Newsgroup: it.sport.calcio.genoa
Titolo: il times non lo legge nessuno?

il times non lo legge nessuno?
tutti parlano di quello che l'ecomunist scrive sul premier.. magari
giustamente, però perchè la grande informazione democratica
non da spazio a quanto dicono dell'altro bel tomo, el romano?
Il Times stupito: come si fa a votare Romano?
Come può un noioso professore universitario, insipido e senza personalità
( tanto da guadagnarsi i soprannomi di Mortadella, 
becchino e pretone democristiano) con alle spalle un mandato come
presidente della Commissione europea giudicato 
fallimentare dalla stampa continentale e un biennio da premier che gli è
valso un odio ecumenico per la stretta 
fiscale che ha sì garantito l'ingresso nell'area Euro ma anche un aumento
dei prezzi senza precedenti - come può 
uno così riuscire a diventare di nuovo capo del governo in un Paese
europeo? Facile, non ha che da candidarsi in Italia. 
Questo, in sintesi, il ritratto che Ben Macintyre, giornalista e scrittore
del Times, ha dedicato ieri a Romano Prodi 
sulle pagine del quotidiano londinese. Ritratto beffardo con momenti
esilaranti come la descrizione delle reazioni 
del pubblico al comizio- tipo del Professore: gente che chiacchiera di
nascosto, altri che si grattano 
o guardano il soffitto. Persino i carabinieri perdono compostezza e si
mettono a giocherellare con la tastiera 
dei loro cellulari mentre Romano arranca in un discorso che cerca di
risultare rassicurante attraverso 
l'ottusità più estrema: « Dobbiamo essere uniti per andare avanti... » .
L'ex presidente dell'Iri (altra bella 
storia che nessuno ricorda) esce distrutto dalla penna di Macintyre: il
Professore, per superare Berlusconi, 
non ha pensato due volte a formare una « coalizione di strabiliante
eterogeneità » , che va dai cattolici 
ai comunisti duri e puri passando per verdi, radicali, no- global e
pensionati. E per mostrare quanto 
bizzarra sia l'Unione, il giornalista britannico fa due esempi: Rosa
Calipari e Marco Ferrando. 
Nel carrozzone di Prodi - spiega ai lettori inglesi - coabitano la vedova
di un agente segreto ucciso 
in una sparatoria dai soldati americani e un trozkista che sostiene il
diritto dei ribelli iracheni 
a sparare contro le truppe italiane in Iraq. D'accordo, poi Ferrando ha
rinunciato alla candidatura 
(o meglio, lo hanno tolto dalla lista..), ma il punto è che nel
centrosinistra sembra poterci entrare chiunque: 
ogni membro della coalizione, continua l'articolo del Times, è in
disaccordo con gli altri su quasi ogni argomento, 
dalle politiche matrimoniali alla difesa dell'ambiente, e le 300 pagine
del programma prodiano sono un 
trionfo di contorsionismo politico, ambiguità e incoerenza. Per il
Cavaliere è stato perciò facile sbattere 
in faccia l'avversario queste contraddizioni: il Professore è ostaggio
dell'estrema sinistra e non potrà fare 
altro che aumentare il peso dello Stato su economia e società con nuove
tasse. Macintyre ricorda la fine ingloriosa 
del precedente esecutivo Prodi, crollato per l'assenza del supporto da
parte dei comunisti; Romano sa bene quanto 
il suo potere dipenda dai comunisti e non ha esitato a stringere con loro,
scrive l'inglese, un « patto faustiano » 
( cioè con Faust Bertinotti che però qui fa anche la parte del diavolo).
Niente di nuovo per i nostri lettori, 
ma certo una novità per la stampa estera che, come ha raccontato domenica
su queste pagine 
Nicholas Farrell, è schierata contro il Cavaliere. Anche ieri sul parigino
e conservatore Le Figaro 
si poteva leggere la celebrazione del programma « serieux » del
Professore. E la Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 
ha dedicato a Prodi un'intera pagina - e alla polemica sui Trottel ( «
stupidi » ) , 
come ha pudicamente tradotto il « coglioni » di Silvio. Per tacere
dell'Economist che oggi esce con l'invito agli italiani 
perché « licenzino Berlusconi » .
Chissà perchè di quest'ultimii pareri invece i giornali abbondano in
riferimenti e citazioni..
Il Times invece, citando la promessa prodiana di ripristinare la tassa di
successione 
a accennando al cuneo fiscale ( sul cui funzionamento anche Oltremanica
non ci sanno dare sufficienti chiarimenti), 
completa la fotografia desolante del capo dell'Unione che rischia di
diventare premier. Certo, si dirà, perdere 
con questo avversario solleva dubbi sulla qualità dello sfidante
Berlusconi. Ma a scegliere sono gli elettori. 
E se gli italiani preferiranno il grigiore di Prodi - sembra dire il
perfido Times - lo faranno perché 
sono masochisti. O « coglioni »
Scegliamo di non essere coglioni?
-- 
usare google a volte porta a risultati sorprendenti
-- 
questo articolo e` stato inviato via web dal servizio gratuito 
http://www.newsland.it/news
 segnala gli abusi ad 
ab...@newsland.it

 il times non lo legge nessuno?
Ecomostro, sono due giorni che spammi cazzate con identità diverse.
Non hai veramente il senso del ridicolo, puah!
Sei messo troppo male, fortuna che ti salva qualche cambio di identità in 
corsa.
Fatti forza, anzi, si son già fatti te a forza.

