Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: Bush per i principi del tribunale internazionale dell'Aia è colpevole di crimini contro l'umanità

International War Crimes Tribunal
United States War Crimes Against Iraq
Initial Complaint
Charging
George Bush, J. Danforth Quayle, James Baker,
Richard Cheney, William Webster, Colin Powell,
Norman Schwarzkopf and Others to be named
With
Crimes Against Peace, War Crimes, Crimes Against
Humanity and Other Criminal Acts and High Crimes in
Violation of the Charter of the United Nations,
International Law, the Constitution of the United States
and Laws made in Pursuance Thereof.
Preliminary Statement
These charges have been prepared prior to the first hearing of the
Commission of Inquiry by its staff. They are based on direct and
circumstantial evidence from public and private documents; official
statements and admissions by the persons charged and others; eyewitness
accounts; Commission investigations and witness interviews in Iraq, the
Middle East and elsewhere during and after the bombing; photographs and
video tape; expert analyses; commentary and interviews; media coverage,
published reports and accounts gathered between December 1990 and May l991.
Commission of Inquiry hearings will be held in key cities where evidence is
available supporting, expanding, adding, contradicting, disproving or
explaining these, or similar charges against the accused and others of
whatever nationality. When evidence sufficient to sustain convictions of the
accused or others is obtained and after demanding the production of
documents from the U.S. government, and others, and requesting testimony
from the accused, offering them a full opportunity to present any defense
personally, or by counsel, the evidence will be presented to an
International War Crimes Tribunal. The Tribunal will consider the evidence
gathered, seek and examine whatever additional evidence it chooses and
render its judgment on the charges, the evidence, and the law.
Background
Since World War I, the United Kingdom, France, and the United States have
dominated the Arabian Peninsula and Gulf region and its oil resources. This
has been accomplished by military conquest and coercion, economic control
and exploitation, and through surrogate governments and their military
forces. Thus, from 1953 to 1979 in the post World War II era, control over
the region was exercised primarily through U.S. influence and control over
the Gulf sheikdoms of Saudi Arabia and through the Shah of Iran. From 1953
to 1979 the Shah of Iran acted as a Pentagon/CIA surrogate to police the
region. After the fall of the Shah and the seizure of U.S. Embassy hostages
in Teheran, the U.S. provided military aid and assistance to Iraq, as did
the USSR, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and most of the Emirates, in its war with
Iran. U.S. policy during that tragic eight year war, 1980 - 1988, is
probably best summed up by the phrase, "we hope they kill each other."
Throughout the seventy-five year period from Britain's invasion of Iraq
early in World War I to the destruction of Iraq in 1991 by U.S. air power,
the United States and the United Kingdom demonstrated no concern for
democratic values, human rights, social justice, or political and cultural
integrity in the region, nor for stopping military aggression there. The
U.S. supported the Shah of Iran for 25 years, selling him more than $20
billion of advanced military equipment between 1972 and 1978 alone.
Throughout this period the Shah and his brutal secret police called SAVAK
had one of the worst human rights records in the world. Then in the 1980s,
the U.S. supported Iraq in its wrongful aggression against Iran, ignoring
Iraq's own poor human rights record.[l]
When the Iraqi government nationalized the Iraqi Petroleum Company in 1972,
the Nixon Administration embarked on a campaign to destabilize the Iraqi
government. It was in the 1970s that the U.S. first armed and then abandoned
the Kurdish people, costing tens of thousands of Kurdish lives. The U.S.
manipulated the Kurds through CIA and other agencies to attack Iraq,
intending to harass Iraq while maintaining Iranian supremacy at the cost of
Kurdish lives without intending any benefit to the Kurdish people or an
autonomous Kurdistan.[2]
The U.S. with close oil and other economic ties to Saudi Arabia and Kuwait
has fully supported both governments despite the total absence of democratic
institutions, their pervasive human rights violations and the infliction of
cruel, inhuman and degrading punishments such as stoning to death for
adultery and amputation of a hand for property offenses.
The U.S., sometimes alone among nations, supported Israel when it defied
scores of UN resolutions concerning Palestinian rights, when it invaded
Lebanon in a war which took tens of thousands of lives, and during its
continuing occupation of southern Lebanon, the Golan Heights, the West Bank
and Gaza.
The United States itself engaged in recent aggressions in violation of
international law by invading Grenada in 1983, bombing Tripoli and Benghazi
in Libya in 1986, financing the contra in Nicaragua, UNITA in southern
Africa and supporting military dictatorships in Liberia, Chile, E1 Salvador,
Guatemala, the Philippines, and many other places.
