Newsgroup: it.politica.internazionale.israele
Titolo: Il destino del Sionismo

http://tinyurl.com/2kt23
Daniel Gordis del Jerusalem Post recensisce un libro del Rabbino Arthur
Hertzberg in cui egli esprime le sue opinioni sul conflitto
israelo-palestinese, e ritiene che l'unica possibilità di pace (anche se non
immediata) sia nel far uscire dal conflitto la componente religiosa e
divenire così disponibili ad un compromesso. In un certo senso, riportando
il Sionismo alle sue origini secolariste.
Ciao.
The Fate of Zionism: A Secular Future for Israel and Palestine
by Arthur Hertzberg.
HarperSanFrancisco
208 pp. $19.95
The back cover of Arthur Hertzberg's The Fate of Zionism: A Secular Future
for Israel and Palestine, is clearly meant as a provocation.
The book, we are told, is "Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg's clarion call to return
to the original, secular vision of Israel."
When a rabbi calls for a secular Israel, the cover seems to suggest, what
emerges is bound to be interesting and unpredictable.
A scholar of profound importance, Hertzberg has also been perhaps the
greatest explicator of Zionist ideology, and has earned an undisputed place
as one of Judaism's great public intellectuals.
The Fate of Zionism taps into all those elements of Hertzberg's
extraordinary career. Picking up on his classic The Zionist Idea, it offers
the newcomer a tantalizing (though incomplete) survey of elements of the
history of Zionism.
Following in the footsteps of his A Jew in America, it is a distinctly
American book, with an urgent call for a major American role in resolving
the conflict. And in keeping with his reputation as an iconoclast, the book
never hesitates to endorse unusual combinations of positions.
Hertzberg writes as that too-rare breed of passionate Zionist deeply
disturbed by many elements of contemporary Israeli policy but thoroughly
committed to Israel's legitimacy. He is troubled by what he sees as the
fundamentalism of Israeli society. He critiques the second aliya for its
exclusion of Arabs from the new work force it created, and argues that
ideological fervor played a role in fueling the hatred the Arabs eventually
developed for the Jewish immigrants.
However, for all his critique, Hertzberg surprisingly endorses many of the
positions of what might be called the Zionist right-of-center. While
Palestinians argue that the very arrival of Jews on these shores did them
harm, Hertzberg asks: "Can we really believe that in the past 100 years many
Jews on the run had any alternative but to come in large numbers to
Palestine to save their lives and to create their own national home and
political and cultural identity?" He even casts the refugee problem in a
seldom-heard form.
"It has even been argued that the Jewish exodus from Arab lands, a number
roughly equal to that of Palestinian Arabs who fled from Zionist Israel, was
a de facto exchange of populations."
Admittedly, Hertzberg does not expressly endorse this view, but he raises it
without objection. One suspects that he hopes we will take note.
Perhaps most surprisingly, Hertzberg rejects the Palestinians'"recently
discovered" national identity.
"What has not been proven is that this supposed Palestinian tradition
produced elements of any importance to Arab Islamic culture," he writes.
"The Palestinians really entered history after the Zionists arrived."
PERHAPS SO, but they have quickly become intractable obstacles on the road
to Mid-East peace. And for that reason, Hertzberg sees no resolution to the
conflict in the next several generations. Unlike Tony Judt or Meron
Benvenisti, Hertzberg does not call for a bi-national state instead; he says
we must simply wait until "Israelis and Palestinians finally meet each other
as cultural and economic equals" to "sketch out some lasting political
arrangements, perhaps even a two-state solution."
Whether or not one agrees, this is hardly shocking. So what about the
provocation promised on the back cover?
Surprisingly, given the book's subtitle, the argument for secular Zionism
appears only at the very beginning and end of the book. Hertzberg asserts on
the very first page that "modern Zionism can succeed today only if it
emphasizes its largely secular origins. Modern Zionism did not arise to
carry out an imperative of the Jewish faith that God had designated the Holy
Land as the ultimate home of the Jews."
Toward the end of the book, Hertzberg relates that when he was asked at a
conference at Harvard "What can the religious traditions contribute to
making peace between the Israelis and Palestinians?" he responded that they
should simply "get out of the equation."
Why?
"Since peace can be made between Israelis and Palestinians only by
compromise," he claims, "it will happen only when men and women of religion
are left outside the door and practical politicians make the necessary
untidy deals."
But here Hertzberg may have overreached. Must religious Zionism be messianic
Zionism? Surely not. And is it really true that women and men of religious
conviction are incapable of compromise? Why does Hertzberg not mention the
religious Zionist peace organization Oz V'Shalom? Or the recent appearance
of groups like 
www.tzionut.org
 - religious Zionists calling for a return to
the 1967 borders so they can begin the serious work of building the Israeli
society of which they dream? Even if these groups are small, doesn't their
existence merit mention as a corrective to the over-arching claim that
religious conviction necessarily leads to an inability to compromise?
