PAS moving to the dark side

By Bridget Welsh

Malaysiakini

May 29, 2015

COMMENT
 As PAS prepares for the most divisive and decisive muktamar in its history next week, serious questions are being asked about the Islamic party’s direction.

The media has focused heavily on the troubled relationship with Pakatan Rakyat, with the frayed relationship between DAP and PAS over hudud taking centre stage. Others have focused their analyses on PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang who has brought the party to its current state.

The issues go much deeper than personality and policy differences – they go to the core of PAS as a religious political party, revealing that PAS is losing its moral foundation.

The 61st muktamar election will determine whether PAS will move to the dark side, namely further away from the principles and integrity that has given the Islamic party a comparative advantage in winning support from Malaysians.

Moral decay

The crass fight for power and position within the party and for leadership of the opposition has revealed a pattern among PAS contenders of ignoring the adage “the means is as important as the ends”.

In the past two years, we have witnessed lying, deception, personal and physical attacks from PAS that sharply deviate from decency. The gamut extends from behaviour surrounding the ‘Kajang move’ last year and governance in Kelantan to the current party election campaign.

These sort of actions are sadly the practices that are often associated with politicians, especially in Malaysia’s political muck, but PAS has usually stayed above the fray, or at least been perceived to do so.

The sheer viciousness on social media and in campaigning by some PAS contenders for positions has actually made Umno’s antics pale in comparison. Many in the grassroots are confused and conflicted, as the dynamic has not been one in fitting with the identity of a party that claims it is morally principled. Among parts of the public at large, there are growing calls to have nothing to do with PAS at all.

The moral decay in how PAS engages politically has deeper roots than party positioning. There has been a concerted effort to bring Umno culture into PAS. This dynamic has been driven by Umno through infiltration as well as many PAS leaders adopting the mode of Umno politics.

Beyond the use of personal attacks, this has taken the form of increasing materialism of some PAS leaders and members. When the party is now spiritually led by a wealthy businessman who has a history of taking government contracts, it is clear that the spirit of simplicity is eroding as part of the today’s PAS.

The key driver appears to be greed, as some PAS leaders now showcase their wealth in unprecedented ways. Those on the front line of materialism are many of the leading ulama contesting for positions in this all-out war for power. This materialism and selfishness is now spreading like a cancer inside the party.

The focus for some has moved to making money and using political position for economic advancement rather than genuinely living a simple life and bringing about good governance. The charges of corruption and complicity in Kelantan and elsewhere surrounding logging concessions and land deals have enhanced the sense that some PAS members are in it for themselves rather than the people.

PAS leaders have yet to come clean on how much wealth they have, and more importantly how they have made it. The party’s sense of public service has deteriorated to be increasingly replaced by personal service.

Growing nepotism

Along with materialism, nepotism in the party has grown. PAS has historically had greater opportunities for leaders to advance based on performance rather than family name, especially compared to other Malaysian political parties. This muktamar, candidates are running on their father’s standing, with little records in their own right or substance.

In some cases, the sons are also running on platforms that violate the very principles their fathers upheld, as can be seen with the sharp difference between Nik Mohamad Abduh Nik Abdul Aziz (photo) and his father, respected deceased spiritual leader Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, over cooperation with Pakatan.

This move away from merit, spirituality and performance to family standing and name accentuates the cancer of greed in PAS. It appears to be not just about position and wealth, but also about the family’s position and wealth. PAS is following in Umno’s trajectory of consolidating political elites rather than allowing a fairer and just playing field for contestation.

This moral decay has been accompanied by a practice of moving away from political accountability, aka Umno style, on the part of some leaders to PAS members and the public at large.

In this party election campaign many have argued that individuals are entitled to positions just because they occupy them rather than for how they carry out their duties. There is no desire for meaningful debate, discussion or resolution of the controversies that have underscored the tensions within the party and within the opposition as a whole.

Instead a culture of ‘dodge and denial’ has taken root, accompanied by a ‘with us or against us’ mode (with candidate lists for delegates to follow when voting) that holds honesty and transparency at bay.

Betrayal and fratricide

If it is not enough that a less principled culture has infected PAS, there is an even more painful dynamic at play – betrayal.

Members in the party and the opposition have experienced a loss of trust as attacks have gone inward rather than outward. PAS is not alone in fueling the discord within the opposition, but what distinguishes the betrayals in PAS is that there has been open fratricide, aiming to annihilate the other side.

After decades of comradery and shared struggle, the targets have become their own brothers and sisters. It is clear that some in PAS are willing to kill their own for their own interests and have lost sight of the need for inclusiveness and diversity in PAS leadership as a whole.

The irony is that those engaged in fratricide have used ‘party loyalty’ as a weapon for attack, not realising that the impact has been one of self-destruction for PAS as the attacks have undermined the cohesiveness of the party and its national reputation.

Betrayals within the party have been accompanied by betrayals to voters. Many Chinese, Indians, East Malaysians and Malays who see hudud as not the right measure at this time and/or fundamentally unconstitutional, feel that PAS has betrayed their trust. The fact is hudud was not part of the political platform of GE13 in Pakatan and PAS is seen as hijacking the opposition in its imposition of this narrow agenda.

In this single-mindedness myopic focus on hudud on the part of some leaders, PAS has send signals that it cares little about Malaysia as a nation as a whole – betraying East Malaysians in particular but others who see rights and religion in a much broader and inclusive way. For many voters, PAS has come off hypocritically as calling for laws that tell others what to do, when many in their own party are not practicing nor respect such moral principles themselves.

In this one-note call for hudud, the impression of PAS as a party incapable of addressing other issues such as the economy has also been reinforced. With hudud, PAS leaders are magnifying their own trust and governance deficits with the public.

A record for surprises

But some PAS leaders went further in their betrayal with regular meetings and open cooperation with Umno and public call for a ‘unity government’.

These actions are duplicitous of the majority of Malaysians who voted for the opposition. Voters rightly ask how PAS can claim to represent justice, good governance, fairness and moral principles when some of its leaders are working with those who do not abide by these principles.

When serious scandals from 1MDB – involving the funds of taxpayers, including religious pilgrims – are openly tainting the government, voters ask how could a party that says it is principled even associate with the actions that antithetical to the principles touted by a religious party.

PAS delegates will make their decision next week. In voting they will be deciding not just for themselves but for the very soul of their party, its moral and spiritual core.

A vote for greed, nepotism, unaccountable government and betrayal will send a clear sense to the public that PAS no longer offers the electorate a national moral alternative.

Many delegates are wrestling with these troubling issues and recognise that in the slate of options, there are choices that move the party back toward a brighter future.

PAS muktamar have a record of surprises and wisdom and this cannot be ruled out as the battle for PAS’ soul plays out.

BRIDGET WELSH is a senior research associate of the Center for East Asia Democratic Studies of the National Taiwan University, where she conducts research on democracy and politics in Southeast Asia.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 7 June 2015, 6:00 am and is filed under
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Questions after the ulama tsunami in PAS

Abdar Rahman Koya

The Malaysian Insider

6 June 2015

Abdar Rahman Koya works for The Malaysian Insider. He considers himself to have all the qualities of an ordinary Malaysian, a practising Muslim, and an incorrigible cynic.

The much anticipated battle between the so-called ulama and professional factions in PAS, symbolised by the showdown between the two Awangs, has ended.

As expected, the ulama have won. The professionals are defeated, turfed out of almost all leadership positions in the party, in what can be aptly described as the ulama tsunami.

But who are these factions, these so-called ulama and professionals? This is the question few – whether supporters or opponents of PAS – have bothered asking.

The ulama are so called not necessarily because they fulfil the criteria of knowledge and piety, but because they have claimed that title for themselves.

So what defines them? Is it just that they are the ones in robes and turbans whose last names mysteriously have the Arabic “al-“ prefix, even though their looks show no trace of non-Malay heritage?

