Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: Resistenza non-violenta Palestinese

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/393347.html
'The peaceful way works best' 
By Gideon Levy
There's a remote little village in the West Bank that decided to
behave differently. A village whose residents decided not to lament
and not to blow themselves up. They chose another way between violence
and surrender. The residents of the village of Budrus, west of
Ramallah and close to the Green Line, chose to wage a nonviolent
struggle against the separation fence that is being built on its land.
The whole village has pitched in - the Hamas and Fatah members, the
old and the young, men and women, and for three months they have been
going down by the hundreds to their olive groves every week, to
demonstrate against the uprooting of their trees and the encircling of
the residents.
The IDF and the Border Police have been faced with an unfamiliar
phenomenon: What are they supposed to do about hundreds of unarmed,
nonviolent residents slowly descending toward the bulldozers, with
women and children leading the pack, and a handful of Israeli and
international volunteers sprinkled among them, approaching to within
touching distance of the armed soldiers? Should they shoot to kill?
Shoot to injure?
So far, the IDF has fired, but less - no one has been killed, and
about 100 people have been injured, most of them lightly, in the
course of about 25 demonstrations over a two-month period. Most of the
injuries were from batons and rubber bullets, like in the old days.
Twelve villagers have been arrested, and nine of them are still in
jail, for participating in clearly nonviolent demonstrations. This,
too, is a violation of the IDF's rules, as one military judge noted
when he refused to send one of the leaders of this pacifist revolt to
administrative detention. The arrested man's brother, however, was
sent straight to administrative detention by another military judge.
But the most important point is that the construction work on the
fence near the village has been stopped, for now.
Budrus against the occupation. Budrus against the separation fence,
which will encircle the village on all sides and cut it off, like
eight other villages slated to be enclosed in fenced-in enclaves
opposite Ben-Gurion Airport. The fence could have been built along the
Green Line, several hundred meters from the present route, but Israel
had other ideas - about the vineyards, about the olives, about life.
Today, or tomorrow, the quarrying and paving work will resume, and so
will the protest demonstrations.
Will this remote village become a milestone in the struggle over the
fence? Will the residents of Budrus herald a change to nonviolence in
the Palestinian struggle against the occupation? Or, in a week or two,
will the separation fence cut off life in this village, too, and show
that nonviolence doesn't pay, with the scene in Budrus soon becoming a
forgotten episode?
 Cacti wherever you look. Old stone houses standing alongside
half-built ones that will never be completed. Things look promising as
you enter the village, but the further inside you go, the more the
reality hits you. After the last house, from within the olive groves,
is the sight that is frightening the residents: the rising orange of
the bulldozers, blotches of color in the wadi cutting into the rock,
digging up and scarring, and after them the steamrollers and the heavy
trucks. Olive trees whose tops have been cut off stand in mute
testimony to the work of the bulldozers so far.
 This is where the fence will pass. Through these olive groves. One
fence to the west of them and another to the east of them, leaving
them stuck, imprisoned in the middle. Why? Because.
"If the fence were on the mountain, it would give more security,"
ventures Iyad Ahmed Murar, a leader of the protest in Budrus, whose
two brothers are in administrative detention. "But they want a fence
in the wadi. Common sense says that if you want a security fence, put
it on the mountain and not in the wadi. But they want to destroy the
land and the olives. What difference would it make if they moved 200
meters toward the Green Line?"
Before 1948, Budrus had approximately 25,000 dunams. Of that, 20,000
went to Israel and the village was left with about 5,000. Now,
according to Murar's calculations, about another 1,000 dunams will be
stolen. The construction work near the groves has stopped for now, but
is continuing not far away, toward the neighboring village of Qibiya.
But it's not just the fate of the land that is worrying the village,
which hasn't had a resident killed since 1993. What's more worrisome
is how the fence will effectively choke off the village.
Murar: "The fence will be around nine villages. Ramallah is our mother
and only one gate will lead to it. And what if the soldier is on a
coffee break? Or off smoking a cigarette? Maybe he'll lock the gate so
he can go to the bathroom. Maybe there will be a problem in Tel Aviv
and they'll close the gate. And then you won't be able to get to the
university, to the hospital or to work, and in the end, people will
start to live where they work. If someone gives me a job, and I come
one day and not the next, in the end he'll tell me to stay there where
the job is or be fired. People will start thinking about having to
stay where their job is. And the student and the sick person will
start thinking the same way."
This is what the village is the most afraid of - a "willing" transfer;
of life being made so difficult that they'll be compelled to move
east. A 1,000-year-old village. That's why the fence is here. In
Budrus, they're convinced that Prime Minister Sharon is continuing
what Captain Sharon began: In Qibiya, he tried it with dynamite, now
he's trying it with a fence. The objective is the same: to move them
away from the Green Line, especially in the vicinity of Ben-Gurion
airport. What can they do? "Demonstrate in a peaceful manner," says
Murar the rebel.
It all began on November 9, when construction work first started here.
Since then, they've been demonstrating and demonstrating, always in a
peaceful manner. Sometimes once a week, sometimes every day; sometimes