The U.S. invasion of Panama in December 1989 involved the same and
additional violations of international law that apply to Iraq's invasion of
Kuwait. The U.S. invasion took between 1,000 and 4,000 Panamanian lives. The
United States government is still covering up the death toll. U.S.
aggression caused massive property destruction throughout Panama.[3]
According to U.S. and international human rights organization estimates,
Kuwait's casualties from Iraq's invasion and the ensuing months of
occupation were in the "hundreds" - between 300 and 600.[4] Reports from
Kuwait list 628 Palestinians killed by Kuwaiti death squads since the Sabah
royal family regained control over Kuwait.
The United States changed its military plans for protecting its control over
oil and other interests in the Arabian Peninsula in the late 1980s when it
became clear that economic problems in the USSR were debilitating its
military capacity and Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan. Thereafter,
direct military domination within the region became the U.S. strategy.
With the decline in U.S. oil production through 1989, experts predicted U.S.
oil imports from the Gulf would rise from 10% that year to 25% by the year
2000. Japanese and European dependency is much greater.[5]
The Charges
1. The United States engaged in a pattern of conduct beginning in or before
1989 intended to lead Iraq into provocations justifying U.S. military action
against Iraq and permanent U.S. military domination of the Gulf.
In 1989, General Colin Powell, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and
General Norman Schwarzkopf, Commander in Chief of the Central Command,
completely revised U.S. military operations and plans for the Persian Gulf
to prepare to intervene in a regional conflict against Iraq. The CIA
assisted and directed Kuwait in its actions. At the time, Kuwait was
violating OPEC oil production agreements, extracting excessive amounts of
oil from pools shared with Iraq and demanding repayment of loans it made to
Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war. Kuwait broke off negotiations with Iraq over
these disputes. The U.S. intended to provoke Iraq into actions against
Kuwait that would justify U.S. intervention.
In 1989, CIA Director William Webster testified before the Congress about
the alarming increase in U.S. importation of Gulf oil, citing U.S. rise in
use from 5% in 1973 to 10% in 1989 and predicting 25% of all U.S. oil
consumption would come from the region by 2000.[6] In early 1990, General
Schwarzkopf informed the Senate Armed Services Committee of the new military
strategy in the Gulf designed to protect U.S. access to and control over
Gulf oil in the event of regional conflicts.
In July 1990, General Schwarzkopf and his staff ran elaborate, computerized
war games pitting about 100,000 U.S. troops against Iraqi armored divisions.
The U.S. showed no opposition to Iraq's increasing threats against Kuwait.
U.S. companies sought major contracts in Iraq. The Congress approved agricul
tural loan subsidies to Iraq of hundreds of millions of dollars to benefit
U.S. farmers. However, loans for food deliveries of rice, corn, wheat and
other essentials bought almost exclusively from the U.S. were cut off in the
spring of 1990 to cause shortages. Arms were sold to Iraq by U.S.
manufacturers. When Saddam Hussein requested U.S. Ambassador April Glaspie
to explain State Department testimony in Congress about lraq's threats
against Kuwait, she assured him the U.S. considered the dispute a regional
concern, and it would not intervene. By these acts, the U.S. intended to
lead Iraq into a provocation justifying war.
On August 2, 1990, Iraq occupied Kuwait without significant resistance.
On August 3, 1990, without any evidence of a threat to Saudi Arabia, and
King Fahd believed Iraq had no intention of invading his country, President
Bush vowed to defend Saudi Arabia. He sent Secretary Cheney, General Powell,
and General Schwarzkopf almost immediately to Saudi Arabia where on August
6, General Schwarzkopf told King Fahd the U.S. thought Saddam Hussein could
attack Saudi Arabia in as little as 48 hours. The efforts toward an Arab
solution of the crisis were destroyed. Iraq never attacked Saudi Arabia and
waited over five months while the U.S. slowly built a force of more than
500,000 soldiers and began the systematic destruction by aircraft and
missiles of Iraq and its military, both defenseless against U.S. and
coalition technology. In October 1990, General Powell referred to the new
military plan developed in 1989. After the war, General Schwarzkopf referred
to eighteen months of planning for the campaign.
The U.S. retains troops in Iraq as of May 1991 and throughout the region and
has announced its intention to maintain a permanent military presence.
This course of conduct constitutes a crime against peace.
2. President Bush from August 2, 1990, intended and acted to prevent any
interference with his plan to destroy Iraq economically and militarily.
Without consultation or communication with Congress, President Bush ordered
40,000 U.S. military personnel to advance the U.S. buildup in Saudi Arabia
in the first week of August 1990. He exacted a request from Saudi Arabia for
U.S. military assistance and on August 8, 1990, assured the world his acts
were "wholly defensive." He waited until after the November 1990 elections
to announce his earlier order sending more than 200,000 additional military
personnel, clearly an assault force, again without advising Congress. As
late as January 9, 1991, he insisted he had the constitutional authority to
attack Iraq without Congressional approval.
