Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: storie di comunismo, prosperita` e liberta` di stampa

Wen Jiabao e` ricco da far schifo:
 
http://www.corriere.it/esteri/12_ottobre_26/jabao-fortuna-cina-censura-inchiesta_3065a924-1f3a-11e2-8e43-dbb0054e521d.shtml
 
 
ma in Cina non si deve sapere.

 Wen Jiabao e` ricco da far schifo
 
il clichè del comunista miliardario è un evergreen della propaganda
borghese. Poi quando il "miliardario" muore e non c'è nessuna eredità
viene regolarmente sputtanato, ma a chi fa propaganda frega poco della
realtàò

 borghese. 
 
la censura e` l'arma di chi non puo` smentire coi fatti.


l'onere della prova sta a chi accusa. Dov'è il numero di conto
corrente e l'estratto conto di WJ?

 l'onere della prova sta a chi accusa. 
 
glielo potrebbe dire in faccia, invece di scappare come un coniglio, parandosi il culo con la censura.

 glielo potrebbe dire in faccia
 
i calunniatori non meritano risposta, anzi, rispondere loro dà una
crediblità che non meritano.

 i calunniatori non
 
coniglio.

 coniglio.
 
CVD


http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/26/business/global/family-of-wen-jiabao-holds-a-hidden-fortune-in-china.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0
 
 
Billions in Hidden Riches for Family of Chinese Leader
 
By DAVID BARBOZA
Published: October 25, 2012 203 Comments
 
BEIJING ï¿½ The mother of Chinaï¿½s prime minister was a schoolteacher in 
northern China. His father was ordered to tend pigs in one of Maoï¿½s 
political campaigns. And during childhood, ï¿½my family was extremely 
poor,ï¿½ the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, said in a speech last year.
But now 90, the prime ministerï¿½s mother, Yang Zhiyun, not only left 
poverty behind, she became outright rich, at least on paper, according 
to corporate and regulatory records. Just one investment in her name, in 
a large Chinese financial services company, had a value of $120 million 
five years ago, the records show.
 
The details of how Ms. Yang, a widow, accumulated such wealth are not 
known, or even if she was aware of the holdings in her name. But it 
happened after her son was elevated to Chinaï¿½s ruling elite, first in 
1998 as vice prime minister and then five years later as prime minister.
 
Many relatives of Wen Jiabao, including his son, daughter, younger 
brother and brother-in-law, have become extraordinarily wealthy during 
his leadership, an investigation by The New York Times shows. A review 
of corporate and regulatory records indicates that the prime ministerï¿½s 
relatives ï¿½ some of whom, including his wife, have a knack for 
aggressive deal making ï¿½ have controlled assets worth at least $2.7 billion.
 
In many cases, the names of the relatives have been hidden behind layers 
of partnerships and investment vehicles involving friends, work 
colleagues and business partners. Untangling their financial holdings 
provides an unusually detailed look at how politically connected people 
have profited from being at the intersection of government and business 
as state influence and private wealth converge in Chinaï¿½s fast-growing 
economy.
 
Unlike most new businesses in China, the familyï¿½s ventures sometimes 
received financial backing from state-owned companies, including China 
Mobile, one of the countryï¿½s biggest phone operators, the documents 
show. At other times, the ventures won support from some of Asiaï¿½s 
richest tycoons. The Times found that Mr. Wenï¿½s relatives accumulated 
shares in banks, jewelers, tourist resorts, telecommunications companies 
and infrastructure projects, sometimes by using offshore entities.
 
The holdings include a villa development project in Beijing; a tire 
factory in northern China; a company that helped build some of Beijingï¿½s 
Olympic stadiums, including the well-known ï¿½Birdï¿½s Nestï¿½; and Ping An 
Insurance, one of the worldï¿½s biggest financial services companies.
 
As prime minister in an economy that remains heavily state-driven, Mr. 
Wen, who is best known for his simple ways and common touch, more 
importantly has broad authority over the major industries where his 
relatives have made their fortunes. Chinese companies cannot list their 
shares on a stock exchange without approval from agencies overseen by 
Mr. Wen, for example. He also has the power to influence investments in 
strategic sectors like energy and telecommunications.
 
Because the Chinese government rarely makes its deliberations public, it 
is not known what role ï¿½ if any ï¿½ Mr. Wen, who is 70, has played in most 
policy or regulatory decisions. But in some cases, his relatives have 
sought to profit from opportunities made possible by those decisions.
 
