Poor Liow Tiong Lai, he does not know he is making a fool of himself  claiming that Christmas messages should be meaningless “sweet nothings” – a reflection of his political naivette and the  political party he represents

Poor MCA President Datuk Seri Liow Tiong Lai. He does not know he is making a fool of himself claiming that Christmas messages should be meaningless “sweet nothings” –a reflection of his political naivette  and the political party he represents.

Is Liow aware what is topmost in the minds of Malaysian Christians this Christmas?

Pay attention to the  Sabah Council of Churches which  prayed  this Christmas  for truth to prevail in Malaysia, especially among those in power.

Council president Rev Jerry Dusing said truth must be established on the issues concerning 1MDB and the “hudud bill”.

He said: “What is  the truth of 1MDB? As Malaysians are left in the dark, we find ourselves frustratingly waiting for foreign nations to expose the truth about this mystery”.

Dusing also asked for the truth about PAS President, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang’s private member’s bill to amend the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act 1965, which UMNO Ministers have announced  will be taken over by the government although there is pin-drop silence  from MCA, Gerakan, MIC and the Sabah and Sarawak component parties of Barisan Nasional.

Is there consensus by all the 14 Barisan Nasional parties for the BN government take-over of Hadi’s private member’s bill motion, or is UMNO hegemony so  fully established in Barisan Nasional that what UMNO wants, UMNO gets?

The Archbishop of Kuala Lumpur Julian Leow Beng Kim, who is  also president of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Malaysia, fully endorsed Dusing and the Sabah Council of Churches in their concerns for the truth to prevail.

Speaking to reporters at the annual Christian Federation of Malaysia Christmas hi-tea in Kuala Lumpur on Christmas Day, Liew said there was nothing political with voicing out what the public has been asking themselves.

“Asking people to own up to what is happening is a normal request, especially when public money is in question.”

Archbishop Leow said the Church must speak out against injustice and wrongdoing or “we are not doing our duty”.

Would Liow accuse Dusing and the Sabah Council of Churches as well as the Archbishop of Kuala Lumpur, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference and the Christian Federation of Malaya of “negative political remarks”, and forgetting that Christmas is the celebration of the Nativity and not negativity, an accusation he  made against  the DAP Secretary-General and Penang Chief Minister for Guan Eng’s Christmas message?

At least the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Datuk Paul Low showed he is better than the three “7/11” MCA Ministers when he  rejected Liow’s “sweet nothings for Christmas” concept and at the annual Christian Federation of Malaysia Christmas hi-tea in Kuala Lumpur, spoke of the need for the Christian community in Malaysia to  be politically relevant and make their voices heard so as to influence policy in ways which reflects their religious convictions.

Now I understand a bit what Low meant when he said at the same function last year that if the government was God-fearing, there would be no need for him to be in the Cabinet.

I hope the Cabinet meeting tomorrow, which is the last Cabinet meeting of the year, should be a retrospective and even introspective one, to understand how Malaysian nation-building had gone so horribly wrong, highlighted by the international multi-billion dollar 1MDB money-laundering scandal, Malaysia regarded world-wide as a “global kleptocracy”, the shame of being excluded from PISA 2015 because of cheating by the Education Ministry, and the plunge in economic confidence in Malaysia reflected by the unprecedented plunge in the value of the Malaysian ringgit.

All this happened because the Prime Minister, the Cabinet and the government leadership strayed from the five Rukunegara principles of Belief in God; Loyalty to King and Country; Upholding the Constitution; Rule of Law and Good Behaviour and Morality; while Ministers like Liow who held tenaciously to the concept that they should only utter “sweet nothings” in their Christmas messages and speeches.

Liow should stop being  a frog in the well, but look at what is happening in the larger world.

In the United Kingdom, Britain’s Christian leaders are focusing their Christmas messages on uncertainty, anxiety and fear at the end of a tumultuous year on the global stage.

In his Christmas Day sermon at Canterbury  Cathedral, the Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby warned against putting trust in the wrong things and values in the wrong place.

The head of the Church of England and leader of the worldwide Anglican communion said  “The end of 2016 finds us all in a different kind of world, one less predictable and certain, which feels more awash with fear and division”.

He lamented: “Uncertainty in the midst of so much – but far from universal – prosperity is a sign of our trust being in the wrong things. It tells us that our values are in the wrong place … Economic progress, technological progress, communication progress hasn’t resulted in economic justice. It hasn’t delivered glory for us.”

Cardinal Vincent Nichols, the archbishop of Westminster and leader of the Catholic Church in England and Wales, also addressed the challenges of the past year in his midnight mass homily at Westminster Cathedral.

He quoted WB Yeats’s 1919 poem, The Second Coming: “Things fall apart, the centre cannot hold / Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.”

These words, Nichols told the congregation, “reflect the deep and widening sense of uncertainty many feel today. This is not the time or place to reflect on reasons or causes, but it is right to recognise these anxieties and fears.”

Referring to the Bible story of the shepherds who found a place by Jesus’s crib in Bethlehem, the cardinal said that in the face of anxiety about the “current instability in economic prospects and in the effectiveness of political structures,” people should “strive for truth, respect, compassion and forgiveness”.

In the Vatican, Pope Francis condemned terrorism in  his Christmas message and urged Christians “to allow the Child in the manger” to “challenge us” to care for children who have been forsaken by the world.

Francis urged the Church to care for children who are “lying not in a crib, caressed with affection by their mothers and fathers, but in squalid “mangers that devour dignity” – “Children who hide underground to escape bombardment, on the pavements of large cities, in the hold of a boat overladen with immigrants”.

Would Liow accuse the Pope Francis, the Anglican Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby or the Catholic Archbishop of Westminster Cardinal Vincent Nichols of  forgetting Christmas is the celebration of the Nativity and not negativity?

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 27 December 2016, 5:38 am and is filed under
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Why was Najib  absent from the Christian Federation of Malaysia (CFM) Christmas High-tea for three consecutive years in a row?

Why was the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak,  absent from the Christian Federation of Malaysia (CFM) Christmas high-tea on Christmas Day on Sunday – as it was the Prime Minister’s absence from the CFM Christmas high-tea for  three consecutive years in a row.

Najib had said that he did not want to be Prime Minister for only a particular section of the community, but a Prime Minister for all Malaysians.

Najib must be more assiduous to honour his  pledge to be a Prime Minister for all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion and region.

This is one of the issues which Najib should clarify, particularly at the last Cabinet meeting of the year tomorrow – for Malaysians would like to what was the more important function which prevented the Prime Minister from attending the CFM Christmas high-tea for three consecutive years in a row.

I had suggested that at the final meeting tomorrow, the  Cabinet should conduct a retrospective and even introspective review as to why the Malaysian nation-building process  had gone so horribly wrong in the past year, highlighted by the international multi-billion dollar 1MDB money-laundering scandal, Malaysia regarded world-wide as a “global kleptocracy”, the shame of being excluded from PISA 2015 because of cheating by the Education Ministry, and the plunge in economic confidence in Malaysia reflected by the unprecedented plunge in the value of the Malaysian ringgit.