While concealing his intention, President Bush continued the military build
up of U.S. forces unabated from August into January 1991, intending to
attack and destroy Iraq. He pressed the military to expedite preparation and
to commence the assault before military considerations were optimum. When
Air Force Chief of Staff General Michael J. Dugan mentioned plans to destroy
the Iraqi civilian economy to the press on September 16, 1990, he was
removed from office.[7]
President Bush coerced the United Nations Security Council into an
unprecedented series of resolutions, finally securing authority for any
nation in its absolute discretion by all necessary means to enforce the
resolutions. To secure votes the U.S. paid multi-billion dollar bribes,
offered arms for regional wars, threatened and carried out economic
retaliation, forgave multi-billion dollar loans (including a $7 billion loan
to Egypt for arms), offered diplomatic relations despite human rights
violations and in other ways corruptly exacted votes, creating the
appearance of near universal international approval of U.S. policies toward
Iraq. A country which opposed the U.S., as Yemen did, lost millions of
dollars in aid, as promised, the costliest vote it ever cast.
President Bush consistently rejected and ridiculed Iraq's efforts to
negotiate a peaceful resolution, beginning with Iraq's August 12, 1990,
proposal, largely ignored, and ending with its mid-February 1991 peace offer
which he called a "cruel hoax." For his part, President Bush consistently
insisted there would be no negotiation, no compromise, no face saving, no
reward for aggression. Simultaneously, he accused Saddam Hussein of
rejecting diplomatic solutions.
President Bush led a sophisticated campaign to demonize Saddam Hussein,
calling him a Hitler, repeatedly citing reports - which he knew were false -
of the murder of hundreds of incubator babies, accusing Iraq of using
chemical weapons on his own people and on the Iranians knowing U.S
intelligence believed the reports untrue.
After subverting every effort for peace, President Bush began the
destruction of Iraq answering his own question, "Why not wait? . . . The
world could wait no longer." The course of conduct constitutes a crime
against peace.
3. President Bush ordered the destruction of facilities essential to
civilian life and economic productivity throughout Iraq.
Systematic aerial and missile bombardment of Iraq was ordered to begin at
6:30 p.m. EST January 16, 1991, eighteen and one-half hours after the
deadline set on the insistence of President Bush, in order to be reported on
television evening news in the U.S. The bombing continued for forty-two
days. It met no resistance from Iraqi aircraft and no effective
anti-aircraft or anti-missile ground fire. Iraq was defenseless.
The United States reports it flew 110,000 air sorties against Iraq, dropping
88,000 tons of bombs, nearly seven times the equivalent of the atomic bomb
that destroyed Hiroshima. 93% of the bombs were free falling bombs, most
dropped from higher than 30,000 feet. Of the remaining 7% of the bombs with
electronically guided systems, more than 25% missed their targets, nearly
all caused damage primarily beyond any identifiable target. Most of the
targets were civilian facilities.
The intention and effort of the bombing of civilian life and facilities was
to systematically destroy Iraq's infrastructure leaving it in a
preindustrial condition. Iraq's civilian population was dependent on
industrial capacities. The U.S. assault left Iraq in a near apocalyptic
condition as reported by the first United Nations observers after the
war.[8] Among the facilities targeted and destroyed were:
electric power generation, relay and transmission;
water treatment, pumping and distribution systems and reservoirs;
telephone and radio exchanges, relay stations, towers and transmission
facilities;
food processing, storage and distribution facilities and markets, infant
milk formula and beverage plants, animal vaccination facilities and
irrigation sites;
railroad transportation facilities, bus depots, bridges, highway overpasses,
highways, highway repair stations, trains, buses and other public
transportation vehicles, commercial and private vehicles;
oil wells and pumps, pipelines, refineries, oil storage tanks, gasoline
filling stations and fuel delivery tank cars and trucks, and kerosene
storage tanks;
sewage treatment and disposal systems;
factories engaged in civilian production, e.g., textile and automobile
assembly; and
historical markers and ancient sites.
As a direct, intentional and foreseeable result of this destruction, tens of
thousands of people have died from dehydration, dysentery and diseases
caused by impure water, inability to obtain effective medical assistance and
debilitation from hunger, shock, cold and stress. More will die until
potable water, sanitary living conditions, adequate food supplies and other
necessities are provided. There is a high risk of epidemics of cholera,
typhoid, hepatitis and other diseases as well as starvation and malnutrition
through the summer of 1991 and until food supplies are adequate and
essential services are restored.
Only the United States could have carried out this destruction of Iraq, and
the war was conducted almost exclusively by the United States. This conduct
violated the UN Charter, the Hague and Geneva Conventions, the Nuremberg
Charter, and the laws of armed conflict.