The prime ministerï¿½s younger brother, for example, has a company that 
was awarded more than $30 million in government contracts and subsidies 
to handle wastewater treatment and medical waste disposal for some of 
Chinaï¿½s biggest cities, according to estimates based on government 
records. The contracts were announced after Mr. Wen ordered tougher 
regulations on medical waste disposal in 2003 after the SARS outbreak.
 
In 2004, after the State Council, a government body Mr. Wen presides 
over, exempted Ping An Insurance and other companies from rules that 
limited their scope, Ping An went on to raise $1.8 billion in an initial 
public offering of stock. Partnerships controlled by Mr. Wenï¿½s relatives 
ï¿½ along with their friends and colleagues ï¿½ made a fortune by investing 
in the company before the public offering.
 
In 2007, the last year the stock holdings were disclosed in public 
documents, those partnerships held as much as $2.2 billion worth of Ping 
An stock, according to an accounting of the investments by The Times 
that was verified by outside auditors. Ping Anï¿½s overall market value is 
now nearly $60 billion.
 
Ping An said in a statement that the company did ï¿½not know the 
background of the entities behind our shareholders.ï¿½ The statement said, 
ï¿½Ping An has no means to know the intentions behind shareholders when 
they buy and sell our shares.ï¿½
 
While Communist Party regulations call for top officials to disclose 
their wealth and that of their immediate family members, no law or 
regulation prohibits relatives of even the most senior officials from 
becoming deal-makers or major investors ï¿½ a loophole that effectively 
allows them to trade on their family name. Some Chinese argue that 
permitting the families of Communist Party leaders to profit from the 
countryï¿½s long economic boom has been important to ensuring elite 
support for market-oriented reforms.
 
Even so, the business dealings of Mr. Wenï¿½s relatives have sometimes 
been hidden in ways that suggest the relatives are eager to avoid public 
scrutiny, the records filed with Chinese regulatory authorities show. 
Their ownership stakes are often veiled by an intricate web of holdings 
as many as five steps removed from the operating companies, according to 
the review.
 
In the case of Mr. Wenï¿½s mother, The Times calculated her stake in Ping 
An ï¿½ valued at $120 million in 2007 ï¿½ by examining public records and 
government-issued identity cards, and by following the ownership trail 
to three Chinese investment entities. The name recorded on his motherï¿½s 
shares was Taihong, a holding company registered in Tianjin, the prime 
ministerï¿½s hometown.
 
The apparent efforts to conceal the wealth reflect the highly charged 
politics surrounding the countryï¿½s ruling elite, many of whom are also 
enormously wealthy but reluctant to draw attention to their riches. When 
Bloomberg News reported in June that the extended family of Vice 
President Xi Jinping, set to become Chinaï¿½s next president, had amassed 
hundreds of millions of dollars in assets, the Chinese government 
blocked access inside the country to the Bloomberg Web site.
 
ï¿½In the senior leadership, thereï¿½s no family that doesnï¿½t have these 
problems,ï¿½ said a former government colleague of Wen Jiabao who has 
known him for more than 20 years and who spoke on the condition of 
anonymity. ï¿½His enemies are intentionally trying to smear him by letting 
this leak out.ï¿½
 
The Times presented its findings to the Chinese government for comment. 
The Foreign Ministry declined to respond to questions about the 
investments, the prime minister or his relatives. Members of Mr. Wenï¿½s 
family also declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment.
 
Duan Weihong, a wealthy businesswoman whose company, Taihong, was the 
investment vehicle for the Ping An shares held by the prime ministerï¿½s 
mother and other relatives, said the investments were actually her own. 
Ms. Duan, who comes from the prime ministerï¿½s hometown and is a close 
friend of his wife, said ownership of the shares was listed in the names 
of Mr. Wenï¿½s relatives in an effort to conceal the size of Ms. Duanï¿½s 
own holdings.
 
ï¿½When I invested in Ping An I didnï¿½t want to be written about,ï¿½ Ms. Duan 
said, ï¿½so I had my relatives find some other people to hold these shares 
for me.ï¿½
 
But it was an ï¿½accident,ï¿½ she said, that her company chose the relatives 
of the prime minister as the listed shareholders ï¿½ a process that 
required registering their official ID numbers and obtaining their 
signatures. Until presented with the names of the investors by The 
Times, she said, she had no idea that they had selected the relatives of 
Wen Jiabao.
 