Have  the Prime Minister, the Cabinet and the government leadership forsaken from the five Rukunegara principles of Belief in God; Loyalty to King and Country; Upholding the Constitution; Rule of Law and Good Behaviour and Morality to cause such a grave crisis of confidence in the nation’s history.

It would be the height of irony if the five principles of Rukunegara, with the five  objectives to achieve a greater Malaysian unity; maintain a democratic way of life; create a just society in which the wealth of the nation shall be equitably shared; ensure a liberal approach to our rich and diverse cultural traditions; and build a progressive society which shall be oriented to modern science and technology are abandoned by Najib when these were the legacy of his father, Tun Razak, the nation’s second Prime Minister.

There is however another matter which Cabinet tomorrow should grapple with – the completely inexcusable fatal bus crash on Christmas Eve at KM137 of  North-South Expressway near Kampung Jayo, Pagoh, killing 14 people and injuring 16 others.

The fatal Pagoh bus crash should killing 14 and injuring 16 should not have happened after the tragedy of fatal Genting bus crash in August 2013 which killed 37 lives.

What is the purpose of the Transport Minister, Datuk Seri Liow Tiong Lai, announcing that the Transport Ministry will take measures to prevent repeat accidents like the Johor bus crash in Pagoh, when he must assume ministerial responsibility for the Pagoh fatal crash as he had failed to be pro-active  measures after the  fatal bus crash in Genting Highlands on 21st August 2013 which had claimed 37 lives.

Clearly, the country  has a very  incompetent and irresponsible Transport Minister.

The Cabinet should act without ado on the proposal by the DAP Johor Chairman and MP for Kluang, Liew Chin Tong, who has called for a Royal Commission of Inquiry on the Long Distance Bus Industry.

Chin Tong has also asked Liow to immediately announce to the public what his Ministry has done so far since the publication of the report of the Independent Advisory Panel to the Minister of Transport Malaysia Report (The Report) on Genting Highlands Bus Crash at KM 3.6 Genting Highlands-Kuala Lumpur Road on 21 August 2013.

 The Report was submitted to the Minister of Transport on 28th January 2014 and was subsequently made public. Most of the 51 recommendations were supposed to be carried out within a two-year time frame.

But the two-year deadline had passed, nothing has been done,  and there is another unnecessary and avoidable bus tragedy killing 14 and injuring 16.

Having an irresponsible and incompetent Minister is enough of a road transport disaster – let Malaysians not have equally irresponsible and incompetent Cabinet.

This is why the Cabinet should act without further ado on Chin Tong’s proposal for a Royal Commission of Inquiry on the Long Distance Bus Industry.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 27 December 2016, 1:50 pm and is filed under
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The real reason for the sacking of Gani Patail as Attorney-General in July 2015 is one of the truths Sabahans and Malaysians have a right to know

During Christmas, the Sabah Council of Churches prayed for truth to prevail in Malaysia, especially among those in power.

Council president Rev Jerry Dusing said, among others, truth must be established on the issues concerning 1MDB and the “hudud bill”.

Another issue which Sabahans and Malaysians have a right to know is the real reason for the sacking of Tan Sri Gani Patail, a Sabahan, as Attorney-General in July 2015.

Health was given as the reason  by Putrajaya for the termination of Gani’s position as Attorney-General three months before his retirement.

But Gani looked very “fit and healthy” when he was called to the Bar in the Kuala Lumpur High Court last Friday.

In fact, Gani was so “fit and healthy” that he has opened his own legal firm, Gani Patail Chambers at Kuala Lumpur Sentral to start a new career.

Former Bar Council president Christopher Leong, who moved the motion for Gani’s admission, said in his speech that Gani  “is a fit and proper person for the admission”.

Leong said: “I recall that even when he was undergoing dialysis treatment at Kuala Lumpur Hospital, he would conduct meetings in the hospital, and thereafter rush off to his office or to some meeting.

“I asked him during a meeting with him at the hospital as to how he could maintain his pace of work. He cheekily pointed to the dialysis machine and said it was a re-charging machine. He offered that I should try it. I politely declined.”

The health reason given by Putrajaya for Gani’s sacking as Attorney-General is clearly not the  real reason.

To tell a lie about the real reason for the sacking of Gani as Attorney-General, who had served as the chief prosecutor and the government’s chief legal adviser for 13 years from 2002 to 2015, is not only dishonest, immoral and unacceptable, it is another example of the Najib government violating the five Rukunegara principles, viz: Belief in God; Loyalty to King and Country; Upholding the Constitution; Rule of Law and Good Behaviour and Morality – the legacy of Tun Razak, the second Prime Minister of Malaysia and father of the present Prime Minister.

Is the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, prepared to tell Malaysians the truth about the real reason for Gani’s sacking as Attorney-General in his 2017 New Year Message, so that the Prime Minister and his government  can start off the new year with a new page of honesty and credibility?

(Speech  at the Christmas party jointly organised by Malalap and Kemabong DAP Branches in Tenom, Sabah on Wednesday, 28th December 2016 at 4 pm)

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 28 December 2016, 7:30 pm and is filed under
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Parliamentary and state assembly contests in Pensiangan, Keningau and Tenom areas will be the focus and the frontline battle-grounds of Sabah DAP in the 14th GE

DAP Sabah will have two major objectives in the 14th General Election expected next year.

The first is to defend the electoral victories by the DAP in Sabah in Kota Kinabalu, Sandakan and Tawau in the 13th General Election, winning not only the two parliamentary and four state assembly seats in 2013, but also constituencies which we missed winning in these areas.

But the second objective is more formidable and challenging – to make a breakthrough in the interior areas, particularly the parliamentary and state assembly seats in Pensiangan, Keningau and Tenom, as we want to ensure more DAP Kadazan-Dusun-Murut elected representatives take their places in Parliament and the Sabah State Assembly.

In fact, I am looking forward not only to more DAP KDM elected representatives, but also to the election of Kadazan-Dusun-Murut State Assemblywomen as well.

This is the reason for my tour of Tenom, Keningau and Pensiangan in the last two days together with National DAPSY leader and Perak DAP State Assemblyman for Canning, Wong Kah Woh. Also with us in the two-day visit to Tenom, Keningau and Pensiangan are the Sabah DAP Chairman and MP for Sandakan, Steven Wong; Sabah DAP Adviser and MP for Kota Kinabalu, Jimmy Wong and the Sabah DAP Deputy Chairman and Sabah State Assemblyman for Kepayang Dr. Edwin Bosi.

The focus of DAP in Sabah in the 14th General Election is to successfully elect DAP KDM parliamentarians and State Assembly representatives for the parliamentary and state assembly contests in Sabah.

I have in fact just spoken to Kah Woh, and he has told me that DAPSY has taken on a very great challenge and responsibility to adopt Pensiangan, Keningau and Tenom parliamentary and state assembly constituencies and to ensure that the Sabah DAP can successful make breakthroughs in these constituencies.

DAPSY will draw up a blueprint to help Sabah DAP score victories in the parliamentary and state assembly constituencies in Pensiangan, Keningau and Tenom.

The 14GE is a crucial and critical one for Sabah and Malaysia.

We must end the kleptocratic rule of Barisan Nasional in Putrajaya and Sabah.

We must save Malaysia to save Sabah!

