Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: A Gaza e in Cisgiordania

Tra Hamas e Fatah ci si spara. Secondo il Corriere, trenta feriti a
Ramallah e quattro a Gaza. Ovviamente secondo il Ministro degli Esteri
italiano c'è una forte responsabilità del governo israeliano, che ha
chiuso il valico di Rafah (immagino che la cosa abbia influito
soprattutto a Ramallah).
Nel frattempo il presidente siriano Assad II dichiara che "Siria e
Israele possono vivere fianco a fianco in pace e armonia".

 soprattutto a Ramallah).
e ha ragione. D'altra parte una guerra civile palestinese gioverebbe
solo a Tel Aviv.

.sergio. ha scritto:

Dal che si deduce che anche quando i palestinesi si ammazano tra loro, 
dev'essee colpa di Israele.
Incredibili questi somari.
(e comunque no, la guerra civile palestinese non giova a gerusalemme. 
Gioverebbe avere un vicino minimamente capace di sutogovernarsi e di 
formulare una politica, qualunque essa sia).
tb

 italiano c'è una forte responsabilità del governo israeliano
Ma rotfl.
Ho risposto prima al somaro. Non immaginavo che anche nel nostro governo 
ci si accingesse ad un acuto di ragli.
Mamma, che pena.
Tb

 (e comunque no, la guerra civile palestinese non giova a gerusalemme.
Ma certamente.   Dopotutto, Martin Kramer ci ha detto che Israele era
anche contro la guerra in Iraq.
GT

anche contro la guerra in Iraq.
E difatti non vi ha partecipato in alcun modo.
-Stefano