The review of the corporate and regulatory records, which covers 1992 to 
2012, found no holdings in Mr. Wenï¿½s name. And it was not possible to 
determine from the documents whether he recused himself from any 
decisions that might have affected his relativesï¿½ holdings, or whether 
they received preferential treatment on investments.
 
For much of his tenure, Wen Jiabao has been at the center of rumors and 
conjecture about efforts by his relatives to profit from his position. 
Yet until the review by The Times, there has been no detailed accounting 
of the familyï¿½s riches.
 
His wife, Zhang Beili, is one of the countryï¿½s leading authorities on 
jewelry and gemstones and is an accomplished businesswoman in her own 
right. By managing state diamond companies that were later privatized, 
The Times found, she helped her relatives parlay their minority stakes 
into a billion-dollar portfolio of insurance, technology and real estate 
ventures.
 
The coupleï¿½s only son sold a technology company he started to the family 
of Hong Kongï¿½s richest man, Li Ka-shing, for $10 million, and used 
another investment vehicle to establish New Horizon Capital, now one of 
Chinaï¿½s biggest private equity firms, with partners like the government 
of Singapore, according to records and interviews with bankers.
 
The prime ministerï¿½s younger brother, Wen Jiahong, controls $200 million 
in assets, including wastewater treatment plants and recycling 
businesses, the records show.
 
As prime minister, Mr. Wen has staked out a position as a populist and a 
reformer, someone whom the state-run media has nicknamed ï¿½the Peopleï¿½s 
Premierï¿½ and ï¿½Grandpa Wenï¿½ because of his frequent outings to meet 
ordinary people, especially in moments of crisis like natural disasters.
 
While it is unclear how much the prime minister knows about his familyï¿½s 
wealth, State Department documents released by the WikiLeaks 
organization in 2010 included a cable that suggested Mr. Wen was aware 
of his relativesï¿½ business dealings and unhappy about them.
 
ï¿½Wen is disgusted with his familyï¿½s activities, but is either unable or 
unwilling to curtail them,ï¿½ a Chinese-born executive working at an 
American company in Shanghai told American diplomats, according to the 
2007 cable.
 
Chinaï¿½s ï¿½Diamond Queenï¿½
 
It is no secret in Chinaï¿½s elite circles that the prime ministerï¿½s wife, 
Zhang Beili, is rich, and that she has helped control the nationï¿½s 
jewelry and gem trade. But her lucrative diamond businesses became an 
off-the-charts success only as her husband moved into the countryï¿½s top 
leadership ranks, the review of corporate and regulatory records by The 
Times found.
 
A geologist with an expertise in gemstones, Ms. Zhang is largely unknown 
among ordinary Chinese. She rarely travels with the prime minister or 
appears with him, and there are few official photographs of the couple 
together. And while people who have worked with her say she has a taste 
for jade and fine diamonds, they say she usually dresses modestly, does 
not exude glamour and prefers to wield influence behind the scenes, much 
like the relatives of other senior leaders.
 
The State Department documents released by WikiLeaks included a 
suggestion that Mr. Wen had once considered divorcing Ms. Zhang because 
she had exploited their relationship in her diamond trades. Taiwanese 
television reported in 2007 that Ms. Zhang had bought a pair of jade 
earrings worth about $275,000 at a Beijing trade show, though the source 
ï¿½ a Taiwanese trader ï¿½ later backed off the claim and Chinese government 
censors moved swiftly to block coverage of the subject in China, 
according to news reports at the time.
 
ï¿½Her business activities are known to everyone in the leadership,ï¿½ said 
one banker who worked with relatives of Wen Jiabao. The banker said it 
was not unusual for her office to call upon businesspeople. ï¿½And if you 
get that call, how can you say no?ï¿½
 
Zhang Beili first gained influence in the 1990s, while working as a 
regulator at the Ministry of Geology. At the time, Chinaï¿½s jewelry 
market was still in its infancy.
 
While her husband was serving in Chinaï¿½s main leadership compound, known 
as Zhongnanhai, Ms. Zhang was setting industry standards in the jewelry 
and gem trade. She helped create the National Gemstone Testing Center in 
Beijing, and the Shanghai Diamond Exchange, two of the industryï¿½s most 
powerful institutions.
 
