How Malaysia’s push to stifle scandal questions backfired as journalists deported

By Philip Sherwell

Asia Editor

Telegraph

16 Mar 2016

Malaysia’s embattled prime minister Najib Razak is cracking down on critics as international probes into funding scandal intensify

The Malaysian administration has waged an increasingly heavy-handed campaign to muzzle dissent and divert attention as a funding scandal and corruption allegations shake his administration.

Earlier this week, Malaysia deported two Australian journalists who attempted to question the embattled prime minister Najib Razak about a $680 million payment into his bank account.

The reporter and cameraman from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation were detained and threatened with charges after they approached the Malaysian leader at a public event to which media were invited.

And Malaysian Insider, an outspoken news website critical of the prime minister, closed this week a few days after the government suspended its operations.

The ABC journalists Linton Besser and Louie Eroglu were held overnight and told they faced charges of “obstructing a public servant” after they allegedly “aggressively tried to approach the prime minister”.

But the two men, who denied crossing any security line, were abruptly kicked out of the country on Tuesday. Video footage released by ABC after their release appeared to confirm that they had merely called out questions to Mr Najib about the “hundreds of millions of dollars in your account”.

The prime minister walked past stony-faced but the response of his security detail served to draw further attention to the scandal that has engulfed him for months.

“The original knee-jerk reaction to arrest them demonstrates the incredible lengths that the authorities are prepared to go to protect prime minister Najib from any sort of hard questions about his actions,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director of Human Rights Watch.

“It’s shameful that the Malaysian government is apparently willing to shred the country’s already diminished reputation as a rights-respecting democracy to shield one man from serious allegations of malfeasance.”

Mr Najib has consistently denied any wrongdoing or personal gain in connection with the $680 million payment. His attorney-general also cleared him after concluding that the money was a “political donation” from the Saudi royal family.

The mystery payments came to light during investigations into 1MDB, a debt-laden state investment fund that Mr Najib founded and oversees as chairman of the advisory board. The prime minister has also denied any inappropriate behaviour linked to the fund.

With official explanations doing little to assuage the criticisms, Mr Najib’s woes have mounted in recent days. Even a social media campaign launched by supporters to publicise their backing for the beleaguered leader backfired badly.

#RespectMyPM campaign hijacked

But the attempted feel-good initiative rapidly turned to humiliation after the motto “#RespectMyPM” was hijacked and morphed into “#SuspectMyPM”.

His family’s taste for the high life was thrust back in the spotlight after one of the world’s best-known disc jockeys complained that he was kicked off the turntables at Singapore’s top nightclub to make way for the prime minister’s son.

In Britain, Malaysian students have launched a petition for the removal of Mr Najib’s portrait from a campus wall at the University of Nottingham, from where he graduated in industrial economics in 1974.

And at home, Mahathir Mohamad, the country’s long-standing former prime minister and ex-Najib mentor, has launched a campaign with the Malaysian opposition to oust him.

That new initiative by old political foes has infuriated Mr Najib whose spokesman declared the effort to “topple the democratically-elected government” was “against the law and the constitution”.

But Mr Najib’s greatest challenge seems now to be posed by fast-moving developments in the growing array of foreign investigations into 1MDB, which has consistently denied any wrongdoing.

US investigators intensify 1MDB investigation

It emerged last week that America’s famously dogged white-collar crime federal investigators have issued a subpoena to Tim Leissner, a former Goldman Sachs high-flyer in South East Asia.

Mr Leissner returned to the US late last year for “personal leave” and then left the company this month. He had been in charge of the Wall Street giant’s operations in Malaysia when it advised 1MDB on a series of lucrative deals.

The FBI and Justice Department now wants to speak to him as it gathers information about the role of Goldman Sachs as part of its investigation into 1MDB’s finances.

Mr Leissner has not been available for comment when approached for his response to the investigation and subpoena. Neither the bank or its former executive have been accused of any wrongdoing.

During their time in the region, Mr Leissner and his wife Kimora Lee Simmons, the fashion designer and former model, became close to Mr Najib and Rosmah Mansor, his wife.

Ms Simmons, who was previously married to the hip-hop impresario Russell Simmons, used social media to publicise her friendship with Ms Rosmah, who is renowned for her overseas shopping trips.

American officials are broadening their investigations as they also dig into a Malaysian-linked money trail through New York.

Malaysian playboy connection to artwork auctions

They are reported to have been looking at a multi-million dollar New York shopping spree associated with Low Taek Jho, a playboy financier who is a close friend of Malaysia’s first family.

Jho Low, as he is known to all, burst into the Manhattan’s gossip columns when he sent 23 bottles of Cristal champagne to the table of Lindsay Lohan as she celebrating her 23rd birthday at a nightclub.

He was reported to have spent $160,000 on bottle service in just one evening at another New York haunt and was regularly photographed in the company of glamorous young stars.

Mr Low was a close friend of Mr Najib’s step-son Riza Aziz from their days at boarding school in Britain. In his early 20s, he made his name as a major investor and he soon started to attract interest in New York not just for his nightlife antics but also for his acquisition of up-market apartments and art masterpieces.

He is widely believed to be the buyer who laid out at least $141 million last May for Picasso’s “Women of Algiers”— the most expensive painting ever purchased at auction. He was also said to have conducted some head-spinning property deals.

Mr Low has insisted that he has not acted improperly. His spokesman said last year that he helped set up 1MDB’s forerunner, but he denied reports that he acted as an informal adviser to the fund and said that he made his fortune as an investor.

The PM’s step-son and the Wolf of Wall Street

His friend Mr Aziz meanwhile emerged as a Hollywood financier, most notably helping to bankroll The Wolf of Wall Street starring Leonardo DiCaprio as an unscrupulous financial fraudster.

His production company issued a statement noting that he and his business had not engaged in any “inappropriate” activities after the Wall Street Journal reported that the FBI was looking into its funding.

The investigations into the 1MDB fund that Mr Najib set up in 2009 are not limited to the US.

In Switzerland, prosecutors said last month that they believed as much as $4 billion may have been stolen from Malaysian state-owned companies in funding that was earmarked for economic and social development projects.

British, Hong Kong and Singaporean authorities are also investigating 1MDB’s activities.

French submarine investigation

And in a separate inquiry, French officials are pursuing allegations that bribes were paid in a lucrative submarine deal when Mr Najib served as defence minister.

That French investigation has also put the spotlight back on one of the most salacious episodes in recent Malaysian history – the 2006 murder of a Mongolian model who was the girlfriend of a Najib associate involved in the submarine deal.

Two government bodyguards, one of whom had once protected Mrs Najib, have been convicted of killing her and blowing up her body with explosives amid speculation that she was threatening to go public with damaging allegations.

‘The bodyguards have confessed,” said Dr Mahathir. “Bodyguards normally follow orders. So did someone give those orders?”

Mr Najib has denied any involvement in the bribery allegations surrounding the Scorpene contract, but the French investigation is providing another challenge as the country also suffers a sharp economic economic slide.

The prime minister hoped that he had put the scandals behind him last month when his attorney-general cleared him of any wrongdoing over the $680 million payment found in his bank accounts during the 1MDB investigation.

But the explanation – that the money was a gift from the Saudi royal family for political purposes, that Mr Najib did not receive any personal benefit and that $620 million was later returned – did little to assuage questions.

In an interview with The Telegraph, Dr Mahathir was scornful of that version. And he repeated his claim that the Najib-appointed attorney general had “no credibility” for clearing his boss of criminal wrongdoing.

That assertion brought him a recent visit from the police as they investigated the country’s former leader for possible criminal defamation.

“The police came here to my office, but I refused to answer their questions,” he said. “I told them that if they wanted to question me, they should do it in court, where everyone can hear what I have to say and my lawyers can question them.”

He smiled and shook his head when asked if he was worried about a possible prosecution. “If I’m made to appear in court, I’ll be happy to answer,” he said. “They are trying to rule by intimidation, but I am ready for it.”

Mahathir Mohamed’s ‘martyrdom mission’ to topple former protege

Dr Mahathir became an increasingly fierce critic of Mr Najib as the financial scandal deepened. “But he’s now moved into a martyrdom mission,” one political observer told The Telegraph. “He’ll do anything to bring down Najib.”

The provincial doctor who went on to become the father of modern Malaysia laid out his plans in an interview in his cavernous office on the 86th floor of the Petronas Towers, the world’s tallest buildings when they were constructed during his rule.

“I’ll work with anyone who shares the objective of getting rid of Najib Razak as prime minister,” he said. “Our country can no longer take this corruption.”

Dr Mahathir talked to The Telegraph shortly after quitting the United Malays National Organisation, the party that has ruled Malaysia for the six decades since independence from Britain in 1957. A few days earlier, his son Mukhriz was forced out as a state chief minister by Najib loyalists.

‘The party is Najib vehicle’

“The party has become a vehicle dedicated to preserving and supporting Najib in office, protecting him despite all the wrong things he is doing,” he said.

“It became embarrassing to be a member and staying in the party would be a hindrance to what I need to do now.”

Dr Mahathir said that a stream of “visitors” urging him to use his power and influence had called at his office, where arrivals are greeted with panoramic views of the modern city that he helped create.

“People come to see me and asked me to act,” he said. “It’s my duty. They say that the prime minister is destroying the country.”

The show of unity by anti-Najib forces was greeted with derision by a spokesman for the prime minister. “Mahathir and his former enemies have demonstrated the depth of their political opportunism and desperation,” he said, noting the Mr Najib’s critics must wait for the next general election, due in 2018, if they want to replace him.

