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Violations of the Laws of War in Chechnya: Testimony of Doug Ford,
Physicians for Human Rights, Senate Appropriations, Subcommittee on
Foreign Operations
Thank you for holding this important hearing, Chairman McConnell, and
for inviting me to testify. My name is Doug Ford, and I am a senior
researcher for Physicians for Human Rights (PHR). Physicians for Human
Rights is an organization of health professionals, scientists, and
concerned citizens that uses the knowledge and skills of the medical
and forensic sciences to investigate and prevent violations of
international human rights and humanitarian law. The timing of this
hearing is unusually important, coming as it does just one day before
the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson,
addresses the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva. It
is vitally important that the United States take action in Geneva that
the Clinton Administration has avoided to date: namely, that the U.S.
sponsor and promote a resolution at the Commission to create an
official commission of inquiry into war crimes committed by Russian
forces and rebel forces in Chechnya. This official commission of
inquiry is a necessary precursor to establishing an international
tribunal to prosecute those responsible, which Physicians for Human
Rights strongly supports. A strong statement of support from this
Committee for such an initiative would be very helpful in encouraging
a more robust posture on the human rights situation in Chechnya than
we have seen to date from the executive branch.
I would like to start by providing you with information gathered by
Physicians for Human Rights last month from displaced Chechens in
Ingushetia. Physicians for Human Rights carried out a detailed human
rights survey of 1, 140 randomly selected individuals. Our random
survey provides a measure of the breadth and pervasiveness of the
violence suffered by Chechens at the hands of Russian forces. Using
such a survey based on epidemiological models to collect human rights
data allowed my organization to add to reports of individual abuses
and massacres being collected by other human rights organizations,
notably Human Rights Watch.
It is important to note that PHR investigators did not seek out and
identify witnesses to abuses: the survey was randomly drawn from the
186,100 displaced persons in Ingushetia at that time. Thus the very
high percentage of those who witnessed abuses, including killings,
beatings, torture, wounding, disappearances, or separation and sexual
violations by Russian forces is especially compelling and extremely
troubling. More than 40 percent of those surveyed witnessed a killing.
More that 16 percent of the 1,140 people surveyed witnessed abuses of
their own family members by Russia's federal forces (RFF), and more
than 59 percent of the 1,140 surveyed witnessed abuses of persons not
within their family. The survey also made plain that the vast majority
– 97 percent of those interviewed – were forcibly displaced from
Chechnya by RFF, and that indiscriminate and disproportionate
bombardment as well as targeted executions were the cause. In only
five cases did respondents attribute abuses to fighters from the
Chechen side. Although PHR's random survey only captured a few
instances in which an individual witnessed an abuse perpetrated by
Chechen combatants, we are concerned about reports from other groups,
such as Human Rights Watch, that Chechen combatants are committing
violations. Chechen combatants have reportedly beaten and tortured
civilians who attempt to save their villages from Russian attack by
attempting to negotiate with Russian forces, and have also endangered
the lives of civilians by taking tactical positions in areas heavily
populated by civilians. Our survey also included questions about
observed violations of medical neutrality , another war crime: some
362 of the 1,140 interviewed reported destruction of medical
facilities by Russian forces. In addition, testimonies received by the
PHR team show that RFF troops have violated medical neutrality by
shooting patients, arresting doctors and patients, and bombing
hospitals and clinics. PHR has been told by witnesses about the
detention of several physicians. In Tsotsin-Yurt, RFF arrested a
surgeon and a 63-year-old patient wounded by shrapnel. In another
case, Dr. Hasan Bayiev, a plastic surgeon, was detained briefly by RFF
and released on February 2. Before his eighteen-hour detention, Bayiev
performed one hundred surgical procedures in two days. Sixty of these
were amputations on fighters and civilians wounded while retreating
from Grozny. Bayiev and a nurse both report that 120 patients were
taken from the hospital and detained by the RFF. Upon returning from
detention,
Bayiev reported seeing the bodies of seven patients, six Chechen
fighters, and one 70-year-old Russian woman; all shot to death in
their hospital beds, allegedly by RFF troops. Doctors interviewed by
Physicians for Human Rights also reported the targeting of hospitals
by Russian bombing sorties. Dr. Bayiev operated in the basement of the
bombed-out Alkhan-Kala hospital before leaving Grozny. Dr. Zainab
Estamirova, the head physician at Grozny Ambulatory Clinic #5,
reported that the clinic was bombed and she had seen the charred
remains of the hospital. One physician reported that Grozny City
Hospital #4 where she worked was destroyed by RFF in the first days of
February after the retreat of the Chechen rebels. She also reported
that Chechen fighters had used the hospital as a dormitory, in
violation of international law.
In addition to collecting this demographic data regarding Russian
forces' abuses against civilians, Physicians for Human Rights also
collected significant testimony and medical data on torture at the
Chernokozovo filtration camp. Dr. Ramin Ahmadi, Program Director at
Yale University's School of Medicine conducted interviews and
examinations for Physicians for Human Rights. In six of the cases we
investigated, the subject was seen by another person interviewed by
Physicians for Human Rights who also had been detained in
Chernokozovo, specifically corroborating these accounts. Chernokozovo