In a country where the state has long dominated the marketplace, jewelry 
regulators often decided which companies could set up diamond-processing 
factories, and which would gain entry to the retail jewelry market. 
State regulators even formulated rules that required diamond sellers to 
buy certificates of authenticity for any diamond sold in China, from the 
government-run testing center in Beijing, which Ms. Zhang managed.
 
As a result, when executives from Cartier or De Beers visited China with 
hopes of selling diamonds and jewelry here, they often went to visit Ms. 
Zhang, who became known as Chinaï¿½s ï¿½diamond queen.ï¿½
 
ï¿½Sheï¿½s the most important person there,ï¿½ said Gaetano Cavalieri, 
president of the World Jewelry Confederation in Switzerland. ï¿½She was 
bridging relations between partners ï¿½ Chinese and foreign partners.ï¿½
 
As early as 1992, people who worked with Ms. Zhang said, she had begun 
to blur the line between government official and businesswoman. As head 
of the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, she began 
investing the state companyï¿½s money in start-ups. And by the time her 
husband was named vice premier, in 1998, she was busy setting up 
business ventures with friends and relatives.
 
The state company she ran invested in a group of affiliated diamond 
companies, according to public records. Many of them were run by Ms. 
Zhangï¿½s relatives ï¿½ or colleagues who had worked with her at the 
National Gemstone Testing Center.
 
In 1993, for instance, the state company Ms. Zhang ran helped found 
Beijing Diamond, a big jewelry retailer. A year later, one of her 
younger brothers, Zhang Jianming, and two of her government colleagues 
personally acquired 80 percent of the company, according to shareholder 
registers. Beijing Diamond invested in Shenzhen Diamond, which was 
controlled by her brother-in-law, Wen Jiahong, the prime ministerï¿½s 
younger brother.
 
Among the successful undertakings was Sino-Diamond, a venture financed 
by the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, which she headed. 
The company had business ties with a state-owned company managed by 
another brother, Zhang Jiankun, who worked as an official in Jiaxing, 
Ms. Zhangï¿½s hometown, in Zhejiang Province.
 
In the summer of 1999, after securing agreements to import diamonds from 
Russia and South Africa, Sino-Diamond went public, raising $50 million 
on the Shanghai Stock Exchange. The offering netted Ms. Zhangï¿½s family 
about $8 million, according to corporate filings.
 
Although she was never listed as a shareholder, former colleagues and 
business partners say Ms. Zhangï¿½s early diamond partnerships were the 
nucleus of a larger portfolio of companies she would later help her 
family and colleagues gain a stake in.
 
The Times found no indication that Wen Jiabao used his political clout 
to influence the diamond companies his relatives invested in. But former 
business partners said that the familyï¿½s success in diamonds, and 
beyond, was often bolstered with financial backing from wealthy 
businessmen who sought to curry favor with the prime ministerï¿½s family.
 
ï¿½After Wen became prime minister, his wife sold off some of her diamond 
investments and moved into new things,ï¿½ said a Chinese executive who did 
business with the family. He asked not to be named because of fear of 
government retaliation. Corporate records show that beginning in the 
late 1990s, a series of rich businessmen took turns buying up large 
stakes in the diamond companies, often from relatives of Mr. Wen, and 
then helped them reinvest in other lucrative ventures, like real estate 
and finance.
 
According to corporate records and interviews, the businessmen often 
supplied accountants and office space to investment partnerships partly 
controlled by the relatives.
 
ï¿½When they formed companies,ï¿½ said one businessman who set up a company 
with members of the Wen family, ï¿½Ms. Zhang stayed in the background. 
Thatï¿½s how it worked.ï¿½
 
The Only Son
 
Late one evening early this year, the prime ministerï¿½s only son, Wen 
Yunsong, was in the cigar lounge at Xiu, an upscale bar and lounge at 
the Park Hyatt in Beijing. He was having cocktails as Beijingï¿½s nouveau 
riche gathered around, clutching designer bags and wearing expensive 
business suits, according to two guests who were present.
 
In China, the children of senior leaders are widely believed to be in a 
class of their own. Known as ï¿½princelings,ï¿½ they often hold Ivy League 
degrees, get V.I.P. treatment, and are even offered preferred pricing on 
shares in hot stock offerings.
 