 forces
Sulla scia di:
http://www.swissinfo.org/eng/international/ticker/detail/Rice_plans_to_boost_funding_for_Abbas_forces.html?siteSect=143&sid=7355597&cKey=1166216980000
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said on
Friday she would ask the U.S. Congress for tens of millions of dollars
to strengthen the security forces of Palestinian President Mahmoud
Abbas.
"We will request funding to support the security reform (of Abbas's
forces) and I think we will get support," said Rice in an interview
with Reuters, adding that the aid would be in the range of tens of
millions of dollars.
The funding request comes as tensions are at their highest in a decade
in the Palestinian territories, with government unity talks stalled and
the militant group Hamas accusing Abbas of trying to start a civil war.
The United States wants to ensure that Abbas, whose Fatah party was
trounced by Hamas in elections last January, emerges victorious in any
power struggle with Hamas and has been saying for months that more
needs to be done to boost his forces.
-----------------
Mmmmm... imporre un blocco economico che riduce il paese alla fame, e
contemporaneamente sostenere un'opposizione armata.  Il tutto dopo che
un'elezione democratica ha dato il risultato sbagliato.
Chi ci ricorda?
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6018.shtml
Before the United States government subcontracted the Chilean military
to overthrow the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende
in 1973, it carried out a number of important missions in the country
in preparation for the coup of 11 September. These included major
strikes, especially by truck owners, which crippled the economy,
massive demonstrations that included middle-class housewives and
children carrying pots and pans demanding food, purging the Chilean
military of officers who would oppose the suspension of democracy and
the introduction of US-supported fascist rule, and a major media
campaign against the regime with the CIA planting stories in newspapers
like El Mercurio and others. This was in a context where also the
Communist Party and the Leftist Revolutionary Movement (MIR) criticised
and sometimes attacked the Allende regime from varying leftist
positions.
The Chilean example is important to keep in mind when one looks at the
Palestinian situation today, as it functions as a sort of training
video for US-planned anti-democratic coups elsewhere in the world. Not
only are the US and Israel financially backing the open preparation for
a coup to be staged by the top leadership of Fateh (and in the case of
Israel allowing weapons' transfers to Palestinian Authority [PA]
President Mahmoud Abbas's Praetorian Guard), but so are the
intelligence services of a number of Israel-and US-friendly Arab
countries whose intelligence services have set up shop openly in
Ramallah more recently, making their longstanding and major, though
understated, involvement in running the Palestinian territories more
open and shameless. Indeed the intelligence "delegation" of one such
Arab country has rented out a multi-story building in Ramallah to
conduct their operations there.
Israel has helped this effort all along by kidnapping and arresting
Fateh members who resist the collaborationist policies of the top
leadership. As for the leadership itself, it has periodically purged
members of Fateh who oppose its policies, and marginalised those in the
Diaspora who continue to resist them. The Fateh/PA coup leaders consist
of Abbas and the ruling triumvirate of Mohamed Dahlan, Yasser Abd
Rabbo, and Nabil Amr. The profiles of these three make them well suited
for the tasks ahead. Dahlan is universally known as America's and
Israel's main corrupt military man on the ground. Abd Rabbo (aka Yasser
Abd Yasser, literally "Yasser worshipper of Yasser" on account of his
subservience to Arafat) is the architect of the Geneva accords, which
recognise Israel's right to be a racist Jewish state as legitimate and
reject the right of Palestinian refugees to return as illegitimate. He
recently upheld the Israeli position when fighting with the Qatari
foreign minister and his staff during the latter's visit to the
occupied territories. Amr is the former PA information minister, and a
former visiting fellow at the Israel lobby think tank the Washington
Institute for Near East Policy. He is also the speechwriter for Abbas
and Dahlan.
Abbas and these three have undertaken not only to launch massive
strikes by the Fateh security thugs that they have armed to police the
territories on behalf of Israel, and strikes by the bureaucracy that
staffs the PA ministries, but also have coerced large numbers of
Palestinians, including teachers and professors, under the force of
guns, to uphold a strike against Hamas, when most of them had voted for
Hamas in the first place and refuse to strike. Palestinians who have
fought for decades to keep their schools and universities open against
Israeli draconian closures and suspension of Palestinian education, are
now forced by Fateh and its armed thugs to stop the Palestinian
educational process with strikes against Hamas, and threaten to shoot
people if they refuse to follow Fateh's coup directives.
In addition, Abbas and the Fateh/PA triumvirate have organised
demonstrations in Ramallah by middle-class Palestinians, including
housewives, who brought out their pots and pans, in a scene borrowed
from 1973 Santiago, in demonstrations against Hamas. The
Fateh-controlled press, especially Al-Ayyam is fomenting major
anti-Hamas propaganda campaign in preparation for the coup and is thus
playing the same role as El Mercurio did in Chile. Al-Ayyam is aided in
its efforts by the anti-Hamas secular Palestinian intelligentsia, most
of whose members are on the payroll of the bankrollers of the Oslo
process and its NGOs. These old leftist Palestinians, like their
counterparts in Lebanon, are better known today as the right-wing left,
as they take up right-wing positions while insisting that they are
still leftists based on positions they had held in the 1980s or
earlier.
The plan is that the Fateh/PA rulers would do their utmost to provoke
Hamas to start the war at which point Fateh, with the aid of the
intelligence services of friendly Arab countries, as well as assistance
from Israel and the US, would crush Hamas and take over. Indeed, the
first unsuccessful round took place when the Israeli government
kidnapped a third of the Hamas government, both cabinet ministers and
parliament members, and placed them in Israeli jails. This was not
sufficient to bring Hamas down, and not for lack of help that Fateh
rendered the Israeli occupiers. Aside from the initial burning of the
Legislative Council building, Fateh thugs have also burned the prime
minister's office, shot at his car, burned offices in different
ministries several times, harassed and threatened Hamas ministers and
parliamentarians whom Israel failed to kidnap and arrest, refused to
allow the government ministries to operate, and so forth. Hamas
however, is wisely adamant that it will respond by force only when
Fateh launches an all-out war to bring about its planned coup, but not
before.
Fateh's planned coup is not only based on the popularity of Hamas and
its electoral victory but also on Hamas's increased ability to defend