[Speech (2) at the Christmas fellowship meeting organised by Pensiangan DAP Branch at Kampong Kilo Lanas in Sook, Sabah on Thursday, 29th December 2016 at 12 noon]

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 29 December 2016, 10:27 pm and is filed under
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Sabah will be rich and developed after 53 years in Malaysia if there is no corruption and the wealth of Sabah had been used for  Sabahans and not hijacked by corrupt leaders and their cronies

Malaysia is now regarded worldwide as a “global kleptocracy” which I had defined in Parliament as a country ruled by PPP – Pencuri, Perompak and Penyamun.

What is equally shocking is that Sabah has also become  kleptocracy.

Recently, a joke about Trump and corruption in Malaysia was making the rounds, viz:

Donald Trump wants the white house painted!

Chinese guy quoted 3 million

European guy quoted 7 million

Malaysian guy quoted 10 million.

Trump asked Chinese guy how did you quote?

He said:

1 million for paint

1 million for labour

1 million profit.

He asked European?

He said :

3 million for paint

2 million for labour

2 million profit.

He asked Malaysian?

Malaysian said:

4 million for me

3 million for you

3 million will give it to the Chinese guy to paint.

“4 million for me, 3 million for you” out of a 10 million would put the corruption at 70% of the paint-job, which is phenomenally high.

This is nothing unusual for Sabah, as illustrated by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) raid in Sabah in October, when the country was convulsed by revelations of the rampant corruption in the Sabah Water Department, with the MACC assertion  that 60 per cent of the RM3.3 billion earmarked by the federal government to improve water supply to residents, including those in remote areas in the Sabah State, had been “siphoned off” by corruption.

The Director and Deputy Director of the Sabah State Water Department were arrested on Oct. 4 by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), together with the confiscation of RM114 million worth of assets and RM53.7 million in “cold cash”, while further investigation revealed a money trail leading to Singapore, Australia and New Zealand.

After close to three months, three persons were finally charged in court with the Sabah Water Department corruption mega-scandal – former Sabah Water Department director, his wife and a Sabah Finance Ministry technical and engineering advisor who pleaded not guilty in the Sessions Court in Kota Kinablu  today to a total of 37 counts of misappropriating infrastructure funds, involving RM61.48 million in cash and bank savings, as well as unlawful possession of luxury products.

This is “chicken feed” when the Sabah Water Department corruption is supposed to be a RM2 billion scandal – as the MACC has said that  60 per cent of the RM3.3 billion waterworks projects   had been “siphoned off” by corruption.

During the MACC crackdown of the Sabah Water Department starting in early October, 28 people, including the department’s director and two of his deputies, were detained during the Ops Water operation.

Also apprehended were 23 divisional and district engineers and two other individuals who were allegedly involved in the case.

MACC had also recorded statements from 200 witnesses during the investigations.

MACC’s deputy commissioner of operations, Datuk Azam Baki Azam has been reported as saying that MACC had seized or frozen properties amounting to RM114.5 million, comprising cash, bank accounts, unit trusts and other assets within and outside of the country.

Azam said investigations involved 137 MACC officers from its headquarters as well as from various divisions and states.

It was reported that Water Department officials were alleged to have abused their power by awarding contracts to 38 companies owned by their families or cronies, to siphon federal funds.

Is the MACC’s charging of three persons, who were released on bail of RM10 million, RM2 million and RM1 million respectively, all that the MACC has to show for such a high-publicity anti-corruption operation?

Malaysians are not impressed at all by the MACC’s efforts in combating corruption in the Sabah Water Department.

Sabah is a wealthy state when Malaysia was formed in 1963, and Sabah will be rich and developed after 53 years in Malaysia if there is no corruption and the wealth of Sabah had been used for  Sabahans and not hijacked by corrupt leaders and their cronies.

This is one of the central issues in Sabah and Malaysia in the 14th General Election which is expected to be held next year.

(Speech  at the Christmas fellowship meeting organised by Pensiangan DAP Branch at Kampong Kilo Lanas in Sook, Sabah on Thursday, 29th December 2016 at 12 noon)

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 29 December 2016, 4:41 pm and is filed under
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The 14GE objective is not only to remove the UMNO/BN  federal government in Putrajaya but also the UMNO/BN state government in Sabah

In September this year, former Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin said that if there is a four per cent swing against UMNO/BN in the 14th General Election, the UMNO/BN coalition would  lose 45 seats, the majority of which are UMNO seats.

This would mean the UMNO/BN coalition getting even less seats than what the Pakatan Rakyat won in the 13th General Election.

With the loss of 45 seats, the UMNO/BN coalition would be reduced to 88 parliamentary seats and would occupy the Opposition benches in Parliament.

Muhyiddin should know what he is talking about as he was the Election Director of UMNO/BN coalition until he was summarily sacked as Deputy Prime Minister because of his disagreement with the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak over  the international multi-billion dollar 1MDB kleptocratic money-laundering scandal.

We do not want to have a phoney or  fake  opposition to win some 25 parliamentary  seats in the 14GE and to play the role of “king-maker” who could throw  their lot and support to the  UMNO/BN coalition to ensure that Najib Razai can continue as Prime Minister, although Najib won  an even lower percentage of voter support than in the 13GE in 2013!

Is it possible to ensure a four per cent swing of voters against the UMNO/BN coalition in the 14th General Election?

The four per cent swing of voters against the UMNO/BN coalition in the 14GE is not an impossible goal, especially as there is an unprecedented degree of  restiveness and opposition to Najib and the UMNO/BN coalition, even among the Malay-dominated civil service whether at national or state government level!

Patriotic Malaysians, regardless of race or religion, cannot accept recent adverse developments where the country is regarded worldwide as a “global kleptocracy”.

What is a “kleptocracy”?  I explained in the recent budget  meeting of Parliament that “kleptocracy” is a government of 3Ps – Pencuri, Perompak and Penyamun

The recent shocking case of Sabah’s RM3.3 billion Water Department corruption scandal, where 60 per cent of the RM3.3 billion earmarked in the Tenth Malaysia Plan to improve the supply of clean and treated water in the state, was siphoned off into private pockets of a corrupt few, is the latest proof that Sabah has also become a kleptocracy.

In early October, not only Sabahans but Malaysians and the world were shocked that the

Ops Water in Sabah by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission resulted in the seizure of   more than RM114 million in cash and accounts, 19.3 kg of gold jewellery worth about RM3.64 million, some 97 designer ladies handbags worth RM500,000, nine luxury vehicles and some 127 land titles from the Director and Deputy Director of Sabah Water Department in the massive  abuse of power and corruption involving infrastructure projects worth RM3.3 billion.

But it is almost three months since the shocking Sabah corruption seizures and arrests, but up to now, there is not a single person charged in court.

Sabahans and Malaysians are entitled to ask: In the world-wide anti-corruption campaign, “tigers” in China and “crocodiles” in Indonesia” are being caught and jailed. Why is it in Malaysia, only the “ikan bilis” are being nabbed while the “ikan yus” are still scot-free?

This is why the 14GE objective  is not only to remove the UMNO/BN  federal government in Putrajaya but also the UMNO/BN state government in Sabah.

