Newsgroup: it.arti.cinema
Titolo: [OT] E comunque...

...Siamo ancora in prima pagina!
http://news.ft.com/home/europe/
ciao,
bax
-- 
http://bax.blogspot.com/
"Basta fatti, vogliamo promesse."
www.iaciners.org

 
http://news.ft.com/home/europe/
...
"Italy&#8217;s present economic predicament is conceptually remarkably
similar to that of Argentina in the late 1990s"
My bolloks....
ma come traducono i compassati inglesi il termine "coglioni"?
Ho visto un "idiots" ma non credo renda bene la poverta' umana del
Nostro...
A. 
-- 
www.no4er.it
 - ICQ#: 32168396 
"...over the hills and far away!" 
PS: se despammed non va stesso nick su libero 
questo articolo e` stato inviato via web dal servizio gratuito 
http://www.newsland.it/news
 segnala gli abusi ad 
ab...@newsland.it

 ma come traducono i compassati inglesi il termine "coglioni"?
Davvero. Che miseria intellettuale...


 Nostro...
"those who voted for the left were coglioni, literally "testicles" but
usually intended to mean idiots or cretins."
http://news.independent.co.uk/europe/article355803.ece
Berlusconi accused of hitting new low after 'dickheads' jibe 
http://www.guardian.co.uk/italy/story/0,,1746942,00.html
"he suggested that left-wing voters were "dickheads"."
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,13509-2119208,00.html
Berlusconi: "Arschlöcher wählen links"
http://derstandard.at/?url=/?id=2402567
"Ses adversaires sont régulièrement diabolisès. Hier, Berlusconi a ainsi
estimé que les électeurs de gauche étaient des "couillons"."
http://www.liberation.fr/page.php?Article=372558
"Berlusconi labeled anyone planning to vote for the center-left
opposition as "coglioni," a vulgar word for testicles."
http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/04/04/news/italy.php#

