Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: Buone notizie, e cattive notizie

Il regime birmano riconosce il partito d'opposizione di San Suu Kyi:
http://www.bangkokpost.com/breakingnews/270557/burma-opposition-wins-legal-recognition
 
 
Il Canada esce dagli accordi di Kyoto:
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/canada-pulls-plug-on-kyoto-climate-change-accord/article2268432/
 
 
PP


Non so, le paresi celebrali stanno diventando una malattia di massa.
 
Che a sinistra che a destra,
 
Abbiamo proprio dei blocchi mentali.
Come per il sinistro e' d'obbligo avere matrimoni tra omosessuali e malati 
nella personalita'.
 
Cosi' per i filo imperiali e' d'obbligo portare la rivoluzione ovunque, con 
valori zero.
 
I due dimenticano cosa succede a casa loro e vivono di battaglie lontane, da 
salotto.
 
Abbiamo i soliti stravolgimenti dei periodi pre crollo.
 
La destra a imporre la rivoluzione (conscia della ipocrisia) di comodo.
 
La sinistra a imporre lo stato dittatoriale.
 
 
Bravi.
 
 
 

Il 13/12/11 16.00, Cloud ha scritto:

Ovvero? Non ti pare una buona notizia? Perchè?
 
PP
 


No mi sembra la solita cazzata irrilevante di una guerra tra Cina e USA.
 
Per il controllo di uno stato.
Non molti sanno, perche' nessun media lo dice, che la signora e' figlia di 
un generale pure comunista, ha vissuto pochissimo in Birmania, ha studiato a 
Londra e negli Stati uniti, e' sposata con uno yankee.
 
Il classico puffo yankee, a me proprio non mi interessa.
 
Mi interessa di piu' il regime Monti.
E notare le deformazioni mentali italiche.
 
 

 ha studiato a Londra e negli Stati uniti, e' sposata con uno yankee.
 
Che mi risulti ha studiato in UK, non negli USA.
 
Ancora devi spiegare perchè uno sviluppo pacifico in un regime
autoritario sia una cosa negativa.
 
PP

>
 
He isn't your typical political prisoner: Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who goes on 
trial next week with his business partner, Platon Lebedev, is by some 
accounts worth $8 billion. He hasn't been charged with political crimes 
either, but rather with fraud and tax evasion: recently, the Russian 
authorities claimed that he owes $700 million in back taxes. Yet despite 
charges that sound more as if they belong in a Martha Stewart case or an 
Enron trial, despite a defendant who is, to put it mildly, far better heeled 
than the average dissident, Russian human rights groups are calling this the 
first "show trial" of the Putin era. Why?
 
The explanation lies in the peculiar character of Khodorkovksy, as well as 
in the strange nature of the regime that is now about to try him. He did, it 
is true, make his money through questionable means, just like everybody else 
who got rich in Russia in the 1990s. Originally the leader of the Komsomol, 
the Communist youth movement, he parlayed his connections first into a 
computer import business, then into the purchase of Yukos, a state-owned oil 
company. And "connections" is the key word: somehow, Khodorkovsky's company 
managed to pay only $300 million for a business that is now thought to be 
worth more than $17 billion. The $8 billion is his personal stake.
 
In his early days as Yukos chief executive, Khodorkovsky spent his time 
suing journalists, denying accusations of financial skulduggery and even 
murder. Slowly, though, he changed his tactics. About two years ago, I got a 
telephone call from the office of Prince Michael of Kent asking if I wanted 
to join a party of journalists (I didn't) on an all-expenses-paid trip 
around Russia. All travel, by corporate jet, from St Petersburg to Siberia 
was to be paid for by an unnamed tycoon who turned out to be Khodorkovsky.
 