DAP is prepared to co-operate with other political parties in Sabah  to achieve this 14GE  objective, but there must be mutual respect which is not the case when some opposition leaders recently laid down terms that the DAP must stay out of the Sabah state elections.

This is not going to happen, as Sabah DAP had been working very hard in the interior areas especially in the Keningau, Tenom and Pensiangan parliamentary constituencies.

I endorse the stand taken by the Sabah DAP Chairman and MP for Sandakan, Steven Wong, that the DAP will be contesting in the Keningau, Tenom and Pensiangan areas for both parliamentary and state assembly seats in the 14GE – as one of the challenges of Sabah DAP in the 14GE is to prove that DAP not only have the support of the urban voters but also in the interior.

I look forward to see more DAP Kadazan-Dusun-Murut elected representatives to be elected  at both parliamentary and state assembly contests, to follow in the footsteps of the first DAP KDM Sabah State Assemblyman, Dr. Edwin  Bosi (Kepayan).

In the 13th General Election, Barisan Nasional would have lost in  four parliamentary and eight state assembly seats if not for split votes among the Opposition candidates.

The four parliamentary constituencies are Keningau, Kota Marudu, Pensiangan and Tenon and the eight state assembly seats are Elopura, Melalap, Kundasang, Liawan, Paginatan, Kiulu, Nabawan and Tambunan.

The Opposition votes in the next elections should not be split and divided, for this only benefits UMNO and Barisan Nasional in Sabah.

There are two ways to ensure that Opposition votes are united: Either a one-to-one electoral contest or even if there are three-cornered or four-cornered electoral contests, to ensure that  Opposition votes are  united in supporting the candidate of a credible and principled opposition party.

The election slogan in the 14GE should be – Save Malaysia to save Sabah. Political Change in Putrajatya as well as political change in Sabah!

(Speech at the dialogue with DAP leaders and members from Keningau, Tenom and Pensiangan parliamentry constituencies at DAP Keningau branch premises in Keningau on Wednesday 28th December 2016 at 9 pm)

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 29 December 2016, 6:16 am and is filed under
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What price Malaysia’s trust deficit?

Abdillah Noh

The Straits Times

29th Dec 2016

The lack of excitement over massive infrastructure projects and ringgit’s plunge are signs of market and ground sentiments

The last weeks of December have been busy ones for Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak. On Dec 13, Datuk Seri Najib signed the much awaited High Speed Rail (HSR) agreement with Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong that will link Kuala Lumpur and Singapore.

That same week, he officiated at the opening of Malaysia’s Mass Rapid Transit (MRT), a project that started in 2011. Days later, on Dec 18, Mr Najib launched the 1.4km-long Batang Sadong Bridge in Sarawak, a huge connectivity leap for Sarawakians, who previously had to rely on ferry crossings. The bridge is one of several projects the government has in store for Sarawak, the others being the massive 2,000km-long Pan Borneo Highway that will link Sarawak and Sabah and a coastal highway that will connect towns in Sarawak.

Soon after the Sarawak trip, Mr Najib was in Sabah to launch eight projects linked to the Pan Borneo Highway. The recent launches came weeks after Mr Najib’s trip to China, one that saw the Malaysian economy potentially receiving a thumping US$33 billion (S$48 billion) of Chinese investment. A major part of the investment deal was Malaysia agreeing to build a 640km-long East Coast Rail Line(ECRL) with Chinese financing. Once completed, the ECRL will link the northernmost town in the east coast state of Kelantan to Port Klang, which fronts the busy Straits of Malacca on the west coast. Needless to say, these infrastructural investments are major game changers that are set to alter Malaysia’s landscape in a fundamental way, unleashing the country’s huge economic potential.

Such long-term growth commitment should excite the public, but not so in Malaysia. As for China’s massive investment, Mr Najib’s critics see it as a sell-out to China’s interest. They were also quick to contest that the US$13 billion ECRL project was overpriced – never mind that the proposed line needs to negotiate the Titiwangsa ridge, difficult geographical terrain that has for a long time kept the east coast of the peninsular relatively underdeveloped compared with the west coast.

What is apparent is that Mr Najib’s policies attract sceptics. Malaysians, it seems, are less willing to go along with government policies no matter how attractive the long-term benefits are. An obvious reason is that nagging political issues continue to cloud the many positives of Mr Najib’s policy initiatives. People in Malaysia are not quite done with the 1MDB issue. The international media has also kept turning the spotlight on 1MDB and Mr Najib, reinforcing public scepticism. What is obvious is that Malaysians are stuck in second gear, unwilling to move beyond the 1MDB issue.

Is Malaysia paying a heavy price for its ongoing political crisis? It seems so. The state is suffering from a trust deficit. Trust, between the governed and the government, seems to be in short supply. The 2016 Edelman Trust Barometer found that only 39 per cent of Malaysia’s general population trusts the government. That needs addressing because a trust deficit prevents the state from garnering policy collaborators. Policy “buy-in” becomes difficult as stakeholders are unwilling to be part of the policy process. Worse, a trust deficit could also see stakeholders subverting what otherwise could be effective policies. Mr Najib’s market-friendly policies, which would have been gladly accepted in the past, are now looked upon with intense scepticism. His decision to lift fuel subsidies, allow 70 per cent foreign ownership in the services sector, sell all the government’s Proton shares and introduce the goods and services tax (GST) to prevent leakage and broaden the tax base are but a few market-friendly policies that, thus far, have not warmed citizens’ hearts. Malaysians are still unwilling to accept the GST even when GST receipts have clearly buffered Malaysia’s huge losses in petroleum revenue in the past year.

Mr Najib launching Malaysia’s MRT on Dec 15. The lack of public trust stands in the way of Malaysia’s long-term goals. PHOTO: AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE

A trust deficit could potentially lead to more damaging systemic risk. Thinning public trust and greater tendency to talk down the economy could amplify Malaysia’s political, social and economic risks. A self-fulfilling prophecy may set in, creating a case where the public runs down the economy more than it should and triggering a crisis of confidence. An obvious benchmark of confidence is the Malaysian ringgit, Asia’s worst-performing currency. Though there are external factors that have contributed to the weakening of the ringgit – Trumponomics, the attractiveness of US bond yields and weak commodity prices – analysts are also quick to add that the ringgit suffers from domestic risks, the premium of which is anybody’s guess. Some see domestic risk as one contributing factor to the ringgit weakening to a rate of RM4.70 to US$1.

There are those who think that the ringgit slide is overdone as it does not reflect Malaysia’s fundamentals. But under conditions of low public trust, good economic figures are quickly neutralised by bad economic ones. Going by fundamentals alone, there are reasons not to short the ringgit. The Malaysian economy has shown plenty of resilience despite chaotic domestic politics and severe economic headwinds. Its GDP has averaged 5.3 per cent growth since 2011. This year, the economy is expected to grow at 4.2 per cent. For next year, the IMF predicts the economy to grow at 4.5 per cent on the back of strong domestic consumption. The country is also in better fiscal shape, with Mr Najib keeping to his promise to trim spending. The Budget deficit now stands at 3 per cent of GDP, down from a high of 6 per cent in 2009. Its current account remains positive. In fact the current account saw a sharp increase in the third quarter, the highest since December last year. More importantly, the economy has broken away from its heavy reliance on the oil and gas sector. Petroleum now counts for just 15 per cent of total revenue, a sharp drop from about 30 per cent two years ago. The economic figures, however, do not seem to count when it comes to the sliding ringgit.