 il times non lo legge nessuno?
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,3-2123867,00.html
His arrogance was towering and theatrical. He compared himself, 
variously, to Churchill, Napoleon and Jesus Christ.
-- 
Ciao, Ruggero
www.dsandora.com
Vota Antonio Vota Antonio Vota Antonio

 
ma il più centrato è questo, che ci mette di fronte alla terrificante 
scelta cui siamo "costretti"
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,13509-2120557.html
Mr Genuinely Grey to see off Makeover Man
Italians must choose between a stolid academic and a flamboyant rogue 
for their leader
si potrebbe parafrasare così una celebre barzelletta sul pdm:
il 9-10 aprile puoi scegliere di votare per prodi o berlusconi: cosa 
fai, vai al mare o in campagna? :-P

> Scegliamo di non essere coglioni?
Perchè mai? I coglioni, da che mondo è mondo sono il simbolo della 
procreazione, della continuazione della specie.
Molte volte non si valuta il vero senso dei termini. I coglioni sono molto 
utili, anche se nel caso del concepimento del Re di Arcore, potevano fare 
cilecca.
In fondo chi pensa di offendere con quel termine è uno che si sente unto dal 
signore, Gesù Cristo e Napoleone, è chiaro che la pazzia abbia fatto il suo 
corso, in un cervello in cui mai hanno funzionato a dovere i pochi neuroni 
che la tirchia natura matrigna gli ha consegnato.
La mortadella piace, la mortadella ha un sapore deciso e si abbiana a 
dell'ottimo vino, la mortadella è proletaria, il panino con la mortadella è 
il simbolo dell'operaio.
Noi coglioni, lui fuori dai coglioni.
Ciao
Exebor 

 il times non lo legge nessuno?
non importa da che parte politica si sta, la stampa straniera - con
poche eccezioni - quando parla d´Italia si butta su un mix di luoghi
comuni d´antan, pregiudizi, battute e superficialitá.
non sto con Berlusconi, non sono entusiasta di Prodi, ma le ramanzine
dei giornali stranieri proprio non le accetto.
Pat.