Malaysia’s ‘Game of Thrones’

Mr Najib’s own brother has described this landscape of internecine warfare, where former foes unite and erstwhile allies feud, as Malaysia’s “Game of Thrones” – a reference to the television series about warring mediaeval nobility.

The prime minister has maintained his tight grip on power since the scandal began by purging cabinet critics and cracking down on dissent from media and academics.

As part of the crackdown, the authorities last year blocked access to Sarawak Report, a website run by former British prime minister Gordon Brown’s sister-in-law Clare Rewcastle Brown. The Malaysians later issued an arrest warrant for the London-based journalist, who was born in colonial Malaya.

The government also blocked Malaysian Insider after it published a story saying that the state anti-corruption agency had found “credible evidence” to charge Mr Najib.

The latest moves even prompted the United States to issue a rare but stern rebuke to Malaysia, a Western partner on trade and security deals, over its muzzling of the free press.

Dr Mahathir has now plunged back into the tumult of Malaysian politics at 90, an age when most former leaders would be enjoying a comfortable retirement, to throw his weight behind Mr Najib’s critics.

“I expected more of him,” said Dr Mahathir of the politician he helped manoeuvre into power. “He has let us all down. We cannot let this continue.”

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Mahathir no solution for Malaysia’s mess

 — Manjit Bhatia

Malay Mail Online

March 15, 2016

MARCH 15 — In hounding Malaysia’s scandal-plagued Prime Minister Najib Razak from office, the autocratic Dr Mahathir, his old foes and others have moulded a union — of sorts. Hailed a “realignment” of Malaysia’s politics, some analysts immediately claimed Najib and his clique can’t ignore its peerless example. But is this unholy alliance all that it’s cracked up to be?

Awfully doubtful. Cracks surfaced even before this “political force” is properly forged. A little over a week later and its legs are buckling already.

Parti Keadilan Rakyat wants Anwar Ibrahim, its jailed founder, symbolic head and one-time Mahathir protégé, unconditionally released from prison, to which Mahathir must agree as part of the overall agenda. And elections reformist group Bersih wants Mahathir to admit and apologise for his past sins.

Mahathir has sneered at these tangents. No doubt the alliance’s champions will paper over the cracks. Time will prove that utility. But time is shorter than 90-year-old Mahathir thinks.

The problem is that this confederacy centres on one man — Mahathir. Some members in the dysfunctional opposition Pakatan Harapan, which replaced the defunct Pakatan Rakyat, have begun distancing themselves somewhat from the club. They’re cautious that Mahathir may pull a fast one.

Najib, meanwhile, is consolidating his position, increasingly personalising power, particularly since being “outed” by The Wall Street Journal and The Sarawak Report for ferreting at least US$680 million (RM2.8 billion) into his private bank accounts amid his theatrical denials. Using a series of oblique transactions, the money appears to have originated from 1MDB.

Still, it’s inconceivable that a small and disparate group of oddly prominent political figures, most of questionable form and almost all of whom seldom see eye-to-eye with one another, think they can purge Najib. They underrate the structures and institutions of state power. These are rooted to work exactingly against all who dare to dislodge him.

Indeed Najib strutted his dominance by classifying as secret the auditor-general’s report into the bankrupt 1MDB, the state sovereign fund, and another botched Najib brainchild. Claiming disgust with the scale of official corruption has become a wearisome cliché even by Malaysian standards.

What’s curious is that the opposition coalition had not moved voluntarily, either individually or jointly, to initiate the alliance. It was Mahathir who did. After all, Najib’s pestilent presence had been unnerving Mahathir, who had also become frustrated at being broadly ignored.

When Mahathir called for institutional reforms, it sounded vague and hollow, and got only lame sound bites. But when he announced quitting Umno, his old party, anti-Najib/Umno players quickly fell in behind the old fox to foster the intriguingly dubbed “Malaysian movement.” So glaring and prevalent is the opposition’s weakness, for until this point its impetus was crumbling. And do not discount blowback.

Significantly, the alliance’s conscripts are deferring to Mahathir. So far he has not put any meat on the bone. For example, exactly how Najib will be ousted and/or the shape of institutional reforms are yet to be spelled out.

Yet the coalition of the willing raced to publicly declare the peculiarly named Citizens’ Declaration. Ironically, this “realignment” will only make Mahathir imperious. He’ll call the shots, despite claiming “others” will lead the campaign.

Mahathir’s “quit Umno” stance was unsurprising. His acrimonious and personal attacks on Najib were proving impotent. His virtual one-man crack at ridding Najib was short on ideas. He struggled to get traction in the state-controlled media, nor among the country’s Malay-Muslims who, crucially, make up 50 per cent of the population. His “resignation” is a last-ditch attempt to undermine Najib.

It is also typically populist. Mahathir is desperate to resurrect his relevance. And all will boomerang if the Malay majority is unconvinced and rejects the alliance, thus also spurning Mahathir as well as the opposition.

If Mahathir succeeds — more than a long shot — he’ll go down in Malaysia’s history as a legend in his own right, and kingmaker too; a role he self-prescribed since retiring in 2003. In 2008 he rolled then Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, replacing him with his blue-eyed Najib, eldest son of Malaysia’s second premier Abdul Razak.

Razak had brought Mahathir back into politics after suspension from UMNO, and immediately elevated him to a senior cabinet position. Regret must cut like a thousand machetes. But one makes one’s own bed.

Mahathir’s stature may have been rebooted but it’ll be transitory. Equally fleeting will be the claim by anti-Najib coalitionists that Malaysia is in the throes of a political “renaissance” that the age of reason, if not audacity, has reached its shores after 59 years of basically one-party rule. If the movement survives the next few weeks or months, it will be thanks to Mahathir. Then he’ll dictate terms.

Except the battle is all treacherously uphill. Save a mass revolt in racially-torn Malaysia, dislodging Najib will be near-impossible. He’s riding the same institutions and power structures that Mahathir had created in his 22-year autocratic rule.

And Najib is as calculating as Mahathir. He’ll sync his personal power with its state and institutional variants. Separating party, state and institutions in Malaysia is fatuous; ramming the wrecking ball at one of these will not crush the house.

Elections may be still the best means of ejecting Najib and Umno from Putrajaya, but not without dire consequences for race relations and the economy. Every election since 1969 has been massively rigged. This is how the Umno prime minister and his party survive.

Also seriously doubtful is Najib being ousted by Umno’s hand. Najib will have invested heavily in the party’s rank-and-file with politically-linked financial payoffs to solidify his position — just as Mahathir often did for his.

Hopping into bed with Mahathir is an act of narrow-interest desperation, not patriotic duty. Mahathir’s the last person with an interest in democracy, justice and equality that doesn’t border on demagoguery. He’d sooner preserve the crony-infested, ersatz capitalist system that he built than save Malaysia from Najib and Umno. Otherwise he’d have called for Umno’s toppling too.

He hasn’t, and won’t. Mahathir will work to safeguard Umno’s survival post-Najib, if Najib ever goes. Then his handpicked protégés, including son Mukhriz Mahathir, will have a clear shot at ruling Malaysia and extending Mahathirism. — New Mandala

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Malaysia turns screw on media as politics realign

SIMON ROUGHNEEN

Asia regional correspondent

Nikkei Asian Review

March 16, 2016

KUALA LUMPUR — It was a brief, sudden goodbye. With its website blocked by the government since late February, hard-hitting news service The Malaysian Insider announced on March 14 that it would cease to publish on the same day.

     “The Edge Media Group has decided to shut down The Malaysian Insider from midnight today, for commercial reasons,” wrote the editor, Jahabar Sadiq, in a notice posted on the publication’s website, which had been blocked because of its reports on corruption allegations against Prime Minister Najib Razak. The Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission said The Malaysian Insider’s reporting broke the law as it amounted to “improper use of network facilities or network service.”

     Najib has fended off calls for his resignation over hundreds of millions of dollars credited to his personal bank accounts in 2013, saying the money was donated by the Saudi royal family. He has also brushed off recent allegations that the total sum in his accounts amounted to $1 billion and came from troubled state fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad, at which Najib is the chair of the advisory board.

The allegations have prompted Najib loyalists to turn the screw on some of the country’s media. Two other publications owned by The Edge Media Group were suspended by the government’s home affairs ministry for two months in 2015, hitting the company’s finances. In turn, the group, ceased publishing The Edge Review, a weekly magazine covering the Southeast Asia region, while both the owner and publisher of the Edge Group were jailed temporarily.

     TMI’s March 14 announcement came on the heels of the arrest of two Australian journalists who police said breached a security barrier while attempting to interview Najib on March 12. The reporters have since been deported without charge, according to a police statement issued on March 15.

Black days

The government has in the past two years overseen a surge in sedition charges against academics, activists, journalists, lawyers and opposition lawmakers. Najib had previously promised to abolish the colonial-era sedition law, but reneged on his pledge after nearly losing the last election in 2013.

     More recently, the government has introduced a law that would allow it to detain a person for up to two years without trial — ostensibly aimed at addressing fears over the return of hundreds of Malaysians said to have joined the Islamic State group, but which critics said could be used against political dissidents.

     Among those facing sedition charges is cartoonist Zunar, known for lampooning officials accused of corruption in his drawings. If found guilty, he could be jailed for decades. Zunar called the closing of TMI “a black day” for the country, where most print and TV outlets are affiliated with political parties, leaving online companies such as TMI and Malaysiakini as the main alternative sources of news.