4. The United States intentionally bombed and destroyed civilian life,
commercial and business districts, schools, hospitals, mosques, churches,
shelters, residential areas, historical sites, private vehicles and civilian
government offices.
The destruction of civilian facilities left the entire civilian population
without heat, cooking fuel, refrigeration, potable water, telephones, power
for radio or TV reception, public transportation and fuel for private
automobiles. It also limited food supplies, closed schools, created massive
unemployment, severely limited economic activity and caused hospitals and
medical services to shut down. In addition, residential areas of every major
city and most towns and villages were targeted and destroyed. Isolated
Bedouin camps were attacked by U.S. aircraft. In addition to deaths and
injuries, the aerial assault destroyed 10 - 20,000 homes, apartments and
other dwellings. Commercial centers with shops, retail stores, offices,
hotels, restaurants and other public accommodations were targeted and
thousands were destroyed. Scores of schools, hospitals, mosques and churches
were damaged or destroyed. Thousands of civilian vehicles on highways, roads
and parked on streets and in garages were targeted and destroyed. These
included public buses, private vans and mini-buses, trucks, tractor
trailers, lorries, taxi cabs and private cars. The purpose of this bombing
was to terrorize the entire country, kill people, destroy property, prevent
movement, demoralize the people and force the overthrow of the government.
As a result of the bombing of facilities essential to civilian life,
residential and other civilian buildings and areas, at least 125,000 men,
women and children were killed. The Red Crescent Society of Jordan estimated
113,000 civilian dead, 60% children, the week before the end of the war.
The conduct violated the UN Charter, the Hague and Geneva Conventions, the
Nuremberg Charter, and the laws of armed conflict.
5. The United States intentionally bombed indiscriminately throughout Iraq.
In aerial attacks, including strafing, over cities, towns, the countryside
and highways, U.S. aircraft bombed and strafed indiscriminately. In every
city and town bombs fell by chance far from any conceivable target, whether
a civilian facility, military installation or military target. In the
countryside random attacks were made on travelers, villagers, even Bedouins.
The purpose of the attacks was to destroy life, property and terrorize the
civilian population. On the highways, civilian vehicles including public
buses taxicabs and passenger cars were bombed and strafed at random to
frighten civilians from flight, from seeking food or medical care, finding
relatives or other uses of highways. The effect was summary execution and
corporal punishment indiscriminately of men, women and children, young and
old, rich and poor, all nationalities including the large immigrant
populations even Americans, all ethnic groups, including many Kurds and
Assyrians, all religions including Shia and Sunni Moslems, Chaldeans and
other Christians, and Jews. U.S. deliberate indifference to civilian and
military casualties in Iraq, or their nature, is exemplified by General
Colin Powell's response to a press inquiry about the number dead from the
air and ground campaigns: "It's really not a number I'm terribly interested
in."[9]
The conduct violates Protocol I Additional, Article 51.4 to the Geneva
Conventions of 1977.
6. The United States intentionally bombed and destroyed Iraqi military
personnel, used excessive force, killed soldiers seeking to surrender and in
disorganized individual flight, often unarmed and far from any combat zones
and randomly and wantonly killed Iraqi soldiers and destroyed materiel after
the cease fire.
In the first hours of the aerial and missile bombardment, the United States
destroyed most military communications and began the systematic killing of
soldiers who were incapable of defense or escape and the destruction of
military equipment. Over a period of forty-two days, U.S bombing killed tens
of thousands of defenseless soldiers, cut off most of their food, water and
other supplies and left them in desperate and helpless disarray. Without
significant risk to its own personnel, the U.S. led in the killing of at
least 100,000 Iraqi soldiers at a cost of 148 U.S. combat casualties,
according to the U.S. government. When it was determined that the civilian
economy and the military were sufficiently destroyed, the U.S. ground forces
moved into Kuwait and Iraq attacking disoriented disorganized, fleeing Iraqi
forces wherever they could be found, killing thousands more and destroying
any equipment found. The slaughter continued after the cease fire. For
example, on March 2, 1991, U.S. 24th Division Forces engaged in a four-hour
assault against Iraqis just west of Basra. More than 750 vehicles were
destroyed, thousands were killed without U.S. casualties. A U.S. commander
said, "We really waxed them." It was called a "Turkey Shoot." One Apache
helicopter crew member yelled "Say hello to Allah" as he launched a
laser-guided Hellfire missile.[10]
The intention was not to remove Iraq's presence from Kuwait. It was to
destroy Iraq. In the process there was great destruction of property in
Kuwait. The disproportion in death and destruction inflicted on a
defenseless enemy exceeded 1,000 to one.