They are also known as people who can get things done in Chinaï¿½s heavily 
regulated marketplace, where the state controls access. And in recent 
years, few princelings have been as bold as the younger Mr. Wen, who 
goes by the English name Winston and is about 40 years old.
 
A Times review of Winston Wenï¿½s investments, and interviews with people 
who have known him for years, show that his deal-making has been 
extensive and lucrative, even by the standards of his princeling peers.
 
State-run giants like China Mobile have formed start-ups with him. In 
recent years, Winston Wen has been in talks with Hollywood studios about 
a financing deal.
 
Concerned that China does not have an elite boarding school for Chinese 
students, he recently hired the headmasters of Choate and Hotchkiss in 
Connecticut to oversee the creation of a $150 million private school now 
being built in the Beijing suburbs.
 
Winston Wen and his wife, moreover, have stakes in the technology 
industry and an electric company, as well as an indirect stake in Union 
Mobile Pay, the government-backed online payment platform ï¿½ all while 
living in the prime ministerï¿½s residence, in central Beijing, according 
to corporate records and people familiar with the familyï¿½s investments.
 
ï¿½Heï¿½s not shy about using his influence to get things done,ï¿½ said one 
venture capitalist who regularly meets with Winston Wen.
 
The younger Mr. Wen declined to comment. But in a telephone interview, 
his wife, Yang Xiaomeng, said her husband had been unfairly criticized 
for his business dealings.
 
ï¿½Everything that has been written about him has been wrong,ï¿½ she said. 
ï¿½Heï¿½s really not doing that much business anymore.ï¿½
 
Winston Wen was educated in Beijing and then earned an engineering 
degree from the Beijing Institute of Technology. He went abroad and 
earned a masterï¿½s degree in engineering materials from the University of 
Windsor, in Canada, and an M.B.A. from the Kellogg School of Business at 
Northwestern University in Evanston, Ill., just outside Chicago.
 
When he returned to China in 2000, he helped set up three successful 
technology companies in five years, according to people familiar with 
those deals. Two of them were sold to Hong Kong businessmen, one to the 
family of Li Ka-shing, one of the wealthiest men in Asia.
 
Winston Wenï¿½s earliest venture, an Internet data services provider 
called Unihub Global, was founded in 2000 with $2 million in start-up 
capital, according to Hong Kong and Beijing corporate filings. Financing 
came from a tight-knit group of relatives and his motherï¿½s former 
colleagues from government and the diamond trade, as well as an 
associate of Cheng Yu-tung, patriarch of Hong Kongï¿½s second-wealthiest 
family. The firmï¿½s earliest customers were state-owned brokerage houses 
and Ping An, in which the Wen family has held a large financial stake.
 
He made an even bolder move in 2005, by pushing into private equity when 
he formed New Horizon Capital with a group of Chinese-born classmates 
from Northwestern. The firm quickly raised $100 million from investors, 
including SBI Holdings, a division of the Japanese group SoftBank, and 
Temasek, the Singapore government investment fund.
 
Under Mr. Wen, New Horizon established itself as a leading private 
equity firm, investing in biotech, solar, wind and construction 
equipment makers. Since it began operations, the firm has returned about 
$430 million to investors, a fourfold profit, according to SBI Holdings.
 
ï¿½Their first fund was dynamite,ï¿½ said Kathleen Ng, editor of Asia 
Private Equity Review, an industry publication in Hong Kong. ï¿½And that 
allowed them to raise a lot more money.ï¿½
 
Today, New Horizon has more than $2.5 billion under management.
 
Some of Winston Wenï¿½s deal-making, though, has attracted unwanted 
attention for the prime minister.
 
In 2010, when New Horizon acquired a 9 percent stake in a company called 
Sihuan Pharmaceuticals just two months before its public offering, the 
Hong Kong Stock Exchange said the late-stage investment violated its 
rules and forced the firm to return the stake. Still, New Horizon made a 
$46.5 million profit on the sale.
 
Soon after, New Horizon announced that Winston Wen had handed over 
day-to-day operations and taken up a position at the China Satellite 
Communications Corporation, a state-owned company that has ties to the 
Chinese space program. He has since been named chairman.
 
The Tycoons
 
In the late 1990s, Duan Weihong was managing an office building and 
several other properties in Tianjin, the prime ministerï¿½s hometown in 
northern China, through her property company, Taihong. She was in her 
20s and had studied at the Nanjing University of Science and Technology.
 