     “There is only a handful of independent media in Malaysia, and TMI was one place where people could get real news,” Zunar said.

Malaysia started tightening restrictions on free speech when Najib’s Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition led by the United Malays National Organization all but relinquished its near six-decade grip on power in elections in May 2013. BN lost the popular vote to an opposition coalition led by Anwar Ibrahim, a former deputy prime minister who served under Mahathir Mohamad.

     Najib campaigned on a reformist platform, promising not only to abolish the sedition law but also to ensure a freer press and to allow reforms of the electoral system that had secured BN’s victory, despite the opposition winning 52% of the popular vote.

Shifting allegiances

That near-loss prompted Najib to backtrack on his promised reforms, and the ensuing mix of scandal and repression has driven a realignment of Malaysian politics.

     Anwar is in jail, accused of sodomy which is a crime in Malaysia, leaving the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, rudderless. Malaysia’s Islamic party, known by its Malay acronym PAS, has left the opposition coalition, which it says is dominated by the Chinese-Malaysian Democratic Action Party. PAS wants to implement Islamic law in Malaysia, where almost 40% of the population is Buddhist, Christian or Hindu.

     PAS’s tacit endorsement of the status quo, despite Najib’s alleged transgressions, has sharpened ethnic divisions. After deadly anti-Chinese riots in 1969, Malaysia implemented policies aimed at boosting the economic status of the Malay majority, or bumiputera. Many of those reforms remain, with Malays receiving preferential access to universities and to government contracts — a perceived bias that the DAP and its ethnic Chinese supporters view as anachronistic.

     There is a “genuine fear” that Malays “will lose all their privileges and benefits accorded to them” if the opposition manages to take power, said Andrew Aeria, a politics professor at the University of Malaysia Sarawak.

     For now, there seems little chance of that happening as Najib has managed to face down critics in his own party, even replacing his deputy prime minister for criticizing him over the 1MDB scandal.

     Mahathir, former UMNO leader and prime minister from 1981 to 2003, has for months accused Najib of controlling UMNO by buying the loyalty of party members with the vast sums in his accounts.

     That view, although unproven, is echoed by some observers. “The UMNO divisional chiefs loyally respond, Pavlov-style, to the drumbeat and patronage of the PM,” said Aeria.

     But Najib’s aura of invincibility may in time be dented by investigations into 1MDB’s missing billions, now taking place in countries such as Switzerland and the U.S — investigations on which Najib’s former patron Mahathir is undoubtedly hoping to capitalize.

Mahathir breaks taboos

Mahathir has called for Najib — once his protege — to be removed from office and has even made a surprise appearance at an August 2015 Kuala Lumpur protest attended by tens of thousands of mostly Chinese-Malaysians, antagonizing his fellow Malays at a time of growing ethnic tensions.

     In turn, Najib forced Mahathir’s son to step down from his position as chief minister of Kedah, Mahathir’s home. Mahathir himself was recently sacked from his position as adviser to state energy company Petroliam Nasional, or Petronas.

     The tit-for-tat attempts at mutual public humiliation have continued, with Mahathir appearing in public with Lim Kit Siang — a well-known Chinese politician who Mahathir had jailed in the 1980s — in backing a “Citizens’ Declaration” calling for Najib’s resignation.

     The former prime minister is nearly 91 and his belated transformation into an anti-government activist has astonished many Malaysians. As prime minister, Mahathir was regularly accused of the type of heavy-handed tactics that Najib is now deploying.

     Deepening the irony, the opposition parties want to win Malaysia’s next election in 2018, while Mahathir says he wants Najib’s ouster because of perceptions that the scandal-tainted prime minister is an electoral liability.

     “If he goes for an election today, he will lose. Even in two years’ time, if he holds an election, unless he changed completely, I think he will lose,” Mahathir told the Nikkei Asian Review in a recent interview.

     Challenging the prime minister is seen as a risk for Mahathir, who has been accused of treachery by Najib loyalists for siding with the opposition parties.

     “The importance is not in how badly Mahathir may fare in the coming months, but in how this new configuration will challenge the deeply drawn boundaries of Malaysian politics,” said Ooi Kee Beng, deputy director of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, a Singapore think-tank.

Nikkei staff writer CK Tan contributed to this article.

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Najib’s Jekyll and Hyde playbook at work again – on the day Najib  presented the sweet face of reason to Parliament to let it decide on the twin mega scandals, his Ministers were  already playing  hard ball refusing to respond to questions about the twin mega scandals

It was classic Najib from his Jekyll and Hyde playbook in Parliament yesterday.

On the same day that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak presented the sweet face of reason to Parliament saying to let it decide on his twin mega scandals, his Ministers were  already playing hard ball refusing to respond to questions about the twin mega scandals.

During question time yesterday morning, Najib said he will let the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) decide on his twin mega scandals – the RM55 billion 1MDB and the RM2.6 billion “donation” scandals – but shortly after, the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said announced that the Federal Government will not respond to any parliamentary question on the RM2.6 billion deposited in Najib’s personal banking accounts, invoking the sub judice rule on the ground that it was now the subject of a judicial review application by the Malaysian Bar.

In one fell swoop, Azalina had nullified and negatived the assurance Najib had implicitly given to Parliament earlier the same day, that the Prime Minister had nothing whatsoever to hide in the twin mega scandals, that the attacks against him on the twin mega scandals  were “orchestrated” and that he would let the PAC and Parliament decide on both issues to uphold the “process of accountability”.

How can PAC and Parliament decide on Najib’s twin mega scandals to uphold the “process of accountability” when he and his Ministers refused from yesterday to respond, whether during Question Time or in the Ministerial winding-up debate next week, to issues raised by MPs on the twin mega scandals?

In fact, this refusal by the Ministerial front-bench to respond to questions on Najib’s twin mega scandals started yesterday in written answers to MPs’ questions on the RM2.6 billion scandal as revealed by the PKR MP for Alor Setar, Gooi Hsiao Leung in Parliament – the same day Najib had turned up to promise full co-operation with Parliament on the twin mega scandals!

Will the PAC under the “cari makan” Chairman Datuk Hasan Arifin also use the sub judice rule as an excuse to send the Auditor-General’s final audit report on the RM55 billion 1MDB scandal into deep freeze and delay the PAC report on the 1MDB scandal indefinitely until dissolution of Parliament?

If Najib is sincere in wanting Parliament and PAC to decide on his twin mega scandals, then let him announce that he would appear before the PAC as a witness and that he  is prepared to answer all questions posed to him at the PAC investigations – as he is not only the Prime Minister, the Finance Minister but under Clause 117  the 1MDB Memorandum and Articles of Association (M&A), the final approving authority for all 1MDB deals, investments and transactions.

Furthermore, let the Prime Minister give an assurance that there would be no untoward delay in the presentation of the PAC report on the 1MDB to the Dewan Rakyat, and that it would be tabled before the end of the current Parliament meeting on April 7.

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Not business as usual in Malaysia

by Bridget Welsh

New Mandala

17 March 2016

Malaysian politics is entering new and rough terrain, writes Bridget Welsh. And the longer Najib stays in power the worse the country will be.

The formation of an alliance of former foes this month marks a turning point in Malaysia’s contemporary political history.

The Citizen’s Declaration opposing premier Najib Tun Razak through peaceful means and calling for political reform was signed by former premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and leaders of the 1999 reformasi movement who opposed his leadership, other senior leaders in the dominant party UMNO, civil society activists who mobilised the masses to protest the party’s rule, and long-standing traditional political party antagonists.

To get these men and women to sit down together reflected the depth of concern among prominent Malaysians, who opted to put their country’s future before its political past. At issue was not just the scandals plaguing the country, but its declining economic fortunes, exacerbated by declining revenues from oil and gas and poor governance.

In response, the government has intensified a crackdown on international and Malaysia’s media, strengthened the government’s relationship with conservative elements in the Islamist party PAS, and to portrayed the Declaration as a conspiracy to topple the government — measures that have only deepened the ongoing crisis of confidence with Najib Tun Razak.

In contrast to the cool portrayal of ‘business as usual’, Malaysian politics is entering new and rough terrain. The democratic slide will continue, as Najib fights growing opposition to and disappointment in his leadership.

Najib’s diminishing returns

Over the last nine months since the 1MDB scandal was brought into the open, current Prime Minister Najib has used all the levers of his office to stay in power. From the control of his party’s presidency and powers of the executive over other parts of government to its use of resources and high-paid public relations consultants, Najib has shown himself to be a capable student of his mentor, the same man who is now leading the charge to oppose him, Tun Dr Mahathir. It remains an uphill task to dislodge him from his position – but not impossible.

Contemporary shifts in political alliances are the product of deepening damage being inflicted on Malaysia itself by Najib’s decision to hold onto power. The storm of 1MDB has not passed by, but in fact moved up a few categories in intensity, with even more dangerous national effect. Five dimensions have deepened in recent months.

i. Government linked companies, funds and entities

1MDB is no longer confined to the assets and money directly in the sovereign fund’s purview and some of these funds were deposited into the prime minister’s personal account, as those effected extend deep into other government-linked companies, funds and entities.

From the fund supporting savings for the hajj involving nine million depositors (half of all adult Malaysians) to questions surrounding land deals with a variety of government companies and the financial position of the national oil company, concerns about sound fiscal management have grown and not been adequately addressed. Trust has evaporated, replaced by suspicion and disappointment as 1MDB has become synonymous with poor governance.

