From excitement to fatigue

by Zan Azlee

The Malaysian Insider

May 31, 2013

MAY 31 — Last week I had lunch with my friend Liew Seng Tat, a famous award-winning Malaysian film director of Chinese descent. If you haven’t heard of him, then you know zilch about films.

Seng Tat is very politically active. He’s not a politician, he’s just one of the many young Malaysians who have a heightened sense of political awareness due to developments in the country.

He was at all three Bersih demonstrations and was even beaten up and arrested during the second one (remember the famous assault on Tung Shin Hospital? He was in the car park).

He attends a lot of ceramahs and talks, candlelight vigils, protests and even became a PACABA volunteer during the recent GE. And of course there are the Black 505 rallies.

He even sends me all kinds of SMSes, Facebook links and e-mails about politics, the government, news of corruption and human rights abuse, etc.

But when I met him for lunch a few days ago at Mahbub in Lucky Gardens, Bangsar, his mood and level of enthusiasm was a stark difference from before.

“How’s the editing of your new film going?” I asked.

“The first round is done. Need to look at it again,” Seng Tat replied.

“Okay, so how was Amcorp Mall that night?”

“It was good. A lot of people turned up.”

“How long do you thing all this is going to last?”

“I don’t know lah. It’s getting really tiring. You know, all the enthusiasm and excitement that we had all these years have now just turned into fatigue.”

“Come on lah! Don’t let this ‘Chinese tsunami’ die down! Apa lagi yang kau mahu?? Haha!”

“Well, democracy is a slow and long process. And we also need to get on with life.”

I have to admit, I’ve been feeling the fatigue myself, and I can’t help but wonder if the feeling that Seng Tat and I have at the moment can actually be extrapolated to reflect the whole country.

I’m so bored of writing about politics that I yearn to start writing about the antics of my cute little daughter, Athena Azlee, again. Just like Seng Tat said, democracy is a process and life has to go on.

But Seng Tat and I both feel like we can’t lose the momentum and no matter how frustrating or tiring it gets, our patriotism and love for Malaysia should never wane.

And I’m hoping that feeling we have can also be extrapolated to reflect the whole country. At the end of the day, Seng Tat is right. Democracy is a long and never-ending process and life has to go on.

Democracy will always evolve, change and adapt as society evolves, changes and adapts. We are fighting for the next generation and they will fight for the next generation. And so the wheel turns.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 1 June 2013, 12:27 am and is filed under
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Immigration DG Alias Ahmad should be censured for professional negligence and ineptitude for allowing six days to pass before clarifying misquote

The Immigration Director-General Alias Ahmad should be censured for professional negligence and ineptitude for allowing six days to pass before clarifying that he had been misquoted about invoking a non-existing law to revoke passports of dissenting Malaysians.

Six days ago on 27th May, 2013, Berita Harian reported that Malaysians living abroad who participate in anti-government activities and activities to tarnish Malaysia’s image may be barred from returning home.

Alias was quoted as saying that his department is obliged to do so under Section 8 of the Immigration Act 1959/1963 and that actions that can be taken include  blacklisting those involved in such activities and cancelling their passports for a period of three to five years.

Responding to Berita Harian’s question on actions to be taken against Malaysians studying abroad who participated in demonstrations to protest against alleged fraud in the May 5 general election, Alias said: “We are waiting for Wisma Putra’s report regarding Malaysians doing such things while abroad”.

When the Berita Harian report of Alias’ statement was picked up by Malaysiakini on the same day, I checked Section 8 of the  Immigration Act 1959/1963 and found that the Immigration Director-General was talking rubbish, as Section 8 was about “Prohibited Immigrants”.

I found it totally irresponsible, unprofessional and unethical that Alias never sought to clarify the mischievous Berita Harian report in the ensuing days, not only that Section 8 of the Immigration Act does not empower the government to cancel any Malaysian passport from three to five years of any dissenting Malaysian abroad, but failing to correct the impression that the Malaysian government is cruel, callous and heartless to the extent that it could willy-nilly cancel passports of Malaysians abroad to render them “stateless” in foreign lands!

Compounding his professional negligence and ineptitude six days ago, Alias gave another interview to Berita Harian two days ago on May 30, declaring that 6,564 Malaysians will have their passports cancelled to prevent them from leaving the country, among others, because they had “tarnished the nation’s image abroad”.

Alias never sought to clarify that he was wrong or was misquoted in Berita Harian on Monday about invoking Section 8 of the Immigrant Act 1959/63, which was about “Prohibited Immigrants”, to cancel Malaysian passports from three to five years.

Instead, Alias aggravated his professional negligence and ineptitude by seeking to give the impression that some 6,564 Malaysians overseas have been blacklisted for exercising their constitutional right to show their support for Pakatan Rakyat in the recent 13th General Elections.

It is only today that Alias had denied a news report quoting him as citing Section 8 of the Immigration Act 1959/64 or the Passport Act to support the decision to cancel the passports of blacklisted Malaysians.

Alias told Malaysiakini that he was misquoted by Berita Harian and that the daily “will make corrections soon”.

This clarification further  underlines Alias’ unfitness to hold the post of Immigration Director-General, for he  showed neither responsibility, concern nor remorse at giving a totally wrong impression in the past six days that the Malaysian government would be punishing Malaysians abroad for their dissent with the ruling Barisan Nasional government by cancelling their passports from three to five years.

It is also as a terribly adverse reflection on the new Home Minister, Datuk Seri Zahid Hamid that he could allow a departmental head in his Ministry to behave in such an irresponsible and unethical manner.

Would the new Home Minister, Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi censure Alias for his professional irresponsibility, negligence and ineptitude, or was all these egregious misconduct done with the knowledge or even encouragement of the new Home Minister?

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 1 June 2013, 6:00 pm and is filed under
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The myth of a two-party system in Malaysia

 — Nicholas Chan and Koay Su Lyn

The Malaysian Insider

May 31, 2013

MAY 31 — A contention exists after the 2008 general election, be it academically or by propaganda, that Malaysia will benefit greatly from a two-party system, a concept constantly thrown around but highly vague in its actual meaning, or at least in the public understanding of it. Hence, after all these years of political shakeup, did we achieve the two-party system? If yes, how far did it go? Are we enjoying the fruits of it or did it come at a cost, like the political gridlock that has been plaguing Washington?

By definition, the most commonly agreed feature of a democratic two-party system is that it is a political environment, dominated by two major political parties with either party winning in almost all the elections held. Although the system does not negate the existence of other splinter parties or independent candidates, it usually thrives in an “either-or” situation whereby the ruling party is just one or the other. The most notable example of a two-party system is the United States, as the Congress is populated by politicians from two major parties while the presidency is always a tussle between a Republican and a Democrat candidate. A two-party system is not an engraved certainty as the United Kingdom, which had witnessed a two-party system between the Labour and the Conservative for decades (except for the case of a hung Parliament in 1974), was struck by an embarrassing situation in its most recent 2010 elections, whereby neither party earned the simple majority to form the government, resulting in a Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government.

Malaysia and its traditional single-party monopoly

So, why is such a system much heralded in Malaysia? The most obvious reason is that it offers an option to the people who do not agree with the governance of Barisan Nasional (BN), which has reigned for 56 years and counting. Without a viable opposition to challenge the hegemony of the ruling party, BN has until recently enjoyed the monopoly of power without any serious checks and balances, to the point of being able to bulldoze through big detrimental changes to our Constitution, ala the 1988 judiciary crisis. The absence of a two-party system in Malaysia would mean that the ruling party enjoys absolute power as a two-thirds majority is all it needs to amend the Constitution, with the exception of clauses pertaining to Bumiputera special rights, the monarchy and Islam as the official religion of the country. The fact that Malaysian politicians tend to vote en-bloc as well as a diminutive and oppressed public sphere (back then) add to this convention of power without boundaries for the incumbent.

Post 308: A monopoly broken and the birth of a two-party system

The status quo changed drastically after the March 2008 elections as Pakatan Rakyat (PR) has posed itself as a formidable foe to BN, winning close to 47 per cent of the popular votes. No doubt PR has finally presented itself as a united and viable front in securing the confidence of the voters, it is noteworthy that this political tsunami also coincides with the social media boom, where the Internet became a congregational space for Malaysians to communicate, discuss and educate each other on national matters. Some would say that a two-party system in the country contributed to higher political awareness as well as greater participation in the political/decision making process. But it is more of a synergistic process — as more people demand their voices to be heard, and BN does not represent those voices, they would gladly vow for the alternative. And if the alternative is capable of consolidating such voices or opinions, a two-party system is born.

Today, politics in Malaysia is no longer business as usual. Public discourse and contention is rife and vocal; the media (or at least the alternative media) took Malaysian journalism to a new direction, and politicians are quick to compete for a place on the various platforms buoyed by public voices to gain political clout. With more states by the opposition, a comparison of governing standards is inevitable. Everyone is kept on their toes. The existence of a resurgent opposition ensures that the government is not a mere “talking shop” and promotes a sense of accountability and transparency as the government of the day will be pressured to be transparent in its governance to retain power. As long as a better, more empathetic and accountable governance form the wishes of the rakyat, a two-party system would ensure the continuity of such wishes.

How far did we enjoy the fruits of a two-party system?

There is a joke on how ironic our country is — when we had economic progress in the 1980s, we lacked democratic freedom; now we have a greatly improved democratic freedom, but lack a robust economy. It is certain that economic progress and democratic expansion is not a zero-sum game, but the saying amusingly highlights the kind of democratic freedom we have. Three Bersih rallies with huge crowds have insofar been organised, among the many smaller assemblies held by different political parties, or NGOs.

Public assembly or demonstration is the present norm of the day to the extent that the government has to acknowledge it by enacting the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012, removing the need for police permits for gatherings as laid in section 27 of the Police Act. While these are mere baby steps towards full recognition of freedom to assemble, such steps are nevertheless seen as taking strides in multiple directions. The ISA was repealed and replaced by the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act (SOSMA), the need for an annual printing licence under the Printing Presses and Publications Act was scrapped, the ban of student participation in politics in the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 was lifted among other legislative changes.