And even if their birth certificates show nothing more than the standard “bin” required by our guardians of Malay-Muslim demography?

Or are these ulama those whose pictures adorn packs of raisins and other nutritional products, blessed by their special prayers and mantras so that the weak-brained masses will buy them to help pass school exams and supply energy in their daily Islamic rituals?

Perhaps these ulama are simply those who religiously pay their subscriptions to Dewan Ulama of PAS, or some other organisation whose name includes the word “ulama” — such as, ironically, the Ulama Association of Malaysia, once led by none other than Ahmad Awang who is now grouped in the non-ulama faction?

Or – radical though it may be to suggest it – are the ulama actually those who have gained a deep knowledge of religion, even though their formal qualifications are in some other fields?

Those who have thought about and critiqued society, proposed practical solutions to modern-day problems in the light of their religious learning, and earned the recognition and respect of the masses despite failing to ostentatiously clothe themselves in garb assumed to emulate those worn by Arabs in the desert sun?

Just as ill-defined are the professionals. No one yet has thought to set out the criteria for identifying some PAS members as belonging to that faction of the party. Is it simply that they wear suits and ties, and speak reasonably good English?

Or is it essential to have done a thesis on a topic which interests no one, and which has no impact on society or academia, but earns the writer the coveted prefix of “Dr” before their name?

Or perhaps it is sufficient to be university educated and work as a doctor, scientist, engineer or artist, while also taking an interest in Islamic politics?

These are questions of crucial self-definition that people inside and outside PAS must ask, before even debating whether the party fits in the coalition aiming to replace Barisan Nasional.

Contrary to what some have suggested, the ulama tsunami is not a victory of the truly Islamic over the fundamentally secular; or a defeat for the forces of modernisation at the hands of tradition-bound conservatism.

In fact, all the PAS muktamar confirmed was that it is a party now led by a set of self-appointed ulama, when in fact that is a title that should be earned and given by the masses.

Any leader who proclaims himself, even indirectly, as ulama, as we have repeatedly seen done by PAS leaders in this muktamar, is almost by definition disqualified from that status.

In doing so, through arrogance, ignorance and for political gain, he gives a bad name to people who in past Islamic history were recognised as men of knowledge and principles, who challenged tradition and wrought change; who were in short, the real ulama.

It takes more than theoretical knowledge of Islam and Arabic, or even theological qualifications to be an ulama.

If these were enough, many non-Muslims could be counted as ulama, such as John Esposito, the former White House adviser to President Clinton, whose knowledge of Islam is formidable, or many non-Muslim scholars of the Quran and experts in the Arabic language.

In Islam, an ulama is not only a person of knowledge, but also a person of taqwa, or the permanent, humble awareness of God; one who is not interested in worldly status or wealth yet committed to selfless involvement in worldly affairs; one who is not merely a dictaphone sprouting Arabic supplications for use after prayers and at official functions, but who is what the Quran calls “People who think”, those who are able to translate the divine verses for mankind of all ages, and not to those who quote them simply to fulfil their priestly roles and earn a living.

The ulama tsunami is a reflection of the state of Malaysian Muslims today, when Islam has come to be characterised by mechanical rituals and empty pieties, preferably given spurious legitimacy by coming from the mouths of Arabic-speaking pseudo-clerics.

We live, tragically and pathetically, in an environment where every ustaz, every skull-capped TV talk show host, and every graduate of an Islamic university, can claim the status of ulama.

In most other Muslim countries with richer Islamic history and greater Islamic heritage, the process of being recognised as ulama does not depend on one’s membership of an Islamic association.

In Iran, for example, a person who already is an authority of Islam with many degrees in theology, can go through rigorous academic training and decades of studies in such fields as comparative religion, mathematics, Greek philisophy and many other sciences, and still be no more than a “Hujjatulislam”, the lowest grade of ulama in Shia Islam, little more than a foot soldier of Islam.

As such, it is an insult to the term when some people compare the problem posed by the men in robes in PAS with the challenges faced by ulama in Iran after the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

There, it was a question of a power struggle between the clergy who had inspired and mobilised the masses to overthrow one of the most brutal regimes in modern history, and the technocrats who claimed the know-how to steer a modern nation-state in the intricacies of global politics.

Here in Malaysia, the self-proclaimed ulama insist they be in charge even though they have little record or credibility when it comes to the tasks of championing the downtrodden in society, and exemplifying Islam’s commitment to humility and social justice.

These so-called ulama, whose every step contradicts the values of Islam and the principles of ordinary Muslims, now appear to be poised to inflict mortal damage on PAS, which remains, despite its many problems and failures, the last bastion of political Islam in Malaysia.

Little wonder, then, that it is now impossible for the average Malaysian, whether Muslim or non-Muslim, to think that these men in robes can lead Putrajaya and tackle, or even understand, any of the political, social and economic challenges facing us all. – June 6, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 7 June 2015, 5:35 am and is filed under
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Stop all pretences – Najib should exorcise the haunting presence of Jho Low in the 1MDB scandal by giving a full account to Parliament of the latter’s role  and influence in the nation’s biggest financial scandal

In his TV1 interview on “1MDB – Where is the money?” on Wednesday night, which failed to answer the subject of the topic but  piqued greater  public interest and concern about the whereabouts of the 1MDB billions, the second Finance Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah coyly avoided giving answers on Jho Low and his involvement in the debt-ridden 1MDB, asking “What’s the point of glamorising his name?”

Husni should know that he is incapable of adding to Jho Low’s glamour, as the Penang-born businessman has achieved what the second Finance Minister is incapable of – being the top attraction of a five-part feature by New York Times in February on the influx of global money which had fuelled the American city’s high-end real estate boom. And this is without mention of Jho Low’s life in the high society of the West.

The issue at hand is not about Jho Low’s glamour but the government’s accountability and transparency in the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal, particularly about Jho Low’s role and influence.

Until recently, the Cabinet, Parliament and nation were kept in the dark about the most important facet of the 1MDB scandal – that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak had right from the beginning of  the establishment of 1MDB in 2009 been the final approving authority for all 1MBD deals, transactions and investments, which means that the Save 1MDB Roadmap passed by the Cabinet on May 29 was really a Save Najib Roadmap!

Another important facet of the 1MDB scandal was Jho Low’s role and influence not only in the creation of the 1MDB, but its ballooning in six years to pile up a debt of RM42 billion.

In the past six years, there has been a Great Pretence in Malaysian government and politics by Prime Minister Najib and the government’s top financial decision-makers – as if Jho Low does not exist or does not have any role or influence in the Prime Minister’s financial decisions, particularly with regard to 1MDB.

This is illustrated by the fact that up to now, neither Najib, Husni nor any top government financial officer had acknowledged the presence, role  or influence of Jho Low, although it is now clear that if there was no Jho Low, there would be no 1MDB – and of  course, no RM42 billion 1MDB financial scandal.

It is fortunate that Najib did not turn up for the 1MDB “Nothing2Hide” forum on Friday, for a free-wheeling and unmanipulated forum on 1MDB (particularly with the participation of former Prime Minister Tun Mahathir) would have smoked out the “Everything2Hide” reality about the 1MDB scandal – including the role and influence of Jho Low in the 1MDB scandal.

Jho Low was in fact the first person to tell the world that Najib was the final approving authority for any 1MDB deal, transaction and investment, although this was not fully realised at the time.

In his interview with Euromoney in April, where Jho Low complained that he was being made the “scapegoat” in the 1MDB scandal, Jho Low made a very pregnant remark when he said:

“Are you telling me the prime minister doesn’t make his own decisions? That the ministry, the minister of finance, who is the prime minister – and there are only two to three people in the Finance Ministry that sign off on shareholder resolutions under law – that none of them… that they just signed without evaluating it?

