Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: Robert Fisk su Ariel Sharon

From time to time, I noted, a few were taken away. They were put into
Israeli army trucks or jeeps or Phalangist vehicles - for further
"interrogation". Nor did I doubt this. A few hundred metres away, up to
600 massacre victims of the Sabra and Chatila Palestinian refugee camps
rotted in the sun, the stench of decomposition drifting over the
prisoners and their captors alike. It was suffocatingly hot. Loren
Jenkins of The Washington Post, Paul Eedle of Reuters and I had only
got into the cells because the Israelis assumed - given our Western
appearance - that we must have been members of Shin Beth. Many of the
prisoners had their heads bowed.
Arab prisoners usually adopted this pose of humiliation. But Israel's
militiamen had been withdrawn from the camps, their slaughter over, and
at least the Israeli army was now in charge. So what did these men have
to fear?
Looking back - and listening to Sana Sersawi today - I shudder now at
our innocence. My notes of the time contain some ominous clues. We
found a Lebanese employee of Reuters, Abdullah Mattar, among the
prisoners and obtained his release, Paul leading him away with his arm
around the man's shoulders. "They take us away, one by one, for
interrogation," one of the prisoners muttered to me. "They are Haddad
militiamen. Usually they bring the people back after interrogation, but
not always. Sometimes the people do not return." Then an Israeli
officer ordered me to leave. Why couldn't the prisoners talk to me? I
asked. "They can talk if they want," he replied. "But they have nothing
to say."
All the Israelis knew what had happened inside the camps. The smell of
the corpses was now overpowering. Outside, a Phalangist Jeep with the
words "Military Police" painted on it - if so exotic an institution
could be associated with this gang of murderers - drove by. A few
television crews had turned up. One filmed the Lebanese Christian
militiamen outside the Cité Sportive. He also filmed a woman pleading
to an Israeli army colonel called "Yahya" for the release of her
husband. The colonel has now been positively identified by The
Independent. Today, he is a general in the Israeli army.
Along the main road opposite the stadium there was a line of Israeli
Merkava tanks, their crews sitting on the turrets, smoking, watching
the men being led from the stadium in ones or twos, some being set
free, others being led away by Shin Beth men or by Lebanese men in drab
khaki overalls. All these soldiers knew what had happened inside the
camps. One, Lt Avi Grabovsky - he was later to testify to the Israeli
Kahan commission - had even witnessed the murder of several civilians
the previous day and had been told not to "interfere".
And in the days that followed, strange reports reached us. A girl had
been dragged from a car in Damour by Phalangist militiamen and taken
away, despite her appeals to a nearby Israeli soldier. Then the
cleaning lady of a Lebanese woman who worked for a US television chain
complained bitterly that Israelis had arrested her husband. He was
never seen again.
There were other vague rumours of "disappeared" people. I wrote in my
notes at the time that "even after Chatila, Israel's 'terrorist'
enemies were being liquidated in West Beirut." But I had not directly
associated this dark conviction with the Cité Sportive. I had not even
reflected on the fearful precedents of a sports stadium in time of war.
Hadn't there been a sports stadium in Santiago a few years before,
packed with prisoners after Pinochet's coup d'état, a stadium from
which many prisoners never returned?
Among the testimonies gathered by lawyers seeking to indict Ariel
Sharon for war crimes is that of Wadha al-Sabeq. On Friday 17 September
1982, she said, while the massacre was still - unknown to her - under
way inside Sabra and Chatila, she was in her home with her family in
Bir Hassan, just opposite the camps. "Neighbours came and said the
Israelis wanted to stamp our ID cards, so we went downstairs and we saw
both Israelis and Lebanese forces on the road. The men were separated
from the women." This separation - with its awful shadow of similar
separations at Srebrenica during the Bosnian war - was a common feature
of these mass arrests. "We were told to go to the Cité Sportive. The
men stayed put." Among the men were Wadha's two sons, 19-year-old
Mohamed and 16-year-old Ali and her brother Mohamed. "We went to the
Cité Sportive, as the Israelis told us," she says. "I never saw my
sons or brother again."
The survivors tell distressingly similar stories. Bahija Zrein says she
was ordered by an Israeli patrol to go to the Cité Sportive and the
men with her, including her 22-year-old brother, were taken away. Some
militiamen - watched by the Israelis - loaded him into a car,
blindfolded, she says.
"That's how he disappeared," she says in her official testimony, "and I
have never seen him again since." It was only a few days afterwards
that we journalists began to notice a discrepancy in the figures of
dead. While up to 600 bodies had been found inside Sabra and Chatila,
1,800 civilians had been reported as "missing". We assumed - how easy
assumptions are in war --that they had been killed in the three days
between 16 September 1982 and the withdrawal of the Phalangist killers
on 18 September, and that their corpses had been secretly buried
outside the camp. Beneath the golf course, we suspected. The idea that
many of these young people had been murdered outside the camps or after
18 September, that the killings were still going on while we walked
through the camps, never occurred to us.
Why did we journalists at the time not think of this? The following
year, the Israeli Kahan commission published its report, condemning
Sharon but ending its own inquiry of the atrocity on 18 September, with
just a one-line hint - unexplained - that several hundred people may
have "disappeared around the same time". The commission interviewed no
Palestinian survivors but it was allowed to become the narrative of
history.
The idea that the Israelis went on handing over prisoners to their
bloodthirsty militia allies never occurred to us. The Palestinians of
Sabra and Chatila are now giving evidence that this is exactly what
happened. One man, Abdel Nasser Alameh, believes his brother Ali was
handed to the Phalange on the morning of 18 September. A Palestinian
Christian woman called Milaneh Boutros has recorded how, in a
truck-load of women and children, she was taken from the camps to the
Christian town of Bikfaya, the home of the newly assassinated Christian
President-elect Bashir Gemayel, where a grief-stricken Christian woman
ordered the execution of a 13-year-old boy in the truck. He was shot.
The truck must have passed at least four Israeli checkpoints on its way
to Bikfaya. And heaven spare me, I had even met the woman who ordered
the boy's execution.
Even before the slaughter inside the camps had ended, Shahira Abu
Rudeina says she was taken to the Cité Sportive where, in one of the
underground "holding centres", she saw a retarded man, watched by
Israeli soldiers, burying bodies in a pit. Her evidence might be
rejected were it not for the fact that she also expressed her gratitude
for an Israeli soldier - inside the Chatila camp, against all the
evidence given by the Israelis - who prevented the murder of her
daughters by the Phalange.
Long after the war, the ruins of the Cité Sportive were torn down and
a brand new marble stadium was built in its place, partly by the
British. Pavarotti has sung there. But the testimony of what may lie
beneath its foundations - and its frightful implications - will give
Ariel Sharon further reason to fear an indictment.
I had been in the Sabra and Chatila camps when these crimes took place.
I had returned to the camps, year after year, to try to discover what
happened to the missing thousand men. Karsten Tveit of Norwegian
television had been with me in 1982 and he had returned to Beirut many
times with the same purpose. Lawyers weren't the only people
investigating these crimes against humanity. In 2001, Tveit arrived in
Lebanon with the original 1982 tapes of those women pleading for their
menfolk at the gates of the Cité Sportive. He visited the poky little
video shops in the present-day camp and showed and reshowed the tapes
until local Palestinians identified them; then Tveit set off to find
the women - 19 years older now - who were on the tape, who had asked
for their sons and brothers and fathers and husbands outside the Cité
Sportive. He traced them all. None had ever seen their loved ones
again.