While dissent against these legislative constraints existed long ago, it was not until the rise of a two-party system that such unimaginable reforms (why would the government do away something that is beneficial to them?) were implemented. This paradigm shift to end the “government knows best” era happened only at the instance of BN sensing a tangible threat of losing power if they don’t address the voices of the public. This also signals the role of a two-party system compared to one that has a government against multitudes of opposition, be it from the public or politicians, because it is vital for one party/coalition to pose itself as the second-in-line for the incumbent. The message is simple, if you can’t do your job well; there is an alternative ready to take over.

A race exists whereby both parties not only seek to outperform each other, but also to outmatch each other in exposing the other’s scandals and transgressions. Although this would lead to some gutter and vitriol politics, it keeps a proper check on the governments in power. Exposes like the National Feedlot Centre (NFC) scandal by Rafizi Ramli and the Talam scandal in Selangor by the MCA marks the fruits of a system where both parties attempt to catch each other red-handed, thus ensuring that the government runs its daily business in a clean, uncorrupted and dignified manner.

The nation is also geared towards the frequent hosting of political and policy debates/forums aimed at keeping the public informed and engaged with government plans and dealings due to such competitive environment. This inadvertently promotes sufficient awareness and knowledge of the government’s doing and thereby enabling them to keep a more efficient electoral check on the government.

An extra bonus also exists where incumbents are no longer guaranteed a place in the government (be it state or federal) if they did not perform to the levels as expected by the voters. Although expectations vary over constituencies, this newborn uncertainty will foster competition between both parties to grab the best talents to field in the elections, thus effectively ending the “warlord” culture, notoriously entrenched in Umno as well as introducing new ideas, view and policies in the form of new blood/fresh faces to the parties. In the 13th general election, one-third of the BN candidates were new faces. It would seem that the two-party system provided a mechanism for the renewal of candidates, which is good for ideas and the shedding of old bureaucracies.

The drawbacks: A polarised Malaysia?

There is a subtle connotation to a two-party system however, that one would reasonably be worried about. What if the materialisation of a two-party system, in which both parties are ideologically or even demographically dividing, points to a society as polarised and segregated? What if the results of an election, like the one we recently had, point towards a simple majority? (or the lack thereof, subject to the interpretation of the results)

Fortunately, the manifestos of both coalitions in the recent elections are similarly left leaning, investing heavily on populist measures, amidst other reform measures that are more window dressing than paradigm shifting. This indicates that a uniting common ground is still available for the nation; at least according to what the leadership of both coalitions think. However, as the dust settles with the conclusion of the elections, it remains to be seen if any of the parties would drastically take a different course from the other to establish itself with a more distinctive image. The recent pendulum-like swinging of Umno’s stance between the ultra-nationalist right and Najib’s centrist 1 Malaysia points to the tug of war between the factions within the party, as well as the search for the identity the party thinks best for its long term survival.

Unless under unusual circumstances, the manifestation of a two-party system also means for very long we are not going to see a two-thirds majority within our Parliament. This also indicates that although one party presides over the other in the elections, each of these parties/coalitions would actually command a substantial support from the voters no matter who the victor is. As such, the governing party could use this as an excuse to ignore the demands, perceived to be from non-supporters, citing that it has the support of the majority (which if deciphered by seats or popular votes gives a totally different picture after the recent election).

The issue is that it is both subjective and difficult to gauge public opinion on certain issues, typically when there is the possibility of a silent majority. Issues like banning the usage of the word “Allah” by non-Muslims, the amendment of section 114A of the Evidence Act 1950 as well as the arbitrary use of the Sedition Act 1948 despite Najib’s promise to repeal it are examples of reticence showed by the government in the face of a significant opposing voice. Will the current election results lead to a more hostile confrontation between the government and opposition, whereby the check and balance scheme could no longer function effectively as it had evolved into a “either with-me-or-against-me” game, or will it result in a bipartisan co-operative but not a unified government, under which the check and balance culture will work best, remains to be seen.

A two-party system that is supposed to work for the people might work against them too. As compared to a one-party hegemony, such system will witness the intensification of the battle for the hearts and minds of the voter, ultimately leading to populist or rhetorical politics instead of smart politics taking the centre stage in the national discourse of policies and ideas. A people-centric government is no doubt good, but when the pleasing or enticing of votes comes at the expense of the long-term sustainability or development of the nation, such trend endangers a developing nation like ours as government intervention is still paramount in charting the course towards a developed and equitable Malaysia.

Gridlocks are bound to happen when policies introduced are opposed for the sake of raising public sentiment to counter its implementation although it will benefit the nation in the long run. For example, the Goods and Services Tax (GST) is fervently opposed by the opposition, as well as any efforts to revamp and reduce our subsidy dependence. While it can be said that the GST’s viability is still under question, but the serious need for Malaysia to reorganise its revenue base and priority spending must be addressed to propel us away from the middle income trap. A confrontational two-party system might be detrimental in this sense that policies perceived as unpopular will be shackled; also making the effort of abolishing institutionalised racism an uphill battle than it is, as the opposing equivalent to a reformist/socialist/liberal government will be a right wing ultranationalist faction, as can be seen in the situation of many European countries these days.

The myth: A four-party or a two-party system?

That being said, it is certain that Malaysia benefits more from a two-party system rather than one-party authoritarian rule like in the Mahathir days. Power is better shared by two equally formidable forces than concentrated in the hands of one party, or one man. A two-party system in a democratic setting also greatly elevates political awareness and nurtures the flourish of NGOs, laying a solid foundation for the budding of a third force in Malaysia.

The greatest impediment to our two-party system now lies in the trisomy nature of PR. Although the parties claim to espouse a common manifesto, each party has their own struggles grounded on different founding principles and there seems to be a segment of non-overlapping supporters for each party. For example, a DAP supporter might not vote for PAS or vice versa. So, instead of having a two-party system, we might be having a four-party system instead. And if national reconciliation is high on the priority, such divisiveness does not help, not in the current backdrop of racial hate mongering by certain quarters from Umno.

Besides consolidating the system, a united PR is of the utmost importance in battling the deterioration of moderating voices within Umno, because having numbers is important in a two-party system (PR currently stands at 89 seats against Umno’s 88). It is hopeful that one day political maturity of the nation might supersede the imperativeness of having a two-party system, which admittedly has a polarising and a demagoguery effect, and we will see a government that knows its priorities as well as having a good grasp on the pulse of the nation, which often comes in proportional concoctions. But then we don’t have proportional representation in our Parliament, don’t we? We have gone a long way to came to the realisation of a two-party system, but then we still have a long way to go.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 1 June 2013, 6:58 am and is filed under
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UMNO/BN’s 13GE “War Room” had failed in one of its major and very  sinister objective – to racialise the Gelang Patah contest and in the process the 13th general elections

There is now a lot of recriminations about the failures of the  UMNO/Barisan Nasional 13th General Election “War Room” strategists and propagandists, with former UMNO Ministers like the former Finance Minister, Tun Daim Zainuddin and the former Information Minister and former Utusan Malaysia editor-in-chief, Zainuddin Maidin openly making very disparaging and derogatory criticisms about the Umno/BN “War Room”.

Both Daim and Zainuddin have called for the sacking of Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s advisers – Daim criticising the  wrong approach and strategy in the 13GE in banking on Najib’s personal popularity in the bid to help BN regain its two-thirds parliamentary majority while Zainuddin blogging  about his disgust and contempt for  the “I Love PM” campaign.

The critics have even flayed  Najib’s “War Room” strategists as having done worse than former Prime Minister Tun Abdullah’s “Fourth Floor Boys”.

But what is most welcome is the failure of the UMNO/BN’s 13GE “War Room” in one of its major and very sinister objective – to racialise the Gelang Patah contest and in the process the 13th general elections.

Even the utterly irresponsible and reckless attempt by former Prime Minister, Tun Mahathir, to racialise the Gelang Patah contest between former Mentri Besar Datuk Ghani Othman and myself by alleging that I wanted to create a “racial confrontation” and that I was seeking to incite the Chinese to hate the Malays, failed.

It proved two things: firstly, that more and more Malays support the call for an end of the politics of race, corruption, cronyism and abuses of power; and secondly, the Malays are not so easily deceived by Mahathir and the UMNO/BN propagandists, as they can see that I had not contested in Gelang Patah to knock out Ghani, but it was Ghani who came to contest against me in what was a traditional MCA parliamentary seat.

But what is deplorable is the MCA role, both during and after the 13GE, to help UMNO to racialise the general elections, whether in Gelang Patah or country-wide  before or after the May 5 general elections results.

The growing chorus of criticisms of Najib’s “War Room” strategists and propagandists point to an escalation of the power struggle in UMNO in the run-up to the UMNO party elections at the end of the year.

UMNO leaders will compete for the UMNO popularity stakes, even abusing their  Ministerial and government positions and heedless of the harm and damage their utterances and actions could do to Malaysia’s plural society.

One such UMNO leader is the new Home Minister, Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi, who is clearly prepared to use his own Ministerial position to advance his own personal political agenda in UMNO.

He would want to make himself a hero in UMNO if he could take action against the DAP, including declaring  DAP as illegal and unlawful, even on the most flimsiest, ridiculous and outrageous of grounds.

This is the only reason for the sudden and  shocking statement by the Registrar of Societies,  Datuk Abdul Rahman Othman yesterday questioning the legality of the DAP National Congress last December by making the baseless allegation that

many DAP members who were eligible to attend its national congress on December 15 last year did not receive notice to do so.

This is a “political twist” to the RoS investigations into the DAP and I see a political “black hand” behind it – all the way to Zahid Hamidi.

My judgment of Zahid as the most “political” Home Minister in the nation’s history is being vindicated with the passage of time, as Zahid is not only “politicising” the police, he is “politicising” other departments in the Home Ministry as well – whether Immigration or the Registry of Societies.

[Speech at the DAP Kluang (Parliamentary) and Mengkibol (State Assembly) “Thank-You Voters” ceramah in Kluang on Friday, 31st May 2013 at 9.30 pm]

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 1 June 2013, 12:59 pm and is filed under
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A constitutional blunder by Najib

by Tommy Thomas

Malaysiakini

Jun 1, 2013

COMMENT
 The first task that Najib Abdul Razak faced upon being sworn in as prime minister on May 6, 2013 after leading the BN to victory in the 13th general election, was to form the cabinet.