Finally, broken trust between the state and the governed is affecting Malaysia’s long-term effort at institutional change. Change is difficult when stakeholders are unwilling to ride on the change agenda. In a low-trust environment, stakeholders are persuaded by partisan concerns, depriving the change agenda of a diversity of views. The Najib administration, for instance, has introduced the “blue ocean” strategy as part of its strategic blueprint. Developed by two Insead professors, the strategy rethinks the idea of competition and collaboration and has been behind many of Malaysia’s government and economic transformation programmes. Policy emphasis on the bottom 40 per cent of income- earners, retargeting state subsidies, providing direct transfers to low income earners, collaboration and sharing of resources between government agencies and building a one-stop centre for public services are among the few policy initiatives that seemed to enjoy little public buy-ins.

An exploratory study I carried out between September and October to gauge public receptiveness to the government’s national blue ocean strategy, part of wider research on networked government, found that the public know little or nothing at all of such blueprint. Trust, or the lack of it, has blurred the public’s identification with policies, making them unwilling partners of institutional change.

With a general election expected next year, Mr Najib has his work cut out for him. Restoring public trust is proving to be difficult but the need for it is urgent. Systematic public disengagement from political leadership could well be the most important factor that stands in the way of Malaysia’s long-term goals. In the short term though, Malaysians should be careful that their attempts at political change do not cripple an otherwise functioning economy.

The writer is a visiting research fellow at the Sir Walter Murdoch School of Public Policy, Murdoch University and Assistant Professor at the Tun Abdul Razak School of Government, Universiti Tun Abdul Razak.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 29 December 2016, 7:06 am and is filed under
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Malaysia’s 1MDB Scandal Claims Another Scalp

By Luke Hunt

The Diplomat

December 30, 2016

Private banker jailed for 30 months.

The legal ramifications following the scandal linked to the 1MDB fund continues to resonate with a court in Singapore convicting a private banker of trying to obstruct investigations into the indebted fund founded by Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak.

Yeo Jiawei, 34, a former wealth planner at Swiss private bank BSI where he was known for his taste of the good life, was convicted of four charges related to obstructing, preventing or perverting the course of justice in regards to 1MDB or 1Malaysia Development Bhd.

He was sentenced to 30 months behind bars.

According to police, Yeo earned $18 million from the affair and had asked three witnesses to lie to authorities, get rid of a laptop and urged them not to travel to Singapore.

He is the third person convicted by 1MDB investigators in Singapore, an enormous embarrassment for leaders across the causeway in Malaysia who stand alone with their insistence that all is okay with the much maligned fund, now reduced to a shelf company.

Najib, who clung to power despite losing the popular vote at elections in 2013, has resisted calls to stand aside and allow Malaysian authorities to hold independent investigation into the scandal. The body of a deputy public prosecutor who did investigate was found in a cement-filled drum and an attorney-general who dared to criticized Najib’s handling of the case was sacked.

However, authorities in Singapore and in the United States, Switzerland and Hong Kong are also investigating the disappearance of more than $1 billion from 1MDB amid allegations it was stolen from people close to Najib.

Some reports say as much as $4 billion is missing.

Najib established 1MDB in 2009, heavy borrowing followed and it has struggled to meet repayments on debts totaling $11 billion.

Najib’s role in the 2002 purchase of two submarines from France when defense minister is also under scrutiny by a French court investigating allegations of corruption involving that deal, linked to the murder of a Mongolian translator.

The Prime Minister denies any wrong-doing and claims the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) had cleared him of all allegations tied to 1MDB despite money being traced from the fund to his personal bank accounts.

The British High Commission in Kuala Lumpur is also far from convinced.

“Najib announced the MACC had exonerated him of corruption and the funds in his bank account were a donation from the Middle East and not from 1MDB,” it said in a diplomatic telegram sent to London from Kuala Lumpur, according to a report in The Guardian.

“There has been no official MACC statement to this effect.”

Singapore – which is keen to crackdown on money laundering – shut down BSI operations in the city-state in May due to violations of anti-money laundering requirements and its speedy response has been widely applauded despite some lax sentencing.

Former BSI director Yvonne Seah Yew Foong was sentenced to just two weeks’ jail and fined $10,000 earlier this month for aiding in the forging of documents and failing to report suspicious transactions allegedly related to Malaysian financier Low Taek Jho.

Meanwhile, Yeo – described by Judge Ng Peng Hong as “an unreliable and not a credible witness”– still faces seven more charges related to alleged money laundering, cheating and forgery, all involving 1MDB.

His conviction is crucial to a successful resolution to this case, one that is ongoing and promising to be as long as it will be painful. But whether that pain extends to those most responsible for the fund and its losses will test the authorities in five countries.

The financial industry – like politics – is suffering from a crisis of integrity against a backdrop of well-documented corruption cases that has plagued Southeast Asia for decades. Prosecuting those most responsible for the 1MDB disaster will help in mitigating that loss of faith.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 30 December 2016, 8:55 pm and is filed under
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The 13 other BN component parties should not walk into the trap prepared by some UMNO leaders and propose instead that the March Parliament set up an all-party Parliamentary  Select Committee to  strengthen inter-religious relations in Malaysia based on Malaysian Constitution, MA63 and Rukunegara

The Sabah Council of Churches spoke for Malaysians and not just Sabahans when during Christmas,  it prayed for truth to prevail in Malaysia, especially among those in power.

In his Christmas Day message, Council president Rev Jerry Dusing said, among others, truth must be established on the issues concerning 1MDB and the “hudud bill”.

He asked: “What is the truth of 1MDB? As Malaysians are left in the dark, we find ourselves frustratingly waiting for foreign nations to expose the truth about this mystery.”

He said lack of truth on the matter compromises the willingness of the public and businesses to respond to public policies and contribute to economic recovery.

I am very disappointed that the Cabinet, at its last meeting of the year yesterday, had not heard Dusing’s Christmas Message and started the new year 2017 with a new commitment to tell Malaysians about the truth, whether it be on 1MDB or PAS President, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang’s private member’s bill motion to amend the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act (Act 355).

There are six Ministers from Sabah in the Najib Cabinet, three of whom are Christians, one of whom is responsible for national unity as Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Tan Sri Joseph Kurup.

It is the height of disappointment that none of the Sabah Ministers had raised Dusing’s Christmas Message at the last Cabinet of the year for the Cabinet and Government to start telling the truth to Malaysians.

One outstanding issue which has been put off to the Parliament meeting next March is Hadi’s private member’s bill motion.

The truth about Hadi’s private member’s bill motion has not been told, but the year  2016 ended with UMNO leaders admitting that they have set out a trap for the other 13 Barisan Nasional component parties on the issue at the next meeting of Parliament in March next year.

We must thank  two UMNO leaders, the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Datuk Jamil Kamil Khir Baharom and the Deputy Minister for International Trade and Industry, Datuk Ahmad Mazlan for letting the cat out of the bag in their speeches to the UMNO Overseas Club Alumni annual general meeting in Kuala Lumpur on 18th December 2016.