General Thomas Kelly commented on February 23, 1991, that by the time the
ground war begins "there won't be many of them left." General Norman
Schwarzkopf placed Iraqi military casualties at over 100,000. The intention
was to destroy all military facilities and equipment wherever located and to
so decimate the military age male population that Iraq could not raise a
substantial force for half a generation.
The conduct violated the Charter of the United Nations, the Hague and Geneva
Conventions, the Nuremberg Charter, and the laws of armed conflict.
7. The United States used prohibited weapons capable of mass destruction and
inflicting indiscriminate death and unnecessary suffering against both
military and civilian targets.
Among the known illegal weapons and illegal uses of weapons employed by the
United States are the following:
fuel air explosives capable of widespread incineration and death;
napalm;
cluster and anti-personnel fragmentation bombs; and
"superbombs," 2.5 ton devices, intended for assassination of government
leaders.
Fuel air explosives were used against troops-in-place, civilian areas, oil
fields and fleeing civilians and soldiers on two stretches of highway
between Kuwait and Iraq. Included in fuel air weapons used was the BLU-82, a
15,000-pound device capable of incinerating everything within hundreds of
yards.
One seven mile stretch called the "Highway of Death" was littered with
hundreds of vehicles and thousands of dead. All were fleeing to Iraq for
their lives. Thousands were civilians of all ages, including Kuwaitis,
Iraqis, Palestinians, Jordanians and other nationalities. Another 60-mile
stretch of road to the east was strewn with the remnants of tanks, armored
cars, trucks, ambulances and thousands of bodies following an attack on
convoys on the night of February 25, 1991. The press reported that no
survivors are known or likely. One flatbed truck contained nine bodies,
their hair and clothes were burned off, skin incinerated by heat so intense
it melted the windshield onto the dashboard.
Napalm was used against civilians, military personnel and to start fires.
Oil well fires in both Iraq and Kuwait were intentionally started by U.S.
aircraft dropping napalm and other heat intensive devices.
Cluster and anti-personnel fragmentation bombs were used in Basra and other
cities, and towns, against the convoys described above and against military
units. The CBU-75 carries 1,800 bomblets called Sadeyes. One type of Sadeyes
can explode before hitting the ground, on impact, or be timed to explode at
different times after impact. Each bomblet contains 600 razor sharp steel
fragments lethal up to 40 feet. The 1,800 bomblets from one CBU-75 can cover
an area equal to 157 football fields with deadly shrapnel. "Superbombs" were
dropped on hardened shelters, at least two in the last days of the assault,
with the intention of assassinating President Saddam Hussein. One was
misdirected. It was not the first time the Pentagon targeted a head of
state. In April 1986, the U.S. attempted to assassinate Col. Muammar Qaddafi
by laser directed bombs in its attack on Tripoli, Libya.
Illegal weapons killed thousands of civilians and soldiers.
The conduct violated the Hague and Geneva Conventions, the Nuremberg Charter
and the laws of armed conflict.
8. The United States intentionally attacked installations in Iraq containing
dangerous substances and forces.
Despite the fact that Iraq used no nuclear or chemical weapons and in the
face of UN resolutions limiting the authorized means of removing Iraqi
forces from Kuwait, the U.S. intentionally bombed alleged nuclear sites,
chemical plants, dams and other dangerous forces. The U.S. knew such attacks
could cause the release of dangerous forces from such installations and
consequent severe losses among the civilian population. While some civilians
were killed in such attacks, there are no reported cases of consequent
severe losses presumably because lethal nuclear materials and dangerous
chemical and biological warfare substances were not present at the sites
bombed.
The conduct violates Protocol I Additional, Article 56, to the Geneva
Convention, 1977.
9. President Bush ordered U.S. forces to invade Panama, resulting in the
deaths of 1,000 to 4,000 Panamanians and the destruction of thousands of
private dwellings, public buildings, and commercial structures.
On December 20, 1989, President Bush ordered a military assault on Panama
using aircraft, artillery, helicopter gunships and experimenting with new
weapons, including the Stealth bomber. The attack was a surprise assault
targeting civilian and non-combatant government structures. In the E1
Chorillo district of Panama City alone, hundreds of civilians were killed
and between 15,000 and 30,000 made homeless. U.S. soldiers buried dead
Panamanians in mass graves, often without identification. The head of state,
Manuel Noriega, who was systematically demonized by the U.S. government and
press, ultimately surrendered to U.S. forces and was brought to Miami,
Florida, on extra-territorial U.S. criminal charges.
The U.S. invasion of Panama violated all the international laws Iraq
violated when it invaded Kuwait and more. Many more Panamanians were killed
by U.S. forces than Iraq killed Kuwaitis.
President Bush violated the Charter of the United Nations, the Hague and
Geneva Conventions, committed crimes against peace, war crimes and violated
the U.S.Constitution and numerous U.S. criminal statutes in ordering and
directing the assault on Panama.