 ha scritto nel messaggio
news:1144477511.9...@v46g2000cwv.googlegroups.com...
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Quoto. Se iniziassimo a pensare con la nostra testa....
Nessuno comunque cita l'articolo di copertina del TIME di questa settimana,
che con molta par condicio giudica l'Italia un paese in declino non per
colpa della destra o della sinistra, ma della sua incapacità di cambiare, di
cedere il passo alla generazione dei 40-enni, dei giovani. E' un pò lungo,
ma consiglio di leggerlo, è raggelante....
Si intitola:
The Fading Future Of Italy's Young
(il futuro che appassisce dei giovani Italiani)
Growing up, Italian teenagers learn the tale of Giotto and the fly. As a
young apprentice in 13th century Florence, the aspiring painter sketched a
fly on the nose of a portrait his master-teacher Cimabue was finishing. So
lifelike was the insect that when the elder painter returned to the studio,
he repeatedly tried to swat it off the canvas. Realizing he'd been fooled by
the bravura talent of his pupil, Cimabue told him: "You have surpassed your
teacher." Thus encouraged by his master, Giotto went on to revolutionize
Western painting, and posterity regards him as the man who launched the
Italian Renaissance.
Fast-forward to Italy 2006, and the image of the precocious apprentice has
been replaced by a humbler figure: the underemployed 30-something despondent
about the present, let alone the future. Today's Italy is defined by stories
like that of Vincenza Lasala. At 32, four years after graduating with honors
in mechanical engineering, she is living with her parents in the same house
where she grew up. She has sent more than 200 résumés to large corporations
and small companies around the country, but all she has managed to secure
are a handful of part-time stints, unpaid internships and training programs.
From her home in the sleepy southern town of Avellino, near Naples, a
frustrated Lasala speaks for much of Italy's younger generation: "Without a
job, my parents are basically still in charge of my life. After all my
studying, I don't see the fruits of my effort. Right now, I can't even
envision my future."
Italy has long been the proverbial Old Country, a destination for
culture-hungry travelers and a source of nostalgia for its millions of
emigrants around the world. To its 58 million citizens, it is that rare land
that still honors tradition and respects the wisdom of its elders. The
average Italian life span is among the longest in the world, akin to the
Swedes and Japanese, living proof that something remains fundamentally sweet
about the place. You can taste it in the local customs and family recipes
handed down through generations, or see it when a teen tucks away his cell
phone to take grandma for a stroll, or relish it in the survival of the
village café amid a world of Starbucks. But all the doting on the past is
also stifling the present, and may portend a bitter future.
Italy is now on course to become quite literally the oldest of countries.
Beset by economic and social stagnation that makes it among the most
ossified slices of Old Europe, it is stuck with a stubbornly low birth-rate
that means Italians are not even replacing themselves. In a more fundamental
way, the nation has not figured out how to make use of the energy and
ingenuity of its young. Faced with bleak job prospects and a lack of young
leaders to look to, Italians in their 20s and 30s risk falling into a
nationwide generational rut. Many are afflicted with a pervading sense of
hopelessness and malaise that contrasts with the youth-driven vigor boosting
states like Sweden or Slovenia.
A principal source of their despair is the scant prospect for change from
the top. As the country heads to the polls on April 9-10 for the first
national elections in five years, the old party machines cling to power, and
the voters are left with a lukewarm popularity contest between old-timers:
two-time Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, 69, vs. former European
Commission President (and former Prime Minister) Romano Prodi, 66. This
means that, regardless of who wins, the country's youth will remain locked
out of the power structures - not just of government but most of the
institutions that define a nation's way of life.
Though absent from the candidates' slogans, Italy's need to rejuvenate
itself ought to be the nation's No. 1 priority. Better educated and more
connected with the outside world, young Italians are ready to step into
full-fledged adulthood and reshape their country's future. But far too few
have had the chance. The young, of course, have to push for power, and some
admit they don't push hard enough. Still, even the most determined shoves
are rarely able to nudge open the doors to Italy's exclusive and aging
ruling club. During the six-week election campaign, Time traveled the length
of the peninsula talking to those under 40, to explore the troubled
landscape of their lives, and search for the seeds of tomorrow's
Renaissance.
At the core of the dilemma lies Italy's aging but long-lived population. For
the past generation, the birthrate has remained at or near the bottom of
world rankings, stuck last year at 1.3 children per woman (compared to 2.7
in the mid-1960s). That has fundamentally tilted the economy: in the past 10
years, the ratio of retired to working Italians has jumped from 23% to 28% -
the second highest in the world - clipping productivity and jeopardizing the
solvency of the pension system. Without an unexpected surge in births, that
ratio is expected to double by 2040.
Italy is hardly the only industrialized nation to face a demographic time
bomb. But elsewhere in Western Europe, the declining birthrate tends to be
caused by eager young people striking out on their own who are too focused
on satisfying immediate ambitions to take on the burden of rearing children.
In Italy, says Francesco Billari, 35, a demographer at Milan's Bocconi
University, the empty cradles are the fruit of exactly the opposite
phenomenon: an adolescence prolonged well into the 30s.
Nowadays, the average Italian man is 33 when his first child is born, making
Italian men the oldest first-time fathers in Europe. There are plenty of
reasons: drawn-out university studies, inadequate child care and, frankly,
not enough young adults willing to grow up. "Italians take a long time to
assume responsibilities," Billari explains. "Everything," from moving out of
the parental home to marrying and having kids, "starts late."
A peculiarly Italian part of the problem is the stay-at-home son, or
mammone. More than 80% of men aged 18-30 still live with their parents,
enjoying the coddling of doting mamas who take care of all the boring
details of daily life, leaving the son free to spend his time and his income
on pleasing himself. Who'd want to give that up before he had to? Nowadays,
the typical young Italian mammone has even become a figure of ridicule.
But a new study by a pair of under-40 Italians who teach economics - Marco
Manacorda at London School of Economics and Enrico Moretti at the University
of California, Berkeley - points out the parents are as much to blame. After
a 1992 reform of social security that raised the national retirement age to
64, parents continued to earn enough to keep their adult kids at home. The
researchers found that a 10% increase in parental income resulted in
approximately a 10% rise in the proportion of children living with their
parents. Antonio Maceri, 27, for example, graduated last year with an
architecture degree from Polytechnic University of Turin, and lives