 Constitutionally, the prime minister does not have a free hand in his choice of cabinet ministers. Article 43(2)(b) of the federal constitution provides that cabinet members shall be “members of either House of Parliament”.

Traditionally, the cabinet is dominated by members elected by the people to serve in the Dewan Rakyat. However, prime ministers often do appoint a few cabinet members from the Senate (Dewan Negara).

It is important to keep in mind that unless a person is a member of either House of Parliament, he cannot be a cabinet member. This is consistent with the position in other parliamentary democracies.

Further, our deputy ministers and parliamentary secretaries also have to be parliamentarians, as per Articles 43A(1) and 43B(1) of our federal constitution. Only political secretaries are exempt from this strict requirement.

 It was therefore shocking to note the statement made by Paul Low on May 24 that he has not yet been sworn in as a senator. Yet he “purportedly” took the oath of office as a cabinet minister before the Yang di-Pertuan Agong on May 16.

 Article 43(6) of the constitution reads: “Before a Minister exercises the functions of his office, he shall take and subscribe in the presence of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong the oath of the office and allegiance and the oath of secrecy set out in the Sixth Schedule.”

 The oath of office and allegiance that Low had to take under the Sixth Schedule of the constitution reads: “I, ……., having been appointed as a member of the Senate, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully discharge my duties as such to the best of my ability, that I will bear true faith and allegiance to Malaysia, and will preserve, protect and defend its constitution.”

One other cabinet minister (Abdul Wahid Omar) and three deputy ministers who have not been appointed senators also took their oath of office before His Majesty on May 16.

 All these appointments are plainly and clearly unconstitutional.

If they uttered the words stated above in taking their oath of office before the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, they told an untruth because none of these five men had been appointed as a senator prior to becoming a minister or deputy minister.

Appointments cannot be backdated

 Under the federal constitution, the sequence is plain and clear: one must first be elected by the people or be appointed to the Senate before one can become a minister; and not the other way.

If these ministers and deputy ministers have been discharging the functions of their office since May 16, they have been acting unconstitutionally.

Their appointments cannot be backdated. Neither can their actions be ratified in future. Rather, they have to be appointed to the Senate first, and thereafter required to take their oath of office again before His Majesty.

The lip-service the government and its officers paid to the federal constitution, which is the supreme law of the land and which overrides all other laws that are inconsistent with it, is again demonstrated by this blatant disregard of something so elementary and so well-established.

Since Merdeka, hundreds of ministers and deputy ministers have been appointed. One would have thought, therefore, that the relevant authorities would have a detailed checklist on the steps that have to be taken for such appointments to be made lawfully and properly.

Senior career officers in the Attorney-General’s Chambers, the Prime Minister’s Office, the Cabinet Secretariat and the Senate should have given proper advice to PM Najib, so that this debacle could have been avoided.

 Much shame has been brought to our system of government by this monumental blunder. Immediate corrective steps must be taken to regularise the position, and an apology made to Malaysians.

Would anybody step up to accept individual or collective responsibility?

——————————————————————————–

TOMMY THOMAS is a lawyer specialising in constitutional law.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 2 June 2013, 6:06 am and is filed under
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How Umno has successfully duped the Malay rakyat

by Tota

Aliran

1 June 2013

The rural people who lack information due to poor internet and social media penetration are victims of Umno’s religious and political propaganda, observes Tota.

Immediately after winning a slim majority to form a minority government, Najib claimed that the voters in the urban and semi-urban areas had been duped good and proper by the Opposition. Just imagine, the intelligent, the better-educated and better informed being duped wholesale!

On the other hand, the rural people who lack information owing to poor internet and social media penetration and who are victims of Umno’s religious and political propaganda are the ones said to be choosing wisely by voting for the BN. Some have said that Umno has indeed become a “parti kampung”.

In 1999, when a large member of Malays deserted Umno, a deranged ex-PM said that the rural people voted with their heads while the urbanists voted with their hearts, meaning guided by their emotions. History has repeated itself.

Below I provide concrete evidence of how Umno has successfully duped the poor Malay rakyat in the last 56 years from Dr M Bakri Musa’s book “Liberating the Malay mind”. Here are a few excerpts:

Excerpt 1:

A free mind can best be illustrated by this story of Mullah Nasaruddin, a famous alim known for his effective use of ordinary and often self-deprecating stories to drive home a point, illuminate a concept, or challenge conventional wisdom.

He had a neighbour who was fond of borrowing items from him and conveniently forgetting to return them. One day this neighbour came to the Mullah to borrow his donkey. The Mullah, anticipating the request, had earlier locked his animal away in the barn at the back and out of sight.

Upon hearing the request, the Mullah confidently replied that his donkey had been taken away earlier by his brother. As the disappointed neighbour turned away, he heard the braying of the donkey and quickly turned around to remark, “I thought you said your donkey was gone!”

To which the Mullah replied, “Do you believe the braying of a donkey or the words of a Mullah?”

If you can accept that at times a donkey can be the bearer of the truth, and a Mullah the purveyor of untruth, then you have exhibited a free mind, minda merdeka. There are many reasons why we continue believing the Mullah despite the donkey braying in our face, and we will explore some of these subsequently.

Excerpt 2:

One can easily be hoodwinked by the government’s glossy publications and the leaders’ rosy recounting of our country’s achievements. Take the “Malaysian Quality of Life 2004 Report” produced by the Prime Minister’s Department.

At 113 pages it is full of glossy pictures of clean, well-trimmed suburban neighbourhoods, neat kampung houses, and of course the iconic Petronas Towers. There is also a picture of earnest executives engaged in video-conferencing, highlighting the latest technology gizmo.

The cover features the responsible minister, Mustafa Mohamed, beaming against the backdrop of a lush, luxurious golf course. That image reveals more of the truth, perhaps unintended; the golf course is exactly where you are likely to find these ministers most of the time.

If you were to visit that minister’s old kampong in Jeli, Kelantan, the reality would be far different. I have no data specific to Jeli but a recent study of Pulau Redong and Pulau Perhentian (published in June 2011), two islands off the Terengganu coast, would shock anyone. A fifth of the villagers have no formal education whatsoever, while half had only primary level. This in 2011!

Their average income is less than RM500 per month, considerably less than what Indonesian maids in Malaysia earn.

As a needless reminder, those villagers are exclusively Malays. More shockingly and reflective of the overall abysmal socio-economic condition, two-thirds of the respondents expect “little” or “no change” in the next five years. They have given up hope. So much for the grandiose promises made at the recently concluded Umno General Assembly (December 2011) about “protecting and enhancing” the position of Malays!

Of course those high-flying Umno operatives would not know that. After all when they do visit those islands they are certain to stay at the exclusive Berjaya Resort, with taxpayers footing the bill of course. There they are able to partake in video-conferencing and access the internet. For the islanders, however, fewer than four per cent have internet access. Both islands have a thriving tourism industry with high-paying jobs. Those jobs, however, are out of reach to the residents due to their lack of skills and education.

If you want an accurate picture of the status and future of Malays, then visit those islands, but do not stay at the resorts. If you do, you are unlikely to meet many Malays except for the gardeners and maids. Those resident Malays on the islands represent the bulk of the race; they are a universe away from their fellow bumiputras like (former) Women Affairs Minister Sharizat Jalil with her ultra-luxury condos at Bangsar, courtesy of hefty bumiputra discounts and generous “soft” government loans.

Excerpt 3:

The harsh reality is that far too many of our leaders are but sly foxes cloaked in shepherd’s clothing. Instead of leading us from one lush meadow to the next, they would be the first to prey upon us. Instead of protecting us, these “shepherds” would ensure that they have their istana kayangan (fantasy palaces) first, and if there were the odd pieces of lumber left over, only then could the flock hope to have a wall around their shed.

… likewise our obscenely opulent political leaders exemplified by former Selangor Chief Minister Khir Toyo and Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi. These are the leaders who are forever exhorting us towards “unity”. It is a unity to serve their purpose, not the rakyat.

Excerpt 4:

Today Malaysia is in disarray; its skipper less than diligent and bordering on being incompetent; its crew tired, distracted and indifferent. The ship of state is headed in the wrong direction, and there are many shoals and reefs ahead. The wind is building up and the water increasingly choppy. The wakes of overtaking ships are battering us.

Worse, those ships were once way behind us. We are being shackled by needlessly intrusive and abusive rules that were meant for a different era when the ship was skippered by people that were not our own. Now our own leaders are exploiting those rules to further their nefarious needs. As we look on deck, we find the ballasts are now rising up, threatening our stability.

We fail to appreciate these cruel realities because our minds are trapped into thinking otherwise; hence my call for Merdeka Minda Melayu. We must have a free mind to appreciate the stark realities we are under and not let our leaders delude us into thinking otherwise. We need a free mind.

Excerpt 5:

A free mind cannot be willed upon; there is no magic wand out there. We have to strive hard – very hard – to liberate our minds, just as hard, if not more so, as we did in liberating our native land. It is a worthy and noble pursuit; a closed mind is the worst prison.

Excerpt 6:

Malaysian leaders never tire of telling us that they are competent and honest despite the mess the country is in, while they luxuriate in palatial mansions. It is obvious to anyone that these leaders could not possibly afford such obscene opulence just on their government wages. To our current mindset, however, doubting would be an act of blasphemy, disloyalty, or even treachery against these leaders.

Returning to the coconut shell metaphor, that little (or even big) frog can be smug about his world and claim to fully comprehend and be in command of it. After all, what is there to understand? His world is dark and small. As for controlling it, he is the only one to obey his orders! What that proverbial Senor Frog does not appreciate is that his universe, huge as it may seem to him, is nothing but a speck.

Those of us on the outside may be tempted to lord it over the unfortunate entrapped frog. We may even pity the poor critter. However, as Pramoedya noted in his Child of All Nations, “Pity is the feeling of well intentioned people who are unable to act.” Impotent, we assuage what little guilt we may harbour by rationalising that the poor soul is probably quite happy with his lot. That may well be; after all you do not miss what you do not know.

