miliband’s emphasis on addressing the “root
causes” of anti-India terrorism, the Labour governments could not mask
their itch to meddle in India’s disputes with Pakistan over Jammu and
Kashmir.
If Cameron can bury the ghost of Kashmir, once and for all, he will
remove an important source of lingering Indian distrust of Britain.
That should, in turn, open the door for Dr Singh to explore the
prospects for long-term security cooperation between Delhi and London
in pacifying the turbulent lands between the Indus and the Hindu Kush,
which have become the source of a great national security threat to
both the countries.
Through much of its history, the Raj was obsessed with the security of
its northwestern frontiers. Six decades after the dissolution of the
Raj, that frontier is the world’s epicentre of violent extremism.
A reconstituted Raj would involve Delhi and London looking beyond the
question of a few arms sales. (A widely expected deal on the supply of
additional Hawk jet trainers was signed in Bangalore on Wednesday.) Dr
Singh and Cameron should try and define the framework for a strong
bilateral defence partnership.
That security vision in turn must have two elements. On the question
of “ends”, the emphasis must be on returning India and Britain to the
Raj tradition of keeping the global commons secure and open for all.
This would involve India and Britain pooling their resources to keep
open the sea lines of communication in the Indian Ocean and beyond. It
should also include joint efforts to counter the growing threats to
cyberspace, so critical to the functioning of international society
and the world economy today.
Then there is the question of the “means”. As Britain cuts its
military expenditure, downsizes its armed forces and limits its
political objectives amidst a big resource crunch at home, India
should take the opportunity to propose a comprehensive partnership
between the defence industries of the two countries.
Creating a policy environment for greater private sector investment in
each other’s arms production would help sustain the defence industrial
base in Britain, its expansion in India and their eventual
integration.
For all the talk of “decline” in London, Britain would want to keep
punching well above its weight in world affairs. A strong partnership
with India should help Britain prolong its place at the global high
table.
India on the other hand needs partners who can ease its path to a
larger international role. The people, resources and institutions of
Britain are India’s welcome force multipliers. Delhi and London, then,
have every incentive to pool their resources — in other words reinvent
the Raj — for mutual benefit.
raja....@expressindia.com

 Anche Karzai era arrabbiato come una scimmia.
Huhu!

 spettacolo.
Solo in inglese, questo, scusate -- un'opinione un po' più schettica,
come si aspetterebbe dallo Hindu quando parla di Britannia e
l'occidente in generale:
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/article542425.ece
A deepening relationship
Writing on his blog before his 2006 visit to India while he was Leader
of the Opposition in the British Parliament, David Cameron said he was
going for “a simple reason: India matters so much in the modern world …
Our relationship with India goes deep. But I think it can and should
go deeper … I think it's time for Britain and India to forge a new
special relationship for the twenty-first century.” Visiting India
again this week, this time as Prime Minister, Mr. Cameron went all out
to prove his determination to make those words come true. It is no
secret that the recession-hit United Kingdom is eyeing India primarily
through an economic lens. On his two-city tour, Mr. Cameron made a
strong pitch for improving bilateral trade and investment,
particularly for India to relax rules on foreign direct investment in
legal services, banking and insurance, and in defence manufacturing.
Although the joint statement was short on specific economic
commitments, both countries agreed to “substantially increase trade
and significantly increase investment,” and find ways to double it in
the next five years. But the British delegation had at least one
substantial achievement to celebrate — the clinching of the Rs.5,100
crore deal to supply Hawk trainer jets to the Indian Air Force and
Navy. The document notes the “opportunities for wide-ranging
cooperation” in the nuclear field after the signing earlier this year
of the U.K.-India Civil Nuclear Cooperation Declaration. The Indian
interest in attracting foreign investment in infrastructure
development was reflected in the joint statement, with both countries
agreeing to explore how best to go about this.
With Mr. Cameron determined to woo India, both sides seemed to have
deliberately avoided speaking on difficult bilateral issues publicly.
If New Delhi reiterated its reservation on the British cap on
immigration, it did so quietly. While there has been no change in
substantive positions, the atmospherics this time were far better than
during the final years of the Labour government under Gordon Brown
when David Miliband's tone and comments, particularly on Kashmir, had
not been received well. Prime Minister Cameron was careful not to
mention the Kashmir issue at all. Unsurprisingly, his candid
statements on terrorism emanating from Pakistan against India,
Afghanistan, and the other parts of the world, have endeared him to
Indians. That the same statements have caused outrage in Pakistan —
casting a shadow over President Asif Ali Zardari's visit to the U.K.
next week — and come under criticism in Britain, where Mr. Cameron has
been attacked for antagonising Islamabad, only goes to show that in
diplomacy, you cannot please all the people all the time.