10. President Bush obstructed justice and corrupted United Nations functions
as a means of securing power to commit crimes against peace and war crimes.
President Bush caused the United Nations to completely bypass Chapter VI
provisions of its Charter for the Pacific Settlement of Disputes. This was
done in order to obtain Security Council resolutions authorizing the use of
all necessary means, in the absolute discretion of any nation, to fulfill UN
resolutions directed against Iraq and which were used to destroy Iraq. To
obtain Security Council votes, the U.S. corruptly paid member nations
billions of dollars, provided them arms to conduct regional wars, forgave
billions in debts, withdrew opposition to a World Bank loan, agreed to
diplomatic relations despite human rights violations and threatened economic
and political reprisals. A nation which voted against the United States,
Yemen, was immediately punished by the loss of millions of dollars in aid.
The U.S. paid the UN $187 million to reduce the amount of dues it owed to
the UN to avoid criticism of its coercive activities. The United Nations,
created to end the scourge of war, became an instrument of war and condoned
war crimes.
The conduct violates the Charter of the United Nations and the Constitution
and laws of the United States.
11. President Bush usurped the Constitutional power of Congress as a means
of securing power to commit crimes against peace, war crimes, and other high
crimes.
President Bush intentionally usurped Congressional power, ignored its
authority, and failed and refused to consult with the Congress. He
deliberately misled, deceived, concealed and made false representations to
the Congress to prevent its free deliberation and informed exercise of
legislature power. President Bush individually ordered a naval blockade
against Iraq, itself an act of war. He switched U.S. forces from a wholly
defensive position and capability to an offensive capacity for aggression
against Iraq without consultation with and contrary to assurances given to
the Congress. He secured legislation approving enforcement of UN resolutions
vesting absolute discretion in any nation, providing no guidelines and
requiring no reporting to the UN, knowing he intended to destroy the ammed
forces and civilian economy of Iraq. Those acts were undertaken to enable
him to commit crimes against peace and war crimes.
The conduct violates the Constitution and laws of the United States, all
committed to engage in the other impeachable offenses set forth in this
Complaint.
12. The United States waged war on the environment.
Pollution from the detonation of 88,000 tons of bombs, innumerable missiles,
rockets, artillery and small arms with the combustion and fires they caused
and by 110,000 air sorties at a rate of nearly two per minute for six weeks
has caused enormous injury to life and the ecology. Attacks by U.S. aircraft
caused much if not all of the worst oil spills in the Gulf. Aircraft and
helicopters dropping napalm and fuel-air explosives on oil wells, storage
tanks and refineries caused oil fires throughout Iraq and many, if not most,
of the oil well fires in Iraq and Kuwait. The intentional destruction of
municipal water systems, waste material treatment and sewage disposal
systems constitutes a direct and continuing assault on life and health
throughout Iraq.
The conduct violated the UN Charter, the Hague and Geneva Conventions, the
laws of ammed conflict and constituted war crimes and crimes against
humanity.
13. President Bush encouraged and aided Shiite Muslims and Kurds to rebel
against the government of Iraq causing fratricidal violence, emigration,
exposure, hunger and sickness and thousands of deaths. After the rebellion
failed, the U.S. invaded and occupied parts of Iraq without authority in
order to increase division and hostility within Iraq.
Without authority from the Congress or the UN, President Bush continued his
imperious military actions after the cease fire. He encouraged and aided
rebellion against Iraq, failed to protect the warring parties, encouraged
migration of whole populations, placing them in jeopardy from the elements,
hunger, and disease. After much suffering and many deaths, President Bush
then without authority used U.S. military forces to distribute aid at and
near the Turkish border, ignoring the often greater suffering among refugees
in Iran. He then arbitrarily set up bantustan-like settlements for Kurds in
Iraq and demanded Iraq pay for U.S. costs. When Kurds chose to return to
their homes in Iraq, he moved U.S. troops further into northern Iraq against
the will of the government and without authority.
The conduct violated the Charter of the United Nations, international law,
the Constitution and laws of the United States, and the laws of Iraq.
14. President Bush intentionally deprived the Iraqi people of essential
medicines, potable water, food, and other necessities.