camp officers reportedly tortured two of these men with electric shock
and two with gas. One young man, whom Dr. Ahmadi examined three days
after his release from Chernokozovo had a broken nose, bruises on the
third and fourth ribs on the right side, tenderness of the right
kidney, severe muscle swelling and spasms in his neck, and pain on the
soles of his feet, symptoms consistent with blunt trauma.
In two of the cases of torture victims interviewed by Physicians for
Human Rights, the victims had fled their villages but returned after
responding to Russia's publicity inviting displaced persons to go back
to areas controlled by the Russian federal forces because they would
be safe.
These two individuals were picked up upon their return, abused in
detention, and released only after family and friends paid bribes to
Russian officials equivalent to hundreds of American dollars.
Notwithstanding frequent firm pronouncements on Russia's conduct in
Chechnya, we at Physicians for Human Rights are nonetheless deeply
disappointed in the Clinton Administration's stance with regard to
this human rights disaster. One need look no further than Secretary
Albright's March 23 speech before the United Nations Human Rights
Commission in Geneva to see where the problems lie. The opening days
of the Human Rights Commission were a unique and important opportunity
for the Clinton Administration to speak plainly about American
revulsion for Russian war crimes in Chechnya, and to support
international mechanisms to investigate those crimes and hold their
perpetrators to account. To our disappointment, Secretary Albright did
not use the occasion to either condemn war crimes by name, nor to
associate the Clinton Administration with a resolution calling upon
the Secretary General to establish an independent commission of
inquiry. Moreover, Secretary Albright urged the Russian government to
conduct a prompt and transparent investigation of
all credible charges, she appeared to give Russia more credit than it
deserves in the area of investigating its own human rights abuses.
Secretary Albright stated: "We are encouraged by the Russian
Government's decision to name a human rights ombudsman, accept
international experts on his investigative team, and invite High
Commissioner Robinson to visit Chechnya."
I believe that welcoming Russia's decision to appoint its own
investigator when Russian authorities have consistently blocked
outside, independent investigators from Chechnya sent an inappropriate
signal to Moscow. The appointment of the Presidential Representative
for Human Rights in Chechnya, Vladimir Kalamanov, whose only mandate
is to forward human rights cases to the military procuracy, is neither
an adequate response to international demands for Russian
accountability nor an acceptable substitute for an independent
international investigation by the United Nations. The way that the
Presidential Representative's office addressed the massacre at Aldi
illuminates the deficiencies of an abusive government investigating
its own forces' conduct. Along with colleagues from Human Rights
Watch, I investigated the case of the February 5 massacre of at least
62 civilians in the Aldi district of Grozny during PHR's human rights
mission to Ingushetia in March. In my own investigation, I collected
extensive eye-witness testimony. There is no question that Russian
forces engaged in unspeakable behavior in Aldi, summarily executing
large numbers of unarmed people, burning homes, extorting money from
civilians whom they later executed, and firing on civilian structures.
I have attached the witness testimony of these massacres as an
appendix to this document. Clearly, evidence of that horrific rampage
by Russian Federal Forces was easily available. However, we are
informed that when Yuri Dyomin, the military procurator of the Russian
Federation, met with Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights
Watch on March 10, he stated that he had "never heard of" the massacre
at Aldi and another at Staropromyslovskii, documented by Human Rights
Watch, where at least 50 civilians were summarily executed.
Thereafter, Human Rights Watch reports that Mr. Dyomin opened an
investigation but thereafter closed it within a week, dismissing the
allegations of human rights organizations and stating that he
"regretted the time he wasted" running inquiries "based on
disinformation." Clearly, no internal investigation by the Russian
authorities is a substitute for a full-fledged inquiry by a United
Nations entity. In our view, and that of the other major human rights
organizations, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International,
nothing less than a formal U.N.-sponsored commission of inquiry is
warranted to investigate Russian abuses in Chechnya. We believe that
Russian forces' consistent and pervasive commitment of war crimes,
including violations of medical neutrality, summary executions,
forcible expulsion, and torture warrant a response from the
international community that is proportionate to the crimes committed.
Failure
to establish some formal means of accountability will be costly
indeed. First, it is costly for Chechen civilians. We
believe that quickly establishing a formal Commission of Inquiry would
constrain Russian abuses, persuade them to end
indiscriminate attacks on civilians and permit international
investigators access to detention sites. Failure to create structures
of accountability sends the Russian authorities the clear signal that
their behavior in Chechnya has been tolerated and that further abuses
will be tolerated as well. Second, failure to establish international
accountability for Chechnya is very costly to the international
movement to establish accountability for war crimes, genocide, and
crimes against humanity. A human rights double standard is clearly
visible: The United States collected extensive human rights
documentation on Milosevic's abuses against civilians in Kosovo, and
has been the leading proponent and supporter of a war crimes tribunal
to try those responsible, including President Milosevic himself.
Indeed, the U.S. and its allies engaged in extensive military