“Did the people supposed to be responsible for decision-making (at 1MDB) suddenly decide to absolve all their responsibilities and then create this PR campaign with me as the focus of it?

“No one seems to ask the question who is the ultimate decision-maker on 1MDB? No one asks that. No one ever asks about the shareholder’s role.”

Jho Low was clearly hinting that it was Najib who is the final approving authority whatever his role in the scandal.

Jho Low was right. No one seems to ask who was the ultimate decision-maker on 1MDB.

The question cannot be evaded any longer.

Najib should end all pretences and own up to the truth. He should  exorcise the haunting presence of Jho Low in the 1MDB scandal by giving a full account to Parliament of the latter’s role  and influence in the nation’s biggest financial scandal.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 7 June 2015, 7:13 am and is filed under
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The failure of Vision 2020

Syerleena Abdul Rashid

The Malaysian Insider

5 June 2015

Sometime in 1991, former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed envisioned “Malaysians of all colours and creeds are free to practice and profess their customs, cultures and religious beliefs and yet feeling that they belong to one nation”. This dream was the essence of Vision 2020, or Wawasan 2020, as it is known in the national language.

Vision 2020 called for a united Malaysian society; one that indicated a progressive society where all of its citizens were more than able to embody compassion, civility and ethnic labels were a thing of the past. Malaysia in the year 2020 boasted an economy that was sound and healthy; there was fair and equitable distribution of wealth and development was spread out evenly throughout the Federation.

Now with only five years left before this vision becomes a reality, many of us can see how far off we really are. With only five years left, the vision of a colourless society seems far beyond our reach. Five years of catching up to a vision that has become some sort of a utopian concept that has lead this nation into a bitter cycle of suspicion and passive aggressive hostility.

The saddest part of humankind is that most of us are unable to shake off the “us and them” mentality and the harm we inflict upon other fellow Malaysians – be it physically and verbally, this is due to our own insecurities, humiliation and pain. Such feelings stem from our inability to understand human diversity – we want them to be like “us” and if they aren’t, there is no way we can accept them into our fold.

Present day society has a huge battle – fending off conservative ideas that uphold bigotry and extreme dislike to diversity. These disgruntled factions continuously challenge secularism, pluralism and liberalism. They attempt to destroy values that helped past civilisations peak in sophistication and maturity, while sowing the seeds of discontent they bring us down to their level of illogical absurdity.

When humans begin to justify certain actions and events on racial grounds, the mythology of racial supremacism creates a perilous notion of misplaced entitlement. Those who believe in such vile ideologies clearly represent the failure of Vision 2020. These bigots are the antithesis of progressivity – the sliver of conflict in our society.

Many of us may be shocked to realise that such views are wholeheartedly endorsed by far-right wing ideologies namely fascism and Nazism. Think Mussolini and Hiter, both of whom preached and supported racial discrimination, religious bigotry and restricted economic mobility upon various groups. The level of corruption that exists in our Federation has proven yet another glaring failure of a vision that should have eliminated such practices. Meritocracy has given away to nepotism and cronyism; severely compromising quality, knowledge and excellence.

The creation of the quote system where a certain race was given preference, has systematically killed off healthy competition and the strength of mind. Evidently, as years passed, these groups too were being sidelined by those who were able to pull strings. In other words, those who were well connected were guaranteed a shot at life while the rest of us had to figure out what to do, how to do it or why couldn’t we do it?

How can we envision a developed nation when our idea of development isn’t distributed evenly throughout the Federation? How can we improve the lives of every Malaysian despite our shortcomings and limited resources? We need to stop assuming that the idea of culture is fixed because it isn’t. Ethnicity, race and even culture should be given a broader definition such as how one sees life and how a person makes sense of it all. The concept of pre-determined conditions created by manmade belief systems must change for it is flawed and damaging.

But call me an optimist.

I believe that in the end, someday, our great nation will see the racial harmony many of us yearn for. I truly believe that our society is capable of peace, tolerance, understanding and respect. I absolutely believe that change can happen as soon as we are able to tear down the walls of religiosity that separate us culturally.

Let’s put it this way: God doesn’t practice apartheid and neither should we. – June 5, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 7 June 2015, 5:43 am and is filed under
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Najib should fly straight from Saudi Arabia to the Ranau/Kinabalu earthquake-hit zones in Sabah to give meaning to his declaration “I owe Sabah”

One question uppermost among Sabahans when I visited the earthquake-hit zones of Ranau and Kinabalu Park yesterday was why Najib, who said only last month that “I owe Sabah”, did not visit Sabah over the Ranau/Kinabalu earthquake disaster before his Saudi Arabia trip on Saturday night.

With his new personal private jet which cost a bomb to Malaysian taxpayers, Najib should have no problem to visit Ranau/Kinabalu before flying off to Jeddah for his three-day visit to Saudi Arabia.

The aftermath of the 5.9 Richter Ranau/Kinabalu earthquake, which claimed 18 lives, and Najib’s double absence, from the 1MDB “Nothing2Hide” forum in Kuala Lumpur on Friday morning and from Sabah over the earthquake disaster, were the talking points of Sabahans, in particular why Najib took some five hours to tweet his concern about the earthquake in Sabah at about noon when the earthquake struck Ranau and Mount Kinabalu at around 7.15 am on Friday morning!

Najib’s tweet was unbelievable for it said some five hours after the disaster: “I was just informed that an earthquake happened not far from Ranau. I hope all are safe and calm.”

I don’t think Sabahans are mollified by Najib’s Facebook posting from Saudi Arabia last night that he was monitoring the aftermath of the Ranau/Kinabalu earthquake  and relief operations in Sabah.

Najib should make amends and fly straight to the earthquake-hit zones in Ranau/Kinabalu at the end of his three-day Saudi Arabia trip to ensure that all assistance are given to the victims of the earthquake disaster – which had cost 18 lives.

Najib should ensure that all government agencies, both Federal and state, have started work to urgently repair and rehabilitate all buildings and infrastructures damaged or destroyed by he earthquake, including 23 schools buildings, a mosque and temple in Ranau, hospital quarters in Ranau as well as roads.

Najib should also announce multi-million ringgit allocations to deal with the aftermath of the earthquake, including honouring  the “unsung heroes”, the Mount Kinabalu mountain guides who risked their lives to ensure that the injured climbers were brought to safety, especially mountain guide Robert Sapinggi who perished in the earthquake.

There should also be  a high-powered committee to address the various complaints and criticisms about the earthquake  emergency and relief operations to ensure that there is a world-class emergency contingency plan to deal with any mishap or disaster at Mount Kinabalu.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 8 June 2015, 9:19 am and is filed under
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Nothing to hide — Dr M is now the actual PM of Malaysia!

By Martin Jalleh

                This entry was posted on Monday, 8 June 2015, 11:04 am and is filed under
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Pakatan Rakyat Selangor is in unchartered waters post-PAS Muktamar

Tony Pua

DAP Selangor Chairman and MP PJ Utara

8th June 2015

The PAS General Assembly (“Muktamar”) has decided to sever all ties (“putus hubungan”) and stop all political cooperation “kerjasama politik” with DAP.  As a result, Pakatan Rakyat in Selangor has undoubtedly entered unchartered waters.  The only thing certain under such circumstances is that nothing can or will be the same again.

It is inconceivable for anyone to think or believe that Pakatan Rakyat can continue to exist in its current state given the above unequivocal motion.  The Pakatan Rakyat government comprises of three political parties which subscribed to a common policy platform.  However, when the common policy platform is breached, compounded by the decision of one party to stop cooperation with another within the coalition, then the coalition naturally collapses.

How does the Government function, when the state executive councillors (Exco) of PAS refuses to cooperate with the Exco from DAP when carrying out their respective duties?  Can one even imagine how surreal the state Exco meeting will be, with the PAS Exco ignoring the DAP Excos or pretending that they don’t exist?