A major component of the assault on Iraq was the systematic deprivation of
essential human needs and services. To break the will of the people, destroy
their economic capability, reduce their numbers and weaken their health, the
United States:
imposed and enforced embargoes preventing the shipment of needed medicines,
water purifiers, infant milk formula, food and other supplies;
individually, without congressional authority, ordered a U.S. naval blockade
of Iraq, an act of war, to deprive the Iraqi people of needed supplies;
froze funds of Iraq and forced other nations to do so, depriving Iraq of the
ability to purchase needed medicines, food and other supplies;
controlled information about the urgent need for such supplies to prevent
sickness, death and threatened epidemic, endangering the whole society;
prevented international organizations, governments and relief agencies from
providing needed supplies and obtaining information concerning needs;
failed to assist or meet urgent needs of huge refugee populations including
Egyptians, Indians, Pakistanis, Yemenis, Sudanese, Jordanians, Palestinians,
Sri Lankans, Filipinos, and interfered with efforts of others to do so;
consistently diverted attention from health and epidemic threats within Iraq
caused by the U.S. even after advertising the plight of Kurdish people on
the Turkish border;
deliberately bombed the electrical grids causing the closure of hospitals
and laboratories, loss of medicine and essential fluids and blood; and
deliberately bombed food storage, fertilizer, and seed storage facilities.
As a result of these acts, thousands of people died, many more suffered
illness and permanent injury. As a single illustration, Iraq consumed infant
milk formula at a rate of 2,500 tons per month during the first seven months
of 1990. From November 1, 1990, to February 7, 1991, Iraq was able to import
only 17 tons. Its own productive capacity was destroyed. Many Iraqis
believed that President Bush intended that their infants die because he
targeted their food supply. The Red Crescent Society of Iraq estimated 3,000
infant deaths as of February 7, 1991, resulting from infant milk formula and
infant medication shortages.
This conduct violates the Hague and Geneva Conventions, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and other covenants and constitutes a crime
against humanity.
15. The United States continued its assault on Iraq after the cease fire,
invading and occupying areas at will.
The United States has acted with dictatorial authority over Iraq and its
external relations since the end of the military conflict. It has shot and
killed Iraqi military personnel, destroyed aircraft and materiel at will,
occupied vast areas of Iraq in the north and south and consistently
threatened use of force against Iraq.
This conduct violates the sovereignty of a nation, exceeds authority in UN
resolutions, is unauthorized by the Constitution and laws of the United
States, and constitutes war crimes.
16. The United States has violated and condoned violations of human rights,
civil liberties and the U.S. Bill of Rights in the United States, in Kuwait,
Saudi Arabia and elsewhere to achieve its purpose of military domination.
Among the many violations committed or condoned by the U.S. government are
the following:
illegal surveillance, arrest, interrogation and harassment of Arab-American,
Iraqi-American, and U.S. resident Arabs;
illegal detention, interrogation and treatment of Iraqi prisoners of war;
aiding and condoning Kuwaiti summary executions, assaults, torture and
illegal detention of Palestinians and other residents in Kuwait after the
U.S. occupation; and
unwarranted, discriminatory, and excessive prosecution and punishment of
U.S. military personnel who refused to serve in the Gulf, sought
conscientious objector status or protested U.S. policies.
Persons were killed, assaulted, tortured, illegally detained and prosecuted,
harassed and humiliated as a result of these policies.
The conduct violates the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights , the Hague and Geneva Conventions and the
Constitution and laws of the United States.
17. The United States, having destroyed Iraq's economic base, demands
reparations which will permanently impoverish Iraq and threaten its people
with famine and epidemic.
Having destroyed lives, property and essential civilian facilities in Iraq
which the U.S. concedes will require $50 billion to replace (estimated at
$200 billion by Iraq, killed at least 125,000 people by bombing and many
thousands more by sickness and hunger, the U.S. now seeks to control Iraq
economically even as its people face famine and epidemic.[l1] Damages,
including casualties in Iraq, systematically inflicted by the U.S. exceed
all damages, casualties and costs of all other parties to the conflict
combined many times over. Reparations under these conditions are an exaction
of tribute for the conqueror from a desperately needy country. The United
States seeks to force Iraq to pay for damage to Kuwait largely caused by the
U.S. and even to pay U.S. costs for its violations of Iraqi sovereignty in
occupying northern Iraq to further manipulate the Kurdish population there.
Such reparations are a neocolonial means of expropriating Iraq's oil,
natural resources, and human labor.
The conduct violates the Charter of the United Nations and the Constitution
and laws of the United States.
18. President Bush systematically manipulated, controlled, directed,
misinformed and restricted press and media coverage to obtain constant
support in the media for his military and political goals.
The Bush Administration achieved a five-month-long commercial for militarism
and individual weapons systems. The American people were seduced into the
celebration of a slaughter by controlled propaganda demonizing Iraq,
assuring the world no harm would come to Iraqi civilians, deliberately
spreading false stories of atrocities including chemical warfare threats,
deaths of incubator babies and threats to the entire region by a new Hitler.
