Newsgroup: it.cultura.storia.militare
Titolo: Bonaparte Editore

Leggo da "Storia del giornalismo" di Giovanni Gozzini che Napoleone
"durante la Campagna d'Italia nel 1796 ha pubblicato e curato
personalmente un Courrier de l'armée d'Italie; durante quella d'Egitto
nel 1798 un Courrier de l'Egypte, che si sono rivelati fondamentali
per creare il mito delle proprie invincibili capacità militari e
accreditargli così fama e prestigio in patria."
Qualcuno ha dettagli sull'argomento? 
Qualche suo collega contemporaneo ha imitato l'iniziativa? Napoleone
si limitava a curare (ma in che senso curare?) il giornale o vi
scriveva anche? Questi Corrieri sono mai stati raccolti e
ripubblicati? Su Gallica online dovrebbe essere disponibile un numero
del Courrier de l'armée d'Italie ma trattandosi di un download da
oltre 100MB ho preferito non verificare direttamente.
Prima di chiudere, una curiosità. Dal primo al 20 marzo 1815 il
giornale "Le Moniteur" commenta così la fuga dall'Elba
e il rientro a Parigi. Notare che il direttore è sempre lo stesso.
"L'antropofago è uscito dalla sua tana"
"L'orco della Corsica è appena sbarcato a Golfe-Juan"
"La tigre è arrivata a Gap"
"Il mostro ha dormito a Grenoble"
"Il tiranno ha attraverso Lione"
"L'usurpatore è stato visto a 60 leghe dalla capitale"
"Bonaparte avanza a grandi passi ma non entrerà mai a Parigi"
"Napoleone sarà domani sotto i nostri bastioni"
"L'Imperatore è arrivato a Fontainebleu"
"Sua Maestà Imperiale fa il suo ingresso al palazzo delle Tuileries,
in mezzo ai suoi fedeli sudditi"
Ciao, F.
In hostem celerrime volo

 in mezzo ai suoi fedeli sudditi"
E i titoli prima durante e dopo la sconfitta definitiva li hai?
Fran.

E i titoli prima durante e dopo la sconfitta definitiva li hai?
No, mi dispiace. Nel libro c'è qualche altro brano dedicato al
rapporto non troppo felice fra l'Imperatore e la libertà di stampa ma
niente di più. Ad esempio: "Quando nel novembre successivo Bonaparte
assume il potere con un colpo di stato, le condizioni (per la stampa)
si fanno, se possibile ancora più difficili. <<Se lascio briglia
sciolta alla stampa - dichiara il nuovo capo della Francia - non resto
al potere neanche tre mesi>>." E in effetti non sembra si sia fatto
tanti scrupoli..


 In hostem celerrime volo
Ciao. Non per lisciare o sviolinare, ma sempre acuti e interessanti i
tuoi interventi. Bravo !
Simone Pelizza
sam...@libero.it