Jamil admitted that Hadi’s Private Member’s Bill to amend the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act (Act 355) enabled the government to circumvent the due constitutional process, as requiring consensus from all states, the National Islamic Council and the Rulers’ Conference.

Jamil explained: “You can’t bring it to the Rulers Conference if you don’t have consensus from 14 states, but a private member’s bill requires only one state or one person to table it.”

Jamil said that when Hadi’s private member’s bill motion moves to the second reading stage, it would be taken over by the government and read out by him.

Ahmad Maslan, on the other hand, said BN component parties will not be able to object against amendments to the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act (Act 355) once the relevant bill is taken over by the Federal Government as BN component parties are compelled to support the bill as part of the ruling coalition.

What Jamil and Ahmad Maslan have planned out is clearly a double-pincer strategy of subterfuge involving two circumventions – first, circumventing the constitutional process to secure the consensus from the 14 states and the support of the National Islamic Council and the Rulers’ Conference; and secondly, circumventing the Barisan Nasional consensus of all the 14 BN component parties for any policy or measure to be adopted in the name of Barisan Nasional Government.

In fact, Ahmad Mazlan went one step further and publicly admitted  that the ulterior objective of UMNO’s support for Hadi’s private member’s bill motion was to cement UMNO’s “unity” with PAS!

Former Law Minister, Datuk Zaid Ibrahim  said that Jamil is wrong and that whether the bill is moved by Hadi or Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, the requirements are the same – that the consensus of the states as well as the consent of the Malay Rulers are necessary prerequisites before such a bill can be passed by Parliament into law, as Islamic laws are under the purview of the states and the Malay Rulers.

But what Malaysians, whether in Sabah, Sarawak or Peninsular Malaysia, want to know is whether the other 13 Barisan Nasional component parties, and their leaders and Ministers, are so naive and gullible that they can can so easily walk into the “trap” laid out by some UMNO leaders, including Jamil and Ahmad Maslan, on Hadi’s private member’s bill motion.

The perfidy of some  UMNO leaders who have no qualms in reneging and destroying the much-vaunted principle of Barisan Nasional consensus which proved that Barisan Nasional is a coalition of equals and not a coalition of UMNO hegemony must be a grave cause for concern and even consternation – not only Barisan Nasional leaders and members, but ordinary Malaysian citizens as well.

I do not think I am exaggerating when I say that the Barisan Nasional is facing its worst crisis since its formation in 1973 – as the Barisan Nasional “consensus” principle is being smashed into smithereens by surreptitious UMNO support  for Hadi’s private member’s bill motion, despite overwhelming opposition by the majority of the other BN component parties.

I call on  the 13 other BN component parties, their leaders and Ministers,  not to walk into the trap prepared by some UMNO leaders. They should propose instead that the March Parliament should  set up an all-party Parliamentary Select Committee to make proposals on how to strengthen inter-religious relations in Malaysia based on the Malaysian Constitution, Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63)  and Rukunegara.

Hadi’s private member’s bill motion can remain on the Parliamentary Order Paper if Hadi again re-submits it, but there should be no vote on it, as it should be referred to the all-party parliamentary  select committee  to strengthen inter-religious relations in Malaysia based on the Malaysian Constitution, Malaysia Agreement 1963 and the Rukunegara.

Will the six Sabah Ministers and all the 25 Barisan Nasional MPs from Sabah support this proposition in the March meeting of Parliament  for the establishment of  an all-party Parliamentary Select Committee  to strengthen inter-religious relations  in Malaysia based on Malaysian Constitution, MA63 and Rukunegara?

(Speech at the official opening of the upgraded and restored Community House at Bunang Ulu, Sook on Thursday, 29th December 2016 at 4 pm)

                This entry was posted on Friday, 30 December 2016, 6:07 am and is filed under
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Corruption Trends in 2016: Southeast Asia’s Governance Plight

[Bridget Welsh highlights persistent corruption trend in Southeast Asia through revealing data, including the Asia Barometer Survey. Indeed, 2016 reveals that corruption remains a major challenge for the region emerging economies. (This article is published in Thinking ASEAN 2016 Kaleidoscope special issue)]

Serious corruption scandals continued to plague Southeast Asia as the monies involve reach record levels. In December 2015 Indonesians were riveted by the US$4 billion extortion attempt of Freeport McMoRan involving the Speaker of the House of Representatives Setya Novanto. He later resigned amidst ethics concerns. Next door in Malaysia, the multi-billion 1MDB scandal has made headlines since July 2015. At issue are kleptocracy allegations against Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak involving the deposit of nearly USUS$700 million deposited into his personal bank account, through an investment vehicle that has been tied to money-laundering and embezzlement being investigated in six international jurisdictions. The actual losses involved extend beyond US$3 billion. Najib clings to power to avoid international prosecution. In mainland Southeast Asia an assessment this year by Global Witness alleges that Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia has taken at least US$200 million for his own personal use and claims that the actual amount pilfered may extend to above US$1 billion. He too appears to be using his office for protection and wealth. The amounts in the abuse of office for personal gain is just one of the many worrying trends involving corruption across the region.

This year, the International Monetary Fund estimated that USUS$1.5 to 2 trillion is being lost to corruption globally, equivalent to 2% of the world’s GDP. In Southeast Asia, the costs of corruption are debilitating to economic growth. An estimated 1% of economic growth annually is lost to corruption in ASEAN, as most Southeast Asian countries rank high for corruption practices. Billions of funds that would have fueled the region’s prosperity have gone into the hands of greedy politicians and bureaucrats, facilitated by unscrupulous businessmen. The 2015 Transparency International assessments that measures bribery perceptions of businessmen puts four Southeast Asian countries in the lowest tier worldwide– Cambodia, Myanmar, Laos, and Vietnam. The others largely fall in the shameful middle with only Singapore ranking near the top in performance. Singapore’s supposed non-corruption is challenged in other assessments, however. The Economist’s 2016 Crony Index, which measures the level of political embeddedness in business ranks Singapore 3rd in the world They join other top contenders for cronyism in the region, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines.

TI Corruption

Perception Ranking 2015

Economist Crony

Index 2016

Cambodia	150

Indonesia	 88	7

Laos  	        139

Malaysia	54	2

Philippines	95	3

Myanmar	       147

Singapore	8	4

Timor Leste	123

Thailand	76	12

Vietnam	       112

The close nexus between political elites and business is exacerbated by large roles of the public sector in Southeast Asian economies. Politicians play decisive roles in the allocation of funds/contracts and granting of permissions to engage in business. This is especially the case in leading sectors of the economy, namely infrastructure, natural resources, land administration and defense – all areas were corruption practices are rife. According to Transparency International in 2015, East Asia’s US$8 trillion spending for infrastructure, a sector without strict anti-corruption standards, will provide greater opportunities for further turpitude. China’s deepening role in Southeast Asian economies is also seen to enhance corruption, as they are perceived to be less demanding of good governance. China is even seen to endorse corruption, as exemplified in their bailout of Najib in the 1MDB debacle.