The problems do not just exist within the Executive Council, but with all levels of the Selangor Government.  Will PAS local councillors for example, pay no heed to all comments, suggestions and proposals by DAP local councillors when carrying out their responsibilities at the local government level?

What’s more, such refusal to cooperate will be egged on by PAS leaders such as Nasruddin Hassan Tantawi, the top vote-getter amongst the 18 newly elected central committee members.  After all, he urged the Party faithfuls to fight DAP with his now-famous war cry, “We may be dressed in jubah (robes) and turbans, but you must remember that underneath this jubah, there are elbows and knees that can be used (against DAP).”

Hence it will never be “business as usual” again.  The question which remains, and is still unanswered is what form of political realignment will take place to allow a new coalition government to remain in power in Selangor.

As my colleague, Johor state chairman and MP for Kluang, Liew Chin Tong has alluded to, there is now a vacuum in the anti-establishment, moderate and progressive Malay political space after PAS swerved hard to the far-right.  He said,

In the weeks and months to come, the search for new paths by the progressives and all other Malay moderate opinion leaders to fill the vacuum would see major political realignments in Malaysian politics.

The ability for this gap to be filled, whether by the DAP and/or PKR, or by the rise of new factions or parties, will determine the future of the new coalition for Selangor.

The failure of this gap to be filled, which will allow a tenable coalition which subscribes firmly to the “Common Policy Platform” endorsed by the Rakyat in the last general election, may lead to a collapse of the Selangor state government and for elections to be called.

As of today, no final decision have been made by DAP Selangor.  In the coming days, we will engage and discuss with DAP Central Executive Committee and abide by any decision which is made at the national level.  Unlike leaders of several other political parties we know of, Malaysians can be assured that DAP leaders in Selangor will not be hypocrites and betray our principles to remain in power at all cost.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 8 June 2015, 7:28 am and is filed under
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PAS dan tragedi sebuah kesombongan

– Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail

The Malaysian Insider

7 June 2015

Bagi pemerhati dan penganalisis yang mengikuti perkembangan dalam PAS secara neutral, agak sukar untuk tidak berasa sedih apabila melihat perkembangan yang berlaku dalam Muktamar PAS ke-61 yang baru berlangsung.

Hal ini lebih dirasakan apabila seseorang mengikuti dengan lebih dekat dan menyaksikan sendiri muktamar yang berlangsung selama tiga hari itu. Pergelutan kuasa yang berlaku sekian lama antara kem agamawan dan kem progresif menemui penamatnya dengan penguasaan menyeluruh kem agamawan.

Di sebalik semua label dan alasan ketidaksenangan yang dimomokkan terhadap golongan progresif ini, tidak ada faktor yang dianggap lebih berperanan penting selain “kesombongan”. Kesombongan merupakan faktor yang menggarisbawahkan keterpinggiran golongan progresif ini dalam PAS.

Kaedah kempen, pola pengundian dan perjalanan muktamar yang berlangsung dapat dianggap sebagai kemuncak kepada manifestasi kesombongan. Kerana sombong dan terlalu berbangga dengan dominasi terhadap ilmu agama, maka mereka yang tidak sealiran diketepikan.

Kesombongan menyebabkan sukar bagi golongan agamawan untuk mengiktiraf kebolehan dan keupayaan yang dimiliki golongan progresif. Kesombongan menyebabkan pemimpin-pemimpin progresif seperti ini tidak langsung dihargai walaupun merekalah yang memainkan peranan signifikan dalam meletakkan PAS ke kedudukan sekarang.

Kesombongan menyebabkan fitnah dan tuduhan palsu dibenarkan dijaja dan dibenarkan berleluasa. Kempen yang berlangsung seakan-akan menghantar mesej yang “tidak mengapa berbuat sedikit kejahatan dengan maksud untuk mengekang kejahatan yang lebih besar”.

Mengejutkan apabila diktum seperti ini diamal dan dipraktikkan secara meluas dalam pemilihan yang berlangsung. Sekian lama pegangan Machiavelli ini hanya hidup subur dalam Umno. Apabila lawan jatuh, maka tindakan seterusnya bukanlah berhenti tetapi terus memijaknya. Kini, PAS juga kelihatan amat ghairah untuk menginstitusikan kesombongan seperti ini.

Kerana sombong, PAS tidak dapat lagi melihat secara rasional mana kaca dan mana permata. Bukan sahaja mereka menyingkirkan tenaga intelektual yang merupakan aset berharga parti, tetapi juga menghantar mesej yang “kami tidak memerlukan pengetahuan ilmu moden dan bantuan kaum-kaum lain untuk mentadbir negara”. Kesombongan menyebabkan PAS mahu menoleh semula ke belakang sedangkan dunia sudah jauh bergerak ke hadapan.

Kesombongan menyebabkan PAS masih mahu berpegang pada Islamisme sedangkan dunia sedang bergerak ke arah pasca Islamisme. Kesombongan menyebabkan apa sahaja idea-idea yang bertentangan dilihat sebagai ancaman dan bukan sebagai kelainan.

Tidak ada ruang untuk berbeza pendapat. Kerana sombong dan tidak mahu menerima kelemahan diri, apa jua alasan cuba dihamburkan bagi menutup pembersihan yang berlaku.

Sebagai contoh, penegasan yang yang parti itu masih mempunyai golongan profesional seperti pensyarah walaupun kumpulan progresif ini tersingkit. Tetapi profesional bukan sekadar dilihat dari segi status pekerjaan. Ia juga dicerminkan kepelbagaian ideologi, keterbukaan, kemahuan berbeza pandangan dan dekat dengan kemodenan.

Bagi yang mengikuti secara dekat muktamar yang berlangsung selama tiga hari, kesombongan adalah bahasa badan yang paling menonjol terpapar. Dalam bentuk pengendalian muktamar yang jelas menampakkan kecondongannya pada ideologi semasa, dalam bentuk laungan takbir yang dikhususkan hanya untuk perwakilan-perwakilan pro-agamawan, dalam bentuk wajah beberapa pemimpin tertinggi PAS yang amat ketat dan tidak langsung pernah tersenyum, dalam bentuk sorakan sindiran yang tidak putus-putus ditujukan kepada golongan progresif yang berucap dan sehinggalah kepada kehilangan suasana kesedihan yang sewajarnya dirasakan berikutan kepergian golongan progresif ini dari parti.

Tangisan Hanipa Maidin dan juga nyanyian melankolik Mohamad Sabu hanya mampu mengheningkan suasana tetapi tidak mampu membuatkan mana-mana perwakilan untuk bangun memujuk atau menahan keputusan beliau yang ingin meletakkan jawatan dari semua jawatan yang disandangnya. Bahasa badan yang ditunjukkan bukan sahaja melengkapkan pembersihan yang berlaku tetapi semacam menghantar mesej “jika boleh, kami tidak mahu lagi kamu kembali di sini”.

Apa yang berlaku dalam Muktamar PAS 61 adalah tragedi sebuah kesombongan. Sombong dengan kekuatan diri dan lantas menjadi taksub dan narsistik. PAS seperti seorang suami yang baru mendapat “isteri kedua” yang kaya, cantik dan berpendidikan. Tetapi apabila jatuh sakit, isteri pertama yang tua dan kurang cantik yang sering dicari untuk menjaga si suami kerana isteri kedua tadi rupanya tidak boleh diharapkan.

Kesombongan menyaksikan kapal Titanic karam walaupun dianggap sebagai kapal yang tidak akan karam. Kesombongan membuka jalan kepada tragedi 9/11 di Amerika Syarikat. Kesombongan jugalah yang kini menjadikan Umno terumbang-ambing.