Around 2002, Ms. Duan went into business with several relatives of Wen 
Jiabao, transforming her property company into an investment vehicle of 
the same name. The company helped make Ms. Duan very wealthy.
 
It is not known whether Ms. Duan, now 43, is related to the prime 
minister. In a series of interviews, she first said she did not know any 
members of the Wen family, but later described herself as a friend of 
the family and particularly close to Zhang Beili, the prime ministerï¿½s 
wife. As happened to a handful of other Chinese entrepreneurs, Ms. 
Duanï¿½s fortunes soared as she teamed up with the relatives and their 
network of friends and colleagues, though she described her relationship 
with them involving the shares in Ping An as existing on paper only and 
having no financial component.
 
Ms. Duan and other wealthy businesspeople ï¿½ among them, six billionaires 
from across China ï¿½ have been instrumental in getting 
multimillion-dollar ventures off the ground and, at crucial times, 
helping members of the Wen family set up investment vehicles to profit 
from them, according to investment bankers who have worked with all parties.
 
Established in Tianjin, Taihong had spectacular returns. In 2002, the 
company paid about $65 million to acquire a 3 percent stake in Ping An 
before its initial public offering, according to corporate records and 
Ms. Duanï¿½s graduate school thesis. Five years later, those shares were 
worth $3.7 billion
 
The companyï¿½s Hong Kong affiliate, Great Ocean, also run by Ms. Duan, 
later formed a joint venture with the Beijing government and acquired a 
huge tract of land adjacent to Capital International Airport. Today, the 
site is home to a sprawling cargo and logistics center. Last year, Great 
Ocean sold its 53 percent stake in the project to a Singapore company 
for nearly $400 million.
 
That deal and several other investments, in luxury hotels, Beijing villa 
developments and the Hong Kong-listed BBMG, one of Chinaï¿½s largest 
building materials companies, have been instrumental to Ms. Duanï¿½s 
accumulation of riches, according to The Timesï¿½s review of corporate 
records.
 
The review also showed that over the past decade there have been nearly 
three dozen individual shareholders of Taihong, many of whom are either 
relatives of Wen Jiabao or former colleagues of his wife.
 
The other wealthy entrepreneurs who have worked with the prime 
ministerï¿½s relatives declined to comment for this article. Ms. Duan 
strongly denied having financial ties to the prime minister or his 
relatives and said she was only trying to avoid publicity by listing 
others as owning Ping An shares. ï¿½The money I invested in Ping An was 
completely my own,ï¿½ said Ms. Duan, who has served as a member of the 
Ping An board of supervisors. ï¿½Everything I did was legal.ï¿½
 
Another wealthy partner of the Wen relatives has been Cheng Yu-tung, who 
controls the Hong Kong conglomerate New World Development and is one of 
the richest men in Asia, worth about $15 billion, according to Forbes.
 
In the 1990s, New World was seeking a foothold in mainland China for a 
sister company that specializes in high-end retail jewelry. The retail 
chain, Chow Tai Fook, opened its first store in China in 1998.
 
Mr. Cheng and his associates invested in a diamond venture backed by the 
relatives of Mr. Wen and co-invested with them in an array of corporate 
entities, including Sino-Life, National Trust and Ping An, according to 
records and interviews with some of those involved. Those investments by 
Mr. Cheng are now worth at least $5 billion, according to the corporate 
filings. Chow Tai Fook, the jewelry chain, has also flourished. Today, 
China accounts for 60 percent of the chainï¿½s $4.2 billion in annual revenue.
 
Mr. Cheng, 87, could not be reached for comment. Calls to New World 
Development were not returned.
 
Fallout for Premier
 
In the winter of 2007, just before he began his second term as prime 
minister, Wen Jiabao called for new measures to fight corruption, 
particularly among high-ranking officials.
 
ï¿½Leaders at all levels of government should take the lead in the 
antigraft drive,ï¿½ he told a gathering of high-level party members in 
Beijing. ï¿½They should strictly ensure that their family members, friends 
and close subordinates do not abuse government influence.ï¿½
 
The speech was consistent with the prime ministerï¿½s earlier drive to 
toughen disclosure rules for public servants, and to require senior 
officials to reveal their family assets.
 