contentedly with his folks in the small town of Valdugia. "I'm happy here,"
he said. Even when he lived on his own during college, Maceri says he was
eager to spend weekends with mom and dad to see friends and get his laundry
done. Now that he is working, free rent and dinner on the table enable him
to focus on his career. Only once he has an architecture studio of his own,
Maceri says, will he consider moving out. And settling down with a family of
his own? "I don't even think about it. That's a ways down the road."
The veneration of family and the desire of young people to live close to
their parents runs deep in Italian culture. It's why you find far fewer
retirement homes there than in other Western countries. Caring for elderly
parents is still considered a social duty; grandparents return the favor by
watching over children after school; and on Sunday, gathering all the
generations together for a leisurely family lunch remains a regular
nationwide ritual. But there is also a dark side for up-and-comers in a
society that one young Rome activist calls "neo-feudalistic." Mario
Andinolfi, 34, who hosts a radio talk show and bangs out a popular blog on
the problems of his generation, warns that Italy's tightly knit social
structure is simply not designed for an ever-more-competitive world. "The
mentality in this country is too familial," he says. "We keep Grandpa at
home, but that means whoever takes care of him can't find a real job. You
are always expected to be the good son of the family, where risk is not
allowed. Nor is hoping for something better than your father."
But Andinolfi sees one potential catalyst for revolutionary change new to
his contemporaries: the Internet, which he calls "this generation's 1968."
He says that more and more young people are tapping into blogs like his to
share information that can change attitudes and define new strategies. Even
though he concedes the Web has not yet been transformed from a talking shop
into a political instrument, he's optimistic it will be. "We haven't figured
out how to turn the discussion into action," he says. "But when we do, we
will be able to mobilize like you can't imagine."
For now, though, Italy's leadership lies in the hands of politicians steeped
in the old ways. And they are plainly determined not to let go. In the
walkup to the April election, Berlusconi and his center-right coalition
rammed a new electoral law through Parliament that takes a big step back
from reforms in the 1990s that gave voters more say in choosing their
individual representatives. Now party leaders again decide the list of
candidates behind closed doors. Among the center-left opposition, there was
much back patting for a so-called "primary" last October that anointed Prodi
as the candidate. But he was in effect preordained for the top slot by the
absence of any realistic rivals - much less young ones.
What voters fear is that whichever coalition wins, it will, as always in
Italy's fractured political system, have to spend much of its energy on
keeping the alliance from disintegrating. That's not exactly a recipe for
bold renewal in a country facing an urgent need to revitalize the economy,
reform the pension system, and add flexibility to the labor market without
tossing away basic job security for the coming generation of workers.
Meanwhile, both coalitions talk up their solution to the demographic
emergency: competing onetime cash bonuses for families with newborns,
instead of the subsidized child care that would do far more to encourage
working mothers to have more babies.
Mariangela Potenza, 24, who left her home in the southern town of Bernalda
in Basilicata, on the heel of the peninsular boot, to pursue a degree in
high-tech art restoration at the University of Florence, is uninspired by
any of the entrenched political élite. "It's the same faces saying the same
things," she says. "There's nothing that transmits innovation or novelty to
the voters, nothing that stimulates me as a young person." Viviana
Beccalossi, 34, Vice President of the northern region of Lombardy, agrees.
"I respect my white-haired colleagues, but you have to find a mechanism for
mixing in the new generation," she says. "It's fine if there's a minimum age
for the Senate (40), but there should be a maximum age too." It's not just
the age of the two candidates for Prime Minister that under-40s find
dismaying: now both coalitions are talking about nominating the popular
President of the Republic, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, as the first Italian head
of state to serve a second seven-year term. And he's 85.
A few comparatively youthful politicians have managed to penetrate the
system. Enrico Letta was the youngest Cabinet member in Italian history when
a center-left coalition made him Minister for Community Policies at 32. But
at 39, Letta bemoans how few of his peers have entered the ruling classes:
"At 40 you're still considered a kid." Letta says the current élite
practices what he calls "co-optation" to keep challengers at bay. When
talented youngsters emerge, the old leaders "co-opt" them into the fold with
the perks of power, but no real influence to upset the status quo.
"Co-optation assures that there is no competition," he says. Letta looks
back with envy at the 1968 generation, which had demographics on its side.
"Then the country was young, so the political orientation and interests were
focused on the young," he says. "But today, the '68 generation is still in
complete control."
Guia Soncini, 33, a columnist for the women's magazine supplement of
Corriere della Sera and for Il Foglio, is less forgiving than Letta. She
says an unspoken complicity across the generations is the key to
understanding Italy. "By definition, power is not something I can give to
you," she says. "The 30-year-olds must seize power - and why don't they?
Because they're comfortable with how things are. In America, you move out of
the house even if you don't have a full-time job. In Italy, you say you
won't leave until you're earning thousands a month." Soncini pauses over her
pasta all'amatriciana, recalling compliments on her success from veteran
colleagues: "'Look at you. You're so young,' they tell me. Oh please! The
people who've really made a mark on history were already dead at my age!"
Developing the potential of a Giotto requires masters with the wisdom and
magnanimity of Cimabue. Even if Italy's under-40s were to push harder for
responsible roles, Italy's old guard - in virtually every field, from
academia to entertainment - shows few signs of ceding space to them. Some
tactics for hoarding power are part of unwritten custom, such as the
infamous raccomandazione, a system of recommending candidates that in other
cultures could be a good-faith job reference, but in Italy often reflects
political patronage and outright nepotism. And other structures that block
renewal are fixed by law: closed professional societies for everyone from
notaries and architects to journalists and taxi drivers help ensure that
co-optation and complicity are the only way to get in. Last year Soncini,
one of Italy's sharpest popular-culture writers, failed her required exam to
enter a journalists' guild. That means a reporter who jets off to interview
the likes of Madonna and Jack Nicholson is not officially a journalist in
Italy, and has no right to basic union benefits. Soncini waves away campaign
promises by the center-left to abolish the closed shops. "They'll never do
it," she says. "They're the privileges of the caste, and those who have
managed to get inside will do whatever it takes to defend their privileges."