Excerpt 7:

My brothers and sisters were enrolled in an English school in the period just before the resurgence of this intense nationalism. My father had gone through great effort and expense to secure our enrolment. Soon after, Malay leaders including Tun Razak were exhorting everyone to support our national language by enrolling their children in these “new” Malay schools. Many responded, transferring their children from English schools to these new Malay schools.

Being Malay schoolteachers, my parents were subjected to intense peer and community pressures to take us out of English school. After all, if Malay teachers did not demonstrate their commitment, who would? However, being Malay school teachers, my parents were also only too aware of the limitations of the Malay stream, in particular the lack of textbooks and trained teachers. My parents were not about to experiment with their children’s future.

What strengthened my father’s conviction to keep us in English school was not only that; rather that Tun Razak and the other Malay leaders were sending their own children to English schools. Razak went further; he sent his to schools in England! You could say that my father heard the braying of the donkey (Razak’s children going to England) and ignored the Mullah, including the top Mullah, Tun Razak.

Many years ago I was visiting my old village and met one of my former kampong mates whose parents had taken him out of English school. On meeting me, his only comment was that my father was wiser than his! The tribute rightly belonged to my father, and I took that compliment to heart!

Excerpt 8:

You do not need statistics to tell the sorry plight of Malays. Visit any kampong or urban slum and you realise that poverty means poor health, lack of drive, and most of all, the giving up of hope.

I fail to see how Malay leaders and sultans could visit these squalid kampongs one moment and in the next fly off around the world in luxury paid for by taxpayers, as Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi did soon after visiting the flood-ravaged southern states in December 2006. He flew to Australia in a brand-new luxurious Airbus specially commissioned for his use.

How could he and his family enjoy their sumptuous dinners and the comfort of their five-star hotels with memories of those struggling villagers still fresh in their minds? Only a generation ago Abdullah’s relatives lived in attap dwellings in the slums of Penang. If he cares to investigate, he probably still has some cousins once or twice removed eking out a subsistence living there.

I cite Abdullah because he reflects the general crisis in Malay leadership. It has not changed with his successor Najib Razak. Indications are that it will still be the same with his anticipated successor, Muhyiddin Yassin. In short, be prepared for the same sorry scenario for the next decade at least. If Abdullah’s five-year tenure is now finally acknowledged as a lost half-decade, then anticipate many more lost decades.

Excerpt 9:

Datuk Onn’s free mind enabled him to hear the braying of the donkey, the rakyat’s abhorrence of the Malayan Union Treaty, and wisely ignored the words of his Mullah … When you hear the donkey bray, do not let the sweet words of the Mullah persuade you otherwise, lest you risk being made a fool like an ass, or worse.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 2 June 2013, 12:58 am and is filed under
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Najib must prove he is Prime Minister of 100% Malaysians and not just 47% of electorate who voted for him and Barisan Nasional in 13GE

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak gave another beautiful speech yesterday congratulating Yang di Pertuan Agong Tuanku Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah on his birthday at Istana Negara, the latest in his four-year series of beautiful speeches since he first became Prime Minister in April 2009.

The 13th General Elections on May 5, where he became the first Prime Minister to poll an even worse electoral result than his predecessor when  seeking a mandate of his own and scraping through to victory on a minority vote, should be salutary lesson to Najib that it is not good enough to deliver beautiful speeches if he is unwilling or incapable of “ walking the talk” of his many promises and pledges.

In his speech yesterday, Najib said the Barisan Nasional government is “the umbrella of all Malaysians” but in the first month after the 13th General Elections, Najib has yet to prove  that he is Prime Minister of 100% Malaysians and not just 47% of the electorate who voted for him and the Barisan Nasional on May 5.

Najib has yet to live down his disastrous judgment immediately after the results of the 13GE by  blaming the Chinese tsunami for the outcome, when it was clearly a Malaysian, urban, semi-urban and youth tsunami!

One of the most encouraging and even inspiring aspects of the 13GE is the failure of the race and religious politics and  blandishments of the UMNO/BN “War Room” strategy, with Malaysians regardless of race, religion, region, age or gender coming together to support the Pakatan Rakyat call for an end to the politics of race, corruption, cronyism, abuses of power and all forms of injustices.

The beginning of the end of the politics of race is best illustrated in the  Gelang Patah constituency, where there was a deliberate and high-level effort to racialise the contest between former Mentri Besar Datuk Ghani Othman and myself by alleging that I wanted to create a “racial confrontation” and that I was seeking to incite the Chinese to hate the Malays.

But this attempt to racialise the Gelang Patah contest and the 13GE failed, as it would not be possible for me  to win a majority of over 14,000 votes without Malay voter support.

The Gelang Patah and 13GE  election results proved two things: firstly, that more and more Malays support the call for an end of the politics of race, corruption, cronyism and abuses of power; and secondly, the Malays are not so easily deceived by Mahathir and the UMNO/BN propagandists, as they can see that I had not contested in Gelang Patah to knock out Ghani, but it was Ghani who came to contest against me in what was a traditional MCA parliamentary seat.

Unfortunately, the failed attempt to racialise the 13GE has now been followed by a deliberate and systematic attempt to racialise the outcome of the 13GE, as falsely attributing it to a Chinese tsunami instead of an inclusive and statesmanlike response by Najib to convince Malaysians that the BN government is a government of 100% Malaysians and not just 47% of the electorate.

The electoral reform proposed by  Najib transferring his office’s responsibility to oversee the Election Commission to a bipartisan parliamentary committee is an admission that the Election Commission is one of the biggest casualties of the 13GE but in the absence of details it is not possible to say whether Najib’s proposal would be adequate to fully restore the people’s confidence in the credibility, integrity and authority of the Election Commission.

I still await Najib’s response to my suggestion yesterday for a completely new slate to restore and command full public confidence in the Election Commission by having a new Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Election Commission.  Does Najib agree?

However, the events in the month after the 13GE results do not inspire confidence that Najib is sincere, serious or has the political will to work for national unity and national reconciliation.

In fact, Najib is not even prepared to defend, protect and preserve the constitutional principles and provisions, which is why the scandalous constitutional blunder and farce of having two illegal Ministers and three illegal Deputy Ministers remain unresolved after more than a fortnight.

One of the country’s foremost constitutional lawyers, Tommy Thomas, has succinctly summed up the problem of the two illegal Ministers and three illegal Deputy Ministers thus:

“Under the federal constitution, the sequence is plain and clear: one must first be elected by the people or be appointed to the Senate before one can become a minister; and not the other way.

“If these ministers and deputy ministers have been discharging the functions of their office since May 16, they have been acting unconstitutionally.

“Their appointments cannot be backdated. Neither can their actions be ratified in future. Rather, they have to be appointed to the Senate first, and thereafter required to take their oath of office again before His Majesty.

“The lip-service the government and its officers paid to the federal constitution, which is the supreme law of the land and which overrides all other laws that are inconsistent with it, is again demonstrated by this blatant disregard of something so elementary and so well-established.”

If Najib is unable to uphold clear-cut constitutional principles and provisions like the appointment a person as a Senator before appointment as Minister or Deputy Minister, who can believe in his claims about his commitment to national unity and national reconciliation?

What undermines the credibility of the  Najib premiership post-13GE about its commitment to national unity and national reconciliation, for Najib to be Prime Minister of all Malaysians and not just 47% of the electorate, are two recent developments:

Firstly, the continued Umno/BN attempt to racialise and polarize the post-13GE situation in the country, with the unabated spewing of lies and falsehoods in the UMNO/BN owned/controlled media, particularly Utusan,  New Straits Times and Berita Harian.

A case in point is the continuing campaign of lies and falsehoods  by these Umno/BN media trying to blame the Umno/BN electoral setbacks in the 13GE on the success of a non-existing DAP-funded “Red Bean Army” of some 3,000 cybertroopers, with a budget allegedly ranging from RM100 milllion to RM1billion,  to demonise UMNO/BN leaders and destroy Umno/BN in the 13GE.

Although DAP leaders have declared that this is a total figment of imagination of UMNO/BN “War Room”, the new Home Minister, Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi and the police have been roped in to waste limited manpower, public resources and funds to embark on a “wild goose chase” when they should be focusing their attention on keeping Malaysians safe from crime and the fear of crime whether in public places or in the privacy of their homes.

Secondly, more and more government departments and officials are being forced to  “play politics” to serve UMNO/BN agenda instead of carrying out their public duties in an efficient, impartial and professional manner without any partisan considerations or interference.

Three recent examples come immediately to mind:

(i)	Limited police resources being expended to pursue fictitious, politically-inspired but baseless allegations like the “Red Bean Army” of DAP cybertroopers;

(ii)	Unlawfrul threats by the Immigration Director-General to revoke passports of Malaysians abroad for exercising their constitutional right to support the political coalition of their choice during the 13GE;

(iii)	The Registrar of Societies making false and baseless allegations against the DAP, clearly to prepare the ground for an offensive against the DAP – including a possible deregistration of DAP – which will make the Home Minister, Zahid Hamidi a “instant hero” in UMNO in the upcoming UMNO party elections.

Najib should realize that these  are not actions of a government which is committed to national unity and national reconciliation, as they are totally against what he said in his speech yesterday about creating a better future for all Malaysians:

 “We dream of a Malaysia where people of all races and beliefs can live in peace and harmony without any suspicion, a progressive and prosperous Malaysia which has enough for all.”

Is Najib capable of ending these negative and divisive developments in the month after the 13GE  which are not conducive to national unity and national reconciliation, or is he completely helpless as there are larger forces at work which is completely beyond his control and charge?

(Media Conference Statement at Penang DAP Hqrs on Sunday, 2nd June 2013 at 11.30 am)

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 2 June 2013, 12:23 pm and is filed under
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Regressive polls reactions

P Gunasegaram

Malaysiakini

May 31, 2013

QUESTION TIME
The reactions to the elections by Barisan Nasional and Umno in particular and related organisations is nothing short of shocking. It reflects an alarming and regressive move towards hardline stances which are blatantly racist and with complete disregard to what the election results themselves indicate the electorate wants.