itself against Fateh forces. If the US and Israel armed Fateh thugs
under Arafat's leadership to crush the first Palestinian Intifada and
any remaining resistance to the occupation since 1994, today, Hamas is
almost as well- armed as Fateh forces and can defend the rights of the
Palestinians to resist the Israeli occupation and the well-armed
Palestinian collaborators that help to enforce it. This is where the
situation today differs measurably from that of the mid-1990s. To
offset this new balance of forces, the United States government,
according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, has been training Abbas's
Praetorian Guard in Jericho for over a month with American, British,
Egyptian, and Jordanian military instructors, and is providing arms to
them in preparation for the confrontation with Hamas. The Israeli
cabinet in turn has recently approved the transfer of thousands of
rifles from Egypt and Jordan to Abbas's forces. The Israelis also
approved a US request that Israel allow the Badr Brigade -- part of the
Palestine Liberation Army currently stationed in Jordan -- to deploy in
Gaza. These steps have been conceived by General Keith Dayton, the
American security coordinator in the occupied territories, who wants
the Badr Brigade to function as Abbas's "rapid reaction force in Gaza".
As a possible step to increase its security and military roles in the
occupied territories, the Jordanian government recently established a
legal committee to review the provisions of Jordan's decision to
"disengage" from the West Bank announced on 31 July 1988, effectively
suggesting the possibility of a reversal of part or all of these
provisions. More recently, the Israelis intensified their bombings and
killings in Gaza, most recently in Beit Hanoun murdering over 50
Palestinians in a few days.
Mahmoud Abbas and his ruling triumvirate are reticent at the moment to
start an open war for fear of a public backlash. They prefer to remove
Hamas through imposing a "national unity" government that would
undercut Hamas gradually and peacefully. However, Abbas and his
triumvirate are quickly losing patience. Indeed, in a hastily-arranged
meeting of the Diaspora-based Fateh Central Committee set to convene in
Amman three weeks ago to ratify the coup plans, members of the
committee opposed Abbas's US and Israel-supported coup, which forced
Abbas to cancel the meeting altogether claiming falsely lack of quorum
as the reason. This speaks to Abbas's desperation in engineering the
coup without adequate preparation. Indeed, rumour has it across the
occupied territories that the desperate attacks committed recently
against Palestinian Christian churches were the work of undercover
thugs. Those who sent them want Palestinian Christians and the world at
large to think that these were Hamas acts in response to the pope's
racist pronouncements against Islam. Hamas duly condemned the attacks.
Few in the occupied territories believe that Hamas was behind them and
most know that they were the work of undercover agents.
The Fateh plan is simple: where Israel and its Lebanese allies failed
to crush Hizbullah in the Sixth war, Fateh and its Israeli allies will
succeed in crushing Hamas, even if the ongoing Israeli war against
Hamas and the Palestinian people becomes an all-out Seventh war. The
flurry of visits by Condoleezza Rice to the area in the last few weeks
hoped to put the final touches on this plan. If Hamas, like Hizbullah,
could be provoked into a military response, the coup planners believe,
then Fateh's and Israel's wrath (backed by the US, Jordan, Egypt, and
Saudi Arabia) would be unleashed to finish Hamas off. The Fateh
leadership and its thugs are sharpening their knives for the showdown.
Hamas has remained calm despite the pressure.
In the meantime, Ramallah proper (excluding the surrounding villages),
continues to be what many now refer to as the Palestinian Green Zone,
sheltering, in addition to the intelligence staff of Israel and
Israel-friendly Arab countries, those Palestinians who are paid and
protected by the Oslo process, whether the Oslo bureaucracy, its
technicians, and hired intellectuals, or the business and middle
classes recently habituated to the new name-brand consumerism that the
Green Zone can offer. This opulent life contrasts with the life of the
rest of the Palestinians outside Ramallah who live in misery, hunger,
and under the bombardment of the Israelis and the attacks of savage
Jewish colonial settlers, not to mention the harassment by Fateh thugs.
In Ramallah itself, the trigger-happy thugs shoot at random during
their demonstrations, injuring and sometimes killing passers by "in
error". Even the few secular intellectuals who deign to oppose Fateh
inside Ramallah are harassed in different ways. Some of them experience
mysterious robberies that are repeated every time they make anti-Fateh
statements. The preservation of Ramallah as the Green Zone is paramount
to Abbas and the Fateh/PA triumvirate, whose fear of any reform
introduced by Hamas would strip the elite of the benefits of corruption
and the dolce vita that Fateh-rule has ensured for them.
Meanwhile, Abbas and his triumvirate will continue to treat Hamas the
way Israel has treated the PLO and other Arab countries all along. In
the interminable negotiations that Hamas held with Fateh to avert a
showdown, whenever Hamas would agree to a Fateh demand, Fateh would up
the ante and insist on another concession or claim that its initial
demands always included the now expanded terms, even though they did
not. Moreover, Fateh would also publicly interpret Hamas's concessions
as having included things that Hamas had not agreed to at all. If this
is reminiscent of the post-Oslo negotiating strategy that the Israelis
used successfully with Arafat, this is because it is the same strategy.
Abbas has gone so far as to walk away from negotiations, and refuse to
speak to Hamas leaders, just as the Israelis have done often with the
PA. Moreover, if the Israelis would often carry undercover attacks
against Western interests to implicate Arab governments, the clearest
example being the infamous Lavon Affair of the mid-1950s targeting
Egypt, similar operations are being committed to implicate Hamas by
undercover agents, like the recent example of the attacks on the
churches illustrates. There may be many more such operations being
planned.
Whatever fig leaf still covered the Fateh leadership's complete
collaboration and subservience to Israeli interests has now fallen off.
As a result, there is very little left that can restrain Fateh's
actions. The next few weeks will be decided by how much Fateh leaders
are itching for a fight to save their skins and fortunes, and how much
patience Hamas can muster in the face of so much thuggery. In the
meantime, what has been unfolding in the Palestinian territories is
nothing short of the Chilean script.
Pinochet is in Palestine. His success however remains far from certain.
Joseph Massad is associate professor of modern Arab politics and
intellectual history at Columbia University. He is the author of The
Persistence of the Palestinian Question: Essays on Zionism and the
Palestinians (Routledge, 2006). This article was first published in
Al-Ahram Weekly.

sbagliato.
Certo, certo.... :)
*pat pat*
-Stefano

 solo a Tel Aviv.
e a Calderoli.