Restrictive social and professional structures manifest the Italian tendency
toward a weak state, says Giuliano Milani, a medieval historian at Rome's La
Sapienza University. Notaries established such societies in 12th century
city-states, and attorneys followed suit two centuries later, as a way to
guarantee people services that the government could not provide. But what
had a logic in the past is an anachronism today. "Everyone has as their
point of reference their own boss, not the client," says Milani. "It is a
system based on admission, which prizes obedience over individualism. So you
end up being paid for what you are, not for what you do."
Perhaps surprisingly, nepotism and favoritism run rampant in academia.
Universities ought to be open to new faces and new ideas. Yet while the
system of assigning teaching jobs is based on apparently open and
competitive public exams, in practice, positions are divvied up by ranking
professors to favor their own chosen protégés. The result is the very
opposite of competition, a system where old university barons wield power
over up-and-coming scholars. Italy has the world's highest percentage of
professors over 60 (43%), while the average age of a university postdoctoral
researcher is 40. As a result, much of the young talent heads abroad to more
receptive societies, like the U.S. and Britain, depriving Italy of the new
minds it needs for innovation: a recent Eurispes survey found that more than
half of all university graduates would like to work elsewhere. After earning
a Ph.D. in economics from Stanford University, Parma native Andrea Coscelli
returned to Europe - but not to Italy. Now a London-based antitrust
consultant, he wouldn't mind returning to the Italian lifestyle and weather.
But back home, advancement in his field is based on politics, he says, not
competence: "We're missing basic meritocracy and generational turnover."
These structural failings help explain the current dismal economy. Last
month, Italy reported zero growth, below the euro zone's lackluster average
of 1.3%. The country's persistent public debt above 100% of gdp ranks third
among the industrialized nations, and places a heavy burden on future
generations. The underdeveloped south - eight regions that encompass 35% of
the population - continues to suffer by almost every index. Unemployment is
at the root of its troubles: nearly 50% of those under 35 do not have work.
Potenza, the art-restoration student in Florence, says that when she goes
home to Basilicata things appear to be getting worse. "Whatever problems
exist elsewhere are three times as bad in the south," she says, noting her
father was laid off recently from his job in a chemical factory. "The rest
of the country tries to forget what's happening there." Rather than tackling
the difficult issues underpinning the north-south divide, political leaders,
including Berlusconi, point instead to Italians' well-honed ability to find
hidden sources of income. Some estimates suggest that more than 20% of the
nation's income is earned off the books. While there may be more disposable
cash in the country than official indicators say, a gray economy is no
formula for global competitiveness. Neither end of the political spectrum,
Coscelli concludes, has proposed the sacrifices necessary for a real
solution. "There's no recipe to develop a competitive economy," he says,
"just recipes to manage the decline."
Any turnaround will have to get a kick start from the many family-run
businesses that still form the bedrock of the economy. Economists hope that
the next generation leading the great industrial families has more exposure
to international business practices, and understands what it will take to
compete in the future. But even these family firms will need to bring in
fresh faces for long-term success. One that has done so is Gucci, the
luxury-goods maker that first revived its fading fortunes in the 1990s by
hiring American designer Tom Ford. Now an Italian, Frida Giannini, 33, has
taken over as creative chief. The Rome native says Italy must find new ways
to do what it has always done best: brilliant design allied to fine
workmanship. "You grow up in a place like Rome, every other meter there is a
work of art, some kind of treasure. It's not the same to see it in a
postcard," she says. "It's in our dna." But that native aesthetic sense
needs an extra dose of ingenuity to add value in today's competitive
environment. "Quality must be wedded to creativity," Giannini says. "If you
want to give luster to whatever you produce, you must focus your resources
on the young. You have to always be in search of what's new, what's next."
And Italy, like the rest of Old Europe, must figure out how to harness the
economic energy from rising numbers of immigrants. Not only do the
foreign-born provide raw manpower to replace the dwindling native
population, they are the most active entrepreneurs. In 2005, Italy boasted a
15.4% rise in new businesses launched by immigrants, topping off a 137% jump
over the past five years. "Compared to other parts of Europe, immigration is
still young here," says Osama al Saghir, 22, president of the Young Muslim
Association of Italy. "Italians need to open their eyes and not see us as a
threat, but as a resource." Without immigrant workers paying taxes, he
rightly notes, "pensions won't get paid."
If the under-40 generation really wants to rejuvenate Italy, it will have to
stop waiting for permission from the old guard and push ahead itself. Matteo
Renzi shocked everyone, including himself, when he won election as President
of the province of Florence at the age of 29. Two years later, though, he
says the Berlusconi-Prodi rematch - the pair faced off in 1996, when Prodi
won - is a sad reminder of "how much the whole world outside has changed,
while we stand still." Renzi says even young Italians are often lacking in
that youthful dissatisfaction with the status quo so vital to initiating
change. "They all show up at rallies in jacket and tie and fall in line.
Where's the grit, the passion?" he asks. "You can be old at 80, but you can
be old at 20 too." Renzi says his contemporaries need to grab power, not
wait for it to be passed on to them. "I don't ask to have space because I'm
30, I ask to have space because I've got new ideas," he says. "And I believe
I have these ideas because I'm 30."
And here and there, the crossroads of Italy's past and future is visibly
emerging. You can see it in the ancient Sicilian city of Syracuse, on a
stretch of coastline where Baroque palazzos and Greek ruins stand beside the
eternal blue of the Mediterranean as signposts from Italy's history of
rebirths. Here too is Sicily's only contemporary art museum, dreamed up in
2001 by a then 28-year-old city native, Salvatore Lacagnina. He wanted to
bring the modern vision he'd acquired in Bologna and Milan back to his
stolid hometown. And in a wired world, he can keep up with the cutting edge
of art in New York City and Paris even from a backwater like Sicily.
In his shows, he has made a point of melding old and new, exhibiting modern
work in a Roman amphitheater and displaying archaeological artifacts in his
contemporary gallery. All too often, he says, Italy's focus on preserving
its vast store of crumbling treasures comes at the expense of creating
something new. He says his countrymen should reverse the old cliché about
the importance of knowing history in order to make things better today.
Rather understand, he says, that "the past can't exist without the present."
Back in 13th century Florence, both Giotto - and his master-teacher
Cimabue - would applaud that young man's thinking.