Peter Popham: Neither of these men is worthy to lead Italy
Italy needs root and branch reform. Yet neither Berlusconi nor Prodi is 
interested
Published: 05 April 2006
At one point in Monday night's television debate between Silvio 
Berlusconi and Romano Prodi, the man challenging Berlusconi to be prime 
minister of Italy asked how a particular reform would be financed. The 
media baron replied: "I'll explain to you later in private."
These debates were meant to introduce a breath of freezing cold 
Anglo-Saxon air into the cosy salons and television shouting matches 
where Italian political discourse is normally conducted. The set is 
ivory coloured, the tables of plexiglass, the chairs of cream leather 
and aluminium, the whole thing has a slightly science fiction quality 
as if the candidates have been kidnapped by aliens and taken to another 
planet for interrogation. More bizarre for Italy, interrupting is 
banned. Italians find this makes for extremely boring debates. 
Interrupting and shouting the other man down is what political debate 
in Italy is all about.
But if the debates were intended to get the candidates to talk soberly 
about real issues, they have failed. Insults they have produced 
aplenty. Incomprehensible streams of figures. Expressions of anger and 
disdain. Airy-fairy waffle about happiness and unity. But realistic 
talk about real policy plans? Dream on. That happens in private 
afterwards, as Berlusconi intimated. It was a telling moment. The 
Italian political system is still, to an amazing degree, a private 
conversation among elites.
A few months before the election campaign began, Berlusconi announced a 
radical revision of the Italian voting system, scrapping the modified 
first-past-the-post system that was supposed to address Italy's chronic 
problem of weak government, and going back to a version of the 
discredited proportional representation system. If they get into power, 
the centre-left will scrap the Berlusconi law. I know that because a 
very important man told me. But you could scour all 281 closely printed 
pages of their manifesto and find no reference to this major and bold 
intention.
Another late, appalling act of the Berlusconi government was the last 
of a long line of laws ad personam designed to save the media mogul 
from justice. This one sliced in half the "prescription" time - the 
statute of limitations - for white-collar criminal offences. Italy is 
one of very few countries which sets a stopwatch running once a trial 
begins and after a fixed number of years calls the whole affair off, 
"exterminating", as they say, the crime. It is a pernicious rule. But 
Berlusconi made it a whole lot worse.
The law that halves the statute of limitations is going down the 
lavatory, too: the same important chap gave me his word of honour. It's 
the sort of thing that one would expect to find stamped in huge 
capitals on the cover of the coalition's manifesto, their proudest 
boast. Instead, like the voting initiative, it is nowhere to be found. 
Strong medicine, too strong for the common folk to swallow.
The second and final confrontation between the billionaire and the 
former president of the European Commission before the election next 
Sunday and Monday excited, in the breast of this foreigner at least, an 
enormous sense of pity for Italy: a country of such natural and human 
wealth, such beauty and history, forced to choose between two such men 
to lead it, and expected to swallow such piffle in the process.
One of the two men would have been in disgrace and behind bars long ago 
if Italy had a remotely serviceable justice system. When he fell from 
power the first time in 1994 with the desertion of the Northern League 
leader Umberto Bossi, after seven months in office, the accusations of 
bribery and corruption against Berlusconi were already piling up, and 
if justice had been allowed to take its course it is probable that some 
of the charges against him would have led to a criminal sentence. That 
would have put a full stop to what, at that point, was a short and 
ignoble political career. Instead, when the centre-left got into power 
they treated him - in the old elitist way, talking sotto voce among 
themselves - as a partner in power, and with his ready agreement 
enacted a justice reform bill which had the effect of lengthening 
trials, making it all but certain that Berlusconi's crimes would be 
"exterminated", and that he would live to fight another day. As he did.
The other contender for power, Romano Prodi, is set up to be everything 
Berlusconi is not: kindly, gentle, possessed of high moral values - a 
tubby parish priest, as he is often depicted in cartoons. His appeal to 
the electorate is that he is a competent manager and seems to be 
harmless - but at this point in Italy's history, can that be enough?
During last night's debate Berlusconi claimed, among many other things, 
that during his five years in power he had set the universities to 
rights, destroying the corrupt baronies that have a lock on university 
appointments and turning them into temples of meritocracy. It's not 
true: Italy's universities are in a dreadful state. But at least 
Berlusconi has got as far as identifying a real problem. During this 
election campaign others in his coalition have called for an assault on 
the closed-shop professional bodies that make it incredibly difficult 
for the young to break into the Italian jobs market. In five years 
nothing of the sort has been attempted, but again the centre-right 
acknowledge that these are among the country's problems.
No such talk is heard from Prodi or his allies; that would be hitting 
far too close to home, shitting in the nest and no mistake. Despite its 
pretensions to being a force for reform, the centre-left is the voice 
of the status quo, of which this comfortable professor is a perfect 
symbol.
There is an incontrovertible logic to the centre-left coalition: only 
by sticking together do these 13 parties, post-democristiano, 
post-communist, anti-clerical and more, have a hope of winning. But 
their internal contradictions make those within the British Labour 
Party look like a lover's tiff. They agree on practically nothing, 
except that Berlusconi Must Go. One of the moments during the debate 
when Berlusconi hit home was when he described Prodi (in a phrase used 
by Lenin) as a "useful idiot". With his airy calls for national unity, 
for happiness, for goodness, Romano Prodi leaves all the sacred cows 
well alone.
Italy needs root-and-branch reform of education, justice, the 
professions, the civil service, the banking system, if it is to begin 
to meet the challenges of the modern world. Yet neither candidate is 
interested. Mr Berlusconi used his final appeal to the camera to 
promise the abolition of council tax on houses - an idea not mentioned 
in the campaign so far, and which would at a stroke rob Italy's local 
councils of their main source of funding. He could not be serious. But 
there is a sucker born every minute, and some have not yet decided 
which way to vote.

 which way to vote.
Altro che "coglioni"...
Bella cazzutissima analisi, grazie del post.


 Peter Popham: Neither of these men is worthy to lead Italy
Bravo d&grado, grazie anche da parte mia.

 ma come traducono i compassati inglesi il termine "coglioni"?
Asshole è la traduzione migliore imho.
-- 
Aramesh