One of the most pressing issues in governance surrounds the independence and integrity of Malaysia’s Central Bank, Bank Negara. The prime minister has not recused himself from making the sensitive and vital policy appointee to succeed the current Governor, after months of inadequately addressing questions about the funds in his personal account.

This follows Najib’s pattern of not recognising conflict of interest, and opens up Bank Negara to even greater scrutiny at arguably one of the most challenging periods in the organisation’s history. The challenges if faces includes currency pressures, weakened reserves and unprecedented international scrutiny.

Many of the candidates for Governor announced to date have not helped to restore confidence, particularly the candidate who was a 1MDB advisor.

ii. Malaysia’s standing

Confidence is sorely needed due to the scope and nature of the Najib government-inspired international investigations into governance. In recent months these have widened, with greater amounts of money revealed that are so large they have even surpassed shock value and a widening net of individuals under investigation. With multiple jurisdictions across the globe investigating the Najib government, this scrutiny has negatively affected investment and needlessly brought shame on the country.

Rather than promoting the prosperity of Malaysia, prioritising the fortunes of the leader have undermined the nation. As long as Najib stays in office the international shaming of Malaysia will continue, and the landing will be hard not only for Najib’s collaborators and Najib himself, but for Malaysia as a whole.

With reports of scandal now even becoming fodder for international tabloids, Najib has surpassed his mentor in putting Malaysia on the international stage – sadly this time it is no longer about national pride but the poison of power, greed and corruption.

iii. Malaysia’s sovereignty

In order to remain in power, Najib has increasingly relied on capital from abroad to fund projects, especially infrastructure projects, and is no longer in a strong bargaining position that will guarantee protection of Malaysia’s interest. These deals are seen to have favourable terms to those willing to offer needed capital to sustain projects that are tied for Najib’s political survival.

Questions about what has been sold off, at what price, to whom and for what are circulating and in this deal-making, the goals of serving the nation appear to have been lost to serving the dealmaker. Whether it involves ports built by companies linked to China or high-speed rail negotiations that are seen as investments for high-speed cash, Malaysians are legitimately asking what is it for them, as they earlier asked about bauxite and rare earth mineral investments.

More than any premier Najib has relied on external legitimacy to shore up his position at home. The Najib government has used his relationship with international leaders to his advantage, as they have taken as much as possible from him.

Whether it is the Obama administration’s sell out of human rights and good governance for support for the (now dying) Trans-Pacific Partnership or Australian companies access to rare earth minerals, Najib has worked to have those much needed photos with leaders to promote at home.

This portrait of a leader respected abroad has only served to showcase the insecurities of a leader who now has the lowest level of popular support in polling than any premier in Malaysian history. It also reinforces the view that the external environment has been given greater prominence than conditions at home. The fact that the 1MDB fund was supposed to promote domestic investment, but was primarily invested abroad – through a variety of shell companies and havens to hide away funds — is illustrative.

iv. UMNO

As damage goes, one of the organisations at the top of the leaderboard is Najib’s own party UMNO. It would appear that Najib holds onto the lion’s share of support, as division chiefs were again asked to perform the ritual of confirming support publicly last weekend. But, the situation on the ground is murky and less stable. Najib has to work at maintaining his position.

The purges of leaders internally were (and are) as much a part of efforts to maintain the loyalty of allies as they were well-timed ‘strong man’ removals of enemies. As pressures grow on Najib, so do the demands in exchange for loyalty. For now, in the risk-averse environment inside UMNO, staying ‘loyal’ to Najib is the safest option and most lucrative for party elites.

How many actual genuine loyalists there are is not clear. While some go out of their way to ‘show’ loyalty and curry favor, the silence of many others is telling. The majority of UMNO elites are in waiting mode, with many not wanting to go down with the Najib ship. When the time comes, survival not loyalty will win out.

Meanwhile, UMNO is taking a beating, especially among its base. It is being exposed as a vehicle for the rich fat-cat division chiefs and the political tool of the ‘strongman’ premier, while the rank-and-file are hurting. Najib’s policies in areas such as GST and increasing costs of tolls and services have hit the Malay base hard, with most Malaysians across races surviving pay check to pay check.

Shrinking growth and job reductions along with inflation and rising costs in living have made conditions especially difficult, with the most affected the Malay community as they make up the largest share of the younger population. Insecurity and uncertainty has replaced confidence and opportunity.

Anger on the ground is growing. UMNO is increasingly not been seen as effectively protecting the interests of Malays under Najib, as the party is losing its legitimacy. Every day Najib holds on, UMNO is exposed to greater risk and political erosion, with the anger on the ground simmering.

Najib has to watch his back for the time when younger leaders opt to takeover to ‘Save UMNO,’ and when the rising discontentment being fanned moves with another wind.

v. Media

In weakening efforts to stay in control, Najib’s government is now engaged in a crackdown on the media. The arrests of Australian ABC journalists last weekend are not new, but signal globally that Malaysia’s premier is unwilling to answer questions — a fact that has been known for months within Malaysia. Many in Malaysia would have given Najib the benefit of the doubt if he answered truthfully why the funds are in his account and how they were spent. Now the world wants answers.

Journalists within Malaysia are fighting to tell the truth, with repeated attacks on websites. The Malaysian Insider was forced to shut down this week, officially for commercial reasons tied to the losses of the company. But the steps that the government took to deny local access to the news portal at a critical time for the company was decisive in its closure.

Other media outlets such as Malaysiakini are facing access problems with continued attacks on their website. The denial of information and gross distortion of other information now has become the norm, with this having spillover effects not only in politics but in investor confidence. The actions against the media speak to insecurity and abuse of power.

What distinguishes this period from other critical junctures in Malaysian political history and dissent of national leadership, is the depth of damage occurring, as there appears to be no limits on what will be done to stay in office.

Right side of history

The Citizen’s Declaration provides a glimmer of hope. While there has clearly been an adjustment period – the public and even many across the political divide are uncomfortable with the new foes to friends relationships and distrust is running deep — the common goal of putting in different leadership for Malaysia has tapped into public sentiment.

While some – especially those outside of Malaysia – continue to see Mahathir as the problem, others are more willing to see the former premier’s actions as a necessary corrective to work toward current national solutions. Malaysians largely reject violence as a means to change power and have been voting for an alternative to UMNO in large numbers for the past decade, with a majority doing so in 2013.

The challenges for the Save Malaysia movement are three-fold, as their task is about building confidence and moving the crisis politics of Malaysia into the zone where Malaysians do feel safe, and finally after months of despair feel promise and hope. The battle is for the middle ground, across races, but their challenges are significant.

i. Cooperation

While the announcement of the Citizen’s Declaration reverberated across Malaysia, working together is another dynamic altogether. The mood since the declaration has been defensive, justifying the formation of the group. The real challenge is to put aside differences, personal and ideological, as well as to prioritise national over personal or party interests.

To say that this is not easy is a gross understatement. To date, the focus has been on shared antipathy to Najib’s government, but ultimately the success of the movement will depend on whether it can craft a narrative of common ground moving forward, a narrative that will strengthen rather than weaken budding alliance relationships.

ii. Alternative leadership

Najib stays in office because it remains unclear who will replace him, and who will govern with whom. The replacements cannot be figures who are divisive and about Malaysia’s past rather than its future.

The Save Malaysia movement will have to move beyond older leaders, namely Tun Mahathir, Anwar Ibrahim or Lim Kit Siang and tap into the young and ideals of younger Malaysians. Who will be the alternative leadership remains a serious obstacle in Malaysia’s feudal political culture, especially among Malays.

The willingness of the Save Malaysia movement to showcase alternative, younger leaders, will be a major test. This test will likely come in the evolution of the movement itself, not in the negotiations of the old guards. Ultimately alternatives emerge in times such as these politically.

iii. True reform colours

The Save Malaysia campaign also signals another dynamic altogether — it reveals those who are truly supportive of reform and putting Malaysia first.

It is noteworthy that the narrative of the movement is not about race, or religion, but much needed reforms for the country and its people — the political narrative that has brought the most hope to Malaysians in the past decade and been the driver of key political changes from 2008 to 2013. Political parties will have to face the difficult choice to end alliances with individuals and parties who are not with a democratic reform program.

On the chopping block first is PAS, or the members of the party who are willing to work to support Najib to stay in power. The efforts last week by some PAS members to tie into UMNO’s agenda starkly contrast with others who signed the Declaration.

Malaysia’s Islamist party continues to remain divided, wedded to its conservative Islamist vision for the country that has long passed. This battle for the soul of PAS will continue to be fought, with its ability to embrace any meaningful reform hampered by the party’s current leadership.

The battles ahead will not be easy, as Malaysian politics remains in crisis, but the shifts that are taking place highlight that Malaysians are not willing to give up the chances of a better future and are demanding better leadership. The momentum lies with those on the right side of history.

Developments outside of Malaysia are as important as those taking place inside the country, with most international governments enabling Malaysia’s democratic decay and deepening crisis to take root. The longer the crisis continues, the longer Najib stays in power, the greater the destabilisation in Malaysia and potentially to its neighbours.

The ongoing struggle to stay in office by Najib’s government and its control of the office of the premier give it an advantage, but one that is no guarantee of its security. It is also most certainly not in the interest of security and prosperity within Malaysia itself.

Bridget Welsh is Professor of Political Science at Ipek University, Senior Research Associate at the Center for East Asian Democratic Studies of National Taiwan University, Senior Associate Fellow of The Habibie Center, and University Fellow of Charles Darwin University.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 17 March 2016, 3:44 pm and is filed under
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‘Save Malaysia’ campaign to oust Najib brings political foes together

By Melissa Goh

Malaysia Bureau Chief

Channel NewsAsia

16 Mar 2016

Political enemies in Malaysia have banded together in a campaign led by former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad to oust Prime Minister Najib Razak.