Muktamar PAS menyarankan yang kesombongan merupakan nilai yang kini menjadi virtue dalam parti tersebut. Kesombongan yang wujud dalam PAS amat menakutkan dan lebih menakutkan dari kesombongan Umno. Dalam mana golongan ini sering mengkritik keangkuhan kuasa Umno, mereka terlupa untuk menyelak kesombongan diri sendiri.

Benarlah kata-kata tokoh revolusi Poland, Lech Walesa yang mengingatkan tentang kewujudan pemimpin yang menghasilkan sistem dan kepimpinan yang lebih buruk (dibaca: lebih sombong) selepas menggulingkan sistem yang mereka tentang sebelum itu.

Ironinya, kesombongan ini seolah-olah hanya disedari wakil DHPP yang bukan beragama Islam apabila menyatakan kejutannya terhadap kebejatan yang berlaku. Untuk wakil DHPP ini, pertimbangkan logik ini. Jika kesombongan seperti ini boleh dilakukan terhadap saudara seagama mereka, adakah anda merasakan yang mereka akan berfikir dua kali untuk melakukan kesombongan yang serupa kepada mereka yang bukan seagama?

Tahniah sekali lagi kepada PAS. Gunakanlah “cakaran”, “siku”, “lutut” (dan juga laungan takbir) itu sebaik mungkin. – 7 Jun, 2015.

–

                This entry was posted on Monday, 8 June 2015, 1:50 am and is filed under
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Post-PAS muktamar scenarios

— Liew Chin Tong

Malay Mail Online

June 7, 2015

JUNE 7 — I have been asked by the media to comment on DAP’s relations with PAS in Johor.

PAS muktamar’s 6th June 2015 approval of a motion to severe ties with DAP, as well as the PAS party polls on 4th June are two key events that set the scene for major realignments in Malaysian politics beyond PAS’ internal dynamics.

The agenda of PAS’ conservatives is to work with Umno with the aim of pushing for hudud legislation. In the mean time, in order to work with Umno and to push for hudud, ties with DAP needed to be severed. To win federal power is not a priority as the conservatives are prepared to accept Umno’s continous rule.

The progressives, who became a significant force in PAS after Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s sacking in 1998, aspire to defeat Umno and its associated racial politics. As it is realistic to expect PAS not to win enough seats on its own to form the federal government , cooperation with DAP via a consensus-based common policy platform is deemed the pragmatic route.

The defeat of the progressives and the motion to severe ties with DAP gives rise to new situations and scenarios.

The current scenarios are as such:

First, unhappiness with the leadership of Datuk Seri Najib Razak and by extention the Umno government is getting more and more widespread by the day. Najib’s economic policies, especially the implementation of Goods and Services Tax (GST), as well as perceived misconducts and potentially corrupt practices, especially 1MDB, are shaping up to the potential of a Malay tsunami.

Second, Malaysians in Sabah and Sarawak are disappointed with long-term neglect by the federal government, as well as the effect of ideas of hardline Islamists. There is a groundswell of anti-federal, anti-Umno sentiment.

Third, most non-Malay voters lost their affection for Umno since 2008. An economic downturn, in part triggered by the implementation of GST, is only going to further distance the voters from Umno.

The hardline stance on various issues relating to Islam taken by PAS conservatives will mean that voters in Sabah, Sarawak and non-Muslims would not trust the hardliners in PAS.

And, for the PAS conservatives to advocate for closer relations with Umno when anti-Najib and anti-Umno sentiments are building up among the Malays, the party will see its middle ground Malay support slipping away.

Indeed, a vacuum is waiting for the progressives in PAS and all other anti-UMNO forces to fill.

In the weeks and months to come, the search for new paths by the progressives and all other Malay moderate opinion leaders to fill the vacuum would see major political realignments in Malaysian politics.

To reply to the queries by members of the press, the DAP Johor State Committee will abide by the decision of DAP Central Committee on the relationship with PAS.

DAP Johor will also attempt to be the rallying point of all anti-Umno forces in order to defeat Umno.

DAP Johor will ensure that the DAP is not absent in the anticipated realignments in Malaysian politics. With two-thirds of the parliamentary seats in Johor being multi-ethnic in nature, DAP must break out from the existing constraints to secure the current support from non-Malay voters but also make the DAP the party of choice for Malay voters in urban and semi-urban settings.

Media statement by Liew Chin Tong, DAP Johor chairman and MP for Kluang, on June 7, 2015 in Muar.

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Najib not telling the truth if he said he could not visit earthquake-hit  zones in Sabah on Friday because it was the birthday of Yang di Pertuan Agong

According to
The Malaysian Insider
, the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, told a crowd during his visit to Kundasang in Sabah today, near where Friday’s earthquake struck, why he could not visit Ranau/Kundasang earlier.

Najib said:

“I had intended to come earlier after hearing news about the earthquake. But that day was the birthday of the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong and then I had to leave for an official visit to Saudi Arabia as the king and the crown prince were involved.

“Because our bilateral ties are very important, I could not come to Sabah, specifically to Ranau, earlier.”

Najib would not be telling the truth if he had indeed said that he could not visit the earthquake-hit zones in Sabah on Friday because it was the birthday of Yang di Pertuan Agong as this was not the case.

The birthday of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong was on  Saturday, 6th June 2015 and not on Friday, 5th June 2015.

Furthermore, why was the Prime Minister informed of the Ranau earthquake some five hours after the disaster, as indicated by his Friday tweet?

As Friday was not the Yang di Pertuan Agong’s birthday, Najib has still to explain why with his new private executive jet, he could not make a lightning visit to Ranau and Kundasang in view of the rare earthquake disaster which claimed 18 lives, with two still missing, before his trip to Saudi Arabia the next evening.

Two mountain guides, Robbi Sapinggi and Joseph Solugin, along with Mountain Torq trainers Valerian Joannes and Ricky Masirin, perished from injuries sustained during the quake.

I had expected the Prime Minister to announce in his belated visit to Ranau and Kundasang a special project to honour the four for sacrificing their lives so that others could live, and it is a disappointment that this is not the case.

The authorities must take immediate action to help the mountain guides and their families who are immediately hit by the aftermath of the Sabah earthquake.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 June 2015, 6:14 pm and is filed under
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Selepas ‘cai’ tentukan pimpinan PAS

A Shukur Harun

The Malaysian Insider

9 June 2015

Dengan berbekalkan sekeping cai – kertas yang mengandungi senarai nama calon pimpinan PAS yang perlu dipilih – maka perwakilan di muktamar PAS minggu lalu pun mengundi dalam situasi di mana cai itu memberi arahan bisu supaya mengundi nama yang tersenarai dalam cai itu.

Walaupun sebahagian kecil perwakilan tidak menurut ‘arahan ghaib’ cai itu, tetapi kebanyakannya mematuhi arahan supaya mengundi calon yang tersenarai dalam cai itu.

Diberitakan, hampir 80% perwakilan dipengaruhi dengan kertas ‘cai’ itu. Ada  pihak yang sempat merakam gambar perwakilan yang sedang ‘khusyuk’ meneliti cai, sebelum mengundi berdasarkan arahan cai tersebut.

Demikian berkuasanya sekeping kertas cai yang tidak diketahui siapa yang menentukan nama yang tersenarai itu, tetapi nyatalah ia sangat berkuasa.

Menurut pemerhati yang mengikuti pergolakan di dalam PAS,  ini sebuah konspirasi peringkat tinggi yang terancang begitu lama hingga menjadikan demokrasi di dalam PAS sebagai lawak jenaka.

Tidak ada rasa malu dan segan silu, tidak lagi merujuk akal dan bisikan hati nurani akan apa yang dilakukan, walaupun ada peringatan tegas dari Nabi Muhammad: “Jika kamu tiada rasa malu lakukanlah.”