the entire village; sometimes only the women and children. They walk
down through the groves toward the route of the fence and get as close
as possible to the soldiers and Border Police officers. Murar likes to
describe the little rebellion, stage after stage, almost hour after
hour. How they once stood there for a whole day, how they brought
lunch and ate in front of the soldiers, how they were beaten with
batons and rifle butts.
He records every detail: During one demonstration in December, he
counted 15 humvees, six Border Police jjeeps, two blue police jeeps
and another two military jeeps inside the village, 25 jeeps
altogether. At another demonstration, the officer declared the area a
closed military zone.
Murar: "They had a letter in Hebrew - maybe about this area, maybe
about the whole village, maybe about the whole world, declaring a
closed military zone. They said they'd impose a curfew if we did
anything." He also talks about how they managed to go out to the land
despite the curfew and to demonstrate in front of the bulldozers.
 We decide to go down now toward the route that has already been
paved. Murar remains behind. "If there are too many of us, they'll
think it's a demonstration." The last demonstration was last Friday;
tear gas canisters are still scattered about. The residents know the
work is going to resume soon. Maybe today, maybe tomorrow. Here are
the red markings on the ground. They have scouts on the balconies of
the outer houses of the village, who will report if they see
something. The treadmarks left by the bulldozers are still visible in
the mud. From here, the route is supposed to ascend toward the olive
groves, another four kilometers. The first trees have already been
uprooted. Yesterday was Tu Bishvat (Jewish arbor day).
 A group of volunteers from the International Solidarity Movement,
along with two young Israelis, accompany us through the olive groves,
but they do not go down toward the fence route. They are staying in
the village now, preparing for what is to come. Today they're here,
tomorrow they'll be in the next village that the fence is approaching.
Young dreamers and fighters who pay 20 shekels a night to stay in a
rented apartment in the village. Yonatan Pollak of Anarchists Against
the Fence, a 21-year-old with blue eyes, dimples, acne scars, a
worldview and a past: Europe is already closed to him because of
anti-globalization demonstrations he participated in there. He pulls a
black sleeve over the tattoos on his arm. He won't buy an Israeli soda
in the village grocery store. While his contemporaries are standing at
checkpoints and deciding which woman in labor to let pass and which
not, he is here, with the Budrus residents, in their struggle.
We return to the village. The Amhassein family's two-story house: the
family on the first floor, the chickens on the second. The mother,
Suriya, just returned from Mecca and the house has been decorated in
her honor. The children play loudly at recess at the school at the
edge of the village. The fence will pass right behind the border of
the school and the border of the nearby cemetery. Mighty Israel is
spread out all around: Modi'in, Ramle, Shoham, Rosh Ha'ayin - and on a
clear day, you can even make out the Shalom Tower in Tel Aviv. And on
the other side, to the east, Kiryat Sefer, Nili, Na'aleh. "Tell me,
could the fence go into the cemetery?," Murar asks.
A meeting at his home: About 20 women sit in the yard of the
attractive house on the edge of the green valley and plan the
exhibition they want to stage here on the 23rd of the month, the first
day of hearings on the fence in the International Court in The Hague.
Half the women came from Salfit and half are from the village. They
sit in the shade of the banana tree in Murar's yard and talk about the
exhibit of olivewood products they will present in a tent in the
center of the village. Maybe people from all over the world will come
to see. A Swedish member of parliament was already arrested here by
the IDF. Murar says that the exhibition will include a dove carved out
of olivewood. They're also planning a demonstration of children soon.
Murar: "We've learned lessons - where we did good and where we did
bad. They [the Israelis] have also learned lessons. Maybe they'll
strengthen the curfew more when they're working. But our plan is to
defend our land and our trees in a peaceful manner. Sometimes among
our people there are a lot of ideas about what to do against the
occupation. We here have chosen a different strategy. Our strategy in
this small village is that we're turning things over. In the north,
from Jenin until Budrus, there were Israeli and international
demonstrators, supported by Palestinians. But here, we think that it's
our problem and that we have to defend our land and do something, and
the Israelis and international protesters are only supporting us.
First the Palestinians, and then the internationals. We are very
grateful for Israeli and international support, but the Palestinians
have to make a stand. We're adopting a special strategy, a peaceful
strategy. The Hamas here, too. In the beginning, they walked with
their green flags in the demonstrations. After the first three
demonstrations, we only carry the flag of Palestine. Everyone
together. In a totally peaceful way. We also all agreed on one thing:
We are not against the Israelis and not against the Jews and not
against the soldiers. We are only against the occupation. We are
against the bulldozers. And we in Budrus believe that killing is
easier than crying. But just crying over the land isn't enough. A
peaceful demonstration is stronger than killing. If you stand before
the Israeli soldier, right beside him, you'll be stronger.
If someone asks: Why peaceful? I tell him: I've tried all the ways and
the peaceful way works best. The worst thing is to kill the innocent.
That's the worst thing in the world. They kill day and night and say
that we are terrorists. But we need all the world to be on our side.
I'm against killing people. All people, Jews and Arabs. I'm not afraid
or ashamed to say that. That's why I'm demonstrating peacefully
against the fence."

