Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: L'altro Israele [Lungo]

Posto due interessanti articoli sulla politica interna Israeliana.
Il primo (giuntomi da una mailing list) e' apparso sull'edizione in
Ebraico di Ha'aretz e tradotto
indipendentemente dal quotidiano (vedi
http://www.antiwar.com/hacohen/h093002.html
 su come Ha'aretz censura la
sua edizione Inglese). Parla del fatto che in Israele, due dei massimi
esponenti di protesta di questa guerra sono una cittadina Araba (non
sorprende), e un'immigrata dell'ex-unione Sovietica (E questa invece e'
una novita'!).
Gli Immigrati dall'ex-URSS, in Israele, sono in larga parte emarginati
dalla societa' e fatti oggetto di pregiudizi e di discriminazione. Per
la
maggior parte di loro Israele non era la prima scelta per quanto
riguarda
l'immigrazione: la maggior parte avrebbe preferito gli USA, e infatti
la
Lobby Israeliana ha fatto di tutto per rendere l'immigrazione di Ebrei
Sovietici in USA piu' difficile possibile, e adesso arriva a protestare
perche' la Germania, come "riparazione" per il Nazismo, offre la
cittadinanza Tedesca a tutti gli Ebrei dell'Unione Sovietica. Gli Ebrei
Russi sono, alla fine, considerati piu' "carne da cannone" e materiale
umano per i territori occupati che esseri umani e parte della societa'.
La curiosa dinamica della politica Israeliana fa si che i gruppi
Ebraici
discriminati tendevano a votare a destra.  La sinistra Sionista
"tradizionale" viene (correttamente) considerata come alfiere del
privilegio degli
Ashkenazi, gli Ebrei di discendenza Europea.  Una sinistra Radicale che
accolga e unisca i gruppi emarginati non si e' mai sviluppata come
movimento di massa (ci furono tentativi, tipo il partito Comunista, ma
fino ad ora sono falliti).
Il fatto che adesso, il movimento di protesta contro la guerra sia
diretto
da rappresentanti di gruppi emarginati potrebbe essere l'inizio di
qualcosa di importante.  Se la guerra andra' male e questo movimento si
espandera', potrebbe significare un radicale riallineamento dei gruppi
emarginati della societa' Israeliana.
Il secondo articolo e' apparso sul sito web dell'Electronic Intifada,
scritto da uno dei fondatori delle "Pantere Nere" Israeliane, un gruppo
che si batteva, negli anni '70, per i diritti civili degli Ebrei
immigrati
dal medio oriente (l'esempio originale per il fenomeno descritto sopra,
dei gruppi discriminati che votano a destra) provvede un po' di
contesto
storico per questi fenomeni.  Notare il cinismo.
=============================================
This article appeared in Ha'aretz in Hebrew yesterday, but was missing
from the English version (one might ponder why)... Luckily, Gila
Svirsky,
from the Coalition of Women for Peace, did the translation. R.
Vynye Nyet! Kharb La! [War No! in Russian and Arabic]
By Lily Galili
At the vanguard of the radical left protest against the war are two
women
an Arab and an immigrant from the former Soviet Union leading the
demonstrations with End the War chants in Arabic and Russian.
The evening before we met, Khulood Badawi [photo, right] escaped the
horrors of war to go to the al-Hakawati Theater in East Jerusalem. But
even escapism is not what it used to be. She was watching the Lebanese
movie The Kite, directed by a friends sister, in which a young Lebanese
woman falls in love with a Druze soldier from Israel during the first
Lebanon War. At the height of the story, her cell phones began to ring.
The news that Katyusha rockets had fallen on Haifa quickly moved
through
the theater. Badawi, who had lived in Haifa for several years, fled the
theater to watch the TV news, where she recognized the offices of
al-Ittihad, the newspaper of Hadash, Badawis political party. Among the
ruins she saw many offices she knew, and began calling her friends.