operations against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in defense of
Milosevic's Kosovar
Albanian victims. In the case of Chechnya, where crimes against the
civilian population are markedly similar, the Administration has not
deployed its own human rights monitors, has refused to use the words
"war crimes" to describe what is occurring, and has been silent with
respect to a formal commission of inquiry by the United Nations. The
U.N. Human Rights Commission in Geneva is still in session and there
is yet time to rectify this inconsistency. The Commission has been
paralyzed for the last week, waiting for Mary Robinson to go and
return from Chechnya. It is our understanding that Ms. Robinson's
investigation was thwarted at every turn by Russian authorities. She
was permitted access neither to the detention sites nor the sites of
massacres that PHR and others documented that she requested to visit.
Nor, to our knowledge, has the OSCE mission waiting in Moscow been
given permission to enter Chechnya. This stalling on the part of the
Russian authorities and deference to it by the U.S. and its European
allies is costing untold Chechen lives. It is past time for the United
States to lead an effort in Geneva for something more robust.
Physicians for Human Rights respectfully calls upon our government to
take the following steps in response to the deliberate destruction of
Chechnya:
1. Sponsor a resolution at the current session of the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights requesting that Secretary General Annan
convene a Commission of Inquiry to investigate war crimes committed in
Chechnya. The Commission of Inquiry, directed by UN High Commissioner
for Human Rights Mary Robinson, should establish accountability for
the destruction of Chechnya, including investigation of abuses by
Chechen fighters. The State Department should contact its European
allies now about sponsoring a resolution, or prepare to offer such a
resolution itself.
2. Publicly identify and condemn Russian violations in Chechnya for
what they are: war crimes. President Clinton, Secretary Albright and
other top U.S. officials should unequivocally condemn Russian
practices in Chechnya as war
crimes, and demand accountability for them. Expressions of enthusiasm
and support for President-elect of the Russian Federation Vladimir
Putin are unconscionable in light of his association with the campaign
to destroy Chechnya, and should cease.
3. Immediately deploy staff from the U.S. diplomatic mission in the
Russian Federation to Ingushetia to collect testimonies from the
displaced Chechen population to document war crimes. To date, the
Clinton Administration refuses to send its staff to Ingushetia because
of security considerations. However, numerous researchers from U.S.and
European non- governmental human rights organizations including
Physicians for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty
International, have been safely deployed in Ingushetia, some for
months, and all have been able to safely collect detailed testimony.
The State Department should reevaluate its prohibition preventing
officers from collecting human rights data. More information from such
official sources is urgently needed.
4. Enlist the U.S. Department of State, in cooperation with U.S.
intelligence community, to begin a vigorous data collection effort to
document war crimes. All available intelligence information sources
should be collected and evaluated, including relevant U.S. knowledge
of military and security command control, satellite photographs, and
radio and telephone intercepts to identify the perpetrators of war
crimes and their commanders.
5. Invigorate the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe's (OSCE) Monitoring Mission: The Russian authorities permitted
the OSCE to monitor abuses in Chechnya during the 1996 war and at the
Istanbul OSCE Summit pledged to continue this initiative. Yet Russia
has not yet permitted the OSCE's six monitors currently in Moscow to
visit the region. The U.S. should publicly demand that Russia permit
the monitoring mission to go forward, and take steps to expand it
substantially.
6. Advocate at the highest levels for the release of imprisoned and
tortured Chechen civilians now detained in Russian filtration camps.
Meanwhile, so long as prisoners remain in these facilities, it is
vitally important that there be international access to them.
President Putin has reportedly given personal authorization to the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to have unimpeded
access to places of detention. The international community should
monitor this to ensure that President Putin realizes this commitment
and that unrestricted access for the ICRC is ensured.
7. Engage President Putin to address the humanitarian emergency,
reminding Russia of its obligation to provide food,
shelter, and medical care to the displaced. Additionally, the U.S. and
its allies should supply significant humanitarian aid to
non-governmental humanitarian groups, including the Red Cross and
UNHCR, currently serving the displaced population.
8. Urge Russia to grant access to Chechnya to both human rights
monitors and representatives of humanitarian organizations.
9. Demand Russian forces cease their assaults on civilians, providing
safe passage for all Chechen refugees attempting to cross the border.
10. Announce the United States' intention to oppose upcoming World
Bank loans to Russia. Physicians for Human Rights is deeply distressed
by the continuing unrestricted provision of World Bank funding for
Russia, including $100 million released just two days before the
Russian elections. An additional $250 million in World Bank loans are
pending, and it is our understanding that the International Monetary
Fund will release some $640 million currently on hold. The
international community possesses significant leverage with the
government of Russia, would it but use it. The U.S. should strongly
oppose all World Bank, IMF, and other international financial
assistance to Russia until such time as the Russian Federation has
taken meaningful steps to limit the civilian toll in Chechnya,
including investigating war crimes and prosecuting those who committed
them.