The press received virtually all its information from or by permission of
the Pentagon. Efforts were made to prevent any adverse information or
opposition views from being heard. CNN's limited presence in Baghdad was
described as Iraqi propaganda. Independent observers, eyewitnesses' photos,
and video tapes with information about the effects of the U.S. bombing were
excluded from the media. Television network ownership, advertizers,
newspaper ownership, elite columnists and commentators intimidated and
instructed reporters and selected interviewees. They formed a near-single
voice of praise for U.S. militarism, often exceeding the Pentagon in
bellicosity.
The American people and their democratic institutions were deprived of
information essential to sound judgment and were regimented, despite
profound concem, to support a major neocolonial intervention and war of
aggression. The principal purpose of the First Amendment to the United
States was to assure the press and the people the right to criticize their
government with impunity. This purpose has been effectively destroyed in
relation to U.S. military aggression since the press was denied access to
assaults on Grenada, Libya, Panama and, now on a much greater scale, against
Iraq.
This conduct violates the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United
States and is part of a pattern of conduct intended to create support for
conduct constituting crimes against peace and war crimes.
19. The United States has by force secured a permanent military presence in
the Gulf, the control of its oil resources and geopolitical domination of
the Arabian Peninsula and Gulf region.
The U.S. has committed the acts described in this complaint to create a
permanent U.S. military presence in the Persian Gulf, to dominate its oil
resources until depleted and to maintain geopolitical domination over the
region.
The conduct violates the Charter of the United Nations, international law,
and the Constitution and laws of the United States.
Scope of the Inquiry
The Commission of Inquiry will focus on U.S. criminal conduct because of its
destruction of Iraq, killing at least 125,000 persons directly by its
bombing while proclaiming its own combat losses as 148, because it destroyed
the economic base of Iraq and because its acts are still inflicting
consequential deaths that may reach hundreds of thousands. The Commission of
Inquiry will seek and accept evidence of criminal acts by any person or
government, related to the Gulf conflict, because it believes international
law must be applied uniformly. It believes that "victors' justice" is not
law, but the extension of war by force of the prevailing party. The U.S.
Senate, European Community foreign ministers, and the western press, even
former Nuremberg prosecutors, have overwhelmingly called for war crimes
trials for Saddam Hussein and the Iraqi leadership alone. Even Mrs. Barbara
Bush has said she would like to see Saddam Hussein hanged, albeit without
mentioning a trial. Comprehensive efforts to gather and evaluate evidence,
objectively judge all the conduct that constitutes crimes against peace and
war crimes and to present these facts for judgment to the court of world
opinion requires that at least one major effort focus on the United States.
The Commission of Inquiry believes its focus on U.S. criminal acts is
important, proper, and the only way to bring the whole truth, a balanced
perspective and impartiality in application of legal process to this great
human tragedy.
Ramsey Clark
May 9, 1991
Final Judgement: International War Crimes Tribunal
The Basis in International Law
Testimony and Evidence
International Law
Notes
Covert Operations: The Persian Gulf and the New World Order (Washington, DC:
Christic Institute, 1991).
Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones, The CIA and American Democracy (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1989), p. 206.
Independent Commission of Inquiry on the U.S. Invasion of Panama, The U.S.
Invasion of Panama: The Truth Behind Operation Just Cause(Boston: South End
Press, 1990).
Amnesty International Reports, 1991, pp. 122-124.
Congressional Record, June 12, 1990, S8605.
"Saddam's Oil Plot." London Observer, October 21, 1990.
Rick Atkinson, "U.S. to Rely on Air Strikes if War Erupts," Washington Post,
September 16, 1990: Al + . Eric Schmitt, "Ousted General Gets A Break," New
York Times, November 7, 1991: Al9.
Joint WHO / UNICEF Team Report: A Visit to Iraq (New York: United Nations,
1991). A report to the Secretary General, dated March 20, 1991 by
representatives of the U.N. Secretariat, UNICEF, UNDP, UNDRO, UNHCR, FAO and
WHO.
Patrick E. Tyler, "Powell Says U.S. Will Stay In Iraq," New York Times,
March 23, 1991: Al + .
Patrick J. Sloyan, "Massive Battle After Cease Fire," New York Newsday, May
8, 1991: A4+.
"U.S. Prepares UN Draft on Claims Against Iraq," New York Times, November 1,
1990.

 
Lo e' solo per quel coglione di Ramsey.
-Stefano


Ha parlato il trollazzo rimbecillito e preso per il culo da tutta usenet...
Tu non sei un coglione vero?

usenet...
...disse il bue all'asino...
-Stefano
[Followup-to ove appropriato]

Credo che su questo non ci piova.
Io problema č che č a capo della piů grande organizzazione mafiosa del mondo
con ramificazioni in tutto il mondo.

del mondo con ramificazioni in tutto il mondo.
*ROTFL*
Certo certo... :)
*pat pat*
-Stefano