Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: Project for a New American Century

Posto i principi fondanti del PNAC, tratti direttamente dal sito
www.newamericancentury.org
. Questo documento e' firmato da una quindicina
di persone, tra cui i piu' noti sono Cheney, Rumsfeld e Wolfowitz.
Leggetelo perche' e' evidente che si tratta delle linee guida dell'attuale
amministraziona americana. Spulciando tra i vari documenti del sito si
evince anche il fatto che l'emarginazione politico-militare dell'Europa e'
considerata un obiettivo funzionale alla visione strategica del PNAC.
Per chi vuole approfondire questo tema consiglio anche il libro di Kegan
(un altro affiliato del PNAC) "Of Paradise and Power: America vs. Europe
in the New World Order), del quale potete leggere le prime 8 pagine da
Amazon (
http://tinyurl.com/8hvd
).
Ciao,
 L.
******************************
Statement of principles
American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have
criticized the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They
have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But
conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of
America's role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles
for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to
obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not
fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and
advance American interests in the new century. 
We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for
American global leadership.
As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the
world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War,
America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have
the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United
States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American
principles and interests?
We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge.
We are living off the capital -- both the military investments and the
foreign policy achievements -- built up by past administrations. Cuts in
foreign affairs and defense spending, inattention to the tools of
statecraft, and inconstant leadership are making it increasingly difficult
to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of
short-term commercial benefits threatens to override strategic
considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation's ability
to meet present threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges
that lie ahead.
We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan
Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both
present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and
purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership
that accepts the United States' global responsibilities.
Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its
power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global
leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has
a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the
Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our
fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught
us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and
to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century
should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.
Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their
consequences for today. Here are four consequences:
&#8226; we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to
carry out our global 
responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;
&#8226; we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to
challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;
&#8226; we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom
abroad;
&#8226; we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in
preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security,
our prosperity, and our principles. 
Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be
fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on
the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our
greatness in the next. 
Elliott Abrams    Gary Bauer    William J. Bennett    Jeb Bush
Dick Cheney    Eliot A. Cohen    Midge Decter    Paula Dobriansky    Steve
Forbes
Aaron Friedberg    Francis Fukuyama    Frank Gaffney    Fred C. Ikle
Donald Kagan    Zalmay Khalilzad    I. Lewis Libby    Norman Podhoretz
Dan Quayle    Peter W. Rodman    Stephen P. Rosen    Henry S. Rowen
Donald Rumsfeld    Vin Weber    George Weigel    Paul Wolfowitz
-- 
questo articolo e` stato inviato via web dal servizio gratuito 
http://www.newsland.it/news
 segnala gli abusi ad 
ab...@newsland.it

dell'attuale amministraziona americana.
Con tanta fantasia probabilmente qualcuno potrebbe vederci quello.
-Stefano