 
Chiacchere.  Di documenti infatti non ne hanno nessuno.
-Stefano

 -Stefano
Della serie: "non vedo, non sento e non penso".

Senza prove non puoi accusare nessuno di colpevolezza.
Fino adesso gli unici colpevoli sono gli incivili islamici ceceni
i filmati del teatro di Mosca,del treno e anni fa dei palazzi 
sventrati parlano da soli!
SUPPORTO ALLA RUSSIA!
------
Eliminare dalla mail NOMERDACCIA NOCENTROSOCIALE NOMERDA(tutti e 3 sinonimi)
per rispondere

 sinonimi)
Spero ti trovi da solo di fronte a 200 compagni con passamontagna caschi... 
e mazze !
Ti mandero' i fiori all' ospedale.
-- 
Dottor Piergiorgio d' Errico-Storico militare e Navale
ICQ: 208180385
Niitakayama Nobore ichi ni rei ya

 
In effetti è l'unico modo in cui potrei prenderle da quei coglioni
il fatto è che odio gli ignoranti e nei centri sociali si pasce
nell' ignoranza.
Dalla serie nei centri sociali non ci sono i Sandro Curzi ma gli
idioti con la 3a media!(Al massimo)
Poi queste sarebbero minacce...ma non me la prendo tranquillo, la 
violenza cmq è usata da chi non sà farsi valere a parole e visto
le spessore di un centro sociale è normalissimo!
Detta da un dottore però...scadi abbondantemente...
-- 
Eliminare dalla mail NOMERDACCIA NOCENTROSOCIALE NOMERDA(tutti e 3 sinonimi)
per rispondere

sventrati parlano da soli!
e le deportazioni ed i vari abusi dei civili ceceni? Sai, quando i
russi hanno raso al suolo Grzny bombardandola certo non facenao
distinzione tra civili, separatisti e terroristi...

 SUPPORTO ALLA RUSSIA!
Se ti informassi un pochino meglio ti accorgeresti di come stai solo
dando sfoggio alla tua ignoranza e di cui te ne vanti pure. Mettere la
testa sotto la sabbia come uno struzzo non serve. Della serie "non
voglio vedere, non voglio sentire, e specialmente non voglio pensare".
INFORMATI E APRI GLI OCCHI invece di sostenere a spada tratta un
regime nazi-fascista emergente.

 regime nazi-fascista emergente.
Non voiglio qui discutere su chi abbia ragione tra ceceni e russia, ma
questa affermazione mi sembra quantomeno strampalata...Se un governo non č
comunista, č automaticamente nazi-fascista? Preferisci una nuova russia
Stalinista, con i suoi lagher?
Raffaele
-- 
Raffaele Castagno
questo articolo e` stato inviato via web dal servizio gratuito 
http://www.newsland.it/news
 segnala gli abusi ad 
ab...@newsland.it

 Raffaele
Il fatto che non sia comunista non significa automaticamente che sia
un regime democratico. La Russia di Putin e Zhirinovskhy sta
diventando un misto di forze del ex-KGB e di neofascisti. Putin e
Zhirinovsky sono tutto fuorchè dei democratici. Il primo è molto più
vicino a Stalin e l'altro a Mussolini. La Russia sta spiraleggiando
verso la dittatura.

Augusto wrote:

Certo che ti smentisci da solo...dici che la Russia sta diventando
un governo nazifascista e poi dici che Putin è vicino a Stalin,
sinceramente non lo sapevo che Stalin fosse stato un nazi <g>
-- 


...

Ok. "Stalinista-fascista".... ti va bene? Credi che non sia possibile?
Che sia una contraddizione? Aspetta ancora qualche anno e vedrai.