It is not a coincidence that Southeast Asian countries featured prominently in the April 2016 release of the Panama Papers, leaked documents that show efforts to hide funds in tax havens. Indonesia led the count with 6500 citizens, followed by Malaysia at 1784, but no Southeast Asian country was spared.  Prominent among the list were Najib’s own son Mohd Nazifuddin Najib, Cambodia’s Minister of Justice Ang Vomg Vathana and Thailand’s Chirathivats, the family that operates the powerful Central Group of Companies worth an estimated US$11.7 billion. Singapore was showcased as the region’s epicenter of cloaked investments with 5,869 offshore entities linked to the island nation, and listed by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalism (ICIJ) that leaked the documents as one of 21 global tax havens.

Varied Public Perceptions: Acceptance and Acquiescence

The use of public office for personal wealth – the standard definition of corruption – has been a long standing serious problem in Southeast Asia. In surveys year after year, corruption is the most important governance issue identified by the public. It has served as rallying call for protests and voters. Historically, corruption contributed to the fall of Suharto in 1998-1999. This year anti-corruption promises helped put ‘punisher’ Rodrigo Duterte into office in the Philippines’ May election. Ironically, Duterte gave a hero’s burial to the country’s most corrupt politician, former president and strongman Fernando Marcos this November, six months after assuming office. In the same month anger with corruption also brought people out to the streets in the thousands in Malaysia, as part of the repeated calls for clean government in the Bersih movement.  While the levels involved have reached record heights and the scandals exposed broadening, broad public concern with corruption remains consistent.

What is not appreciated, however, is the variation in the region in public perceptions of corruption. Drawing from the 4th wave of the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS) conducted in eight Southeast Asian countries from 2013-16, there is considerable variation in how corruption is seen.  Significant majorities perceive “most” or “all” officials as corrupt in Cambodia and the Philippines, with only a slim majority holding this view in Indonesia. In the rest of the region’s countries surveyed, significant pluralities believe their officials are corrupt, expect in Singapore and Vietnam. Corruption perceptions are higher at local levels than in the national center, with specific institutions such as the police and judiciary seen to be particularly affected by corruption. The figures hide something that is not often acknowledged, that a share of Southeast Asians support corruption and in some cases do not see bribery and use of public office as immoral, inappropriate or even as corruption at all. For example, a 29% of Malaysians surveyed believed that it is okay to use public office for personal wealth. These norms and practices counter anti-corruption efforts. Not only do they undercut moral pressure, the point to accomplices in the system of elite abuse of power and their selective patronage allocations.

Elite Erosion of Anti-Corruption Efforts

It is thus no wonder that the region has seen an undermining of anti-corruption efforts. Much of the undermining is coming from the top, the political elites. These privileged attacks on the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemnerantasan Korupsi or KPK) have been ongoing for the past two years, but during 2016 have extended to weak appointments to the commission and perceived weakening of the commission’s authority. Charges of favoritism in prosecutions abound. Similar trends were seen in Malaysia and Thailand, where anti-corruption bodies have been seen to be politically manipulated. Officials that supported a more robust prosecution of 1MDB in the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) were summarily transferred. The Anti-Dynasty Bill in the Philippines, which would have limited the terms powerful families that have controlled power, was not surprisingly defeated in the Congress in February this year. This defeat allows political dynasties comprising of 200 elite families to continue to dominate power – including the Duterte family. In Myanmar, where the new leadership of Aung San Sui Kyi and her party the National League of Democracy assumed office in April, one of the biggest challenges has been to clean up the military’s control of the economy and the entrenched practices of corruption that have evolved in its business dealings.

Where the undercutting of anti-corruption is being most eroded is in the courts. Getting cases prosecuted is hard enough, especially given the limited enforcement power of anti-corruption bodies across the region. There are examples of tough enforcement. For example, this July in Vietnam thirty-six officials in the Viet Nam Construction Bank (VCB) were put on trial for a case involving the loss of US$405 million and convicted in September with sentences ranging from 22 to 30 years. This has been followed by indictments in six high-profile corruption cases, involving government-linked companies and millions of misappropriated funds. Vietnam has the death penalty for corruption, but it has not been enforced in the high profile cases involving party-linked officials. The government’s tough anti-corruption effort is seen to be selectively enforced, and done so out of political necessity rather than a meaningful drive to end corruption practices.

Elsewhere in the region, corrupt offenders are getting off lightly. Consider Singapore’s actions in the 1MDB scandal. One banker has been jailed – Yak Yew Chee- receiving a paltry sentence of 18 weeks and fine of SUS$24,000. Four banks involved have been fined – Standard Chartered Bank (US$3.7 million), Coutts (US$1.7 million), UBS (1.3 million) and Singapore’s DBS (US$1 million) in amounts that pale in comparison to the flows involved. Singapore has also imposed an entry ban for ten years on former Goldman Sachs director Tim Leissner who fixed up the dodgy 1MDB bond deals involving US$6.5 billion. While these measures contrast sharply with the denials of wrongdoing across the Causeway, they are mere slaps on the wrists for serious ethical breeches. They also do not go after the main players or those that bought bonds, as the focus is on the facilitators rather than the beneficiaries. Implementation of anti-corruption laws has long been a problem. As significant is the lack of judicial and political will to punish corrupt offenders.

Growing Political Risks for Exposure

At the same time, the risks of exposing corruption remain higher. Cambodia’s political commentator and anti-corruption activist Kem Lay was assassinated in broad daylight in Cambodia in July. He was a leading critic of the Hun Sen government’s corruption. In March, Vietnam convicted seven activists, including the 73-year old anti-corruption blogger Dinh Tat Thang. In November, Malaysia did a double-whammy against anti-corruption advocates. It convicted parliamentarian and whistle blower Rafizi Ramli for leaking documents associated with the 1MDB scandal under the Officials Secret Act and imprisoned activist Bersih chairwoman Maria Chin Abdullah in solitary confinement for eleven days under an anti-terrorism law. Within the region, the risks for exposing corruption remain higher than ever. This should not be a surprise given the amounts and scope of graft involved.

Yet, ironically, anti-corruption efforts are being boosted by global developments. First of these has been the rise of hacking and leaks, often tied to intensive in-depth investigative reporting. The Panama Papers is a sign of future trends, as politicians and businessmen cannot assume that they are not going to be exposed. Second, has been a toughening of anti-money laundering enforcement coupled with stronger international corporate integrity agreements (CIA’s) that report bank accounts to tax revenue authorities and tighter counter-terrorist financing measures. These have led to an increase in cross-border investigations and prosecutions as well as fostered greater financial transparency at large. Corrupt leaders and businessmen can no longer rely on their control of domestic levers of power to protect themselves. Increasingly, they can no longer run or hide.

This is perhaps the irony of anti-corruption developments in 2016; within the region anti-corruption efforts are being undermined, but internationally they are being exposed. This is in spite of China’s corrosive regional influence on corruption. Southeast Asia’s corrupt leaders now face greater risk and in the competitive environment for investment more potential losses in sources of income. At the same time, domestic challenges to anti-corruption remain serious and worrying, from the elite attacks on anti-corruption bodies to those on activists. Gaining meaningful traction in anti-corruption in Southeast Asia remains largely elusive as the problem continued to be the region’s plight.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 31 December 2016, 6:07 pm and is filed under
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DAP Sabah to create a  “political earthquake” in Sabah in 14th General Election through the ballot box to peacefully and democratically start the process of political change in Sabah and Malaysia

The message I have taken to Tenom, Keningau and Pensiangan in the past three days is to call on the people of the Sabah Interior to join the urban voters to create a “political earthquake” in the 14th General Election expected next year through the ballot box to peacefully and democratically start the process of political change in Sabah and Malaysia in order to save Sabah and to save Malaysia for our children and children’s children.

