Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: Ben Judah su Putin

 
 
Su Putin
 
Il nome e' un programma, forse una conoscenza di Zanardo Tondelli e gli altri.
 
Se volete leggervi un saggio della piu' lercia propaganda in stile judaico cristiano andate avanti, altrimenti fermateci risparmiate lo stomaco. 
 
Judah e la verita', come interpretare le menzogne, il codice di interpretazione della menzogna mediorientale e semita.
Ernst & Joung 2012 New York 
 
The End of Vladimir Putin
 
 
When rebel crosshairs fixed on Malaysian Airlines flight MH17 30,000 feet above the sunflowers of Eastern Ukraine, they had no idea what they were about to blow up. 
No clue they were about to incinerate hundreds of Dutch holidaymakers. None whatsoever they were about to wreck a decade of the Kremlin's finest diplomacy--years of cleverly preventing the Americans from building a united Western front by playing divide and rule amongst the Europeans.
 
The rebels blew up more than a plane. They blew up Russia's winning position in Brussels against sanctions. Europeans like to think they play games with others, but the truth is that for years Russia has been pulling strings inside the European Union. The boys in Brussels like to boast about the EU. But they are ashamed to admit how far the Kremlin had gamed them: playing them off each other with energy, armaments and oligarchs.
 
None of the heavy hitters in Europe were willing to give these up big, juicy bribes for Ukraine. This is why serious sanctions have taken so long. Because for all the fighting talk from the Eurocrats, Russian money has run rings around its interests, its cash aiming to cripple any common foreign policy. Russia is Europe's third-biggest trade partner. Moscow's investments in the continent are enormous: Russia does over 40 percent of its trade with the European Union, supplying the bloc with roughly a quarter of its gas, while receiving more than $310 billion in loans from its banks.
 
 
Kremlin tactics were simple: use this money to divide and rule. That's why Russian diplomats no longer sound like KGB agents. They never talk ideology; they always talk about money. Putin's best diplomats now sound like clever businessmen: Does Germany want its own personalized pipeline? Excellent. Now, we only want Berlin to be a little more understanding on human rights... Would France, or Italy, like special military and energy deals? Fabulous. This could be arranged, but please, no more lectures on how to behave. Would Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania or perhaps Austria like our latest pipeline routed through sovereign territory? Wonderful. But remember, we need you to stand up for us in Brussels. Would London like to be the destination of choice for our lovely oligarchs? Superb. Now, let's not look too closely at offshore finance.
 
 
 
Pagano di sicuri bene a RFE
 
 

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"Putin killed my son."
 
Europe's politicians woke up to tabloid headlines like: "Putin killed my son." Suddenly for Britain, Germany and the Netherlands - the home country of most of those incinerated on the MH17 - not standing up to Putin was no longer about money. These politicians suddenly risked losing their credibility and their votes at home. Suddenly, the calculation flipped: For David Cameron and Angela Merkel in particular, sanctions were suddenly politically profitable.
Russia's rebels have achieved what American diplomats failed to do. For months, American diplomats had been lobbying the 28 EU member states to take a stronger stance toward Russia. Not even Britain was particularly obliged--all those rubles can buy a lot of wobbly upper lips, apparently. But no longer: Russia's European diplomacy now lies in the wreckage of the MH17. The package that was carried through this week looks set to hit the kleptocratic network that underwrites Putin hard. Russia's economy is already teetering on the edge of recession. The move to restrict the access of Russian state banks to Western financial markets will hurt not only the Kremlin's coffers, but also the Russian oligarchs whose companies are tied into them.