Considering that the majority of voters were against BN and by implication Umno, the stance towards needless toughness and the callous appeal to base racial hatred will only alienate the BN from the public who have clearly indicated they want change for the better and which have by and large rejected race itself as an issue.

It reflects a belligerent, biased, boorish and childish response to election results by influential quarters, including ministers, a former prominent judge, Utusan Malaysia editors and others who have successfully drowned out a few reasonable voices within Umno and hijacked the so-called reconciliation process post-elections.

Persisting with these actions has not only put paid to the reconciliation process but unnecessarily raised tensions among all people. This may have been the intention of those who raised these issues in such a manner in the hope of keeping themselves and their ilk in power by perpetuating fear.

But in the end, those who play with fire are likely to burn themselves. Malaysians are already aware that the race card is repeatedly played to trump all manner of ills facing Malaysia, and especially Umno and BN patronage, corruption and cronyism which lead to a plethora of social ills.

If Umno goes on along this line and if the government machinery, including the police, continue to selectively prosecute only those opposed to them, they can expect a severe backlash from the electorate five or less years down the line.

If anyone was taken in by the promises of moderation, change, and concern for the electorate that were a constant refrain of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s pre-election campaigning, they would now think more than twice before voting BN.

Ironically it was Najib himself who set the ball rolling on election night, or rather early morning the next day, when he blamed the Chinese tsunami for the downturn in BN’s fortunes. While more Chinese may have voted opposition, it was more than abundantly clear that all urban voters turned away from Barisan, while voters in significant rural Malay areas such as Terengganu and Pahang as well as the Malay heartland areas in Selangor turned towards Pakatan Rakyat.

Even DAP’s Lim Kit Siang could not have won in Gelang Patah against former Johor chief minister Abdul Ghani Othman with such a large majority without Malay support.

That BN’s fortunes turned down only because of the Chinese swing is a blatant lie which has been perpetrated over and and over again by the usual string of suspects. There was a broad swing against BN and Umno in many areas. Najib never retracted or clarified his position over the Chinese tsunami statement.

Closet and not-so-closeted radicals come out

Encouraged by this, the closet and not-so-closeted radicals came out, and unfortunately included a former top judge.

Malaysikini reported that former Court of Appeal Judge Mohd Noor Abdullah (left) warned that the Chinese Malaysians must be prepared for a backlash from the Malay community for their “betrayal” in the recently concluded 13th general election.

“The Chinese betrayal towards the Malay’s hand of friendship – that is true. Because they plotted to seize political power even though they already have economic power,” he said to raucous applause at a forum in Kuala Lumpur.

How can voting for one party or the other be termed “betrayal”? In this case the Chinese voted for PAS and PKR which are also Malay-based parties. Must the Chinese always vote for BN-based Malay parties; Umno in other words? And how could a community which forms just 28 percent of the electorate seize power without Malay participation and concurrence?

That a former Court of Appeal judge should make such racist comments and propagate lies in the process, aimed at inciting and inflaming the emotions of the majority community, is unbelievable. Most Malays, however, are not likely to buy such arguments.

And that newspaper, Utusan Malaysia, which publicly proclaims itself as the defender of Malay rights, published an incendiary, provocative article titled ‘Apa lagi Cina mahu?’ as if the Chinese were solely responsible for BN’s poorer fortunes in the election. Even if they were – and they were not the only reason – so what? Is it not up to BN to ask itself why it alienated the Chinese community so much?

Didn’t the Indian community, a previous strong supporter, reject BN in 2008 because it felt that the government did not do enough for the Indian community and could not even prevent the unproportionate and very violent deaths of Indians in police detention?

In fact days after the election, yet another Indian was violently killed in a police lock-up. The suspects – policemen – have merely been transferred to desk duties, instead of being subjected to intensive questioning after being detained which is the normal procedure for murder.

Utusan Malaysia went on to write an incredibly racist series of articles on the election. When AirAsia X’s CEO Azran Osman Rani twittered his private objections, the newspaper launched a tirade against him and the airline.

The authorities remained silent. The new inspector-general of police, Khalid Abu Bakar, cautioned all parties not to make seditious statements in the wake of the general election, but ignored Utusan Malaysia’s reports.

Somewhere along the way, the new Home Minister, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, callously called on those who were unhappy with election procedures to migrate and when police arrested speakers who had spoken earlier at a forum on May 13 against racism, disavowed any responsibility.

If these don’t represent a firm return to the bad old days, accompanied with total silence on these issues by Najib, what else is? But if Umno thinks that this is what will save them, they are sadly, badly mistaken.

If they carry on this way they will find out for themselves that they will lose the next election – phantom voters or no phantom voters. Umno needs to free itself from those who will destroy it to protect their own narrow interests by race baiting.

——————————————————————————–

P GUNASEGARAM is founding editor of KiniBiz.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 2 June 2013, 8:38 am and is filed under
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Straits Times: Credibility of Malaysia’s mainstream newspapers at stake

The Malaysian Insider

Jun 02, 2013

KUALA LUMPUR, June 2 — Most of Malaysia’s mainstream newspapers appear to have taken a hit since the May 5 general election for perceived biased reporting, Singapore’s the Straits Times (ST) said today.

The broadsheet cited the examples of Umno-owned Utusan Malaysia and MCA-owned The Star newspaper.

“Star is in a dilemma of trying to be independent and yet pressured to boost BN’s image,” Shaharuddin Badaruddin, a political analyst at Universiti Teknologi Mara, was quoted as saying to the ST.

The Star is the largest English-language daily in Malaysia, averaging audited sales of 290,000 copies daily between January and June last year.

Umno’s network of media outlets is wide, according to the Kuala Lumpur-based Centre for Independent Journalism.

Via proxies, Umno controls Media Prima, which publishes the New Straits Times, Berita Harian and Harian Metro. It also owns the Utusan Group, which publishes Utusan Malaysia and Kosmo!

The ST said Utusan Malaysia has been accused of biased reporting for years, and its circulation has fallen from 213,000 in 2006 to between 170,000 and 180,000 last year.

It has been overtaken by Harian Metro, now the largest Malay daily — its circulation rose from 210,000 in 2006 to 394,000 last year. Analysts told the ST that younger readers are drawn to its culture and lifestyle-based content.

Once the No. 1 English-language paper, the New Straits Times saw its circulation decline sharply from 1999 to the early 2000s, going from 180,000 to as low as 80,000.

The ST said readers shunned the paper for what was perceived as lopsided reporting on Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s sacking as deputy prime minister in 1998 and his subsequent corruption and sodomy trial.

“In the rural areas, the Malays hate slander. My research showed that only 18 per cent of readers will believe what was written on Anwar,” said Shaharuddin.

The ST said newspaper readership in Malaysia is also facing challenges as younger people increasingly get their news online.

Internet users among Malaysia’s 29 million population grew from 3.7 million in 2000 to 17.7 million in June last year, a 61 per cent penetration rate. Nearly two-thirds of Internet users are aged 21 to 40.

There were 13.6 million Facebook users in Malaysia as of December.

The top news website in Malaysia over the past month was the independent malaysiakini.com, according to alexa.com, a site that tracks Web traffic, said the ST.

“Urban readers are more connected and compare content with the alternative media. They see that the same event is given a different slant in the mainstream so people question this,” said Hah Foong Lian, a new media analyst with Monash University Malaysia and former reporter at The Star.

Three days after the general election, electoral watchdog Bersih and the opposition parties called on Malaysians to boycott the New Straits Times, The Star, Berita Harian and Utusan Malaysia for perceived unbalanced reporting.

Analysts said that although such a boycott would have little real effect in numbers, the mainstream media should be wary of Malaysia’s strong civil society eroding their credibility, the ST added.

“All mainstream papers reported in favour of their owners but after the election, The Star is the only newspaper that has become more balanced,” Kiranjit Kaur, a media researcher at Universiti Teknologi Mara, told the ST.

“It was very biased (during the campaign) but since the new Cabinet was formed without MCA, it may not feel it has to toe the party line too much these days.”

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 2 June 2013, 8:59 am and is filed under
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With third police custody death in 11 days, police should stop gallivanting with UMNO/BN fairy tales like “Red Bean Army” but get down to business to focus all resources to roll back the wave of crime and fear of crime as well as check police indiscipline to end deaths in police custody

Even before the settling down of the public furore over the death of N. Dhamendran, who according to a preliminary post-mortem report was defencelessly beaten to death while handcuffed sustaining 52 marks of injury throughout his body, ranging from head to toe, the country has been shocked with the news of a third death under police custody in eleven days.

P. Karuna Nithi was found unconscious by policemen on duty at the Tampin police lock-up at around 6.30 p.m. Saturday and pronounced dead by paramedics from the Tampin hospital who arrived on the scene.

With the third police custody death in 11 days, the police should stop gallivanting with Umno/BN fair tales like the fictitious DAP-funded “Red Bean Army” of 2,000 to 3,000 cybertroopers with a budget ranging from RM100 million to RM1 billion in the past six years, but to get down to business to focus all resources to roll back the wave of crime and fear of crime and restore public confidence by checking police indiscipline and ending cases of deaths under police custody.

The public has no confidence in any internal police investigation into deaths in police custody, even if it is a special committee headed by the Inspector-General of Police, Tan Sri Khalid Abu Bakar, and this is why the time has come to revive the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) proposed by eight years ago by the Police Royal Commission of Inquiry headed by former Chief Justice Tun Dzaiddin and former Inspector-General of Police Tun  Hanif Omar and established under the premiership of Tun Abdullah.

The Dzaiddin RCI recommended the IPCMC to ensure an effective external oversight body to ensure police compliance with doctrines, laws, rules and procedures as history of police systems world-wide have shown that internal mechanisms alone are inadequate, unreliable and frequently ineffective.

In recommending the IPCMC, the  RCI report said:

“Police culture is often inward-looking and closed and mindsets are usually resistant to change.  Changes in leadership can also lead to changes in commitment to service excellence, discipline and performance.

“Society cannot therefore rely on internal mechanisms alone to ensure PDRM effectively implements and abides by rules and regulations.

“The establishment of an external oversight body for PDRM would be a profoundly important development in the governance of this important organization.

“It will mark a quantum step forward in enhancing accountability and help restore and sustain the confidence of the people and the private sector in PDRM.”