My three-day visit to Tenom, Keningau and Pensiangan with  National DAPSY leader and Perak DAP State Assemblyman for Canning, Wong Kah Woh, in the company of the Sabah DAP Chairman and MP for Sandakan, Steven Wong, Sabah DAP Adviser and MP for Kota Kinabalu, Jimmy Wong and the Sabah DAP Deputy Chairman and Sabah State Assemblyman for Kepayang Dr. Edwin Bosi, has been an eye-opener for me.

I see the greatest contrasts in Sabah – its great wealth and rich natural resources on the one hand and the abject poverty and shocking socio-economic backwardness of the people, mired in a world-class system of corruption and kleptocracy!

Sabah’s own Watergate scandal has only sharpened and highlighted this immoral and unacceptable contrast in Sabah.

The indictment of three persons, a former Sabah Water Department director, his wife and a former deputy director for 37 money-laundering  charges involving RM61.48 million by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) in the Kota Kinabalu Sessions Court yesterday is the MACC’s biggest case ever.

But this is “chicken feed” considering all the publicity attending the MACC’s arrests and seizures in its Sabah’s RM2 billion Watergate anti-corruption crackdown since early October, as MACC has said that 60 per cent of the RM3.3 billion waterworks projects had been “siphoned off” by corruption.

During the MACC crackdown on Sabah Watergate in the past three months, 28 people were detained during the MACC operation, including 23 divisional and district engineers; seizure of RM190 million in cash, valuables and property from the suspects including the recovery of RM114 million from the top two officials of the Sabah Water Department – including RM53.7mil in cold hard cash that took more than 30 officers 15 hours to count; while  MACC recorded statements from 200 witnesses during the investigations.

The MACC  investigations had involved 137 MACC officers from its headquarters as well as from various divisions and states.

Malaysians are not impressed at all by the MACC’s results in combating corruption in the Sabah Water Department, although the MACC Deputy Chief Commissioner (Operations) Datuk Azam Baki  said that more suspects would be charged for corruption offences soon.

Sabah’s own Watergate corruption scandal reminds me of a joke about Trump and  corruption in  Malaysia, as follows:

Donald Trump wants the white house painted!

Chinese guy quoted 3 million

European guy quoted 7 million

Malaysian guy quoted 10 million.

Trump asked Chinese guy how did you quote?

He said:

1 million for paint

1 million for labour

1 million profit.

He asked European?

He said :

3 million for paint

2 million for labour

2 million profit.

He asked Malaysian?

Malaysian said:

4 million for me

3 million for you

3 million will give it to the Chinese guy to paint.

“4 million for me, 3 million for you” out of 10 million would put the corruption at 70% of the paint-job, which is in the region of the rampant corruption in Sabah’s Watergate scandal, where 60 per cent of the RM3.3 billion waterworks projects  in Sabah had been “siphoned off” by corruption!

I visited Keningau two months ago to inspect the Impian Sabah Keningau Water Project in Bunga Raya district only 20 km from Keningau (fifth largest township in Sabah).

Impian Sabah’s Keningau Water Project is the most ambitious one so far, costing RM250,000 to build gravity-fed water system to bring clean piped water to five villagers, which will benefit some 300 households or 1,500 people.

If 60 per cent of the RM3.3 billion – or some RM2 billion – meant for rural water infrastructure projects had not been stolen by corruption and kleptocracy, it would be able to fund 8,000 projects like Impian Sabah Keningau project to provide gravity-fed water system to bring clean piped water to rural homes for the benefit of 12 million people, i.e. 8,000 x 150 people (some four times of Sabah’s present population).

There is no reason whatsoever why almost every household even in the rural areas in Sabah could not be provided with clean piped water, not just in 2016 but some two decades ago by the nineties, if there is no corruption and kleptocracy in the State.

But rural Sabah must now look to 2050 to get the most basic of rural infrastructure facilities like clean piped water as the Prime Minister-cum-Finance Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak had announced in his Budget 2017 speech in Parliament on Oct. 21 the abandonment of Vision 2020 and replacement with Transformation Nasional Vision 2050.

This is totally unacceptable, and which is why there is need for a “political earthquake” in Sabah in the next 14th General Election to make it very clear that Sabahans want to wipe out both poverty and  corruption in Sabah and Malaysia, and do not want Sabah and Malaysia to be infamous and notorious worldwide as kleptocracies!

In the next general elections, let all Sabahans, regardless of race, religion or region, unite as one Malaysian people to demand the UMNO/BN government  explain why it had failed to deliver Vision 2020 to ensure that Sabah and  Malaysia achieve the status of a fully developed state, where even rural households would enjoy the most basic of  infrastructure facilities like piped water, electricity, roads, quality education and basic health care.

DAP will have two major objectives in the 14th General Election expected next year.

The first is to defend the electoral victories by the DAP in Sabah in Kota Kinabalu, Sandakan and Tawau in the 13th General Election, winning not only the two parliamentary and four state assembly seats in 2013, but also constituencies which we missed winning in these areas.

But the second objective is more formidable and challenging, to make a breakthrough in the interior areas, particularly the parliamentary and state assembly seats in Pensiangan, Keningau and Tenom, as we want to ensure more DAP Orang Asal  elected representatives – including woman Orang Asal – take their places in Parliament and the Sabah State Assembly.

DAP will continue to work in Pakatan Harapan and with other political parties in Sabah to bring about the dual objective to end UMNO/BN rule in Putrajaya and Sabah.

Discussion with other political parties to reach an electoral agreement  will have to be carried out, but I expect the DAP to double the number of Parliamentary and State Assembly constituencies  to be contested in the 14th General Election as compared to the 13th General Election.

In the 13th General Election, Barisan Nasional would have lost in four parliamentary and eight state assembly seats if not for split votes among the Opposition candidates.

The four parliamentary constituencies are Keningau, Kota Marudu, Pensiangan and Tenom and the eight state assembly seats are Elopura, Melalap, Kundasang, Liawan, Paginatan, Kiulu, Nabawan and Tambunan.

The Opposition must learn from the bitter lesson of losing four parliamentary and eight state assembly seats to Barisan Nasional, not because BN was strong but because the Opposition was too divided.

There are two ways to ensure that Opposition votes are united: Either a one-to-one electoral contest or even if there are three-cornered or four-cornered electoral contests, to ensure that Opposition votes are united in support of  the candidate of a credible and principled opposition party.

(Media Statement at the Kota Kinabalu International Airport on Friday, 30th December 2016 winding up a three-day visit to Tenom, Keningau and Pensiangan)

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 31 December 2016, 6:06 am and is filed under
Corruption
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Financial Scandals
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Najib Razak
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Pakatan Harapan
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Sabah
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