[photo
from Haaretz by Guy Ravitz]
At that same moment, Yana Knopova [photo, left], who immigrated to
Israel
from the Ukraine 11 years ago as a young Zionist activist, was fielding
phone calls to and from friends and colleagues. The rockets had fallen
not far from the Haifa apartment she shares with Abir Kopty, the
spokeswoman for the Mossawa Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens of
Israel,
and in the heart of the neighborhood of many Arabs and Jews who share
her
uncommon political path.
The two met the next day in what they call the Tel Aviv bubble, where
they
have been orchestrating the key protests against the war on behalf of
the
Coalition of Women for Peace and Taayush. An Arab and a Russian.
Another
of the strange phenomena to emerge from this war.
The 30-year-old Badawi has a long history of political activism: The
former militant chair of the Association of Arab University Students in
Israel, Badawi is today a field worker for the Association of Civil
Rights
in Israel.  The 25-year-old Knopova, a student of psychology at Haifa
University [and coordinator of the Coalition of Women for Peace],
strayed
far from the Zionist dream though she had worked five years for the
Jewish
Agency,
In those years, she believed that the left was only the Meretz Party,
as
she put it, and then she discovered what she calls the lies and
arrogance
on which Israel is based, which not only create primitive men in
Israel,
but undermine the judgment of the entire country. Thus she found her
way
to a political and social home in the radical left.
Clearly the sense of marginalization in Israeli society which views
Arabs
as the enemy and ignores immigrants strengthened the solidarity between
them. The police see Khulood as a natural enemy, says Knopova with a
bitter smile; while in the exact same situation, the police refuse to
see
me as an enemy. They also live with the stereotype that there are no
Russians in the left. Khulood is always dangerous, I am never
dangerous;
Khulood is a demographic time-bomb, I am a demographic hope. This is an
approach that regards the wombs of us both as in the service of the
state,
and we will not give them this pleasure. [photo right of Knopova by
Yair
Gil]
Over the past month, they have orchestrated all the demonstrations of
the
left, and held them in three languages Hebrew, Arabic and Russian.
Based
on the number of calls coming in to Badawis three cell phones, one
would
think that opposition to the war is the new consensus; based on the
calls
to Knopova in Russian throughout our conversation, one would think that
a
million Russian speakers in Israel changed their political views.
This is not true, of course, but there is no doubt that something
different and new is happening. Much has already been said about the
uniqueness of this war; the fact that at the vanguard of protest are
two
women an Arab and an immigrant from the former Soviet Union is without
a
doubt another unique element. Everything is new about this: Most of the
protest in Israel, including that of the more left-wing activists, used
to
spring from the pool of Ashkenazi Jewish men. Not anymore. Today the
protest of this war is being led to a large extent by women.
And that is not the only difference. In the past, Arab citizens of
Israel
refrained from going to demonstrations in Tel Aviv during a war. At
most,
they would make do with token representation in the later stages of
protest. They would also generally hold their demonstrations in Arab
towns. Not any more. Fromthe very first week, the Arabs became equal
partners to the demonstrations in Tel Aviv. Thousands of Katyusha
rockets
falling on them erased the reluctance of the past. In their eyes, this
is
no longer a Jewish war, but a civilian war in which they have an equal
right to make themselves heard. Badawi says that they deliberately
bring
their voices to Tel Aviv, which is seen as the capital of Israel.
[photo
left of Badawi by GS]
Another kind of change is transpiring among Russian speakers,
considered
the hard core of the Israeli right. Once, bringing a few Russian
speakers
to demonstrations of the Zionist left was considered a big achievement.
Today there is a small, but visible and consistent participation of
Russian speakers in the protest movement of the radical left. Thus, the
Arabs are learning to chant Vynya Nyet! (no war), while Russian and
Hebrew
speakers are chanting Salaam Naam, Kharb La (peace yes, war no). It
looks
like this connection will last long after the voices of war subside.