 
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/393347.html
IMHO e' questa la strada, e lo scrivo da anni, per avere meno morti da
entrambe le parti e maggiori risultati per i palestinesi.
Ciao
Ale
-- 
Posted via Mailgate.ORG Server - 
http://www.Mailgate.ORG

 'The peaceful way works best'
Excellent pick, Giorgio!
I hope that this little light in the darkness will be able to enlighten more
and more minds.
Ciao
Giano


ma l'occupazione israeliana e' pacifica o armata ?
Pietro


 ma l'occupazione israeliana e' pacifica o armata ?
Armata, come gli inglesi in India.


...

Ecco un'altro articolo sull'argomento scritto da Adam Shapiro, il
fondatore
dell'International Solidarity Movement
http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0216-11.htm
Palestinians Join Nonviolent Struggle Against Israeli Occupation 
by Adam Shapiro
 
 
Ayed Morar, or Abu Abu Ahmed as he is known to all, sat in jail for a
week, including the day we celebrated the life of the Rev. Martin
Luther King Jr. I wonder if he thought of King during his
incarceration.
Unlike King, Abu Ahmed is unable to protest his imprisonment by
exemplifying the moral injustice done to him and his people, for the
world's powers have maintained a deaf ear to the plight of the
Palestinian people.
Like King, however, Abu Ahmed is in jail for organizing and
participating in nonviolent direct action against unjust,
discriminatory and violent policies targeting his people on the basis
of their ethnicity. King ultimately left his Birmingham jail cell and
went on to lead this country toward racial integration and healing.
But Abu Ahmed, though he is released from prison, is still locked up.
 Abu Ahmed is from Budrus, a peaceful farming village in the West Bank
that sits relatively near the 1967 border with Israel. Last year, the
Israeli government interfered in the life of the village in an
unprecedented way with preparation for the construction of a wall
blocking the villagers' access to their fields, and cutting them off
from any source of livelihood. This preparation has meant the
uprooting of thousands of olive trees and the devastation of the land.
In December 2003, Abu Ahmed and others in the village started to
organize and called on the International Solidarity Movement -- a
grass-roots Palestinian and international movement promoting
nonviolent, direct-action methods of resistance (in the spirit of
King) -- to join them in protesting the wall.
For days, hundreds of Palestinians marched against the wall, joined by
international and Israeli civilians, mirroring similar protests
elsewhere along the wall. Ultimately, and not unexpectedly, the
Israeli Army struck back.
On one day, dozens were injured by live and rubber-coated steel
bullets. On Dec. 26, an Israeli civilian, Gil Na'amati, was shot by
Israeli soldiers at another protest, and on Dec. 30, a Swedish
parliamentarian was arrested with eight other foreigners. One day
later, Israeli Army Jeeps rolled into the village and arrested dozens
of Palestinians, including most of the organizers. Nonetheless, Abu
Ahmed and his fellow villagers continued, and on the night he was
arrested, Jan. 14, he was planning the next day's demonstration.
The wall will make Budrus a virtual prison, as it has many other
villages and towns in the West Bank. Gaza already is a virtual
open-air prison, and "unilateral steps" by Israel are well under way
to do the same to the West Bank. And yet more and more Palestinians
are joining in the nonviolent struggle against Israeli occupation.
Like King, the Freedom Riders, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee and others in the civil rights movement, these Palestinians
and their friends are standing up through action to injustice and
violence. Like Andrew Goodman, James Chaney and Michael Schwerner, the
lives of peace activists Rachel Corrie, Tom Hurndall, Isaac Saada and
Shaden Abu Hijleh have also been taken too soon. And like those
earlier activists, Abu Ahmed and others are seeking a fundamental
paradigm shift in overturning decades of injustice in the name of
peace.
Recently, we as Americans have reflected on the life of a man who
dedicated himself to the causes of equality, freedom and justice.
However, we must also consider what King would do in the current
situation.
Would he sit idly by while fences and walls were constructed on 125th
Street in New York City to block off Harlem from the rest of
Manhattan? Would he ignore the razing of hundreds of homes in Compton,
making thousands homeless?
Of course, King would act. He knew that the spirit within all men and
women for freedom and justice could not be bound, lynched, segregated,
isolated, imprisoned or relocated.