MORE TROUBLING, however, is the issue of whether Zionism can survive as a
secular movement. Zionism, Hertzberg claims, is "an instrument of survival
and of regeneration in a tragic century." But as that tragic century
recedes, even with the harrowing changes in Europe today, will its memory
suffice to convince young secular Israelis of the need for a Jewish
sovereign state? The evidence from Israeli youth today is not encouraging.
It is no accident that more than 95% of American olim are observant. What
their religious tradition communicates to many Jews today is that Jewishness
at its fullest is a matter of devotion to a tapestry grander than our own
lives, commitment to causes beyond our own good and desires. For many Jews
imbued precisely with the religious passion that Hertzberg would like to
marginalize, Israel becomes a chief expression of that commitment.
Hertzberg seems surprisingly un-self-reflective about his own movement's
tepid commitment to Zionism, and the possible source of this phenomenon in
precisely the secularism he advocates. He comes from that generation of
Conservative Jewish leaders (many of whom were my teachers) who were
committed to the Jewish tradition but suspicious of the religious passions
that had long kept it alive. But Conservative Judaism's
hyper-intellectualism has a disappointing record when it comes to
inculcating a sense of commitment to causes beyond the self. It is
surprising that Hertzberg never broaches this.
Much of what gives rise to competing political positions is the question of
what each of us fears most. Hertzberg understandably fears a Zionist world
overwhelmed by religious zeal and impervious to compromise.
I would have liked to hear his response to those of us left wondering
whether Zionism can survive the secularism that he believes will save it.
The writer is Vice President of the Mandel Foundation - Israel. His latest
book, Home to Stay: One American Family's Chronicle of Miracles and
Struggles in Contemporary Israel has just been released by Random House /
Three Rivers Press.
--------------------------------
Inviato via 
http://arianna.libero.it/usenet/

 
Un'altra recensione del libro la trovate qui:
http://www.forward.com/issues/2004/04.02.13/arts1.html
La recensione si può riassumere col suo ultimo paragrafo: "Comunque
sia, la voce di Herztberg è un chiaro invito a tornare ad una versione
sana ed umana del Sionismo, ripulita dell'arroganza e dello
pseudo-messianismo. Se nel suo libro scarseggiano le concrete
soluzioni operative, beh, questo campione del Sionismo liberale è in
buona compagnia".
Ciao.
By Shlomo Avineri 
Arthur Hertzberg is a rare bird on the American Jewish scene: a Jewish
public intellectual who is also a Jewish leader. Once upon a time —
when there were not many Jewish academics in the United States —
people with intellectual stature emerged as leaders in the Jewish
community, including Felix Frankfurter, Louis Dembitz Brandeis,
Stephen Wise and Abba Hillel Silver. Today, with hundreds of thousands
of Jews in American academe, few of them end up in leadership
positions in Jewish organizations. Hertzberg is almost the only
contemporary Jewish American who is a rabbi, university professor,
prolific author and public leader.
Over the years, he has also been known for his fierce independence,
intellectual integrity and courage in speaking truth to power: to the
U.S. government on Vietnam, to the government of Israel on settlement
policies and — what may perhaps be even more difficult — occasionally
to the official Jewish American leadership. Such a prophetic vocation
does not necessarily endear one
to all and sundry, but it certainly earned him respect even from those
with whom he disagreed. Golda Meir was not known to be tolerant toward
her critics, nor did she spare her share of scorn for professors. Yet
whenever Hertzberg spoke, she admitted, she had to listen. So when
Hertzberg, now 81 years old but still vigorous as ever, writes on the
future of Israel, one should — like Meir — listen.
What he has to say in this book is of importance on a number of
levels. It is, on one hand, a passionate defense of Zionism — of the
fundamental right of the Jews to have a national home; it is also a
scathing critique of what Hertzberg sees as a selective criticism of
Israel on the part of some people on the left who wax indignant about
Israeli policies (many of which Hertzberg does not agree with
himself), but remain silent regarding much worse infringements of
human rights all over the world.
But the book is primarily a powerful lament about what Hertzberg sees
as the wrong turn Israel has taken since the Six Day War in 1967.
Hertzberg rightly sees this war as the turning point in the history of
Zionism and Israel. He movingly recounts how he too was deeply elated
by the enormity of Israel's deliverance and victory in 1967; yet it
was precisely the enormity of this victory — its almost miraculous
nature — that has led to the triumphalism and hubris that have
characterized so much of Israeli policy since then.
To those who tend to forget, Hertzberg recounts with great detail and
passionate conviction the story of Zionism as a national liberation
movement. Especially in the current atmosphere among many of Israel's
Jewish American supporters, it is important to reiterate that Zionism
did not originate as a religious movement, that "it is not a linear
heir to the religion of the Bible." To those who, especially since
1967, tend to see the establishment of Israel as the beginning of the
messianic age, he says — in a combination of deep belief and some
exasperation with an absent God, a deus absconditus — that "if the
Jewish messiah had chosen the twentieth century as the time to appear,
he should have come to Auschwitz," where Hertzberg's family was
murdered by the Nazis, and not "in order to expand the settlements on
the West Bank."