The country has wasted eight years in failing to implement the IPCMC proposal of the Dzaiddin RCI as the substitute Enforcement Agency Integrity Commission (EAIC) have proved to be a complete failure in  achieving the role of a “quantum step in enhancing accountability and help restore and sustain the confidence of the people and the private sector in PDRM”.

The Pakatan Rakyat leadership council which will meet in Kuala Lumpur tomorrow will discuss whether Pakatan Rakyat MPs should press for the establishment of IPCMC when the 13th Parliament opens on June 24.

Pakatan Rakyat has 89 MPs in the 13th Parliament. Is it possible to secure the support of  at least 23 BN MPs to support the establishment of the IPCMC?

MIC has called for the establishment of IPCMC. Is this the official stand of the MIC and the four MIC MPs? If so, is it possible to get another 19 BN MPs to support the passage of an IPCMC Bill in the 13th Parliament?

This will be worth consideration by the PR Leadership Council tomorrow.

                                                               Lim Kit Siang

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 2 June 2013, 5:32 pm and is filed under
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Siasatan awal menunjukkan bahawa satu konspirasi yang didanai UMNO telah dilancarkan UMNO tiga bulan sebelum pembubaran Parlimen untuk memburuk-burukkan DAP, yang turut melahirkan dakwaan dongeng 3,000 tentera siber “Red Bean Army” yang didanai DAP

Siasatan awal menunjukkan bahawa satu konspirasi yang didanai UMNO telah dilancarkan UMNO tiga bulan sebelum pembubaran Parlimen pada 3 April untuk memburuk-burukkan DAP, yang turut melahirkan dakwaan dongeng 3,000 tentera siber “Red Bean Army” yang didanai DAP kononnya dengan bajet setinggi RM100 juta sehingga RM1 bilion sepanjang enam tahun lalu bagi tujuan pembunuhan karakter pemimpin UMNO/BN di ruang siber.

Penyebar utama pembohongan mengenai “Red Bean Army”  adalah media cetak milik/dikuasai UMNO/BN, termasuk Utusan Malaysia, New Straits Times, Berita Harian dan The Star, baik sebelum mahupun selepas Pilihan Raya Umum ke-13 pada 5 Mei.

Dakwaan tidak berasas yang disebarkan dan dilontarkan oleh Utusan Malaysia, New Straits Times, Berita Harian dan Star hendaklah tercatat dalam sejarah sebagai titik paling hina mereka dalam melacurkan kerjaya kewartawanan disebabkan dasar pertimbangan dan objektif mereka bukanlah fakta dan kebenaran, yang sepatutnya menjadi pegangan bidang kewartawanan.

Bagaimana mereka yang kononnya digelar wartawan kepada Utusan Malaysia, New Straits Times, Berita Harian dan Star yang bersekongkol mencipta penipuan tentang 3,000 tentera siber “Red Beans Army” didanai DAP yang hanya wujud dalam imaginasi liar mereka mampu berbangga sebagai wartawan yang jujur, menegakkan kebenaran dan takutkan Tuhan?

Akan tetapi pembohongan tentang Red Beans Army yang kononnya didanai oleh DAP hanya sebahagian daripada jalan cerita yang lebih besar sejak Januari lalu untuk memburuk-burukkan DAP dengan pembohongan dan penipuan dan paling menyedihkan apabila terdapat bekas ahli dan pemimpin DAP yang bersedia untuk bertindak begitu hina dengan berbohong dan menipu untuk meneruskan agenda UMNO/BN ini.

Pembohongan dan penipuan mereka tidak dapat melukakan DAP memandangkan tiada siapa akan mempercayai mereka – jika tidak tentu DAP gagal memenangi 38 kerusi Parlimen dan 95 kerusi Dewan Undangan Negeri di dalam Pilihan Raya Umum ke-13.

Untuk menjustifikasikan pelaburan UMNO/BN ke atas mereka, mereka yang ingkar terhadap DAP ini meneruskan kempen penipuan mereka terhadap pemimpin DAP.

Sehingga kini, kepimpinan DAP mengabaikan mereka kerana mereka tidak releven dan sekiranya mereka terus dengan pembohongan dan penipuan terhadap pemimpin DAP, maka mereka hendaklah bersedia untuk didedahkan kedurjanaan mereka.

This article is also available in English at:
https://blog.limkitsiang.com/2013/06/03/preliminary-inquiry-showed-that-a-well-funded-umnobn-conspiracy-was-hatched-3-months-before-dissolution-of-parliament-to-demonise-dap-which-also-spawned-the-outrageous-allegations-of-a-fictitious-da/

                This entry was posted on Monday, 3 June 2013, 6:00 pm and is filed under
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Malaysia’s pendrive man denies links to ‘Red Bean Army’ fabrication

By Ida Lim

The Malaysian Insider

Jun 03, 2013

KUALA LUMPUR, June 3 — A Malaysian entrepreneur has denied accusations that he is funding or linked to the “Red Bean Army”, a “cybertrooper” group named by Umno’s Utusan Malaysia as being allegedly financed by the DAP to attack the government via social media.

Taiwan-based Pua Khein Seng, whose company Phison Electronics Corp was behind the world’s first single-chip USB pendrive, has rebutted what he described as a fabricated report in Utusan Malaysia last week and has not ruled out legal action against the Umno-owned newspaper.

“Firstly, this is a fabricated, baseless and malicious allegation and I honestly do not know how I should respond since it is an unfounded accusation,” Pua said in a statement that was read out by DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng today.

Pua, who was reportedly campaigning for DAP leaders in Johor during the recent general election, said he is ready to provide co-operation to those probing allegations on the online group of cybertroopers.

“Secondly, I hereby urge the authorities who are investigating this allegation to contact me as soon as possible for the truth to be revealed. I will fully co-operate with the authorities.

“I will not hesitate to take legal action against Utusan Malaysia when the investigations are completed by the authorities,” the Phison chief executive officer wrote in the brief statement.

According to Lim, Pua was responding to Utusan Malaysia’s report last Saturday about “Penglibatan Syarikat Elektronik Taiwan disiasat” (Involvement of Taiwanese electronic firm being investigated) and other articles last Sunday.

Utusan Malaysia had reported that a Malaysian-owned electronics firm in Taiwan was under investigation for allegedly funding the “Red Bean Army”, citing an unnamed source who said a photograph of the company’s founder with Lim had been published online.

The source also reportedly said the unnamed firm had opened a branch in Penang, with the daily saying that the firm is allegedly believed to have close ties with the Penang state administration.

Today, Lim (picture) said that Malaysia has been working to attract foreign investments, but expressed his disappointment over what he said was a “different approach” when the investments come to Penang.

“Investments should not be politicised especially foreign investments, because if you politicise for investment, then I think the final loser will be the country,” said Lim, who is also the Penang chief minister, in a recording of the press conference that was made available to The Malaysian Insider.

Lim reiterated the DAP’s denial that it knew of the existence of the “Red Bean Army”.

“Yesterday, I and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim denied any involvement in the ‘Red Bean Army’,” he said today, referring to Anwar, who heads the federal opposition Pakatan Rakyat.

“Number one, we don’t know if there’s such a thing called the ‘Red Bean Army’,” he said, adding that they lack the money to fund such organisations.

On May 26, DAP veteran leader Lim Kit Siang had similarly said the “Red Bean Army” was merely a figment of Utusan Malaysia’s imagination, and that he had never come across it until the Malay-language daily reported it.

On May 25, Utusan Malaysia front-paged a report on the Red Bean Army (RBA), alleging that some 200 RBA members are on the DAP’s payroll earning up to RM3,000 a month and that the party has been spending some RM1.5 million over the past six years to fund the operation.

The report also claimed that the duty of the RBA was to attack any politician, businessman or entertainer who is seen as pro-BN via social media sites.

But Lim Kit Siang said his party would not have the financial muscle to pull off such an expensive operation, noting that if it had spent RM1.5 million monthly over the past six years to run the RBA, it would have spent an overall sum of RM108 million.

“DAP just does not have this type of money although to Umno/BN, this is just a drop in the ocean of their funds,” he had said.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 3 June 2013, 5:48 pm and is filed under
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Preliminary inquiry showed that a well-funded Umno/BN conspiracy was hatched 3 months before dissolution of Parliament to demonise DAP, which also spawned the outrageous allegations of a fictitious DAP-funded “Red Bean Army” of 3,000 cybertroopers

Preliminary inquiry showed that a well-funded Umno/BN conspiracy was hatched three months before the dissolution of Parliament on April 3 to demonise the DAP, which also spawned the outrageous allegations of a fictitious DAP-funded “Red Bean Army” of 3,000 cybertroopers purportedly with a budget of RM100 million to RM1 billion in the past six years to character-assassinate UMNO/BN leaders on the cyberspace.

The main purveyors of the lies about the “Red Bean Army” are the UMNO/BN owned/controlled print media, which include Utusan Malaysia, New Straits Times, Berita Harian and Star, both before and after the 13th General Elections on May 5.

The baseless allegations purveyed and perpetrated by Utusan Malaysia, New Straits Times, Berita Harian and Star must go down in their history as the lowest points they had ever plumbed in  prostituting the journalistic profession for the basest of considerations and objectives completely nothing to do with facts and truth, which should be the staples of journalism.

How can so-called journalists in Utusan Malaysia, New Straits Times, Berita Harian and Star who had a hand in spewing the lies about the DAP-funded “Red Beans Army” of 3,000 cybertroopers which only exist in their wildest imaginations  ever hold their heads high as honest, upright and God-fearing journalists?

But the lies about the so-called DAP-funded Red Beans Army were only part of a larger plot since early January to demonise the DAP with lies and falsehoods and it is sad that there are former DAP members and leaders who were prepared to stoop so low as to tell lies and falsehoods to further this UMNO/BN agenda.

Their lies and falsehoods cannot hurt DAP as nobody would believe them – or the DAP would not be able to win 38 Parliamentary and 95 State Assembly seats in the 13th General Elections.

To justify the failed UMNO/BN investments on them, these DAP renegades are continuing their campaign of lies and invectives against DAP leaders.