KUALA LUMPUR: Former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, the man who has been leading a year-long campaign to oust Prime Minister Najib Razak, has called for a referendum on Mr Najib’s leadership.

In the campaign, political enemies came together in early March to sign a declaration calling for the removal of Mr Najib, in what they claimed was nothing less than an attempt to save the country from becoming a failed state.

The group included Lim Kit Siang, a former political prisoner from the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and civil rights activists who have blamed Dr Mahathir for many of the perceived faults in the nation’s political system. Even Dr Mahathir’s former deputy Anwar Ibrahim, whom he fired and jailed, offered an olive branch from behind bars.

“What Dr Mahathir may be trying to get at in the Citizens’ Declaration and in working with Kit Siang and the DAP and other groups, is to prepare the ground for the next general elections. Mahathir’s support for DAP and the new grouping perhaps could be important in terms of mobilising rural Malay support,” explained Michael Yeoh, executive director of the Asian Strategy and Leadership Institute.

However, there are those who have refused to associate themselves with Dr Mahathir. They said he is only interested in saving the ruling party UMNO, which he has helmed for 22 years.

“He understands perfectly that there is nothing he can do within UMNO; he has to go out of UMNO to bring the battle out there, get as much support as possible from various groups including the opposition,” said Saifuddin Abdullah, former minister for higher education.

While it remains to be seen whether the move will result in a fundamental shift in Malay support, student activist Syed Saddiq said that Dr Mahathir has the remedy.

“One thing which Dr Mahathir has which a lot of leaders don’t, is he commands massive respect among rural voters in Malaysia, even the semi-urban voters in Malaysia,” he said.

The 23-year-old law undergraduate, who won the title of Asia’s best debater, currently sits on the secretariat of the newly-launched Save Malaysia movement.

While he hopes that politicians will rein in their egos and put aside their differences, he also encouraged Malaysia’s youth to come on board to help shape the country’s future.

Said Syed: “This is the defining moment for Malaysia. I personally believe that 50 to 60 years down the road, the future will judge us. What we are doing today, whether we acted or we decided to keep silent.”

The citizens’ movement has garnered more than 40,000 signatures since its inception on Mar 4.

However, analysts said Mr Najib’s position is as yet unassailable.

“If anything I think the Prime Minister has become stronger within UMNO and the Barisan Nasional (BN). As long as he has got the confidence of UMNO and the BN, and he’s got the numbers in parliament, there is really nothing that can shake him,” said Mr Yeoh.

Several pressure groups, including Dr Mahathir’s, have planned to go on a nationwide road show to drum up support against Mr Najib. They plan to meet on Mar 27 behind closed doors to develop a national consensus on institutional reforms as well as a new political system.

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                This entry was posted on Thursday, 17 March 2016, 4:59 pm and is filed under
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Silencing the media in Malaysia

by Sonia Randhawa

New Mandala

16 MARCH 2016

Malaysia has a long history of cracking down on freedom of expression, writes Sonia Randhawa. But that won’t stop Malaysians from fighting back.

Over the past few weeks, the number of websites blocked in Malaysia has more than doubled, from 149 to 339, leaving the promises made about the country’s Multimedia Super Corridor lying in tatters.

Banned websites include The Malaysian Insider and the blogging platform Medium.com — apparently because of one article published on the 1MDB scandal. It’s akin to blocking YouTube because of one video.

It’s a long way from the attempts to foster a knowledge-based economy and modern state by 2020. If technology was meant to send Malaysians sprinting down the information superhighway, these recent moves represent dangerous obstacles to oncoming traffic.

It is, however, misleading to look at these events only in the light of a beleaguered Prime Minister clutching onto power. Najib Razak is far from the first Malaysian leader to have attacked freedom of expression. The onslaught of the media began before his father took power, and was framed in the debates on media freedom prior to Merdeka (independence).

As Communications and Multimedia Minister, Salleh Said Keruak, recently said, freedom of expression in Malaysia is framed as a privilege, rather than a right. It’s always been this way, and only granted in as far as it provided benefits for the community.

For example, the passing of the Printing Presses Ordinance in 1948 was followed by a sharp drop in the number of newspapers being printed. While this could have been due to the cost of the license, it seems likely that a number of newspapers were not granted licenses. From the inception of regulation in Malaysia, discussion and dialogue has been presented as being dangerous and in need of containment.

However, there are forces at work now, as there have always been, that contest these dangers. Two recent developments in the courts  should be noted.

First, the dismissal of a defamation case brought by the Pahang Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) against the Malay-language Utusan Malaysia. The Court of Appeal dismissed the case on the grounds that he was initiating the action in his capacity as a public official, and that public officials holding public office could not sue for defamation, citing an English precedent. It is  hoped that the ruling will now serve as a precedent in Malaysia.

Second, the court acquitted Lena Hendry, a human rights activist, who had been charged with contravening the Film Censorship Act, for showing a documentary on the plight of Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka. The case caught the attention of international human rights organisations, who claimed that it appeared politically motivated.

This is not to argue that the courts in Malaysia are playing a progressive role. This has been clear in a number of decisions, such as the one to reject the challenge to the constitutionality of the Sedition Act in a case by legal professor Azmi Sharom in October 2015. Nonetheless, it offers the possibility of a broader role for freedom of expression under at least the two pieces of legislation involved. These are more than balanced, by the rumoured forthcoming amendments to both the Official Secrets Act, and the Communications and Multimedia Act, which seem to promise harsher penalties and broader definitions for both.

What is most promising, however, is the lack of silence. In the past, even the not-too-distant pre-2008 days, fear could be relied upon to keep large numbers of the urban, middle-class elite in check. As prices rise, matched only by apparent government indifference, this fear has dissipated.

When banned, The Malaysian Insider rather than playing along, became The Malaysian Outsider. While that, too, has been blocked, Malaysians are finding ways around the blocks, fixes for the news. The constant struggle does have a cost though.  Unfortunately, The Malaysian Insider has decided to call it a day, shutting down on Monday.

The #RespectMyPM campaign, a government response to former prime Mahathir and his coalition’s call to oust Najib and ‘Save Malaysia’, backfired spectacularly. This is not led by a network of politicians or even civil society, but a bubbling up from below. Since the 2013 election and the media crack-down then, an increasing number of Malaysians have learnt the advantages of a VPN — virtual private network, which can be used to evade local blocks on content.

Greater international scrutiny, such as the attention of the UK-based Sarawak Report, may be helping to dampen these fears. This scrutiny is likely to be greater following the arrest of two Australian journalists working for the ABC program Four Corners. The two are reported as having been asking questions about corruption and the murder of Mongolian translator Altantuya Shaariibuu, and have (at time of writing) had their passports seized and been told not to leave Malaysia.

This groundswell may be a primarily young, urban movement, but as the last general election and subsequent demonstrations have shown, it is becoming increasingly difficult for the government to contain and control their demands.

The Government of Malaysia is looking at ways of tightening up legislation to give them greater powers over cyberspace. Rather than seeing this as a reason to sit tight, it’s possible that a loosely-based network of local cyber-activists may take this as a challenge.

Sonia Randhawa is doing a PhD on the role of women journalists in the Malay-language media in the School of Historical and Philosophical Studies at the University of Melbourne. She is also a director for the Centre for Independent Journalism, Malaysia and a member of ISIS-International Manila, a feminist media network.

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                This entry was posted on Thursday, 17 March 2016, 10:48 pm and is filed under
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The press has become too free for the government of Malaysia

Jahabar Sadiq

editor, the Malaysian Insider

Guardian

Wednesday 16 March 2016

The threat of being accused of sedition and possible jail time has succeeded: people are shutting up and our independent news site has shut down

The news portal The Malaysian Insider went offline on the first minute of 15 March 2016 – the Ides of March. With that, 59 staffers, including me, lost our jobs. And Malaysia lost another source of independent news.

The closure was ostensibly due to an inability to secure a deal with potential suitors and to stem losses that rose to RM10m (US$2.4m) in the 20 months it was held by the Edge Media Group

But it came nearly three weeks after the internet regulator – the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) – issued a block order against us over a report that claimed the local anti-graft agency had sufficient evidence of a criminal charge against the prime minister Najib Razak, although the country’s attorney-general had cleared him of wrongdoing.

The anti-graft investigations began last July after the Wall Street Journal revealed that nearly US$700m had been found in the prime minister’s bank accounts.

First there was a denouncement of that report, but the source of the money was never clear: was it a personal donation or from any government? Suffice to say it remains a mystery today, despite investigations.

The online media covered all aspects of the scandal while the regulated print and broadcast media dutifully reported the government’s side. The straw that broke the camel’s back was our report quoting an unidentified member of an independent panel within the anti-graft agency alleging there was enough proof for a charge.

We were blocked the day our report came out: 25 February, which also happened to be the Malaysian Insider’s eighth birthday. The reasons for our block have never been officially communicated to us, beyond a minister saying we were confusing the people.

The block pushed us off the edge. As it is, we were not making enough money. But the block ensured we could not make any money, as all advertisers pulled out except one.

Traffic slid but not as much as revenue and it was inevitable that we would have to be sold or shut down. As the company had rejected all offers, it decided to close us down immediately and take the servers offline the day the decision was made.