 il times non lo legge nessuno?
Certo! :-)
Ad esempio c'è questo:
Off the Charts
Italy's Prime Minister, Facing Voters, Finds the Economy Is No Help
By FLOYD NORRIS
Published: April 8, 2006
WHEN Silvio Berlusconi campaigned to be Italian prime minister in 2001, he 
offered a series of promises about what he would accomplish in the next five 
years.
At the time, it seemed safe. The idea that an Italian prime minister would 
survive for five years seemed absurd. No Italian government since World War 
II had managed that feat.
But Mr. Berlusconi did. The election this weekend is a few weeks short of 
the five-year anniversary. There were cabinet upheavals and assorted 
quarrels with coalition partners, but Mr. Berlusconi, a media baron said to 
be the country's richest man, stayed atop the heap.
So how did he do it? He cut taxes, but not by as much as promised, and he 
presided over an economy that did better than other European countries in 
terms of adding jobs, although the increase of a little over a million jobs 
fell short of the 1.5 million he promised.
But Italy's economic growth was even slower than the disappointing rate 
shown by many European countries. As the charts show, Italy's real gross 
domestic product in the final quarter of 2005 was just 1.6 percent above the 
figure for the second quarter of 2001, when he won the election. It was well 
below the average for countries using the euro, which was 5.7 percent.
Even that growth has come because the government has been willing to run 
budget deficits. Households are spending for consumption at a rate just 1.7 
percent above the rate when Mr. Berlusconi was elected. But the government 
consumption number is up 6.9 percent.
All this means that Italy, on a relative basis, is becoming poorer. In 2000, 
its G.D.P. per person was 2 percent higher than the average of all 25 
countries now in the European Union. Last year it was 2 percent below that 
average. On that per person basis its economy was 24 percent larger than 
Spain's in 2000. Now the margin is 15 percent.
The slow growth has come as Italy has struggled to stay competitive, both 
within Europe and abroad. Italy used to periodically regain its competitive 
position through a sometime violent currency devaluation. But now that it is 
in the euro zone, that is impossible.
Since Mr. Berlusconi took office, Italian inflation has run above that of 
other European countries, and he has taken to blaming his opponent this 
year, Romano Prodi, for allowing the country to join the euro at a euro-lira 
exchange rate that was too high.
Italian exports have risen, but not as fast as imports, and the 
current-account surplus that Italy enjoyed before the last election has 
turned into a deficit.
Mr. Prodi, a former Italian prime minister and former president of the 
European Commission, has ridiculed Mr. Berlusconi for making new promises 
after failing to keep promises he made five years ago.
But economic news has not dominated the campaign. Perhaps the most discussed 
incident came when Mr. Berlusconi, angered by what he considered to be 
hostile questions in a live interview on a state-owned television station, 
walked out of the studio. At least that indicated that fears that he would 
dominate all Italian media had not yet been realized.
----
oppure questo, descrittivo come tutti gli altri, recenti, che non cito:
----
Sicily's Love for Berlusconi Grows Cold Ahead of Vote
PALERMO, Sicily, March 29 - Five years ago, Sicily's hope for Silvio 
Berlusconi, the stratospherically rich man who promised lower taxes, more 
jobs and an Italy that moved ahead, was also in the heavens. Of 61 
parliamentary seats in Sicily, Mr. Berlusconi and his allies swept every 
one.
"His was a presentation that played to our trust," said Paolo Piraino, 69, 
who runs a leather shop here in the conservative capital and who voted for 
Mr. Berlusconi's party in 2001. He is not sure he will do so again.
"Now he just talks too much," he said. "We are a bit disoriented, especially 
in the business and economic sector."
Sicily gave Mr. Berlusconi and his center-right coalition the strongest 
welcome of any region in Italy in 2001, but its current lack of interest in 
him is echoed around Italy as national elections approach April 9 and 10. 
Mr. Berlusconi might well lose the chance for a second term, largely because 
Italians see the economy as doing badly.
It does not seem to help that Mr. Berlusconi himself does not share the 
gloom, despite the economy's zero percent growth in 2005.
"Don't pay attention to the newspapers that talk about decline," Mr. 
Berlusconi admonished the nation's top businessmen at a meeting earlier this 
month. "An entrepreneur has the duty of optimism. Open your eyes! Where is 
the crisis?"
Serving up a goulash of facts and figures, Mr. Berlusconi stuck to his 
upbeat analysis in the first of two recent debates with his center-left 
opponent, Romano Prodi. One result was that even many supporters worried 
about the gap between the words of Mr. Berlusconi and what most - far less 
rich - Italians believe.
The gap, which critics say cost him the debate, may also cost him the 
election. (Most polls show him slightly, but consistently, behind Mr. 
Prodi.)
"Berlusconi will lose because of this," said Enzo Bianco, the former mayor 
of the Sicilian city of Catania and now a ranking member of the opposition 
Daisy Party. "Everyone knows things aren't going well."