Up to now, the DAP leadership had ignored them as they are utterly irrelevant but if they continue with their lies, falsehoods and invectives against DAP leaders, then they must be prepared to be exposed for the cads that they are or have become.

Artikel ini juga boleh didapati dalam Bahasa Malaysia di:
https://blog.limkitsiang.com/2013/06/03/lks-3-jun-2013-siasatan-awal-menunjukkan-bahawa-satu-konspirasi-yang-didanai-umno-telah-dilancarkan-umno-tiga-bulan-sebelum-pembubaran-parlimen-untuk-memburuk-burukkan-dap-yang-turut-melahirkan-dakw/

                This entry was posted on Monday, 3 June 2013, 5:13 pm and is filed under
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Some things don’t change

– The Malaysian Insider

Jun 02, 2013

JUNE 2 – The elections have come and gone, but some things have not

changed, namely:

* The arrogance of Umno

Just listen to Datuk Seri Musa Aman, Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz and Datuk Seri Salleh Keruak justify the Sabah state government’s decision to block the entry of Nurul Izzah into the state and it becomes clear that Umno men still have disdain for the will of the people.

Nurul Izzah is an elected MP and senior member of the Opposition and yet she is treated like a criminal/terrorist/illegal immigrant. Why? Because arrogance and hubris is in the Umno man’s DNA.

Musa says that there is a need to preserve the peace and stability of Sabah. He forgot to mention: the need to keep in place a corrupted system where the rich and connected enrich themselves and flood the state with illegal immigrants.

These Umno politicians allowed hundreds of thousands of illegals to enter Sabah and compromise national security and they speak of having the interest of the state at heart.

* The baffling Tan Sri criteria

Just what exactly did MACC chief Datuk Seri Abu Kassim do over the past 12 months to deserve the Tan Sri award by the King.

Really, what is the criteria for the award?

It is understandable that Chief Secretary of government Datuk Seri Ali Hamsa and actress Datuk Seri Michelle Yeoh both were made Tan Sris.

After all, both went out of their way to campaign for BN in the run-up to the election! So the award was their just reward for loyalty to Datuk Seri Najib Razak and the government.

But what exactly did Abu Kassim do? Caught a bunch of small fish and little else.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 3 June 2013, 7:02 am and is filed under
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If Najib wants to win the war of perception, his administration should stop creating a Kafkaesque Malaysia

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak yesterday told the first morning assembly with staff of the Prime Minister’s Department after the  13th General Election that the government must intensify efforts to address negative perceptions and cautioned civil servants against being distracted by excessive politicking.

If Najib wants to win the war of perception, his administration should stop creating a Kafkaesque Malaysia.

Named after the author Franz Kafka, “Kafkaesque” is typically used to describe anything that makes no sense, has no colours  and has no points of reference. It describes something that is horribly complicated for no reason, usually in reference to bureaucracy.

The Kafkaesque character of the Najib premiership is immediately highlighted by his speech yesterday, warning civil servants against being distracted by excessive politicking when some civil servants have been guilty exactly of excessive politicking at the behest of their political masters in the first month after the 13th general elections.

Off hand, three immediate examples come to mind:

•	firstly, the police with the most “political” IGP whose top priority is the crackdown against Pakatan Rakyat leaders and social activists when the country’s foremost concern is the wave of crime and fear of crime sweeping the country as well as breakdown in police discipline with three deaths in police custody in eleven days;

•	secondly, the Registrar of Societies who seems to have a political brief from the new Home Minister, Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi to make life as difficult as possible for the Democratic Action Party, even to the extent of wanting to deregister the  DAP as being illegal and  unlawful on the flimsiest and baseless of grounds; and

•	thirdly, Immigration Director-General who out of nowhere issued outrageous warnings to revoke the passports of thousands of Malaysians abroad for exercising the constitutional right to support the political coalition of their choice in the 13GE.

In fact, the photograph published by all the press today about the Assembly further highlighted the Kafkaesque character of the Najib premiership as it showed the illegal Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Paul Low, standing in the same row as the  other six Ministers in the PM’s Department next to Najib.

In his speech congratulating the Yang di Pertuan Agong on his birthday, Najib pledged to uphold the Constitution and upgrade the  quality of governance and integrity in his government, but he has done absolutely nothing for close  to three weeks to rectify his unconstitutional act in unlawfully appointing two Ministers and three Deputy Ministers without their first being appointed and sworn in as Senators!

In fact, Najib started to create a Kafkaesque Malaysia immediately after the announcement of the 13th general elections, calling for “national reconciliation” minutes after he destroyed the basis for such a process by dismissing the elections outcome as a “Chinese tsunami”.

After the 13GE,  Najib promised in his blog to be a Prime Minister for all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion, state or political views, but he allowed the UMNO propaganda outfits, in particular Utusan Malaysia, New Straits Times and Berita Harian to continue to brew and spew their daily potion of extremism and racism based on  lies and falsehoods further polarizing race, religious and political relations in the country.

Yesterday morning, I was informed that together with Anwar Ibrahim, Nurul Izzah, Rafizi Ramli, Mohamad Sabu, Ambiga Sreenivasan, Syed Ibrahim Syed Noor, Wong Chin Huat, Maria Chin Abdullah, Ong Boon Kiang, Hishammuddin Rais, I am barred from entry into Sabah by the Sabah Chief Minister, Datuk Seri Musa Aman.

This is not only unconstitutional and illegal, as it violates Section 67 of the Immigration Act which entrenches the right of a Malaysian to enter Sabah on “legitimate political activity”, it also makes a total mockery of Najib’s 1Malaysia policy and claim to want to make Malaysia the “best democracy in the world” when elected MPs have even less rights that millions of illegal immigrants to visit Sabah.

Last night, Astro Awani quoted the Sabah state police chief Deputy Comm Datuk Hamza Taib as confirming that the state had lifted its ban on Nurul Izzah entering Sabah and that no other individuals had been placed on the Immigrant blacklist – raising the question why such an announcement was  not made by the Sabah Immigration chief who is directly responsible for the matter.

This morning, hidden in an inconspicuous corner in the New Straits Times  was the statement by the Sabah State Secretary Tan Sri Sukarti Wakiman that there is no permanent ban on any opposition leaders from entering Sabah.

When is Najib going to stop the Kafkaesque antics of his Barisan Nasional government, whether at the Federal or state government levels and get down to the serious business of governing to restore the  full confidence of all Malaysians?

Artikel ini juga boleh didapati dalam Bahasa Malaysia di:
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                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 4 June 2013, 11:44 am and is filed under
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Protecting our streets

Tricia Yeoh

The Sun

30 May 2013

LAST week was the very first time I experienced crime personally in the country, despite having written about it as a policy issue. Parked on the side of the road in a housing estate in Section 5, Petaling Jaya, I made the mistake of leaving my laptop bag on the passenger seat while chatting on the phone.

A motorbike with two riders came by, smashed the side window, opened my car door, and rode off having stolen my laptop and handphone, to my great distress.

That very night, 18 protesters were arrested by the police after failing to disperse at a candlelight vigil for student activist Adam Adli outside the Jinjang police station.

While I very much commend the efforts of the officer and inspector who dealt with my case efficiently, it must be noted that there is a gross discrepancy between what the public sees as efforts to combat street crime versus that of conducting rampant arrests.

Over the last few years, a number of groups have been formed to increase awareness and offer solutions to overcome crime, such as Safer Malaysia, Malaysian Mothers against Crime, as well as similar proposals made by think-tanks such as Research for Social Advancement.

Many of these suggest that the government seriously consider transferring police personnel from units like the Special Branch – which essentially deal with collecting intelligence for political purposes – to the Criminal Investigation Department to increase street patrols especially in hot spots.

That evening when I made the police report, I was told mine was the fourth such case that day with similar accounts and in the same area. If places like these had been marked as hot spots, surely the police could have made arrangements for increased presence in the locations.

The unfortunate result of the police being used for politically expedient reasons is that the public links them with arrests of opposition leaders.

In the last week alone, politicians Tian Chua and Tamrin Ghafar, as well as activist Haris Ibrahim were arrested on grounds of sedition, but were later released as the magistrate decided their detention was without basis. Citizens are all too aware that the police have but little choice in the matter.

There is certainly value in urging for police co-operation in fighting crime, which is workable but only to a certain extent, given the political climate. A more realistic way might be for the community to organically initiate movements of their own, thereafter inviting the authorities to collaborate.

Safer Malaysia, in their document “Visions of Safer Malaysia” (available on their website) plans on implementing an interactive website that would include a public crime map for any citizen to gather information about crimes in the community. Reports and alerts would also be made available to the public.

This would be an ideal use of technology, given the steady rise in smartphones and gadgets.

It must also be acknowledged that an increase in crime is directly correlated with a worsening economy. This is an issue too complex to address in this short space, but suffice to say that the government’s priority should be to increase disposable income of the lower to middle-income groups.

Another proposal from Safer Malaysia is that a convicted wrongdoer must be exposed in the media, to be ridiculed and frowned upon. This may only work if the community collectively places sufficient social pressure against people resorting to petty theft, despite being in desperate socioeconomic conditions.

Finally, many have already noted the role that the Rukun Tetangga community service used to play in the past. This needs to be revived with the support of local councils and the police force, with shared information, maps and schedules of the times in which crimes are most likely to occur.

The private sector can also play an important role by sponsoring increased lighting or additional security measures in a particular area. After the harrowing experience, I would repeat a mantra already often said: leave no bags in sight in the car, and pay special attention to surroundings.

Taking matters into one’s own hands is acknowledging the failure of the system to protect its citizens, but one wonders if there is any other choice.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 4 June 2013, 6:39 am and is filed under
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Sekiranya Najib mahu menang perang persepsi, pentadbirannya harus berhenti mencipta Malaysia yang Kafkaesque

Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak semalam memberitahu perhimpunan pertama dengan petugas Jabatan Perdana Menteri selepas Pilihan Raya Umum ke-13 bahawa kerajaan perlu meningkatkan usaha untuk menangani persepsi negatif dan memberi amaran kepada penjawat awam supaya tidak leka dengan berlebihan bermain politik.

Sekiranya Najib mahu memenangi perang persepsi, pentadbirannya harus berhenti mencipta Malaysia yang Kafkaesque.