 Qualcuno ha dettagli sull'argomento?
Vorrei solo aggiungere alcune considerazioni a tal proposito e cioe' che
Napoleone, come prima di lui Cesare (come ha giustamente sottolineato
Simone), aveva capito perfettamente il ruolo della propaganda, soprattutto
in una Francia che ''combatteva'' solitaria le altre potenze europee ed era
comandata da un solitario che la rappresentava.
Fin dai primi successi diede dimostrazione di aver compreso perfettamente
l'importanza della pubblica opinione e quindi non trascurò alcuno strumento
che potesse accrescere la sua popolarità: rileva giustamente E. Tarle' (un
russo) come questi scritti avessero una doppia funzione, mantenere informati
i francesi sull'andamento delle vicende belliche e nel contempo, proprio
grazie a questo continuo aggiornamento, mandare tangibili segnali ai suoi
nemici sulla vitalità del sovrano, nonostante fosse lontano da Parigi.
Fino al 1800 i bollettini da lui curati erano il resoconto dell'epopea di un
eroe che partendo dai gradini piu' bassi si era innalzato fino alla carica
consolare per difendere la liberta' dei francesi, dopo di allora -
ricordiamo che dal 17 febbraio 1800 attuo' una drastica riduzione della
liberta' di stampa, chiudendo 60 giornali su 73 e sancendo il divieto di
criticare il governo o di fondare nuovi giornali - il bollettino della
Grande Armée aveva la funzione di celebrare il culto della personalita'
dell'imperatore e per questo raggiungeva in modo capillare ogni livello
della società e veniva tradotto in più lingue affinché circolasse
diffusamente negli altri paesi europei.
Memorabile, per valutare il suo modo d'agire, e ' il resoconto della
battaglia di Marengo, scritto e riscritto piu' volte finche' si giunse alla
'versione' che meglio si adattava alle sue esigenze.
Non dobbiamo comunque dimenticare che il corso fu' sin dagli inizi un grande
comunicatore, e sebbene nella prima campagna d'Italia uso' questa sua
capacità soprattutto per cercare di 'riaccendere' un esercito composto da
fantasmi malvestiti e malnutriti, capì subito che il magnetismo e
l'attaccamento alla patria che procurava un bel discorso ai soldati, poteva
trasformarsi in un'arma ulteriore a suo vantaggio.
Per completezza è giusto menzionare il fatto che se da parte sua non ci si
faceva molti scrupoli nell'addomesticare e rendere più epici i racconti
delle sue campagne, dall'altra parte non mancavano i numerosi detrattori che
in prosa od in poesia continuavano a mettere in risalto i lati negativi
dell'uomo Napoleone e del suo modo di porsi nei confronti delle altre
nazioni: l'elenco di questi antinapoleonici è lunghissimo e la durezza delle
loro considerazioni, pareggia in parte gli accomodamenti dei bollettini
napoleonici:
<<La voce del mondo ti dichiara il più grande colpevole che sia mai comparso
sulla terra; infatti non è su popoli barbari o su nazioni degenerate che hai
versato tanti mali: è proprio nel bei mezzo della civiltà, in un secolo di
lumi che hai voluto regnare con la spada di Attila e i principi di Nerone.
Lascia infine il tuo scettro di ferro; scendi da questo cumulo di rovine di
cui avevi fatto un trono! Noi ti cacciamo come tu hai cacciato il
Direttorio. Va! possa tu, come solo castigo, essere testimone della gioia
che la tua caduta provoca alla Francia, e contemplare, versando lacrime di
rabbia, lo spettacolo della felicità pubblica>>.
Chateaubriand - De Bonaparte et des Bourbons
-- 
A. Ball - Punico aviatore
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 A. Ball - Punico aviatore
Ciao
Simone Pelizza
sam...@libero.it