Lorenzo Codogno, head economist for Europe at Bank of America in London, is 
equally blunt. "It's definitely not doing O.K.," he said. "You can argue 
them, but the numbers are there to show that the economy hasn't performed."
The chief number is that zero for economic growth in 2005, which also 
included a brief period of recession. Since the nation switched to the euro 
in 2002, prices on many everyday goods have skyrocketed, leaving Italians 
feeling poorer, though overall inflation has remained relatively low.
Energy and housing costs are high, and young Italians often live with their 
parents into their 30's for the lack of desirable jobs.
But the biggest problem is that Italy continues to lag behind its neighbors 
in competing with the economic challenge from China. Labor costs remain high 
in Italy, and the nation's small- and medium-size industries, long the 
engine of Italy's economy, are having particular trouble.
Those factors, experts note, began long before Mr. Berlusconi came to power. 
It is just that he, like many Italian politicians before him facing the 
nation's large structural problems, could not, or simply did not, go far 
enough to solve them.
"You have to blame the government, but it certainly is not only the 
government's fault," Mr. Codogno said.
This parsing of blame is evident in any political conversation here in 
Sicily, a contrasting island of mountains and sea, ancient organized crime 
and, especially in the east in Catania, innovative modern business.
Angelino Alfano, the leader of Mr. Berlusconi's Forza Italia party in 
Sicily, said the prime minister was not whitewashing the facts, and had done 
as well as any leader could, after the economic disruptions following the 
terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, the malaise that has afflicted all of 
Europe and the steep challenges from China. At a minimum, he said, 
conservative Sicily is not ready to hitch itself to what he said is Italy's 
defeatist left.
"Berlusconi doesn't say everything is going well," he said. "Berlusconi says 
that Italians have to trust in their future. He says that the pessimism of 
the left and the culture of the left has painted the future all in black."
But no one doubts that the economic problems are starkest in places like 
Sicily, part of the long-lagging south, where unemployment is especially 
high and wages low.
"Italy is split in two," said Fabio Scaccia, founder of a pharmaceutical 
company in Catania and the president of the region's chapter of 
Confindustria, the national business group Mr. Berlusconi chastised for 
being pessimistic. "If the south doesn't come back, Italy doesn't come 
back."
Part of the difficulty for Mr. Berlusconi, Mr. Scaccia and others who both 
support and oppose the prime minister, is that he raised such high 
expectations five years ago with his record of making mounds of money for 
himself, and with his so-called "Contract with Italy" that promised the same 
for all Italians.
But even his supporters say the economy here has not lived up to their old 
hopes.
Unemployment remains high, though it is slightly lower in Sicily than in 
other parts of the south. Mr. Berlusconi's alliance with the Northern 
League, a far-right party that supports greater independence for the richer 
north, is seen here as coming at a cost to the south. Mr. Scaccia said 
European Union financing for small businesses had been slow to come through 
the center-right regional government. This week, a lack of government money 
cut visiting hours to Sicily's grand archeological sites - a possible blow 
to the region's hopes for revival through tourism.
"I thought that this man, as a businessman, could do something more," said 
Raffaella Candido, 39, the manager of a hat store here. "I will still vote 
for him, but not with the enthusiasm as five years ago. I think he has 
worked hard, but the effects are not really visible."
So Sicily and other parts of the south are now up for grabs, after local 
elections here and around the country last year in which Mr. Berlusconi and 
his allies fared poorly.
Mr. Scaccia, the pharmaceutical executive, said the difference between this 
year and 2001 could not be starker in Sicily. Then, he said, business was a 
solid block behind Mr. Berlusconi, based on the hope that, as one of them, 
he would make Italy grow economically. That camp still exists, he said, but 
is far smaller.
"A part still has faith in him - some think that he should go ahead and 
continue," he said. "But part of the business community feels that 
Berlusconi has disappointed, that he can't continue to govern."
"There is a big equilibrium between the two parts," he said. "I don't know 
if the center-left or the center-right will win."
There is an added dimension of a new, popular and reforming face here: Rita 
Borsellino, a pharmacist and candidate for the center-left, the sister of a 
public prosecutor slain by the Mafia in 1992, who may unseat the current 
regional president.
Ms. Borsellino said discontent with Mr. Berlusconi and the center-right was 
high, not least because of what she says is his refusal to acknowledge 
Italy's economic problems.
"I would ask him, why he is so optimistic?" she asked. "Why he is always 
smiling? It is not pessimism but a conviction based on facts."
----
e sono gli unici due articoli trovati, caro il mio spammer...
Allora, continuerai a spammare, oppure ti fermi?
Diao,
di. Co,