To Badawi and Knopova, all this seems quite natural. Above all, they
feel
that the role of women in this protest is obvious. All the elements of
this war bring the issues together feminism, social justice, class
distinctions, environment, and the occupation, they say; Women make
this
connection in a natural way. The Old Left, even Gush Shalom, has not
managed to connect these struggles. We do. Even the social justice and
political networks of women are stronger. This war is taking place on
our
social turf, in our homes. As women and citizens, we create an
alternative voice of women facing the militant voice of men.
This is a male war about honor, both that of the Israel Defense Forces
and
the Hizbullah, says Knopova. Women are less into matters of honor.
Russian women instinctively understand that this war is a mans game. We
grew up in that kind of society, and its obvious to us. Perhaps this is
why the group of Russian-speaking women in the radical left in Israel
grew
over a short period from 3 to 200 activists who are now involved in
protest.
Knopova explains that even her father now visiting in Israel, a
profoundly
non-political person, understood the lie from watching the Israeli TV
channel in Russian. Even he, reports Knopova, noted in amazement that
one
Israeli soldier seems to be worth the lives of ten Israeli civilians
and a
hundred Lebanese. He feels instinctively that something is wrong, she
says, but the Russians in Israel get brainwashed.
Human life is valued in Israel only when it is in uniform, contends
Badawi. From our perspective, the struggle now is for the dignity of
everyone in Israel. Every human being. Arab women have a common
socio-economic interest with Russian and Mizrahi women. Our parents
will
have nothing left to eat after the war. When we speak from the stage
Yana
in Russian, I in Arabic that in itself is a political message. It also
conveys to the Arab world that the claims by Israel and the U.S. that
Jews
and Arabs cannot live together is a false message.
It is easy to elicit endless criticism from them about Israel, but
harder
to pry from them statements against the Hizbullah. Clearly we as
feminists cannot support a fundamentalist religious organization, they
agree, but we do not want our statements to be used manipulatively
against
our views. Israel gave the Hizbullah reasons to attack, but our
struggle
is waged on behalf of our own society, to prevent a regional war that
would hurt us all.
Badawi says that this is also the beginning of a way to repair the
fractured relations from the events of 2000 [when 13 Arab citizens were
killed by the Israeli police], after which it was practically
impossible
to find Arab partners for political protest. The age is over when we
would accept Jewish partnership at any price, she says. Today the
connection is genuine, with Jewish activists paying the price of their
participation by demonstrations against the wall in Bilin, refusal to
serve in the military, activism at the checkpoints. We have a common
fate, but it is different than in the past. These demonstrations can
help
us out of the severed relations of October 2000. Now the Arab-Jewish
partnership is egalitarian.
Only one area remains outside the joint space: the emotional memories.
When Badawi talks about the evils of the Separation Fence, her personal
baggage takes her back to 1948. Knopova agrees to every word, but has
other associations from the collective Jewish memory. I do not want
Germans guarding us within the ghetto that we created for ourselves
with
the Separation Walls and security zones, she says. In the tragic
evolution of Zionism, Israel has become the final solution of itself.
Perhaps this is not the text that will accompany the official lighting
of
torches on Independence Day in Israel, but it is the only moment when
the
thoughts of the two good friends part ways.
==================================
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article5174.shtml
Another Act in the Mizrahi-Palestinian Tragedy
Reuven Abarjel and Smadar Lavie, The Electronic Intifada, 24 July 2006
Israeli Defense Minister Amir Peretz (C) visits Israelis in a bomb
shelter in the Israeli northern coastal town of Nahariya 17 July 2006.