ha scritto:
Come approfondimento del thread incollo a seguire un articolo trovato
in rete. Non si fa nessun cenno - salvo forse uno indiretto - al
Courrier de l'armée d'Italie e al Courrier de l'Egypte ma in compenso
si trovano molte notizie interessanti (e anche curiose, come
l'aneddoto raccontato alla fine). 
Ho anche scoperto che Le Moniteur, di cui avevo riportato i titoli nel
primo messaggio, era stato dichiarato da Napoleone "giornale
ufficiale" e ospitava periodicamente degli "editoriali" scritti dallo
stesso Imperatore. L'attività sembra essere stata particolarmente
gradita a Bonaparte tanto che, una volta esiliato a Sant'Elena, si
fece spedire una raccolta di numeri per rileggere i suoi "pezzi".
Buona lettura!
Ciao, F.
Napoleon as Journalist
D. M. Tugan-Baranovsky
Volgograd University
(re-printed from Questions of History, July 1795,
a monthly journal published in Moscow since 1926.)
As it is known, when it came to dealing with the press, the great
military commander was famous not so much for his protection as for
his persecution of the same. Already after a few months of his coming
to power as First Consul he had closed down 60 of the 73 Paris
newspapers on January 17, 1800, without other motive except on the
grounds that A portion of the newspapers is being used as a weapon in
the hands of the enemies of the Republic. Towards the end of 1800 the
number of Parisian newspapers was reduced to nine and then eight.
E. V. Tarle wrote that Napoleon clung to the principle that said the
fewer newspapers, the better. French newspapers became so speechless
that the English called them handkerchiefs. The press was fully under
the control of the Ministry of Police where there was a department
which dealt with Public Opinion. And yet, it would be a mistake to
believe that Napoleon was striving only towards the restriction of the
printed word by every possible means. His attitude towards the press
was more complex. Furthermore, the First Consul, and then Emperor of
France, was one of the statesmen who actually understood the need to
form public opinion in the direction which would be favorable to the
regime, and who assigned an exceptional significance to this task. Let
us give a few examples of Napoleon's incursion into this sphere. They
are not widely known and escaped the attention of many specialists,
including E. V. Tarle and A. Z. Manfred.
In 1919 the former editor of the newspaper, Figaro, Mr. A. Perivier,
published a fundamental work on the journalistic activity of Napoleon.
According to this professional newspaperman, there are in principle
two kinds of journalists: the organizers and the writers. As for
Napoleon, he embodied both of these types in one person. It appears
that in the years of the Consulate he often invaded the publishing
activity but he did this anonymously. Perivier managed to prove the
authorship of the First Consul in regard to many articles published
without signature in the Moniteur and at present these articles are
included in the new compendium of Napoleon's writings. Apparently the
historian, A. Thiers, became acquainted with the draft form of these
articles and wrote: "We know the columns in the Moniteur which had
been written by Bonaparte from 1800 to 1803 where he replied to the
attacks from foreign newspapers; they were a masterpiece of good
sense, eloquence and style."
In the archives of the Moniteur prior to the fire of 1858 were kept
also numerous proof copies with corrections in Napoleon's handwriting.
Finally there are letters from the Secretary of State, Maret, to the
editor of the Moniteur where it said that the First Consul wanted to
see such and such columns published tomorrow. These articles were
usually appended to the letter.
Of the 13 newspapers left functioning by Napoleon after the
establishment of the Consulate, only the Moniteur was declared to be
the only official paper. Officially it was held in private hands and
its editor was someone named S. François who kept only one privilege:
to oversee the theater column. As for the Consul, he expressed his
opinions directly through the Moniteur. Napoleon had the thought to
make an official newspaper out of the Paris Bulletin, which was
published by R. de St. Jean d'Angely, an active participant in the
Brumaire coup d'état. But they talked Napoleon out of it by convincing
him that one newspaper would suffice. The articles of the Moniteur
were thereafter reprinted in the provincial papers. To a great extent
it was thanks to Napoleon that the Moniteur got wide acclaim in the
19th Century. Thereafter the paper continued to be published until
1901. On its pages were printed the writings of many famous publicists
and writers.
And his first anonymous article Bonaparte wrote on the evening of the
19th of Brumaire with the participation of two other people. It was
devoted to the justification of the coup d'etat and the force used
against the deputies of the Counsel of the 500. We see, it said there,
a constant struggle of freedom and equality against privileges and of
privileges against equality. If noble minds have reached up to the
ideas of Republic, then there still remained lazy or rebellious minds:
feelings, prejudices stemming from monarchy sympathizers widened the
chasm between the old and new governments, and as the struggle became
more virulent and as passions became more pronounced, the more violent
and heartless the fighting turned. The second article followed seven
days later, the 17th of November 1799. It was devoted to the intrigues
of the English government and accused its head, W. Pitt; the article
ended with a call for peace. Later on the word "peace" found a
constant reference in the pages of the Moniteur and was employed in
several political variations.
Let's offer an example. The 22nd of January 1800 the Moniteur reported
a meeting of two German poets who had decided to write a play
together. An unremarkable fact, but it gave the pretext to a
Napoleonic anonymous remark:
Two of the greatest European governments are unable to reach an
agreement and decide the issue of peace. And then only we would have a
unique masterpiece.
Many articles on international issues were published at the conclusion
of the Luneville and Amiens peace treaty. On July 11, 1801, there
appeared in the Moniteur another sharp article against Pitt, in which
the First Consul said that he'd like to send Pitt and his ministers to
the military camps and show them what was is like in all its
manifestations. On the 2nd of February 1802 there followed an entry to
defend the expedition to Santo Domingo. (the English were critical of
this expedition.)
Then next appeared articles against the English press and parliament.
Several retorts were devoted by the First Consul to those English
publications where they printed news items and caricatures directed
personally at him. Gradually the tone of the French press grew more
and more threatening. On the 23rd of May 1803, at the moment when the
Boulogne camp was being organized and actually earmarked for the
invasion of England, Napoleon wrote an article where he pictured
France as the country striving for peace and England as the source of
aggression:
The spirit of madness for sometime has taken hold of the English
government. It believes that we have neither armies nor ink.
At the beginning of 1804, taking advantage of the uncovering of an
Anglo-Royalist plot in Paris, Napoleon sent to the English government
in the next article the famous biblical warning Amene Tekel Fares,@
which signified that England's transgressions were already numbers,
weighted and separated. To this affair Napoleon gave such importance
that he even sent to England and other countries accredited persons
with a view to having news reports drafted. To England was dispatched
G. Fieve whose articles so pleased the First Consul that he had them
published in 1802 in separate book form.
Napoleon, as a very emotional and easily wounded person, was
especially and violently upset by English caricatures. The First
Consul, after the signing of the Amiens peace treaty in 1802, managed
to force the British government to start legal proceedings against one
of the cartoonists. It is not surprising that he used the Moniteur to
reply to those who made fun of him and generally he did not tolerate