Our closure immediately puts a spotlight to press freedom in Malaysia. It has become freer over the years, thanks to the internet, as print and broadcast remain regulated. The fact is, more Malaysians are abandoning print and broadcast media and instead resorting to news portals such as the Malaysian Insider for their fix of daily news.

Our content became our readers’ discontent. And their discontent became our content – to the dismay of the government that prided itself as moderate and transformational. Several pro-government news portals popped up and the marketplace of ideas became lively.

But the results of the last two elections and the growing criticism over the 1MDB scandal and mysterious origin of the donation in the prime minister’s bank accounts pushed more people to online news portals and the foreign media.

We were becoming too free, as the government side of the news became the object of derision and ridicule. Ministers and the police warned against distributing news or cartoons that mocked the issue, saying it was seditious and unverified news.

Press freedom remains, but the threat of being accused of sedition and possible jail time has imprisoned us within our minds as Malaysians. People are shutting up and we have shut down.

But some independent media remains despite the Malaysian Insider’s closure, soldiering on in an environment that is both economically and politically hostile to anything except the official narrative.

The MCMC has said that 52 websites have been blocked thus far this year, and more could suffer our fate as long as they do not conform to the official narrative. As it is, there is only one pay-site in Malaysia as Malaysians are loth or do not have the disposable income to pay for their news, as seen by sliding newspaper sales.

When that happens, we will go back to the days before the internet – a one-way flow of information dictated by party insiders and government mandarins; and press freedom, freedom of expression, will remain only in name.

Perhaps, some say, there is social media, but even that is under threat of regulation. And it is true, most of the chatter in social media is gossip and speculation – subject to influence from any political party from the government or opposition bench.

Professional and good journalism is the only way to go for people to know what is going on in Malaysia. They have to invest in it to get informed so they can make informed decisions.

But that type of journalism is dying in Malaysia and we have just added to the body count. The saddest day is when none of us are left in Malaysia and we have to read the independent media’s obituary on a foreign news site.

Jahabar Sadiq was the editor of the Malaysian Insider

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 17 March 2016, 4:41 am and is filed under
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Was Azalina acting as the  Speaker’s Speaker when she unilaterally and arbitrarily announced that questions on Najib’s  RM2.6 billion political donation scandal can no longer be raised in Parliament?

Was the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Azalina Othman Said acting as the Speaker’s Speaker when she unilaterally and arbitrarily announced yesterday that questions on Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s RM2.6 billion political donation scandal can no longer be raised in Parliament because of sub judice arising from the Bar Council’s suit against the Attorney-General Tan Sri Mohamad Apandi Ali?

The Bar is seeking a judicial review of Apandi’s decision to clear Najib of any wrongdoing in the RM2.6 billion donation and the RM42 million SRC International cases.

Azalina quoted Standing Order 23(1) which states that “a question shall not be so drafted as to be likely to prejudice a case under trial, or be asked to any matter which is sub judice”.

Firstly, Azalina has committed a grave contempt of the Parliament Speaker, Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulia, usurping his powers as Speaker as  under the Dewan Rakyat Standing Orders only the Speaker can decide if a matter is sub judice, whether under Standing Orders 23(1) or 36(2) with regard to questions or debates, and  even then only after the issue has arisen  whether in the course of question time or debate.

Azalina should not exceed her bounds as Minister in charge of parliamentary affairs for the government, which does not give her powers to be the Speaker’s Speaker!

Secondly, the Bar’s suit against the Attorney-General on Najib’s RM2.6 billion donation scandal cannot justify a blanket ban on the subject of the RM2.6 billion donation scandal in Parliament,  whether during question time or in debates, although nothing would make Najib, Azalina and the Ministers happier than  to have a total ban to prohibit raising the RM2.6 billion donation subject in Parliament.

But this cannot be the object of the sub judice rule, which make it odious and obnoxious.

It is utterly ridiculous and outrageous for Najib or Azalina to claim that queries in Parliament about who were the actual donors for the astronomical sums of money deposited into Najib’s personal banking accounts, whether the deposits were US$681 (RM2.6 billion) or in fact more than US$1billion as recently alleged by Wall Street Journal (and for which Najib dared not initiate legal proceeding for the past eight months), and what evidence were available that Najib had returned RM2.03 billion to donors in August 2013, fall under the sub judice rule as likely to prejudicial to the case filed by the Bar against the Attorney-General!

In the course of the past eight months, different versions had been given by UMNO leaders about the nature of the RM2.6 billion donation deposited into Najib’s personal accounts.

On August 11, Tourism Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz said the donation was from a “brotherly nation” which wanted to see certain parties win the 13th general election because they were friendly to them.

Four days later, Umno Kuantan division chief Datuk Seri Wan Adnan Wan Mamat said the RM2.6 billion was from Saudi Arabia as a form of appreciation of Malaysia “championing Islam” and fighting militant group Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (Isis).

But on August 22, Deputy Transport Minister Datuk Abdul Aziz Kaprawi said the donation came from their “Muslim friends in the Middle East” to help Umno fight DAP in the 14th general election, as the party was funded by Jews.

Later that same day, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi said he met the donors’ representatives who informed him that the funds was in appreciation for the government’s efforts in countering terrorism, and to help Barisan Nasional (BN) maintain Malaysia’s status as a Sunni country.

After the A-G’s no-further-action decision on Najib at the end of January, the BBC reported an unnamed Saudi source as saying that the money was donated to help the prime minister win GE13 and counter potential Muslim Brotherhood influence in Malaysia as the  Saudis consider the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organisation, and Malaysia’s opposition alliance at that time included PAS, “whose founders were inspired by the Brotherhood”.

How could  the raising of questions whether during question-time or in debates on the veracity or otherwise of these claims, some of which are really astonishing and astounding, be prejudicial to the suit filed by the Bar against Apandi?

DAP MP for Puchong and head of the DAP legal bureau, Gobind Singh Deo has rightly pointed out that the review, filed by the Bar Council against the Attorney-General, had not yet been granted leave, and as such the matter has not yet become the subject of a trial and hence not yet sub judice.

All MPs must be mindful that the sub judice rule is to protect the courts from parliamentary interference and not to provide Ministers with a convenient device to avoid or  escape parliamentary  scrutiny and accountability in accordance with the principles of good governance and parliamentary democracy.

The sub judice rule cannot be absolute but must strike a balance between two sets of principles. On the on hand, the right of parties in legal proceedings should not be prejudicied by discussion of their case in Parliament and Parliament should not prevent the courts from exercising their functions. On the other hand, Parliament has a constitutional right and obligation to discuss major national issues affecting the country’s future and our international repute and credibility.

Are we going to hear voices demanding that the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) should on sub judice grounds send the Auditor-General’s final audit report on the RM55 billion 1MDB scandal into deep freeze and delay the PAC report on the 1MDB scandal indefinitely on the same sub judice grounds?

The sub judice rule cannot and must not be used to enable the government to  sweep Najib mega scandals under the carpet!

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 17 March 2016, 8:33 am and is filed under
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DAP@50 – the struggle continues

by Liew Chin Tong

Malaysiakini

18th March 2016

COMMENT |
There was very little prospect of winning elections, not to mention running government, when Chen Man Hin and the first generation leaders formed the DAP, with Lim Kit Siang as the party’s sole full-time staff, on 18th March 1966.

As Lim Kit Siang puts it, the DAP had “no icon, no money (resources) and no gelombang (political waves).” The then closest rival competing for the same opposition space, Gerakan (founded in March 1968), boosted household names like former MCA president Lim Chong Eu, scholars Syed Hussein Alatas and Syed Naguib Alatas, well-known opposition MP Tan Chee Khoon, unionists V David and Yeoh Teck Chye, among its ranks.

Yet, the DAP perseveres, survives and prevails. Today, we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Democratic Action Party. Over those fifty years, there were plenty of memorable moments; probably more difficult moments than the easy ones.

The first outing in the general election of 1969 saw the unknown party suddenly winning 13 out of 104 parliamentary seats, toppling several Alliance bigwigs. But victory was shortlived as the May 13th incident happened three days after election, followed by the suspension of parliamentary democracy and a crackdown, which included the 17-month detention under the Internal Security Act (ISA) for Lim Kit Siang.

When Parliament resumed in February 1971, various political freedoms were curtained, and several DAP elected representatives were lured to cross over to the government side.

The 1970s and 1980s were not easy although electorally DAP did reasonably well in the 1978, 1986 and 1990 general elections, while it suffered severe losses in the 1974 and 1982 elections.

Leaders were often subjected to political persecutions, including the Operasi Lalang mass arrests in October 1987, which saw 16 DAP elected reps among 106 detained activists. Lim Guan Eng’s one-year jailing in August 1998 was another tough moment.

Rising from ashes

Indeed, we have much to thank the leaders and members for – their contributions and sacrifices that have helped shape and sustain the party to where it is today.

The party survived three difficult elections – 1995, 1999 and 2004. Lim Kit Siang and Karpal Singh were themselves defeated in the 1999 general election.

On many occasions there were doubts about whether DAP would survive, especially in the early 1970s, immediately after the 1982 general election, and the long wilderness years from 1995 to 2008.

The 2008 general election transformed the party from a “permanent opposition party” to one that participates in state governments and a partner in the national alternative governing coalition.

Some ‘DNAs’ kept the party going in the tough years.

First,
 DAP is the party of ideals and ideas. DAP leaders and members are fired by ideals and ideas; not material interests and rewards. DAP has the courage to survive the challenges by being pragmatic in approaches but always steadfast and guided by its founding idealism – freedom, justice and solidarity.