Peretz, born in Boujad, Morocco in 1952 four years before his family
emigrated to Israel, is currently the most prominent Mizrahi politician
and the first to lead the Labor Party. (MaanImages/Moti Milrod)
On January 25, 2006, Hamas won a landslide victory in the democratic
Palestinian legislative elections. The elections were conducted under
tight U.S. supervision. Immediately thereafter, Israel's general
attorney, Menny Mazouz, started exploring the legal procedures to jail
the movement's leadership. Soon the IDF started executing the Gazan
leadership of the movement by air strikes. Several dozen innocent
Palestinian civilians were casualties in the process. On June 24 the
IDF land forces entered the Gaza strip and kidnapped two Hamas men. As
a response, on June 25 Hamas captured Gilad Shalit, an IDF soldier. The
IDF immediately launched "Operation Summer Rains," to inflict
large-scale destruction and to press for Shalit's release. On 12 July,
Hizbollah captured two more Israeli soldiers--Eldad Regev and Ehud
Goldwasser--in the Lebanese border zone. From then on, IDF's "Operation
Just Reward" has been inflicting heinous carnage and destruction all
over Lebanon.
And now here we are, in front of the Israeli TV screen, bombarded by
the discourse of experts. The channels are broadcasting live from
studios and battlefields. Commercial interludes are part of the show.
By default the majority of experts are Ashkenazi (European Jewish)
males. They are flanked by a handful of Mizrahi men (Oriental Jews who
immigrated to Israel mainly from the Arab World). These men climbed the
public service ladder within the nationalist hegemonic confines.
Together, they are Israel's knowledge mercenaries. Through the tube -
Israel's tribal campfire -- they dictate the national agenda. The
viewers are convinced it must be humanistic, because it is calmly
narrated by handsome necktied men. They use professional lingo and have
the standardized, de-Semitized Hebrew accent. These talking heads say
this war is not only for our own good, but is also for the civic
betterment of Palestinians and Lebanese. Their sober discourse
facilitates public compliance with IDF's shift of tactics--from
warplane "surgical killings" to a combination of marine, air and land
forces, to destroy the Hizbollah using the massive weaponry that the
U.S. allocates to the IDF.
The three Israeli TV channels bombard us with metaphors like "crushing
Hizbollah," "the return of Israeli deterrence," and "the rehabilitation
of the Israeli soldier's fighter image." Such imagery enables us to
peer into the blood, smoke and devastation the IDF sows. Veiled by the
fuss over Lebanon, Israel concurrently continues to plan and execute
the socio-cide of both public and intimate spheres of the West Bank and
Gaza. The present results: reaping the temporary unity of the Jewish
victim-turned-warrior nation-state.
When the cannons roar, the Mizrahi communities fall silent. Like
servants before the master, the Mizrahim habitually comply. They are
the generations flowing from the Jews who were in Palestine from time
immemorial, as well as descendants of those brought here from the Arab
World and other non-European countries during the previous century.
They are the local hosts for those fleeing the New European
anti-Semitism. Mizrahim provide the demographic majority on whose civic
docility the Eurocentric Israeli regime rests. Mizrahim have been the
Jewish labor turning the cogs of the European-Zionist colonial project
ever since its inception, with the Yemeni-Jewish labor migration of
1882. Mizrahim freed Zionism from its total dependency on indigenous
Palestinian labor. Mizrahim were the Zionists' "natural laborers,"
employed in near-slavery conditions. In order for Mizrahim to work with
efficacy, the Zionist hegemonic patriarchy ruptured Mizrahi extended
families. For themselves, they used the appellation "ideological
laborers," and went on to found Israel's socialist-liberal Left. It is
this very Left that is now fighting yet another self-righteous Israeli
war. The Zionist movement's leadership has always conducted itself, in
front of the Mizrahim, the Palestinians, and the citizens of the Arab
World, through the tools of occupation, oppression and humiliation. Yet
Mizrahi communities keep silent. Along the way, the US-European
minority has co-opted the Mizrahi moral, economic and cultural power to
resist.
Israel has always compartmentalized its occupation into different
categories, as if Gaza, the West Bank, the Palestinian citizens of
Israel, and the Palestinian Diaspora were not all consequences of the
1948 Nakba and 1967 Naqsa. Yet even such a divisive strategy has failed
to diminish the legitimacy of the Palestinian struggle for a homeland.