 Armata, come gli inglesi in India.
Ma alla fine gli inglesi se ne sono andati...
K

 Ma alla fine gli inglesi se ne sono andati...
A riprova che la resistenza non violenta, contro le democrazie, funziona
e le bombe mooolto meno.



Altro che resistenza non violenta... Non erano  mica tutti seguaci di
Ghandi...
E poi..non ci dimentichiamo le pressioni esterne che gli inglesi hanno
subito...che certamente hanno influito sulla decisione di mollare la
presa...
E poi gli inglesi erano una VERA democrazia...Ho serii dubbi che israele lo
sia...
Anche le democrazie (quelle vere) sono in via di estinzione...
K

 sia...
Certo, una VERA democrazia che distingueva i suoi cittadini su base
razziale. Erano infatti cittadini ordinari tutti gli Inglesi nati sia in
madrepatria che in colonia, ma anche i francofoni canadesi e gli afrikaaner.
Gli altri sudditi delle colonie di Sua Britannica Maestà avevano invece una
cittadinanza speciale. Anche se nati nelle patrie isole. Chissà come mai.

 wrote in message
news:3pmYb.326871$_P.11...@news4.tin.it...

Questo accade in Israele nel XXI secolo...(vedi le nuove leggi razziali
israeliani).
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/story.jsp?story=429490
K

razziali israeliani).
Non esiste nessuna legge razziale in Israele.  Ne esiste
differenziazione di cittadinanza.
-Stefano

 E poi gli inglesi erano una VERA democrazia...
Il Regno Unito del 1948 era certamente una democrazia che, come tutte le
democrazie, era imperfetta e con dei limiti. Gli abitanti cattolici
delle sei contee, tanto per non allontanarsi troppo dalle isole
britanniche, credo avrebbero potutot spiegarti numerosi limiti della
democrazia britannica. E te lo dice un deciso ammiratore della madre dei
parlamenti.


 parlamenti.
E te lo dice anche uno che ci ha vissuto per quasi 10 anni in UK...Le cose
stanno cambiando (in peggio) anche in UK...
K

 e le bombe mooolto meno.
"Contro le democrazie"?
Allora, Martin Luther King doveva abbandonare la non-violenza:
Il sud degli stati uniti, prima del movimento dei diritti civili non
era certo
una democrazia!
Piu' rilevante a noi, Israele NON si comporta certo come una
democrazia nei
territori occupati, da dove vengono le bombe.
Il problema e' tutto qua':  Noi lanciamo guerre "perche' con i
dittatori si puo' fare solo cosi'" (ammazzando, fra l'altro, molte
piu' persone dei
terroristi Palestinesi).   Poi diciamo ai Palestinesi che con Sharon
bisogna usare la non-violenza "perche' con le democrazie funziona
meglio".
E poi ci stupiamo che i Palestinesi non sentono.   Alcuni sentono,
vorrei che fossero di piu', ma NON mi sorprendo che sono cosi' pochi.
Nella prima antifada, quasi non violenta, la quantita' di morti e
feriti
Palestinesi era piu' alta che in questa.  I Palestinesi lo sanno
benissmo: Molti dei militanti di oggi erano bambini nella prima
Antifada, e hanno visto cosa e' successo.
GT

 feriti Palestinesi era piu' alta che in questa.  
E infatti dopo c'e' stata Oslo, dopo la campagna terroristica di Hamas &
C. c'e' stata la rioccupazione.