Kosovo,
???????????
Taglio il resto delle stronzate dell'articolo :)
-Stefano

 ne sia direttamente responsabile.
Anche qui ti distingui come cretino emerito. Che vuoi che dica un 
tribunale israeliano? 
Non dice che ha ucciso *personalmente*
Pero' dice che porta la *responsabilita'* *personale* del massacro di 
1800 persone, oltre che dell'invasione del  Libano.
 Durante la quale e' noto che i falangisti erano alleati degli 
israeliani.
Vi sono molteplici testimonianze che il campo di Chabra e Chatila fu 
circondato dagli israeliani, e che i miliziani furono fatti entrare per 
compiere il massacro.
Che altro vuoi? Risparmiaci i cavilli da idiota che sei il solo a 
capire. 
Il giudizio della storia e' gia' stato dato, e non e' certo 
l'evacuazione del fazzoletto di Gaza, dopo una intifada  provocata da 
Sharon stesso, che cambiera' il giudizio sui crimini che ha commesso 
quell'uomo.
Am.

che cambiera' il giudizio sui crimini che ha commesso quell'uomo.
Crimini ..... de quali solo tu hai le prove ma da bravo *CRETINO
MONONEURONE* quale sei non le vuoi mostrare al mondo, giusto? :)
*LOL*
-Stefano

 -Stefano
Non estendere appellativi che sono stati coniati per te, fesso. 
Come fa notare Fisk la sparizione di 'centinaia' di persone, oltre alle 
600 uccise, e' menzionata dalla stessa Commissione d'Inchiesta, che lo 
ritenne *personalmente responsabile*.
Sharon dovette inoltre dare le dimissioni in seguito a quelle risultanze.
Am.

Sharon dovette inoltre dare le dimissioni
Puttanata :)
-Stefano

 Hai prove che Sharon c'entri qualcosa con quelle "sparizioni", caro
Ci sei, o lavori per lo Studio Cesare Previti?
Ci sono diecine di testimonianze, anche nell'articolo di Fisk, che 
l'esercito israeliano trasportava e portava via prigionieri di S e C, 
molti dei quali non sono piu' tornati.
Anche  Milosevic o Pinoche si sono difesi difendono dicendo di non aver 
mai dato nessun ordine, dicendo cioe' che non erano personalmente 
responsabili.
Ma una commissione di inchiesta israeliana ha invece riconosciuto 
Sharon 'personalmente responsabile'.
Cavilla pure quanto vuoi...
Am.

Cavilla pure quanto vuoi...
...disse il bue all'asino... :)
-Stefano

 -Stefano
Gia'. Mi sembra una cosa tipo 'il vino analcolico'. Millimetri 
semantici che mandano in tilt il tuo mononeurone affaticato.
Buon riposo,
Am.

affaticato.
...disse il *FESSO MONONEURONE* andato in tilt... :)
-Stefano