Despite the peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan, this strategy has
nevertheless resulted in an almost across-the-board refusal of the Arab
body of citizenry to normalize Israel into the region. The Ashkenazi
leadership has repeatedly evoked the image that Israel is a European
villa, planted in the midst of the regional jungle, from Bible times to
the present day.
Mizrahi communities are intricately positioned along the
Israel/Palestine divide as a result of the hegemonic sophistication of
the Ashkenazim. Historically, under Menachem Begin, it was the Right
who offered the Mizrahim a political home of sorts by not forcing them
to secularize in imitation of the Labor party regime. Mizrahim are
situated between the rock of economic-cultural oppression caused by the
US-European capitalist Israeli rule, and the hard place of Palestine's
war of independence. Zionism was superimposed on Mizrahi communities,
yet they welcomed it with open arms. Many still believe in its
deceitful vision of an integrationalist inter-racial utopia, even
though they are systematically excluded from the centers of power due
to Zionism's intra-Jewish racism. Those few who succeeded in securing
high-ranking positions in the Ashkenazi regime have long since erased
their own past, as they adopted their masters' worldview. Rebuilding
the ruptured Mizrahi families was difficult, because they were denied
access to the financial and cultural resources necessary to facilitate
an equal participation in the Zionist patriarchy. Mizrahi men's
feminism is epitomized in their struggle to mimic handsomely crested
Sabra masculinity, hoping it might provide them with equal
opportunities. Even with the arrival of South Asian maids in the 1990s,
Mizrahi women continue to occupy the lowest-paying scale of the Israeli
job market. Having lost their production line and house cleaning jobs
to Filipinas, they work as lower level secretaries and service
providers, and they constitute the majority of the unemployed.
Most of the Palestinian suicide attacks have occurred in the public
spaces of the economically deprived and legally disenfranchised Mizrahi
communities: bus rides taken by people who can't afford to have a
private car, markets frequented by those who can't afford to shop in
air conditioned malls and supermarkets, and 'hoods too poor to afford
to purchase the patrol services of private security companies, and
where the police avoid entering except during drug raids. The majority
of the dead and wounded have been Mizrahim, destitute immigrants from
the former Soviet Union, and foreign guest workers.
The majority IDF casualties of the al-Aqsa intifada since October 2000
have been Mizrahim, Druze, Russian immigrants, and Ethiopians - the
marginal groups that comprise the majority of Israel's social fabric.
Since the 1982 Lebanon war, frontline military service is out of
fashion among the Ashkenazi elite, who no longer find it necessary for
upward mobility. Due to the historical conjunction of ethnicity and
poverty typical of Mizrahi communities, young Mizrahi men are excluded
from avenues of upward mobility that would require a major capital
investment. Alas, combat zone service is one of the few routes for
socio-economic mobility -- an integrationist phantom of sorts.
Sderot, a borderzone Mizrahi town often bombarded by Qassam missiles,
has a high percentage of Ethiopian and Russian immigrants, and high
unemployment rates. It is the Israeli town closest to Gaza. The same
demography is true of the development towns and agricultural co-ops on
the Lebanese border, and even of some of the Haifa 'hoods hit by the
Hizbollah Katiushas.
Mizrahi communities were pushed into the West Bank and Gaza post-1967
settlements through the back door. Both the Right and Left wing Israeli
governments prevented any reasonably priced housing solutions for
residents of Mizrahi slums. The mass Soviet immigration of the 1990s
transformed Israel's center, the source of most decently paying jobs,
into a real estate bubble. This prohibited Mizrahi families from
leaving the ghettos, unless for subsidized houses in the settlements.
These were built by the housing ministry on the pristine West Bank
hills and virgin Gaza beaches. They made the Israeli dream of a
single-family dwelling come true. The superior public school system was
an additional benefit. The Judaization of the Galilee project was
designed for Ashkenazim who could not afford single-family dwellings in
central Israel - gated communities with strict admission committees,
whose majestic mansions overlook Palestinian villages situated within
the 1949 Rhodes armistice agreement.