any reproaches directed at him. When the Parisian paper Friend of
Laws, made allusions to his inclination for spending, the Moniteur
published the following notice: The Friend of Laws says that the First
Consul wishes to organize a celebration costing 100,000 francs. This
is a lie! The First Consul is well aware that for 200,000 francs one
brigade can subsist for six month, and soon the Friend of Laws was
closed down.
Sometimes Napoleon managed to poke fun at Alexander I. When it was
learned that Paul I had been assassinated in St. Petersburg, and the
English had given some encouragement to it, the Moniteur published the
following entry:
Paul I died during the night of March 24 to 25. The English squadron
sailed by the Zuyder Zee on the 31st. History will determine the
connection which may tie these two events together.
The same subject was broached by Napoleon in 1804 in connection with
the execution of the Duke of Enghien. This descendant of the Bourbon
family was snatched from the territory of another government by French
soldiers in violation of its sovereignty. Thereafter the duke was
accused of organizing an anti-French plot and shot. When the French
government received an indignant diplomatic protest in this connection
from the Russian government, the First Consul dictated the following
acerbic reply to Talleyrand, his Foreign Minister:
What is the basis for this strange pretension of the Russian
government? When the Emperor Paul died under the blows of assassins
hired by England, wasn't France first in offering the mediation of
International Law to bring to light the circumstances of this terrible
secret? And if the organizers of the plot had been arrested within two
leagues of the Russian frontier on foreign soil, would the Petersburg
cabinet have asked for explanations concerning the violation of the
frontier?
In the question there lay hidden a deep meaning: Napoleon was implying
to Alexander I that the assassins of his father were not only avoiding
arrest, but were to be found in the Russian capital enjoying riches
and privileges, and the Czar, it followed, appears to be one of the
chief culprits in his father's assassination. This entry in the
Moniteur attests that Napoleon was a master of polemic in politics.
Later, on the island of St. Helena, Napoleon remembered repeatedly
with pleasure about his literary forays. Once when he was dictating
something and later having read the result, he was dissatisfied and
reproached his secretary for having changed his style.
But sir, objected the latter, where can I possibly become acquainted
with your style? I dare ask you to point out to me what you have
written so that we may better judge? Look at my proclamations and
articles in the Moniteur, came the reply.
When in 1816 Napoleon received a shipment of books on St. Helena,
among which was a collection of the Moniteur, he became absorbed in
reading its issues and did not tear himself away for a long time,
re-reading his own articles. And then exclaimed with pleasure, "And
they, (meaning the English) dared to assert that I don¹t know how to
write." But while he was First Consul he did not look there very
often, and said to his secretary who offered him to peruse the
newspaper: "I already know what is there, they say what suits me." He
preferred to get acquainted with English and German presses. And, when
it came to formulate public opinion he was guided by a curious
principle:
If something takes place which is not favorable to the government, we
must not rush to announce it in the newspapers; we should wait until
all the details are known; when it becomes well-known then we must
avoid mentioning it even more because even so the people will be well
informed about it.
At the same time Napoleon took great care to maintain his prestige and
did not allow that his fame should grow quiet even for a second. To
this end he made sure that they would publish in the Moniteur the
description of his Egyptian campaign except for a few interruptions.
He was not troubled in the least that the French army in Egypt had
been practically abandoned to its fate and that her new commanders
were left in a very difficult situation. In the Moniteur, along with
the description of the campaign, there appeared an appeal of the First
Consul to the Eastern Army where the following words were to be found:
Trust Kléber (the new commander) just as you would trust me. He
deserves it.
After such expressions no one would possibly imagine that a letter
from J. B. Kléber was full of accusations against Napoleon.
On another occasion, the First Consul encouraged the writers close to
him to compose political essays. In November 1800 there appeared an
anonymous brochure, a comparisons between Caesar, Cromwell, Monk and
Bonaparte, which produced a considerable echo within society. It
attempted to prove by extolling and praising, that Bonaparte
accomplished more famous deeds than his predecessors and that he can
in no way be compared simply with Cromwell and Monk, and even Caesar,
because the First Consul is not just a great military commander, but
he has also united and pacified the nation.
Public opinion immediately noticed in this pamphlet which had grossly
praised Napoleon, a dangerous tendency: his striving for sole and
unshared power. Inasmuch as he really wanted to reinforce the
principle of authority, this brochure became his touch-stone in the
corresponding preparation of public opinion. His secretary in his own
memoirs told the story of the publication of this brochure. When he
read it he came to the conclusion that everything in it preached
hereditary monarchy. And soon after he learned that the brochure came
from behind the walls of the Interior Ministry which was headed by
Napoleon's brother, Lucien Bonaparte. The First Consul asked him if he
had read this thing and what he thought of it. The secretary answered:
I think, General, that this booklet is capable of causing untold harm
in the eyes of public opinion, it seems to me premature, because it
unveils your plans too soon. Napoleon took the brochure and threw it
on the floor. Already the next day the prefects closest to Paris sent
copies of it to the First Consul and in one of the reports even
mentioned that such a composition was liable to direct against him the
daggers of new assassins. Napoleon summoned to his office the Minister
of Police, J. Fouche. The conversation took place in the presence of
the secretary.
What is this pamphlet? What are they saying about it in Paris?
-Angrily inquired the First Consul.
General, replied the minister, Everyone considers it a very dangerous
one.
If so, how did you allow it to be published? This is unforgivable.
But, General, your brother, Lucien, took this booklet under his
protection, it was printed and published at his order; in a word, it
came from the Ministry of the Interior.
I don't care! In this case you, as the Minister of Police, were
obliged to arrest Lucien and lock him up in the Temple. This character
does not know what else to dream up to harm me.
And after these words he left his study, slamming the door. To place
the author in the Temple prison? -Said Fouche to the secretary.
That would be rather difficult.
And further on, he tells about what is known to him:
As soon as I learned about this booklet, I went to see Lucien
immediately to make him realize his carelessness. Lucien then, instead
of a reply, went to fetch the manuscript which he showed me and what
did I see? The corrections and remarks made in the handwriting of the
First Consul. 
Napoleon was also the author of a whole series of slogans:
The revolution has ended; we must bring forth her reality, we must
unite the nation by creating a genuine popular government. No red caps
nor red heels. (that is, no jacobins, no aristocrats)
France wants peace.
And so on. These ideas were further developed by journalists and
writers and were transformed into individual stereotyped thinking.
References
Aulard, A. Political History of the French Revolution
Tarle, E. The Press in France Under Napoleon (collected works)
Thiers, A. History of the Consulate and Empire
General History of the French Press
Napoleon Bonaparte (collected works)
Fievee, J. Letters about England, Napoleon Bonaparte
Bourienne Memoirs about Napoleon
Bourienne Collected Works
In hostem celerrime volo

