Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale
Titolo: il piu' importante momento nella storia di Israele

La sconfitta dei laburisti nel 1977. La democrazia israeliana, da
allora, e' piu' forte.
 
http://www.israelhayom.com/site/newsletter_opinion.php?id=1891
 
 
Looking back at the 1977 elections
 
It was a seminal moment in Israel's democracy, perhaps its most
important event. This week, 35 years ago, the so-called political
"earthquake" took place, when 29 straight years of Labor domination
came to an end in the 1977 Knesset elections. Millions of Israelis
could suddenly relate to the newly elected Likud Prime Minister
Menachem Begin, who announced: "Today marks a turning point in the
history of the Jewish people and the Zionist movement."
 
Many years have passed since. Those who warned against a changing of
the guard in Israel's top echelons were proven wrong. Not only did
this event not hurt Israeli democracy, it made it stronger. The party
in power is no longer synonymous with the sovereign power. The people
of Israel have become their own sovereign. The people's endorsement of
the Likud's platform was not the one-off aberration the Left's leaders
had predicted.
 
The time that has passed since warrants some introspection, weighing
what has been accomplished and what is still a work in progress. The
results of these elections can be represented by three different
vectors: the consolidation of Jewish presence in Judea and Samaria;
the drastic changes in the socio-economic landscape; and the
empowerment of many groups who had felt disenfranchised and outside
the mainstream.
 
On the eve of the first Likud government, the Israeli population in
Judea and Samaria was limited to tiny, temporary communities. "The
great settlement enterprise," as Begin put it, led almost 250,000
Israelis to build their home in prosperous and developed communities.
Those responsible for the political turnaround knew what is now
understood both in Israel and abroad -- namely, that the settlement
enterprise will shape the contours of any future political settlement.
 
The second change the elections introduced -- a competitive, free-
enterprise and entrepreneurial economy -- has been most evident over
the past decade, but is under attack in the current political climate.
The red flags being hoisted on many streets represent a centralized
economy where power is concentrated in one focal point, the government
and its bureaucracy. This is a convoluted, red-tape economy run by the
well-connected for the well-connected. The old-school economics -- new
taxes to reduce the deficit and runaway government spending to the
point of bankruptcy a la Greece, Spain and Portugal -- are resurgent.
Irresponsible fiscal policy leads to widespread unemployment. One
cannot bridge socio-economics disparities with populist rhetoric; this
can only be done by increasing competitiveness and investing in
education and in a fast public transit system that reaches even the
most far-flung communities.
 
The third change is also a welcome development: The political upset
allowed entire segments of society who had been marginalized for 30
years to stand tall. They, would no longer accept being relegated to
"second-class Israel." The ruling party sidelined them and labeled
them as such. They were not allowed to partake in the state's
government or in the decision-making apparatus. They were courted for
their votes on election day, but they were denied proper integration
in Israeli society. New immigrants from Middle Eastern countries and
veteran immigrants from Europe; Irgun and Stern Gang fighters and
those who had been part of the Beitar youth movement felt that their
honor had been restored.
 
But more work lies ahead. The U.S. system for appointing top
administration officials has not been adopted in Israel. What failed
to take place during the 1977 spring has been perpetuated ever since.
Why is an acceptable norm in Washington scorned at here? The elected
public echelon should be able to pursue its policies with a senior
bureaucracy that supports it, in accordance with the law and the Civil
Service Commission's statutes.
 
The burgeoning dialogue in 2012, on the precipice of a likely change
in the system of government, should take this into account.

 allora, e' piu' forte.
 
1948, 1967. Senza, semplicemente non ci sarebbe Israele. Ma capisco
che è duro ammettere che i laburisti hanno fatto il 99% del lavoro

 i laburisti hanno fatto il 99% del lavoro
 
Non ti intendi di storia.

 No
 
e puccia i piedini, il nano sulle spalle dei giganti. Ma tanto non ti
sentono lo stesso

 e pu
 
se ti sembra che piu' di trent'anni siano l'1%..

 se ti sembra che piu' di trent'anni siano l'1%..
 
l'ordinaria amministrazione è l'1% rispetto alla costruzione dello
stato


se ti sembra che gli ultimi trent'anni siano ordinaria
amministrazione...