Dinamakan sempena penulis Franz Kafka, “Kafkaesque” digunakan untuk menggambarkan apa saja yang tidak masuk akal, tiada warna dan tiada titik rujukan. Ia menggambarkan sesuatu yang sangat rumit tanpa sebab, terutamanya merujuk kepada birokrasi.

Karakter Kafkaesque pemerintahan Najib ditonjolkan melalui ucapannya semalam, memberi amaran kepada penjawat awam supaya tidak dilekakan dengan berlebihan bermain politik sedangkan sesetengah penjawat awam sememangnya bersalah berlebihan bermain politik atas perintah tuan politik mereka pada bulan pertama selepas pilihan raya umum.

Tiga contoh terus menerjah minda saya:

Pertama, pihak polis dengan KPN paling kuat “berpolitik” yang mana keutamaan tertingginya adalah mengambil tindakan kekerasan ke atas pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat dan aktivis sosial sedangkan kebimbangan utama negara ialah gelombang jenayah dan kerisauan terhadap jenayah melanda negara dan termasuk juga kerosakkan disiplin polis dengan tiga kematian di dalam tahan dalam tempoh sebelas hari;

Kedua, Jabatan Pendaftaran Pertubuhan yang kelihatan telah mendapat taklimat politik daripada Menteri Dalam Negeri baru, Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi untuk sedaya upaya menyusahkan Parti Tindakan Demokratik, ke tahap mahu membatalkan pendaftaran DAP sebagai tidak sah dan melanggar undang-undang tanpa asas kukuh; dan

Ketiga, Ketua Pengarah Imigresen yang entah dari mana mengeluarkan kenyataan amaran untuk membatalkan pasport ribuan rakyat Malaysia di luar negara kerana melaksanakan hak yang dijamin perlembagaan untuk menyokong perikatan politik pilihan mereka pada PRU13.

Malahan, gambar foto yang diterbitkan di dalam semua akhbar hari ini berkenaan Perhimpunan itu menonjolkan karakter Kafkaesque pemerintahan Najib kerana menunjukkan Menteri tidak sah di Jabatan Perdana Menteri, Paul Low, berdiri di barisan yang sama dengan enam Menteri lain di dalam Jabatan PM di sebelah Najib.

Di dalam ucapan tahniahnya kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong pada hari keputeraan baginda, Najib berikrar untuk menjunjung Perlembagaan dan memperbaiki kualiti pentadbiran dan integriti kerajaannya, akan tetapi beliau tidak lansung melakukan apa-apa untuk membetulkan tindakan tidak menurut Perlembagaanya dalam melantik dua orang Menteri dan tiga Timbalan Menteri tanpa terlebih dahulu dilantik dan mengangkat sumpah sebagai Senator!

Malah, Najib mula mencipta Malaysia yang Kafkaesque sejurus selepas pengumuman pilihan raya umum ke-13, menyeru kepada “kerukunan nasional” beberapa minit selepas beliau menghancurkan asas kepada proses itu dengan mengatakan keputusan pilihan raya umum adalah akibat daripada “tsunami Cina”.

Selepas PRU13, Najib berjanji di dalam blognya untuk menjadi Perdana Menteri kepada semua rakyat Malaysia, tidak mengira kaum, agama, negeri atau pendirian politik, akan tetapi beliau membiarkan alat propaganda UMNO, terutamanya Utusan Malaysia, New Straits Times dan Berita Harian terus membiakkan ekstrimisme dan rasisme setiap hari berdasarkan pembohongan dan penipuan untuk terus memecah-belahkan kaum, agama dan hubungan politik di negara ini.

Pagi semalam, saya dimaklumkan bahawa bersama-sama dengan Anwar Ibrahim, Nurul Izzah, Rafizi Ramli, Mohamad Sabu, Ambiga Sreenivasan, Syed Ibrahim Syed Noor, Wong Chin Huat, Maria Chin Abdullah, Ong Boon Kiang, Hishammuddin Rais, saya turut dihalang dari memasuki Sabah oleh Ketua Menteri Sabah, Datuk Seri Musa Aman.

Ini bukan saja tidak mengikut perlembagaan dan tidak sah, memandangkan ia melanggar Seksyen 67 Akta Imigresen yang menyatakan hak rakyat Malaysia untuk memasuki sabah bagi tujuan “aktiviti politik yang sah”, ia juga benar-benar memperolok dasar 1Malaysia Najib dan dakwaan untuk menjadikan Malaysia sebagai “demokrasi terbaik di dunia” apabila Ahli Parlimen yang dipilih mempunyai hak yang kurang untuk melawat Sabah berbanding jutaan pendatang haram.

Malam semalam, Astro Awani memetik kenyataan Pesuruhjaya Polis Sabah Datuk Hamza Taib mengesahkan bahawa negeri itu telah menarik balik sekatannya ke atas Nurul Izzah  dari memasuki Sabah dan tiada individu lain berada dalam senarai hitam imigresen – menimbulkan persoalan mengapa pengumuman sedemikian tidak dibuat oleh Ketua Imigresen Sabah yang bertanggungjawab terhadap perkara itu.

Pagi ini, tersembunyi di satu sudut yang tidak dapat dilihat di dalam New Straits Times adalah kenyataan oleh Setiausaha Kerajaan Negeri Sabah Tan Sri Sukarti Wakiman bahawa tiada sekatan kekal terhadap mana-mana pemimpin oposisi dari memasuki Sabah.

Bilakah Najib akan berhenti daripada telatah Kafkaesque kerajaan Barisan Nasionalnya, sama ada di peringkat Persekutuan atau kerajaan negeri dan mula mentadbir dengan serius untuk memulihkan keyakinan seluruh rakyat Malaysia?

This article is also available in English at:
https://blog.limkitsiang.com/2013/06/04/if-najib-wants-to-win-the-war-of-perception-his-administration-should-stop-creating-a-kafkaesque-malaysia/

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 4 June 2013, 1:42 pm and is filed under
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Deaths in police custody have worsened since Dzaiddin RCI Report – Six MPs on PR parliamentary task force on IPCMC

I welcome the undertaking by the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Paul Low to raise the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) proposal at the Cabinet meeting tomorrow, although the value of such an undertaking suffers serious detraction when Low refused to say if he would support its formation.

The country does not need a  Minister acting as super-postman in Cabinet just to raise a particular proposal brought to him but an ardent advocate who is prepared to fight tooth and nail for the proposal to be adopted by the Cabinet.

Does Low considers himself as a super-postman or an ardent advocate of IPCMC at the Cabinet tomorrow?

It does not speak very much for the integrity which Low is supposed to infuse in the Najib administration when he himself is not prepared to state his stand on IPCMC.

Earlier today, the Deputy Home Minister Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar said the government wants two weeks to study existing provisions for disciplinary cases within the police force before it can look into whether to implement the IPCMC.

Is this what Low is going to be told by the new Home Minister Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi tomorrow?

If so, what is the worth and value of Low’s assurance that he would raise the issue of IPCMC in Cabinet tomorrow?

With three deaths in police custody in eleven days, against a backdrop of 221 deaths in custody in the country since 2,000, Malaysians are tired of  excuses and procrastinations but want immediate action by the Cabinet to end the outrageously high rate of deaths in police custody every month since 2,000.

When the Dzaiddin Police Royal Commission of Inquiry submitted its report in May 2005, it reported police statistics of 80 deaths in police custody in the five years from January 2000 to December 2004, or an annual  average of 16 deaths in police custody in those five years.

With 221 deaths in police custody from 2,000 to now, which means 141 deaths from Jan 2005 to May 2013, this works out to a higher annual average of deaths in police custody in the 8 ½ years, i.e. 16.6 deaths.

This is completely unacceptable.

This is what the Dzaiddin Police RCI has to say about deaths in police custody in its 2005 Report:

“2.3.9 The Commission also notes with concern that the number of deaths in police custody for the period 2000 – 2004 is 80 deaths. Of even greater concern is the fact that inquiries were held for only 6 of the 80 deaths. In 22 other cases, either the Magistrate or the DPP had decided that an inquiry is not necessary contrary to s334 of the CPC.”

The Commission earlier noted that “there are many matters” relating to deaths in police custody “which need to be addressed by PDRM to clear the suspicion of foul play which the public has of the police in the handling of such cases.”

It observed:

•	The police do not handle cases on deaths in police custody in a professional manner or in accordance with the law and had thereby created a lot of suspicion and distrust on the thoroughness of the investigation into the death of the suspect and again  this had contributed to the perception that PDRM is not transparent.

•	The insensitivity of the police to the feelings of the family members of the person who died in police custody had caused much ill feelings towards the police.  There is inconsistency in the manner in which the police have handled cases of deaths in police custody.

The Dzaiddin RCI’s recommendation of an IPCMC is not only to provide a satisfactory, accountable and transparent mechanism to deal with cases of deaths in police custody, but also to bring the incidence of deaths in police custody to a minimum.

Unfortunately, in the past eight years, deaths in police custody have continued apace as to reach a slightly higher annaul average.

This itself should justify a policy decision to be taken by the Cabinet tomorrow for the establishment of IPCMC to ensure an efficient, trustworthy, incorruptible, professional world-class police force.

The Pakatan Rakyat Leadership Council at its meeting yesterday has set up a six-member IPCMC Parliamentary Task Force with the specific objective  to establish the IPCMC when the 13th Parliament meets on June 24 for its first meeting.

The establishment of the IPCMC can become a reality if there are 23 Barisan Nasional MPs who are prepared to join the 89 Pakatan Rakyat MPs to support the establishment of the IPCMC when the 13th Parliament starts its meeting on June 24.

The MPs on the Pakatan Rakyat IPCMC Parliamentary Task Force are:

M. Kulasegaran (DAP – Ipoh Barat)

Gobind Singh Deo (DAP – Puchong)

N. Surendran  – (PKR – Padang Serai)

Shamsul Iskandar – (PKR – Bukit Katil)

Mohamed Hanifa Maidin – (PAS – Sepang)

Siti Mariah Mahmud  – (PAS – Kota Raja)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 4 June 2013, 6:04 pm and is filed under
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