Whether Mr. Wen has made such disclosures for his own family is unclear, 
since the Communist Party does not release such information. Even so, 
many of the holdings found by The Times would not need to be disclosed 
under the rules since they are not held in the name of the prime 
ministerï¿½s immediate family ï¿½ his wife, son and daughter.
 
Eighty percent of the $2.7 billion in assets identified in The Timesï¿½s 
investigation and verified by the outside auditors were held by, among 
others, the prime ministerï¿½s mother, his younger brother, two 
brothers-in-law, a sister-in-law, daughter-in-law and the parents of his 
sonï¿½s wife, none of whom is subject to party disclosure rules. The total 
value of the relativesï¿½ stake in Ping An is based on calculations by The 
Times that were confirmed by the auditors. The total includes shares 
held by the relatives that were sold between 2004 and 2006, and the 
value of the remaining shares in late 2007, the last time the holdings 
were publicly disclosed.
 
Legal experts said that determining the precise value of holdings in 
China could be difficult because there might be undisclosed side 
agreements about the true beneficiaries.
 
ï¿½Complex corporate structures are not necessarily insidious,ï¿½ said 
Curtis J. Milhaupt, a Columbia University Law School professor who has 
studied Chinaï¿½s corporate group structures. ï¿½But in a system like 
Chinaï¿½s, where corporate ownership and political power are closely 
intertwined, shell companies magnify questions about who owns what and 
where the money came from.ï¿½
 
Among the investors in the Wen family ventures are longtime business 
associates, former colleagues and college classmates, including Yu 
Jianming, who attended Northwestern with Winston Wen, and Zhang Yuhong, 
a longtime colleague of Wen Jiahong, the prime ministerï¿½s younger 
brother. The associates did not return telephone calls seeking comment.
 
Revelations about the Wen familyï¿½s wealth could weaken him politically.
 
Next month, at the 18th Party Congress in Beijing, the Communist Party 
is expected to announce a new generation of leaders. But the selection 
process has already been marred by one of the worst political scandals 
in decades, the downfall of Bo Xilai, the Chongqing party boss, who was 
vying for a top position.
 
In Beijing, Wen Jiabao is expected to step down as prime minister in 
March at the end of his second term. Political analysts say that even 
after leaving office he could remain a strong backstage political force. 
But documents showing that his relatives amassed a fortune during his 
tenure could diminish his standing, the analysts said.
 
ï¿½This will affect whatever residual power Wen has,ï¿½ said Minxin Pei, an 
expert on Chinese leadership and a professor of government at Claremont 
McKenna College in California.
 
The prime ministerï¿½s supporters say he has not personally benefited from 
his extended familyï¿½s business dealings, and may not even be 
knowledgeable about the extent of them.
 
Last March, the prime minister hinted that he was at least aware of the 
persistent rumors about his relatives. During a nationally televised 
news conference in Beijing, he insisted that he had ï¿½never pursued 
personal gainï¿½ in public office.
 
ï¿½I have the courage to face the people and to face history,ï¿½ he said in 
an emotional session. ï¿½There are people who will appreciate what I have 
done, but there are also people who will criticize me. Ultimately, 
history will have the final say.ï¿½
 
 
-- 
Namib
--
I have examined maps of the city with the greatest care, yet have never 
again found the Rue d'Auseil (HPL)

 Namib
 
Marxista fino alla fine, il trimiliardario :)
 
Am.

 ma in Cina non si deve sapere.
 
ma la Cina non era il compimento ultimo di successo della rivoluzione del 
proletariato? :-)) 
 

 they received preferential treatment on investments.
 
hai bisogno del traduttore per capire che qui stanno dicendo che non
c'è UN solo documento in cui compaia il nome del presunto miliardario
o ci arrivi da solo che è solo l'ennesima perla della serie
"Miliardari comunisti", che ormai fa genere giornalistico a sè stante,
tipo l'inclusione fissa di Fidel tra i 10 uomini più ricchi del
mondo...

 c'ï¿½ UN solo documento in cui compaia il nome del presunto miliardario
 
Del resto, ï¿½ Sciascia che ha corrotto la GdF. Che cazzo c'entrava B.?


 Del resto
 
se sei nato fesso, mica puoi capire quello che leggi...

 se
 
Ma va' a pascolare le capre, "difensore" dei miliardari allotrii.