Barangkali ada ustaz yang lupakan hadis ini.

Kita tidak pernah fikirkan bagaimana konspirasi ini berlaku, yang nyata mempermainkan demokrasi dan sampingkan etika moral di dalam sebuah parti yang bernuansa Islam berumur 61 tahun itu.

Hinggakan seorang sahabat memberitahu saya, kalau begini caranya, andainya Profesor Dr Yusuf Al-Qaradhawi bertanding pun akan kalah jika tidak tersenarai namanya dalam cai itu.

Tetapi apa yang terjadi terjadi. Tidak mungkin dapat dibaiki lagi. Demokrasi dan moral dihumbankan ke sungai kerana ‘tujuan menghalalkan cara’ iaitu doktrin politik Machiavelli, ahli teori politik Itali yang juga pernah berkata, “Politik tidak ada hubungan dengan moral.”

Dengan ‘kuasa ghaib cai’ itu, tersingkir para tokoh golongan sederhana PAS, walaupun betapa cemerlangnya khidmat dan pengorbanan mereka kepada PAS selama ini.

Maka gembiralah nampaknya golongan konservatif ini atas nama pendukung Islam sejati, yang mendakwa mahu mempertahankan parti dari penyelewengan.

Peristiwa yang sangat memalukan ini berlaku di Muktamar PAS di Kuala Selangor, negeri yang diperintah Pakatan Rakyat, negeri yang menjadi pusat demikian ramai para cerdik pandai tanah air.

Jika begitu petunjuk yang diberikan, maknanya dalam pemilihan pucuk pimpinan PAS di muktamar akan datang,  maka perwakilan tidak perlu lagi berfikir siapa pemimpin yang wajar dipilih, justeru cai sudah menyediakan segalanya.

Ertinya di sini, cai menjadi sebahagian sejarah penting PAS kerana ia mencorakkan kepimpinan PAS.

Inilah wajah PAS yang selama ini ahlinya ditarbiyahkan melalui usrah, tamrin, mukhayam dan pelbagai lagi oleh para murabbi supaya ahli PAS berilmu, berakhlak mulia dan seterusnya boleh berfikir.

Puluhan tahun ahli PAS diperingatkan mengenai akhlak Islam, pertahankan ukhuwah Islamiyah, jangan memfitnah, umpat keji, melebel golongan yang tidak disukai.

Malangnya kini segalanya terburai.

Di sinilah saya amat terkesan dengan ucapan Ketua Dewan Himpunan Penyokong PAS (DHPP) N. Balasubramaniam di muktamar tersebut yang menyatakan rasa terkejutnya melihat amalan fitnah memfitnah dan saling melabel yang berlaku dalam parti Islam itu.

Pada masa yang sama, beliau bertanya pemimpin PAS, khususnya kumpulan ulama, sama ada terdapat dalam Al-Quran yang menghalang seseorang melakukan amalan memfitnah.

“Saya tidak pasti sama ada dalam Islam dan dalam al-Quran ada atau tidak larangan supaya jangan memfitnah dan jangan melabel orang lain,” kata Balasubramaniam.

Kalau ada, katanya, kenapa ulama PAS tidak mengawal ini daripada berlaku dalam parti?

“Kami di dalam DHPP tidak mahu amalan fitnah dan label-melabel berlaku. Kami berharap Islam di bawah kepimpinan ulama supaya tampil ke dapan menegur. Kami menumpang kasih Islam yang dibawa PAS,” katanya lagi ketika menyampaikan ucapan penggulungan dalam muktamar tersebut.

Ini peringatan dan teguran sangat bermakna dari pemimpin DHPP yang saya kira perlu diberi perhatian serius kerana beliau – yang bukan Islam – terkejut dengan budaya fitnah dan melabel yang wujud dalam PAS. Sementara itu, dengan pemilihan pimpinan baru dan keadaan yang berbangkit di dalam PAS akhir-akhir ini, ramai yang bertanya bagaimana masa depan PAS.

Ada kecenderungan di kalangan sesetengah pemimpin PAS, berdasarkan kenyataan dan ucapan mereka, PAS mampu berdiri sendiri,  tidak perlu berjuang bersama Pakatan Rakyat. Lebih-lebih lagi dengan keadaan hubungan PAS yang amat kritikal dengan DAP.

Ertinya PAS boleh bertanding sendiri dengan keyakinan mereka kononnya undi Melayu akan pergi kepada PAS. Benarkah begitu?

Namun bukti nyata ialah dalam PRU 2008 dan 2013, kemenangan calon PAS kebanyakannya kerana sokongan pengundi bukan Islam. Selangor, Johor, Negeri Sembilan, Perak, malah di bandar lain menjadi bukti nyata.

Oleh itu, bolehkah PAS hanya mengharapkan kemenangan di negeri Pantai Timur? Itu pun belum tentu lagi. PAS memerintah Kelantan di tahun 1990 ialah hasil gabungan PAS dengan Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU).

Sementara itu, menurut statistik jumlah pengundi di kawasan luar bandar akan merosot hingga sekitar 25% sahaja lagi dalam PRU akan datang. Dalam keadaan begini, bolehkah PAS mengharapkan undi mereka ini saja untuk menang?

Saya tidak dapat bayangkan – terutamanya dalam konteks negeri Selangor –  jika berlaku PAS memutuskan hubungan dengan DAP, tetapi tidak dengan PKR dan masih hendak bersama Pakatan Rakyat. Ini adalah suatu langkah politik yang sangat pelik.

Selepas golongan konservatif  PAS ini menang besar, maka rakyat mahu melihat agenda dan roadmap mereka. Bagaimana mereka berinteraksi dengan rakyat di luar PAS secara terbuka, bukan lagi sekadar bertemu sesama sendiri di Liqak Fikri dan pelbagai ijtima serta program dalaman parti. – 9 Jun, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 June 2015, 3:07 pm and is filed under
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There is no Pakatan Rakyat if there is no  PR Common Policy Framework or PR consensus operational principle

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s concern from Sungai Buloh Prison about the fate of Pakatan Rakyat after the PAS Muktamar is  the concern of the majority of Malaysians who had voted for PR in the last general elections two years ago, reposing their trust and hopes  in PR to spearhead the political, socio-economic, educational and nation-building changes and end the corruption, cronyism and abuses of power rampant in the country if Malaysia is to achieve its full greatness as a nation.

DAP and I reaffirm our commitment to the PR Common Policy Framework and the PR consensus operational principle which had been the basis of PR’s success in the 2013 General Election, which ensured  that the Najib government is a minority government for the first time in the nation’s history and denied the UMNO/BN coalition two-thirds parliamentary majority for the second general elections.

The UMNO/BN coalition is on its last legs, but there is no way Malaysians can continue to repose their trust and hope in Pakatan Rakyat if we cannot be steadfast, constant and consistent in our commitment to the PR Common Policy Framework and the PR consensus operational principle.

In fact, it is because of the serious violations of the PR Common Policy Framework and the PR consensus operational principle that PR at the national leadership level had effectively ceased to function for the past year.

It is no exaggeration to say that there will be no PR if there is no PR Common Policy Framework and the PR consensus operational principle.

The new PAS leadership killed Pakatan Rakyat at the PAS Muktamar  and there are no signs of any effort to resuscitate PR by reaffirming the PR Common Policy Framework and PR consensus operational principle.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 June 2015, 4:53 pm and is filed under
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Trouble ahead for Pakatan

 – Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman

The Malaysian Insider

9 June 2015

The outcome of last week’s PAS annual meeting is likely to change the Malaysian political landscape. It is the first time in nearly three decades that the Islamist party’s leadership has been dominated by leaders from only one faction within the party.

The conservatives (ulama) in the party, made up of religious scholars and clerics, effectively routed its rival reformist faction by winning all the party’s top positions and 17 of the 18 positions in the central committee.