Unlike many parties that peddle fear based race and religion politics, DAP has always been committed to offer new and inclusive policy ideas for a better Malaysia.

Second,
 DAP is the party for the ordinary folks. One of the hallmarks of the DAP is that DAP speaks for the small guys in the society. Many of our members are from among hawkers, small traders and labourers, as well as their children.

The ability to empathise with the ordinary folks is the DAP’s greatest strength that must be emphasised, especially in the course of broadening our appeals to all ethnic groups.

When others talk about race, we must show them that every Malaysian deserves decent jobs and decent pay, better housing, transportation, healthcare, security, etc.

Young blood

Third,
 DAP is sustained by the constant influx of the young. Lim Kit Siang was elected as MP at the age of 28 while Fan Yew Teng was 26. Indeed, Kit Siang was elected the secretary-general at the age of 28, while he was in detention.

Over the years, the party has given opportunities for the young to shine at all levels. Unlike many other parties in which hierarchy and seniority matter more, DAP is far more receptive to new ideas and the young.

There are many more traits that sustain the DAP throughout the decades, apart from what I have just listed. As we enter into uncharted waters in Malaysian politics, we hope for more Malaysians to join hands with the DAP to create a new Malaysia for all.

Terus berjuang. The struggle continues.

Happy birthday, DAP!

LIEW CHIN TONG is Kluang MP.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 18 March 2016, 11:35 am and is filed under
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Thanks to Najib’s RM55 billion 1MDB and RM2.6 billion donation twin mega scandals, Time magazine today cited Malaysia as second example of worst global corruption

Malaysia ended last year with the dishonor of being named by the international website,
foreignpolicy.com
, as the host country for the world’s third “worst corruption scandals of 2015” because Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s RM55 billion 1MDB and RM2.6 billion donation twin mega scandals.

Although two days after such unprecedented international dishonor, Najib said in his 2016 New Year message that his twin mega scandals had been resolved and are no more issues, the first eleven weeks of 2016 have proved that the Prime Minister could not be more wrong – Najib’s twin mega scandals have not only not  been resolved or  ceased to be issues, they  continue to haunt and hound the Najib premiership and the nation inside and outside the country, almost every other day!

All this despite the rejection of an unprecedented number of oral questions by Members of Parliament on Najib’s twin mega scandals violating the parliamentary standing orders, culminating in the arbitrary and unparliamentary decision by the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said to refuse to respond to questions about Najib’s twin mega scandals on the spurious excuse that it would be “sub judice” as the Bar Council is seeking a judicial review.

What is very clear is that the Najib government is using all its might and resources to make the twin mega scandals vanish into thin air, and its utter failure to achieve this objective for the twin mega scandals are mushrooming into an ever greater spectre, despite all the best efforts of Najib and his clique of sycophants like Azalina and others.

Today, Najib’s twin mega scandals have given Najib as the sixth Prime Minister and the nation a new peak of international notoriety when international TIME magazine cited Malaysia as  second worst example of current global corruption.

This is Time’s
“citation”
:

“In 2009, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak established a sovereign wealth fund called 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) to help the country attract foreign investment and boost its economy. Long story short, by 2015, 1MDB owed investors $11 billion.

“As investigations of the state fund got underway, it was revealed that $681 million dollars had been deposited into Najib’s personal account. The prime minister copped to the money transfer, but claimed it was a ‘gift’ from the Saudi royal family, about $620 million of which he says he has returned. Two weeks ago, the 1MDB investigation uncovered that the total routed into Najib’s personal account was actually about $1 billion.

“Malaysia is a de facto one-party country. All of the country’s six post-independence prime ministers have come from the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). That’s why Najib owes his position to his party, not to the Malaysian people—good news for a man currently polling at 23 percent, the lowest ever for a Malaysian head of government. He has spent the last half-decade strengthening his position within UMNO, and the past year since the 1MDB scandal broke purging his party of potential adversaries. This past summer, Najib fired his attorney general, who had been leading the 1MDB investigation. Malaysia exemplifies how corruption drives can fall short in countries with a single political party and weak governing institutions.”

Malaysia has become an international poster boy of a country which, once with great promises as a world showcase of a successful multi-racial developed nation, hurtling down the slippery slope towards a failed and a rogue state.

Can this slide  towards a failed and rogue state be checked and reversed?

The Save Malaysia Citizen’s Declaration signed and proclaimed on March 4 by political and civil society leaders bridging the political dividie has become increasingly relevant and pertinent to the salvation and redemption of Malaysia.

Parliament in the past weeks has shown that it is incapable of being the institution to play a meaningful role in this “Save Malaysia” campaign – when even during Question Time, MPs are not allowed to raise questions or when raised, Najib’s Ministers can refuse to answer them  in utter disregard of parliamentary procedures and practices, even without the knowledge of the Speaker.

Only Malaysian citizens, regardless of race, religion, region, politics, age or gender, standing as one to save Malaysia holds out the hope of checking Malaysia hurtling down the slippery slope of a failed state and a rogue state.

The question is whether the majority of the Malaysians will rise up to the challenge  this time to democratically and constitutionally Save Malaysia.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 18 March 2016, 3:30 pm and is filed under
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I will be charged under the Sedition Act in the new repression against dissent

Just now,  the DAP “giant killer” in the 1969 general election, 84-year-old Chan Fu King, who as bus-conductor  defeated the MCA Health Minister, Dr. Ng Kam Poh, told us how during his term as MP for Teluk Anson (1969 -1974), MCA leaders including the then MCA Youth leader Lee San Choon (who went on to become the MCA President) tried to induce and seduce him to defect from the DAP to the MCA.

I am reminded of DAP’s darkest days after the DAP won 13 parliamentary and 31 State Assembly seats in DAP’s first general election outing in 1969, a result  we had not expected as we only sought  a modest breakthrough in Parliament and various State Assemblies to gird ourselves for a battle for  next two to three decades to create a more democratic, just and better Malaysia for all Malaysians.

DAP’s unexpected electoral success was made use of by some irresponsible politicians to create the May 13, 1969 riots in Kuala Lumpur, and I myself was detained for the first time under the Internal Security Act when  I returned to Subang from Kota Kinabalu, where I had gone over on May 13, 1969 itself to  campaign for independent candidates in Sabah as polling in Sabah  was scheduled to be held two weeks after the Peninsular Malaysia elections of May 10, 1969.

I remember vividly the prediction of the then Deputy Prime Minister, Tun Dr. Ismail, in 1972 that the DAP was “one foot in the grave”,  forecasting an early end for the DAP.

Tun Ismail was not indulging in idle prediction, for looking back, it was clear that he was privy to a high-powered campaign to crush the DAP by  a double pincer strategy to seduce  DAP MPs and State Assemblymen to defect from DAP to MCA and Barisan Nasional, from a combination of money politics or intimation and politics of fear to use all the repressive powers at the command of the government.

As a result, during the first term of DAP in Parliament and the various State Assemblies after 1969, we suffered the worst attrition rate with some 30 to 40 per cent of DAP MPs and State Assemblymen finally succumbing either to the temptation of monetary and material inducements or the pressures of politics of fear and  intimidation.

As Tun Ismail indicated in his forecast in 1972, the masterplan of the UMNO/BN strategists was to ensure that DAP’s both feet were sent to the “grave”, and it is a testament of the indomitable will and spirit of DAP leaders, members and supporters that the DAP could withstand our darkest days in the 70s, to soldier on  through thick and think, trial and tribulation, to the present day where we can not  only celebrate the DAP’s 50th anniversary, but to  DAP’s greatest electoral achievements.

But I must warn that the greatest challenge of the DAP lies ahead, not in past 50 years but in the next 30 to 50 years.

Furthermore, DAP leaders must  be prepared for new trials and tribulations, for there are  those who are doing their utmost to demonise and destroy the DAP leadership to obstruct the DAP from continuing to grow from strength to strength – transforming the DAP from the party of choice in the urban areas into a partner of a successful  national coalition, Pakatan Harapan, to enjoy the trust of all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or region throughout the country.

DAP Secretary-General Lim Guan Eng has come under incessant attack, the most recent the baseless allegation that he is corrupt over the purchase of a house in Penang.

I myself will be charged under the Sedition Act in the coming days in a new repression against dissent.

I have been accused of all sorts of things under the sun in my 50 years in politics in Malaysia – of being a communist; cause of the  riots of May 13, 1969 although I was never in Kuala Lumpur from May 10 to May 13, 1969; anti-Malay and anti-Islam.

There is not a iota of truth in all these allegations.

DAP has been accused of wanting to create a Christian Malaysia, when there is not an iota of truth in it, as the DAP has openly declared our support for the fundamental features of the Malaysian Constitution, in particular Malay as the official language, Islam as the official religion of Malaysia while maintaining the country’s secular status, and the system of  constitutional monarchy in Malaysia.

DAP has been accused of receiving RM1.2 billion from Israeli sources in exchange for building an Israeli naval base in Port Dickson.

I wonder what the police would have done if such wild and baseless allegations are made against  the UMNO/BN leaders, as for instance, an open allegation that Najib had received RM1.2 billon from Israeli sources to pursue Israeli objectives?  Would the police remain silent or swing into action to charge those who made such allegations under various laws in the country, like criminal defamation and  provisions under the Malaysian Multimedia and Communications Act?

Be that as it may, DAP leaders, members and supporters must be prepared for the great challenges ahead of us in the coming years and decades.