Yet this uncompromising critique of the messianic version of Zionism
identified with Gush Emunim — and in its extreme fashion, also with
the assassin of Yitzhak Rabin — is accompanied by a detailed account
of the consistent Arab refusal to accept any Jewish political presence
in Palestine. Hertzberg puts his historical erudition to show how from
the beginning of the Zionist enterprise, even the most liberal Arab
intellectuals — like George Antonius, the author of the classic "The
Arab Awakening: The Story of the Arab National Movement" (1938) — were
totally averse to accepting any Jewish claim or right in Palestine.
This he forcefully compares with the liberal, humanistic and
universalistic version of Zionist leaders like Chaim Weizmann, who
famously said that the conflict is not between right and wrong, but
between two rights. Hence the ultimate acceptance of partition by the
Zionist movement; on the Arab side, however, their moral absolutism
led them not only to reject partition and compromise, but by doing so
they also went to war not merely against Israel but also against the
United Nations and international legitimacy.
In this Hertzberg reflects the best traditions of liberal and Labor
Zionism: an insistence on the Jewish right to a homeland, coupled with
acceptance of the rights of The Other. Both right-wing Israelis and
their American Jewish supporters as well as extreme left-wing critics
of Israel fail, for opposite reasons, to be able to combine this
humane, liberal vision. Hertzberg rightly views the attenuation of
this vision in Israel since 1967 as the major tragedy now endangering
the very spirit of the Zionist enterprise.
Yet Hertzberg's book is not only a historical account, but also a
tract for the times, and repeatedly claims to aim at a future
solution. The subtitle of the volume — "A Secular Future for Israel &
Palestine" — suggests the direction Hertzberg would like to take. But
while his suggestions are unexceptionable from a liberal perspective,
they are also somewhat disappointing.
Especially after 9/11, it is important to focus on the "secular"
future of both Israel and Palestine: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict
is between two national movements — it is neither a war of religions,
nor a facet in a global clash of civilizations.
Yet how can a coexistence of Israel and Palestine come about?
Hertzberg, for all his idealism, is a hard-bitten realist. As a dove,
he supported the Oslo agreements, but he realizes — though he does not
say so in so many words — that this noble attempt has failed. He
realizes that it now appears that Israelis and Palestinians cannot be
left to their own devices and need an external power to move them
toward reconciliation.
Yet despite the current political correctness, Hertzberg does not see
the American-sponsored "Road Map" as having much chance of success.
Both because the American president cannot accompany a complex and
tortuous process all the way, step by step, over a period of years, as
well as for another, more fundamental reason: because the United
States cannot — and should not — be the world's sheriff. Here
Hertzberg points to a little-noticed inconsistency on the part of many
on the left who oppose the role of the United States as the world's
policeman, seeing in it a thinly-disguised imperial arrogance, yet
when it comes to the Middle East, put all their hope in an enhanced
American role, mostly expressed by urging the United States to
pressure Israel. Such a position does not go together with any liberal
view of what role the United States should play in world politics.
So what should be done? To do justice to Hertzberg, he is — like many
moderate Israelis, especially after the Palestinians' refusal at Camp
David in 2000 — at his wits' end. He rightly objects to putting
American soldiers on the ground as a buffer between Israel and the
Palestinians, among other reasons because this will put America in the
unenviable role in which the British were in the early 20th century.
What his recipe amounts to is a series of ameliorative measures that
may seem reasonable, but are far from either practical or promising.
He suggests that the United States deduct from its assistance to
Israel the costs of maintaining the settlements (it is here that
Hertzberg makes what looks to me his only factual mistake in the book,
by suggesting that American aid to Israel amounts annually to $4
billion, when it is just a bit more than half of this); in parallel
fashion, he suggests the United States "dry up the financial and
military support of the Palestinian war makers," especially by taking
a tougher line vis-à-vis Iran and Saudi Arabia. This, again, is
unexceptionable, but with American difficulties in Iraq, it is highly
unlikely to happen, and in any case, does not address adequately the
current impasse.
Since Hertzberg's book has been published, the one measure that might
stabilize the situation — unilateral disengagement — has been
reluctantly adopted by the Sharon government. But it is being carried
out in the wrong fashion, trying to use the justification for Israel's
self-defense against suicide bombings in order to annex some
Palestinian territories. It is obviously a non-solution, yet may be
the only meaningful policy, absent serious negotiations. Given
Hertzberg's virtual despair of a solution in the near future, one
would hope he would support this move, controversial as it may be,
while criticizing the route of the defensive fence.
Be this as it may, Hertzberg's voice is a clear call for a return to a
sane and humane version of Zionism, cleansed of arrogance and false
messianism. If his book is short on workable concrete solutions, then
this paragon of liberal Zionism is in good company.
Shlomo Avineri is professor of political science at the Hebrew
University of Jerusalem and the author of, among other books, "The
Making of Modern Zionism."

 
 
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