Good businessman that he is, Khodorkovsky soon found smarter ways to spend 
his money. Rather than waste time with freeloading journalists, he decided 
to change the company's reputation by changing the company. He brought 
Western standards of corporate governance and financial transparency to 
Yukos. He also began funding schools, hospitals and libraries in the 
decrepit northern cities where Yukos does its drilling. Above all, though, 
he started the Open Russia Foundation, whose board members included Henry 
Kissinger and Lord (Jacob) Rothschild, and whose launch took place at the 
American Library of Congress. But the Open Russia Foundation was not just 
well-connected: it also funded genuinely good causes in Russia, including 
human rights groups, as well as schools, institutes and other organisations 
dedicated to the promotion of democracy and Western values.
 
Whether or not he did so in the beginning, it seems that Khodorkovsky did 
actually start to believe in the causes his foundation was promoting. He 
began to chafe at the unwritten rules that require Russian tycoons to pay up 
when the government demands it, to remain silent when required, and to avoid 
acquiring any political power whatsoever. According to some, he crossed the 
line when he started talking of major deals with an American oil company. 
According to others, his direct dealings with the Chinese government did the 
trick. Still others suspect that his funding of opposition political parties 
upset the Kremlin. Whatever the specific cause, the authorities finally 
decided he had got too big for his fur-lined boots, and threw him in prison.
 
It is probably true that Khodorkovsky broke tax laws, and probably plenty of 
other laws - Yukos once had a distinctly dirty, even murderous reputation - 
but if the Kremlin were arresting businessmen for corruption and tax 
evasion, there would be plenty of candidates. The only reason to single out 
Khodorkovsky was to set an example for others who might also have thought of 
defying the Kremlin.
 
Perhaps if Khodorkovsky's arrest had taken place in a vacuum, it wouldn't 
have caused much distress. But in the four years that Vladimir Putin has 
been president of Russia, he has also dramatically weakened the country's 
independent media, destroyed opposition parties, and made the secret police 
a force in public life again. During his "state of the nation" speech last 
month, Putin even hinted at a new target: the "nongovernmental 
organisations" - human rights groups, charities and unions - that constitute 
the last remnants of the civil society that developed in Russia in the 
1990s. Some thought he was referring directly to the organisations that have 
been supported by Khodorkovsky's Open Russian Foundation.
 
For all of those reasons, the remnants of Russia's fragmented human rights 
movements have rallied to Khodorkovsky's defence, even though the cause of a 
multi-billionaire will hardly be a popular one in Russia. Last week, I asked 
Arseny Roginsky, a historian and human rights activist, how far he thought 
the re-Sovietisation of Russia could go. "Far," he replied, and then: "Much 
farther." The distress he and others will feel watching Khodorkovsky's trial 
is not so much sorrow for the fate of a single billionaire, but fear that it 
might be the first of many.
 
 

 PP
 
d'altra parte quando ci sono paesi che se ne infischiano come la Cina 
guadagnandone in competitività...le crisi portano anche a questo...non ci 
sono più soldi per le chiacchiere... 
 

 Ti
 
Ma perchè rosichi tanto per una minima apertura del regime birmano, 
fortunatamente ottenuta con metodi pacifici?
 
PP

 wrote in message 
news:jc8l88$12i$2...@dont-email.me...

Che sia per via della terza arpia?
 
Uno spettacolo indegno, da Wall Mart alle guerre Puniche.
 
 
 

 Uno spettacolo indegno, da Wall Mart alle guerre Puniche.
 
Rispondere parole a caso non è una diversione efficente.
 
PP
 

 wrote in message 
news:jcaoo5$nt8$1...@dont-email.me...

Senti da che pulpito.
 
Parlo della terza arpia, quell'orrido animale che precede l'Apocalisse, 
quello della "democrazia"  inteso come governo dei demoni, coi suoi droni 
esecutori.
 
Ti sta simpatica?
 
Hmm come va col super drone? Proporrei un attacco nucleare.
 
 

 esecutori.
 
usti, Diego ha ritrovato lo spacciatore.