In the mid 1980s, when the welfare state disappeared from Mizrahi
communities' lives (if it had ever been there), ultra-orthodox
Sephardic Judaism entered the scene in the form of the SHAS party. At
its height, during the 1999 elections, SHAS won 17 seats in the
Knesset. Four of them were ministers of influential government offices,
and four were deputy ministers. SHAS offered an apparatus of education
and food to rehab Mizrahi honor, either by preaching the return to the
forefathers' pious morality or by exposing the racism in the
disenfranchisement and poverty. Eventually, such an intrusion was
destructive. In fact, the ultra-orthodox Mizrahi new sages adopted the
old Ashkenazi method of discipline: a controlled dispensation of
charity so that the very act of dispensing becomes a shock absorber
against any possible social upheaval. Since SHAS's entry into the
public sphere, even the feeble resistance of Mizrahi ghettos has ceased
to exist.
The centrist walls of the Arab nation-state cracked during the Infitah
with Anwar Saadat's Opening-to-the-West policy. Multinational cultural
and market globalization forces entered the Arab World's civic sphere.
Forming alternative societal institutions, the Islamist movements
started substituting for the state. Like SHAS, these institutions were
constructed on the premise of injecting pious morality into the civic
sphere. The communalist power of both SHAS and the Islamist movements
rested in part on a reformulation of strict religious familial
patriarchy as a liberating feminist praxis. Concurrently, the Islamist
movements, as in the cases of Egypt and the Occupied Territories, have
integrated women into all spheres of their public activism but
fighting.
We do not wish here to judge Arab society. Yet to the best of our
understanding, the impact of Islamist movements in the Arab public
sphere has been diametrically opposite to that of SHAS in the Mizrahi
ghettos. With a middle class professional core, the Islamists presented
the Arab world with a new agenda. All the while, the Mizrahi
ultra-orthodoxy imposed the forefathers' morality as yet another
strategy for integrating the Mizrahim into the bosom of the Zionist
lived reality. But how could they not? SHAS sensed it had no other
option. Its middle class emerged from the rank and file of party
apparatchiks. The Question of Palestine was one of the unifying themes
of the Islamist movements. During the 1980s, Sabra and Shatila
reverberated into the First Intifada. Palestinian nationalism gathered
constituencies in the West. Hoping to counter Palestine's secular
nationalism, the worried Israeli regime nurtured the Islamist movements
in Lebanon and the Occupied Territories. Assuming that these movements
would be nothing but SHAS-style charities, the Israeli regime hoped
they might also serve as its tools to deny yet again the Question of
Palestine. As the PLO welfare apparatus relocated from Lebanon to
Tunis, the Islamist movements patched the cracks and flowered forth.
The 2006 democratic elections in the Palestinian authority ended in a
sweeping Hamas victory, which of course disappointed Israel's
expectations. This time around, the Zionist regime preferred the
necktied and conventionally handsome Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) over
hennaed and long-bearded Muhammad abu-Tir. Henceforth Israel, backed by
the US, sweepingly refused to recognize and negotiate with the
legitimate government of the Palestinian people.
These days the Mizrahim are the ones who pay the high price required to
join Israel's "family of blood," a key concept in the Zionist discourse
of national honor. They fall like ripe fruit into Ashkenazi-Zionist
militant adventurism. The Western pro-Israeli lobby, with its Israeli
branches, does not pay the price. On the contrary, it shares the
profits with the G-8 superpowers. This axis of evil will come to an end
only if Mizrahi communities are able to conjoin the memories of their
Arab past with a vision for a future that will be shared with the
people of this region--not just the Palestinians, but the rest of the
Arab World as well.