 Ma va' a pascolare le capre, "difensore" dei miliardari
 
i cui miliardi sono provati da NESSUN documento. Che analfabeta!


Bombacci l'ha presa maluccio.
Eppure dovrebbe essere contento che il comunismo porti alla ricchezza
(amici e parenti dei Cari Leader)
 
 
-- 
“Those who expect to reap the blessings of  freedom, must, like men,
undergo the  fatigues of supporting it.”  - North Idaho 21st Batallion of
Light Foot

 (amici e parenti dei Cari Leader)
 
Eh, se i Cari Leader stavano ad aspettare il comunismo per diventare
prosperi...

 (amici e parenti dei Cari Leader)
 
oltretutto, un povero non potrebbe mai ottenere il rispetto di un cinese e diventare leader del paese.
 
in Cina il pauperismo cristiano non e` mai stato popolare... nessuno si vergogna di adorare il dio denaro, anzi, al piu` si chiedono se esista altro dio che abbia senso adorare.


Confermo: i cinesi disprezzano i poveri. Del resto 30 anni di
comunismo esasperato non potevano che produrre tale risultato.
 
In Cina i Bombacci sono in fondo alla scala sociale.

 i cui miliardi sono provati da NESSUN documento.
 
Come pure il reato di corruzione della GdF da parte di B. E' stato 
Sciascia, f�dati :)



Bombacci non la capirà.
Ma nessuno fermerà le rotative per questo.


 
Quoto. Tuttavia, avendo fatto notare al Signor Zhang, mio barista, 
l'incongruenza della cifra, mi ha detto:
 
'Ma non lo sai che suo figlio ha la maggior compagnia di 
telecomunicazione della Cina - come la Telecom? E' facile in quelle 
condizioni fare qualche miliardo'.
 
Bisognerebbe pero' anche ricordare il politico espulso dal CC, mentre la 
moglie aveva assassinato un uomo di affari britannico.
 
Percio' dico: la scalata al vertice del CCPCC oramai si fa tra 
miliardari.
 
Io mi chiedo se Bombacci e' determinato a diventarne uno, altrimenti sia 
in Russia che in Cina, gli andrebbe molto male.
 
Possiamo almeno creare una cassa comune di IPI per fornirgli i primi 
Euros?
 
Am.

 Euros?
 
pesos argentini e rial persiani soltanto.


Sì, ma sai com'è Bombacci.
A lui basta un po' d'aglietto.


 in Cina il pauperismo cristiano non e` mai stato popolare
 
verrebbe da chiedersi come mai se la ricchezza è così popolare
quell'articolo viene censurato anzichè essere declamato nei tg e nelle
scuole al posto del Libretto Rosso. Ma non voglio assumermi la
responsabilità di mandarti a fuoco il cranio con il corto circuito
causato dall'attivazione delle sinapsi

 miliardari.
 
o forse, parlando seriamente, il NYT ha avuto accesso a certi
documenti come vendetta dei Compagni do Bo Xilai per sputtanare il
grassatore WJ


solo un cazzo. Voglio anche monete cubane, venezuelane, siriane,
nordcoreane...

 ha scritto nel messaggio 
news:5270ccfe-0afb-4935...@p22g2000vby.googlegroups.com...

un meraviglioso quadretto di monete fallimentari :-)) 
 

,

In effetti e' una strana coincidenza. 
 
Tuttavia rimane la patente menzogna, o contraddizione tra gente che si 
spaccia per amici del popolo e popolo essi stessi, quando sono dei 
privilegiati, al punto di essere miliardari.
 
Al posto tuo, compagno, inizierei un lungo periodo di autocritica per 
essermi fatto gabbare per quasi un secolo.
 
Tra te, Wen e Bo, non c'e' proprio piu' nulla in comune. Si tenga anche 
conto infatti che la la classe dirigente cinese e' dieventata 
ereditaria, e non da ieri. 
 
Lo raccontava gia' in 'Wild Swans' 20 anni fa, una figlia e nipote della 
nomenklatura.
 
Am.


ciaciare meno e fare piu` fatti: manda gli eurodiprodi e ti mando indietro la carta igien... ehm, la moneta dei popoli antiimperialisti!

 verrebbe da chiedersi come mai se la ricchezza è così popolare
 
perche` quella ricchezza viene dalle tasche dei suoi connazionali: anche il linciaggio e` popolare.