 Antifada, e hanno visto cosa e' successo.
Per me i palestinesi possono scegliere il metodo di lotta che
preferiscono, e certo non mi scandalizza la lotta armata, rimarco però che
se scegliessero meglio i loro bersagli (ad esempio colpendo solo militari
dell'IDF nei territori) otterrebbero maggiori benefici politici e militari.
Questo partendo dal presupposto che il loro obiettivo sia ottenere uno
stato palestinese con sovranità sull'area degli attuali "territori
occupati", che poi l'obiettivo di hamas sia ben diverso e che quindi i
mezzi da esso usati possano essere adeguati al suo reale obiettivo è un
altro discorso...
Ciao,
  L.
-- 
questo articolo e` stato inviato via web dal servizio gratuito 
http://www.newsland.it/news
 segnala gli abusi ad 
ab...@newsland.it

 E infatti dopo c'e' stata Oslo,
Che e' giudicata dalla maggior parte dei militanti Palestinesi come
una
grandissima fregatura, in luce degli eventi dopo-Oslo.
GT

 una grandissima fregatura, in luce degli eventi dopo-Oslo.
I falchi israeliani la pensano nello stesso modo identico.


Alessandro Santini ha scritto:
(cut)
Ale, sono d'acordo con tutte le considerazioni di questo tuo post, ma,
tanto per non cadere nel d'accordismo più smaccato, come controesempio di
democrazia piegata dalle bombe e dalla lotta armata che ne dici della
guerra di liberazione algerina contro la Francia di De Gaulle?


 guerra di liberazione algerina contro la Francia di De Gaulle?
Ottimo esempio al quale non so controbattere (se non elencando un monte
di differenze cosa che pero' sarebbe totalmente inutile dato che e'
ovvio che i casi differiscano tutti) se non dicendo che la storia non ha
leggi, quella che indicavo io era solo una tendenza con le sue brave
eccezioni.
Un colpo di coda di pignoleria: la maggior parte della guerra gli
algerini l'hanno fatta contro la IV repubblica, De Gaulle sta alla
guerra algerina come Nixon e Kissinger a quella del Vietnam: fu colui
che si ritiro'. Non per niente ha dovuto *parare* un tentativo di golpe
e l'OAS ha tentato piu' volte di farlo fuori.
Ciao
Ale
P.S. Ma la Francia di quel periodo, direbbe il Torrieri, era una
democcrazia? Non aveva sudditi coloniali con meno diritti? E l'UK fino
alla cessione di Hong Kong? Era una democrazia?


 alla cessione di Hong Kong? Era una democrazia?
Hahr hahr... questo becero tentativo di ripescare gli argomenti del
Torrieri, sulla cui totale infondatezza concordo con te, non ti salva...


 Oplà... infilzato come un tordo!!!  :-PPP
Spernacchiare lo sconfitto che ti offre la sua spada non e' proprio da
gentiluomini :-PPPPPPPP
Ale
P.S. Sta a vedere che ora arriva serenissima a dirmi che nel mondo
*postmoderno* non si offrono piu' spade al vincitore ma che anzi questo
gesto denota l'applicazione di un double standard...


 gustibus...
gli USA del senatore McCarty?
 s.
--------------------------------
Inviato via 
http://arianna.libero.it/usenet/

 gli USA del senatore McCarty?
Quelli.


 principio della rivolta passiva (o non violenza)...
Fatti lo stesso elenco e chiediti quanti morti e' costata l'indipendenza
indiana e quanti le altri. Tanti che ci sei fai anche un confronto tra
l'attuale situazione dell'india e quella delle altre ex-colonie. Ah,
rapporta tutto alle rispettive popolazioni.
Una nota: nessuna colonia spagnola o portoghese si e' liberata mentre la
Spagna ed il Portogallo erano democratici.


 compagnia dei peggiori estremisti nazionalisti israeliani.
Sostengo che finche' sui territori ci sono coloni, carri armati e soldati
del governo Israeliano, questi ultimi fanno parte di Israele, nel senso
che sono soggetti alle sue leggi e alle disposizioni del governo.
A meno che questa non e' una situazione strettamente temporanea (e ovviamente
non lo e': 35 anni e passa), Israele NON e' una democrazia.
GT

ovviamente non lo e': 35 anni e passa),
35 anni e passa senza pace da chi quei territori possedeva/controllava.
E senza pace non si restituisce nulla.
-Stefano

 che sono soggetti alle sue leggi e alle disposizioni del governo.
Cioe' IYHO dovrebbero diventare cittadini israeliani. Ma lo vogliono?