 cedere il passo alla generazione dei 40-enni, dei giovani. 
Ecco; finalmente qualcuno che ha centrato il problema! Purchè i "giovani"
non siano quelli che abbiamo visto recentemente all'opera nel centro di
Milano.
-- 
bye,
Norw


 Milano.
Purchč non siano quelli rincoglioniti che impazziscono per "idoli" 
decerebrati, costruiti ad hoc da quel testa di cazzo di costanzo e suo 
marito de filippi, col cellulare perennemente nella mano destra e con la 
pleistascion nella sinistra...
Per certi versi mi fanno piů rabbia, la piattezza del loro comportamento mi 
fa rabbia, non tirano fuori i coglioni e forse per quello che piacciono 
tanto a berlusconi, idioti e senza stimoli, lui vorrebbe che tutti fossero 
cosě, per addomesticarli e plasmarli a suo piacimento e proprio per quello 
che il nanetto pelato odia cosě tanto i coglioni.
Ciao
Exebor 

 ha scritto nel messaggio 
news:e16r5i$9s5$1...@news.newsland.it...


 Milano.
ma che c´entra quelli sono vandali di professione, é irrilevante che
abbiano vent´anni invece di sessanta
Pat.

 nel centro di Milano.
ma non era la stazione di Spezia? ;-)

 fallimentare dalla stampa continentale
Noi il Times possiamo anche leggerlo... ma il Times dovrebbe imparare a
leggere meglio la stampa continentale (almeno quella di lingua tedesca).
Saluti,
Mauro.


 il times non lo legge nessuno?
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-8751284902995767173&q=berlusconi
 

Anna Nappi ha scritto:

Sei pregata di portare via le chiappe.

 Milano.
Ma quelli non sono giovani, nè vecchi, semplicemente "sono": sempre uguali a
stessi, di decennio in decennio, dal '68 ad oggi, pronti a contestare tutto
e tutti, senza alcuna proposta reale su come cambiare le cose.
Il problema è dei veri giovani, dei neo-laureati assunti precari nei
call-center a 6-700 Euro al mese, od anche di quelli già a tempo
indeterminato, ma chiusi in questa Italia di caste e di baroni, dove avanzi
non per il merito ma per aderenze o convenienze dei suddetti baroni. Che
schifo.
PAolo

 schifo.
QUOTO
Bye