(Speech at the Perak DAP Dinner to honour DAP members with the party for 30 years held in Ipoh on Saturday, 19th March 2016 at 10 pm)

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 20 March 2016, 9:44 am and is filed under
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Malaysians can contribute to the international dialogue among Muslim and social democrats to draw on the values and principles of Islam and social democracy to establish  a common core agenda for a free, just and good society

DAP’s contribution in the beginning  of this series of dialogues among Muslim and social democrats have its genesis in the fact-finding visit by DAP MPs to Jordan and Egypt in April, followed by a visit to Tunisia and Turkey in October, last year.

It stems from  the belief that Malaysians can contribute to the international dialogue among among Muslim and social democrats to draw on the values and principles of Islam and social democracy to establish a common core agenda for a free, just and good society.

It is recorded that during Prophet Mohammad’s time, there were about 5,000 people in pre-Islam Mecca and the first batch of Muslims numbered 60 – 70 people.

In pre-islam Medina,  there were about 15,000 people.  The ratio during the War of Badr in 623 AD had been given as 313 Muslims and 1,100 non-Muslims.

Today, over 1,400 years later, Islam is the second largest religion in the world with some 1.6 billion adherents, and is set to become the world’s largest religion by 2070, ending two millenniums of Christian dominance.

The question which must challenge mankind down the ages is how they could contribute to the development of  knowledge and wisdom when Muslims could grow from a few thousand followers to 1.6 billion adherents in 1,400 years.

The  reasons for DAP MPs’ fact-finding visits to Jordan, Egypt, Tunisia and Turkey last year were  not only to learn about the life and thinking of Malaysian students in the Middle East but also to learn from leaders in these countries their insights and vision about about what constitutes a good society and the future.

This need  not be  a one-way traffic, as Malaysians of diverse faiths and beliefs should be able to contribute to the  international dialogue  especially among Muslim and social democrats,  to draw on the values and principles of Islam and social democracy to establish  a common core agenda for a free, just and good society – to seek inspiration from the values and principles of justice, freedom, equality and human dignity which founded Islam 1,400 years ago and  to give them fresh meaning in the new age, and not just to recreate the structures, institutions and even the laws and regulations suited for  a particular context or situation in the seventh century.

These values and principles have in modern times  been been embedded in concepts of human rights; democratisation; the rule of law; accountability, transparency and good governance.

The inaugural dialogue between German political scientist Thomas Meyer and eminent Egyptian academic Dr. Abdul Mawgoud Dardery  on “The Democratisation of the Economy” is a tentative step in this direction towards finding common ground among Muslim democrats and social democrats that could suit the needs of the both the developed and underdeveloped countries in the world.

(Remarks at the Inaugural Lim Kit Siang lecture on “Democratisation of the Economy: A Muslim Democrat and Social Democrat response” at Parkroyal Hotel, Kuala Lumpur on Friday, 18th March 2016 at 10pm)

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 20 March 2016, 11:55 am and is filed under
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Sad and tragic that when the world increasingly regards Malaysia under Najib premiership is topping the world in corruption scandals, Najib is not taking proactive action to initiate  full and independent investigations into the twin mega scandals but could only make the weak lamentation “Please dont’ think I’m a crook”

Malaysians find it sad and tragic that at a time when the world increasingly regards Malaysia under the Najib premiership is topping the world in corruption scandals, the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak is not taking pro-active action to initiate full, thorough and independent investigations into Najib’s twin mega scandals but could only make the weak lamentation: “Please don’t think I’m a crook”.

I have just seen the online news report of what the Prime Minister said in Kuantan this morning at a gathering of UMNO and Barisan Nasional members and leaders from 14 divisions in Pahang to express support for Najib, where Najib said: “Don’t think I am a crook, don’t think I steal the people’s property, I am the prime minister for the people.”

It is sad and tragic because this is the first time in the 59-year history of the nation that the Prime Minister of Malaysia (Najib is the sixth PM in the country) had to make such a pathetic protestation.

Secondly, Najib’s lament will do nothing to dispel the growing global perception that Malaysia under the Najib premiership is topping the world in corruption scandals – with  the international TIME magazine just citing Malaysia as the second worst example of current global corruption, reinforcing recent adverse developments like  Malaysia falling four places in Transparency International (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI) 2015 which was released in late January and being ranked No. 3 in the world’s “worst corruption scandals in 2015” by the international website, foreignpolicy.com at the end of last year.

One common thread in all these adverse international perceptions, opinions and image for Malaysia is Najib’s RM55 billion 1MDB and RM2.6 billion “political donation” twin mega scandals, which have caused political and economic convulsions in Malaysia – not only the sacking of the Deputy Prime Minister and the Attorney-General, the further undermining of the independence and professionalism of key national institutions and the plunging to the lowest ebb since Merdeka of the important doctrine of the separation of powers among the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary.

If Najib is fully conscious of his national responsibility and patriotic duty as Prime Minister of Malaysia, he should be taking  very pro-active positions to initiate full, thorough and independent investigations into his twin mega scandals to dispel and disprove any notion that the integrity and credibility of the  Prime Minister and his government are in  anyway compromised or undermined by the RM55 billion 1MDB and RM2.6 billion “donation” twin mega scandals.

I am very surprised and disappointed that the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has declined to comment on the parliamentary reply by the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said that MACC probe proved Najib was not involved in corruption in the case of the RM2.6 billion donation scandal, as well as funds from state-owned SRC International entering his personal bank accounts.

The MACC investigations director Azam Baki curtly told a press conference this morning that he did not want to comment on Azalina’s answer.

If the MACC dare not even comment on whether Azalina’s parliamentary reply was correct or incorrect, that MACC probe had proved Najib was not involved in corruption in the case of RM2.6 billion as well as funds from state-owned SRC International entering his personal bank accounts, what credibility could the MACC command that it would dare to carry out its anti-corruption functions “without fear or favour”, regardless of whether it is “ikan bilis” or “ikan yu”?

All eyes are now on who will replace Tan Sri Zeti Akhtar Aziz as the new Bank Negara governor, whether the new Bank Negara governor will be subservient to the Prime Minister and the Attorney-General or a professional and a patriot who will put the national interests and those of Bank Negara above everything else.

Last October, Bank Negara had requested a criminal investigation into the affairs of the scandal-plagued 1MDB despite the finding by the new Attorney-General Tan Sri Mohamad Apandi Ali that there was no reason for any prosecution and who turned down the request.

This led to Bank Negara responding with a statement contradicting the attorney general’s office and saying 1MDB had secured permits for investment abroad based on inaccurate or incomplete disclosure of information, breaching banking regulations, adding that it had revoked three permits granted to 1MDB for investments abroad totaling US$1.83 billion (RM7.53 billion) and ordered the state fund to repatriate the funds to Malaysia.

Does the Prime Minister want to  have a new Bank Negara Governor who is prepared to stand up for the integrity of his office or one who will be subservient to him?

Najib’s actions on these issues to dispel national and international perceptions that mega scandals involving the Prime Minister and the government are getting of out of hand are more  pertinent and relevant than his going around the country to address rent-a-crowd UMNO/BN gatherings with lamentations and protestations that he is not a crook, and I call on Najib to start on a new page of full accountability of the twin mega scandals during the Ministerial winding up in Parliament next week.

(Speech at the political briefing  for Penang DAP State and branch leaders at Wisma DAP Penang on Saturday, 19th March 2016 at 2.30 pm)

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 20 March 2016, 6:57 am and is filed under
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I do not believe Najib is a crook, which is why  he should come clean and full in Parliament on the twin mega scandals of RM55 billion 1MDB and RM2.6 billion political donation

I do not believe that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak is a crook, which is why he should come clean and full in Parliament this week to be accountable and transparent on the RM55 billion 1MDB and RM2.6 billion political donation twin mega scandals.

Najib should not only make full use of the Ministerial winding up on the debate on the Motion of Thanks for the Royal Address to give  full and satisfactory explanation on the twin mega scandals, the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) must shake off the cloud of doubt about its credibility and professionalism when a “cari makan” Chairman had been foisted on it by conducting a full and comprehensive inquiry into Najib’s twin mega scandals.

The PAC should summon Najib as a key witness and give him an opportunity to answer all questions and doubts about the twin mega scandals. In fact, the PAC should take one step further – probe into all the information about the twin mega scandals which had appeared on the website Sarawak Report, highlighting those Sarawak Report articles and allegations which are baseless and untrue while confirming those allegations which are correct and factual.

In fact, the Najib government should unblock access to Sarawak Report as truth and honesty is the best defence to lies and falsehood. PAC should invite the Sarawak Report owner Claire Recastle to testify before the PAC, even paying for her expenses from UK and given her an assurance that no action would be taken against her by Malaysian authorities during her visit to Malaysia as guest and witness of PAC.

Several people had told me that Najib’s speech in Kuantan that he is not a crook is eerily reminiscent of the speech of the first US President to be forced from office, Richard Nixon, who said in a television appearance in Nov. 1973 at the height of the Watergate controversy that he is not a crook – nine months before he resigned as US President to avoid impeachment proceedings in the Congress.

Nobody thinks that Najib wants to be a Nixon, and this is why I hope that he will finally break his silence on the past year on the twin mega scandals, and tell Malaysians and the world the truth so that Malaysia will cease to hog the top world spots whether for worst corruption scandals or examples of global corruption.

(Speech at the Temerloh DAP “Mana RM2.6 billion?” ceramah kopitiam at Mentakab on Monday, 21st March 2016 at 10 am)

                This entry was posted on Monday, 21 March 2016, 10:52 am and is filed under
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