As long as the Arab World's public discourse does not differentiate
between Yahud (Jews), Sahyoniyin (Zionists), and Yahud-Arab (Arab
Jews), and as long as all Israelis are considered Yahud-wa-bas (just
Jews), such a process is impossible. As long as the Western peace
discourse does not designate separate categories for Mizrahi Jewry, the
majority of Israel's Jewry, for the Ashkenazi peace movements, and for
Zionism, Mizrahi communities' processual reworking into the region will
lack the transnational aura necessary to render it possible. As long as
the Arab leadership, not to mention the Palestinians, prefers talking
peace with the ruling Ashkenazi minority -- be it Zionists,
post-Zionists, even anti-Zionists - Mizrahi communities will continue
to view the peace discourse as part of the repertoire of exotic antics
that the Ashkenazi cosmopolitan elite perform for the West. At the same
time, they will continue to conceive of the Arabs, particularly
Palestinians, only as lethal enemies.
Those who present themselves as seekers of peace -- Shimon Peres and
Yossi Beilin -- are actually supporting the present destruction of
civil society in Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza. They are the
spokesmen explaining the necessity for the atrocious measures taken by
the Israeli government. Mizrahim remember them mainly as those who
started the move to privatize and outsource labor from their community
into the globalized economic wonderland that the peace dons termed "the
New Middle East." For Mizrahi communities, unemployment and debt were
the most immediate results of the Oslo agreement's peace festival.
These days the peace dons also brandish a Moroccan defense minister,
Amir Peretz, to execute their policies, even though they are the ones
who publicly dissed him and failed him along his political career. No
wonder this discourse of peace is so alien to Mizrahi communities.
The experts on TV tell us that the purpose of the present destruction
is to secure the release of the "kidnapped" soldiers. If this were
indeed the purpose of operations "Summer Rains" and "Adequate Pay," the
release of all Palestinian and Lebanese political prisoners from
Israeli jails would be far more cost effective, whether in blood or
money. But, alas, when the canons stop roaring, when we finish counting
our dead and cleaning up our ruins, we are likely to return to point
zero--1882. The Mizrahim, Palestinians and foreign guest workers will
resurrect Lebanon, Palestine and Israel from under the rubble, at
near-slavery wages and with no social benefits. The US will provide the
funding. As long as Mizrahi communities fail to understand that these
wars commemorate their disenfranchised poverty, as long as there is no
insistence on organized, popular Mizrahi resistance, no just peace will
be achieved in our region.
Reuven Abarjel is co-founder of the Israeli Black Panthers; Smadar
Lavie is a Professor of Anthropology and Mizrahi Feminist Activist.

Sovietici in USA piu' difficile possibile,
E vai con le solite stronzate da *COGLIONE* antisemita del caro
Torrieri!
-Stefano

 questi si fossero ribellati.
E' ben noto che il governo ungherese utilizzò l'intero apparato di
polizia per sostenere la deportazione ungherese e che TUTTI i
rastrellamenti di popolazione ebraica vennero compiuti dagli ungheresi
stessi. Il ministro Jaross e il sottosegretario Endre misero in piedi
l'intera operazione di cui Eichmann fu consulente. Ma Brenner fa finta
di non saperlo e Torrieri gli va dietro.
Sull' argomento e sulla bibliografia in materia:
http://www.olokaustos.org/geo/ungheria/index.htm
Altra panzana: la deportazione avvenne quando oramai la Germania era
spacciata. Sia Brenner che Torrieri non sanno forse che le operazioni
di deportazione iniziarono il 16 aprile 1944 ben prima che gli
americani sbarcassero in Normandia e vennero concluse in meno di due
mesi.
IN CONCLUSIONE .....
Torrieri è il triste epigono di una tendenza tardotrotzkista che negli
ultimi tempi si è saldata in nome dell'antimperialismo con la peggiore
feccia neonazista in Italia e fuori. Le sue fonti provengono non da
storici ma da vecchi attivisti e cineasti. Le sue conclusioni sono
ideologiche e la sua coonoscenza dei testi storici sull'argomento
nulla. Ciononostante affronta la questione. Perché? Perché la storia
per lui è solo una puttana con cui copulare a seconda della
convenienza.