The women, youth and religious scholars’ wings are now dominated entirely by the conservatives, which hold different views from the reformists on the implementation of Islamic criminal law (hudud), and whether PAS should continue to work with the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition.

Significantly, in the aftermath of the win by the ulama, the party has adopted a resolution to break all ties with its opposition partner DAP, throwing into question PAS’s political direction and that of the three-party PR pact.

Demise of the reformists

The staggering win and massive margins scored by the conservatives in last week’s party elections shocked many in PAS, including the conservatives themselves. Nik Abduh Nik Aziz, the newly-minted PAS Youth chief, was astonished that the conservative faction swept control of all positions including those in the party’s women’s wing. The party’s reformists sorely underestimated the influence and popular support enjoyed by party president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang.

Their decision to field Ahmad Awang – a relative lightweight – for the party’s presidency was seen by many within the party as an attempt by the reformists to hijack the leadership.

The conservatives’ strategy to employ an en-bloc voting system, where delegates were encouraged to vote for a team rather than individuals, was effective in securing nearly all positions.

Perhaps the most important reason for the rout of the conservatives lies in the criticism against Hadi by DAP’s secretary-general, Lim Guan Eng, who accused the former of being dishonest and dishonourable for cooperating with the ruling Umno to pursue PAS’s goal of implementing hudud in violation of the PR’s common policy framework.

Many PAS members believed that the reformists are in cahoots with DAP to steer the party away from its Islamic goals considering the strong support given to these reformist leaders by DAP leaders.

Whither PAS?

The results of the election showed that the reformists in the party did not enjoy popular support. Nonetheless, they remain an important group, making up more than a third of PAS’s elected lawmakers and state assemblymen.

The reformists’ next course of action will, therefore, have an impact on the party. They have two likely options. First, they can leave to join either PKR, DAP or the Persatuaan Ummah Sejahtera Malaysia (Pasma), the non-governmental organisation formed by PAS Kedah leader, Datuk Pharolrazi Zawawi. Second, the reformists could remain in PAS to act as a check on the conservative leadership of the party.

The fact that many of the reformists are elected lawmakers and state assemblymen allows them to continue influencing the party’s policies and position themselves as an alternative to the conservative leadership in the event that the current leaders of PAS fail. A number of the reformist leaders within PAS have, however, indicated that they might leave the party, a move likely to drive them into political oblivion.

Pasma is a little-known outfit that has neither the grassroots network nor the credibility that PAS possesses. The history of PAS has also shown that no breakaway party has been able to survive. Both the Parti Hizbul Muslimin Malaysia and Barisan Jamaah Islamiah Malaysia, two breakaway parties helmed by top leaders of PAS, have faded into obscurity.

Meanwhile, the conservatives seem to have a plan laid out for the party’s future. The future direction of PAS is best encapsulated by Kamaruzzaman Mohamed, press secretary to the PAS president. He noted that PAS will be going back to its roots focusing on the party’s tarbiyah (caderisation) process, the struggle for Islam and winning Muslim votes.

He acknowledged that this could cost the party seats in states such as Selangor and Penang, as many of the seats currently held by PAS have a sizeable non-Muslim populace and some of these voters might be taken in by fears that the implementation of Islamic laws would curtail their rights as citizens.

However, he argued that PAS members did not join the party to win seats, but rather to gain blessings and merits from God. He added that a true victory for the party is not to capture Putrajaya but to ensure that Islam is implemented in totality in the country. Conservative leaders within PAS have also dismissed any possibility of PAS forming a coalition with Umno although they have no qualms about working with the ruling party to ensure that Kelantan’s hudud bill is ratified by the Malaysian Parliament.

Recalibrating relations with Pakatan partners

One of the key consequences of the conservatives dominating the PAS leadership is its impact on the PR.

In his presidential address, Hadi made it clear that PAS was not quitting PR. He expounded that PAS will remain in PR, but on its own terms. For the PAS conservatives, the key problem lies with DAP. The passing of a motion for PAS to break ties with DAP has further strained relations between the two parties.

DAP leader Lim Kit Siang has gone so far as to say that PR is dead, and the coalition is awaiting its funeral rites. Immediately after the decision, Lim Guan Eng, Chief Minister of Penang, asked PAS leaders in Penang to resign from all their state positions. Calls have also been made for PAS leaders to resign from the Selangor government.

As it stands, it does not look like the relationship between PAS and DAP is repairable. The refusal of both parties to leave the PR coalition will lead to a political impasse. This will inevitably weaken both parties and PR.

While it is true that PAS needs the ethnic Chinese DAP to secure non-Muslim votes, DAP is also dependent on PAS to assuage fears amongst some Malays that DAP is a Chinese chauvinist party.

Likewise, DAP was highly dependent on PAS’s grassroots network during the 2013 general election, especially in states such as Kedah and Terengganu. DAP has more or less reached its optimum level of support, having won nearly every single non-Malay majority seat.

By straining its relations with PAS, DAP will find it difficult to expand its base and win seats in constituencies with a wider racial mix.

In sum, the strained relations between DAP and PAS do not bode well for PR. The ability of both parties to win the support that it enjoyed thus far is largely due to their good working relationship.

The biggest winner from the change in the PAS leadership will be the Umno-led Barisan Nasional government. The intra-PR could serve as an important saving grace for Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak at a time when he is fighting for his political survival. – Todayonline, June 9, 2015.

* Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman is coordinator of the Malaysia programme at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University.

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Excerpt #4: The Curse of Our Obsession With Politics

M. Bakri Musa

www.bakrimusa.com

Malays hold an almost exclusive grip on the political process and leadership. Through demographic dynamics Malays could rule the country without support from any other community, and still do justice to the principle of representative governance and other niceties of democracy.

That we do not is a tribute to our sense of fairness and justice, reflecting the values of our culture. It also shows that we have not been infected with the destructive virus of tribalism, an affliction that grips even the most sophisticated. This point deserves repeating as it is not widely acknowledged much less appreciated.

Contrary to the delusions of many Malays, this near exclusive grip on political power is not all blessing or an advantage. It would be if handled competently, but current Malay leaders across the political spectrum are far from being adroit or sophisticated. This political power is thus more bane than blessing. It distracts us from other important and equally worthy pursuits, especially economic.

Worse, with politics now all-consuming, it corrupts all our other endeavors. Our academics are but politicians with glorified professorial titles; our singers and writers are known less for their talent and creativity, more for their endless praises for our leaders.

Because of their long unchallenged grip on power, our leaders are infected with the megalomania virus. They are immune to criticisms; worse, they delude themselves into believing that they can do no wrong. They deceive themselves into thinking that they could readily transfer their political “skills” to other spheres. They cannot; the skills required to ascend the party hierarchy are very different from those needed to run a ministry, helm a major corporation, or lead an academic institution. It is the rare individual who could make a smooth and successful transition.

More pernicious is that these leaders are increasingly appealing to and catering for the most extreme elements in their party. They had to, to win party elections. When these politicians become leaders of the country those old bad habits remain; instead of becoming statesmen they remain unrepentant politicians only too willing to resort to political expedience.

This of course is not unique to Malaysia. The American Congress is held hostage by its minority members with extreme views. America can afford such shenanigans as it is already cruising at high altitude. Malaysia is still trying to ascend; if it does not accelerate it will stall and crash.

Malays are in perpetual mortal fear of losing their grip on political power. Thus we view the increasingly diverse political views among us as dangerous and detrimental to our future. Our cultural view of “good” citizenship would have us be like sheep, blindly following the command of our leaders. To our leaders, diverse political views dilute our voting power.

The closed minds of both Malay leaders and followers cannot comprehend that political diversity (as with all diversities) is an asset and a blessing. Only through examining multiple views would we find one that would suit us best. Diversity is Allah’s grand design.