 Buona lettura!
Caspita Francè, questo e' un compito a casa!!!  :))
Me lo sono stampato e sono proprio curioso di leggerlo.
-- 
A. Ball - Punico aviatore
''I capi combattono per la vittoria, gli uomini per il loro capo"
Tacito

Simone), aveva capito perfettamente il ruolo della propaganda, 
Su questo sono d'accordissimo. Da Cesare a Napoleone la questione
diviene però (ovviamente) più complessa perchè più complessi sono
divenuti i mezzi della propaganda. 
Il primo conflitto coperto giorno per giorno dai quotidiani è stata la
guerra di Crimea, seguita a ruota dalla Guerra Civile Americana (se a
qualcuno interessa l'argomento consiglio "Guerre intelligenti -
Stampa, radio, tv, informatica: la comunicazione politica dalla Crimea
alla Somalia", Savarese, FrancoAngeli).
Nell'articolo che ho riportato si parla del Moniteur e dell'uso che
Napoleone fece della stampa per (ti cito) "mantenere informati i
francesi sull'andamento delle vicende belliche e nel contempo, proprio
grazie a questo continuo aggiornamento, mandare tangibili segnali ai
suoi nemici sulla vitalità del sovrano".
Purtroppo non si dice nulla del "Courrier de l'armée d'Italie" e del
"Courrier de l'Egypte" che, a quanto ho capito, vennero realizzati "in
presa diretta" durante la campagna. 
Sarebbe interessante riuscire a scoprire a chi fossero destinati
questi giornali (all'esercito? alle nazioni occupate? ai francesi in
Patria?) e se oltre ai famosi bollettini contenessero un qualche tipo
di descrizione "in cronaca" degli avvenimenti. Personalmente ne dubito
ma la curiosità resta. ^_^


tuoi interventi. Bravo !
Grazie! ^_^
Anche se immeritati i complimenti mi fanno sempre piacere. ^_^


 Buona lettura!
Parecchio divertente, oltre che interessante.
Il corso può piacere o non piacere, ma non e' certo un personaggio noioso!