Thankfully, this is changing. A dramatic and refreshing demonstration of this was the recent (July 9, 2011) BERSIH 2.0 demonstrations. Malay leaders in UMNO including Prime Minister Najib spared no effort in demonizing BERSIH’s very visible non-Malay organizers as “unpatriotic” or even “anti-Malay.” The government went beyond and declared the organization illegal. Those who dared wear attires in the movement’s trademark color – yellow – risked being arrested. Shockingly, many were.

It was reprehensible that a week or two before, the Imams in their usual canned sermons issued by the religious department declared the planned public rally haram, thus unnecessarily injecting a divisive religious element to what was essentially a civic matter. Despite all that, thousands of Malays defied their government, imams, and the party that had long presumed to speak on their behalf to take part in the rally. Clearly those Malay demonstrators were no longer trapped by tribalism; they had escaped the clutches of chauvinism. Bless them!

That was a significant milestone. Leaders who ignore this seismic change do so at their peril. For aspiring Malay leaders, it is now no longer sufficient to display their nationalistic zeal or ethnic instincts. They have to articulate the issues that matter most to the Malay masses: fairness, honesty, and justice, in elections and everywhere else. I would also add competence. Those are also the concerns of all Malaysians.

Yes, there was a time when Malay leaders could garner support by justifying that the victims of their corruption, injustices and inequality were non-Malays. Those days are now long gone, get used to that! Not that there was any consolation that their victims were not our kind, for we too could be next. And today we are.

The comforting corollary to my observation on BERSIH 2.0 is that those capable non-Malay leaders could be assured of Malay support if they were to address the central issues facing the masses.

Another encouraging consequence to Malay political diversity and maturity is that we now choose leaders according to our political persuasions and their personal qualities like competence and integrity, instead purely on racial sentiment. There was a time when we would accept even scoundrels as leaders as long as they are Malays. The rationale then was that they may be scoundrels but at least they were our scoundrels! Those days too are now thankfully gone.

Thus while my book focuses only on Malays, it has pertinence to non-Malays, especially those aspiring to lead Malaysia.

This essay is adapted from the author’s book, Liberating The Malay Mind, ZI Publications Sdn Bhd, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, 2013

Next week: Excerpt #5: Three Defining Moments in Malay Culture

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 10 June 2015, 7:28 am and is filed under
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For close to a year, Pakatan Rakyat existed only in name but not in fact

For close to a year, Pakatan Rakyat existed only in name but not in fact.

For the past year, it was impossible to convene a meaningful Pakatan Rakyat Leadership Council meeting as the two pillars which have seen Pakatan Rakyat posed the greatest challenge to the Umno/BN coalition in the 13th General Elections and even reduced it to a minority government in Putrajaya had been knocked out  – the Pakatan Rakyat  Common Policy Framework which the three component parties DAP, PKR and PAS had freely, fully and voluntarily agreed in 2008 and the consensus operational principle that the consensus of all the three component parties is the only basis for PR decision-making and no one political leader  or political party can exercise a veto power over the others.

The UMNO/BN coalition has lost the trust and confidence of Malaysians because it has demonstrated beyond a shadow of doubt that it has no high political principles and national objectives but only the sordid interest of the UMNO/BN leaders clinging on to power so as to enjoy the perks of power – office, position and money-making opportunities.

The Pakatan Rakyat political coalition cannot make the same mistakes as the UMNO/BN coalition and must always prove that it is motivated by common political principles of justice, freedom and human dignity for the benefit of the people and country, and not opportunistic interests of self, whether for office, position or money-making opportunities.

Otherwise, there will be no difference between the Barisan Nasional and the Pakatan Rakyat coalition.

After the PAS 61st annual congress which passed a motion to sever ties with the DAP and yet remain in Pakatan Rakyat (PR) without debate, it is astonishing that there are those who could think that things in Pakatan Rakyat could remain the same – or that the Pakatan Rakyat coalition had not been destroyed and could continue to exist.

There is no way to avoid the reality – that the new PAS leadership at the 61st Muktamar had killed Pakatan Rakyat.

The question now is to pick up the pieces in the aftermath of the destruction of Pakatan Rakyat!

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 10 June 2015, 4:24 pm and is filed under
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I agree with several PAS MPs that PAS Muktamar decision to cut ties with DAP is final as PAS Muktamar is the highest decision-making body and there is no complaint that the resolution violates any Islamic law or Hukum

I agree with several PAS MPs that PAS Muktamar decision to cut ties with DAP is final as the PAS Muktamar is the highest decision-making body in PAS  and there is no complaint that the resolution to cut ties with DAP violates any Islamic law or Hukum.

I have read the PAS Constitution, and in particular Article 7 which states that PAS Muktamar is the highest decision-making body in the party, unless the PAS Muktamar resolution violates the “hukum yang tertinggi sekali dalam peganan PAS ialah KITABULLAH dan SUNNAH RASUL serta IJMAK, ULAMAK dan QIAS yang terang dan nyata”.

Is there any complaint to the Dewan Syura that the PAS Muktamar motion  to cut ties with DAP without debate violates “hukum”?

If there is a complaint that the PAS Muktamar motion to cut off ties with DAP violates “hokum”, who will be the defendants – the PAS President and the entire PAS Ulama leadership?

This is unthinkable.

In fact, the Muktamar motion to cut ties with DAP is meant to be of instant effect, as there is no qualifying clause subjecting it to the review either by the Majlis Syura or the central committee.

For reasons best known to the new PAS leadership, having killed Pakatan Rakyat at the 61st PAS Muktamar, the new PAS leaders have chosen to claim that the Muktamar motion to cut ties with DAP has still to be approved by its Majlis Syura and central committee, which nullifies the clear provision in the PAS Constitution that the PAS Muktamar is the  highest decision-making body in the party.

This is no reason however why Malaysians should not give an ordinary and reasonable interpretation to the PAS Constitution stipulating that PAS Muktamar is the highest decision-making body of the party and the clear-cut intention of the PAS Muktamar motion for PAS to cut ties with DAP – noting that there was no conditions qualifying the Muktamar motion such as review by the Syura Council and the central committee, or  that the implementation of the resolution should be kept on hold until there is such a review by Majlis Syura and Central Committee.

I am not aware that the PAS Central Committee can overrule the Muktamar, which will be a contradiction in terms as it violates the PAS Constitution stipulating that the Muktamar is the highest decision-making body of PAS.

Be that as it may, as a result of the PAS Muktamar motion, Pakatan Rakyat has ceased to exist and we have to face the consequences arising from such a PAS Muktamar motion.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 11 June 2015, 4:39 pm and is filed under
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Najib should go on leave as Prime Minister and Finance Minister  to allow for a full-fledged investigation into 1MDB by RCI and return to office after he has been cleared of any wrongdoing in the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak should go on leave as Prime Minister and Finance Minister to allow for a full-fledged investigation into the 1MDB by  a Royal Commission of Inquiry and return to office after he has been cleared of any wrongdoing in the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal.

There is no need for Najib to resign as Prime Minister, as proposed by former Prime Minister, Tun Mahathir that Najib must first resign as Prime Minister to allow full investigation into the 1MDB finances, and that Najib can come back as Prime Minister to lead the Barisan Nasional in the next election “if no crime can be detected and all the money is returned”.

I agree with Mahathir that so long as Najib is still exercising the office and powers of  Prime Minister, no proper investigation can be made.

Mahathir should know as during his  22 years as Prime Minister, there could be no proper investigation into the string of financial scandals estimated to cost the country over RM100 billion under his premiership, simply because Mahathir was during this period the Prime Minister of the day.

I do not think it is necessary for Najib to resign as Prime Minister, as taking extended leave would suffice.

It  is understandable that Najib would not entertain such a dangerous proposition of resignation as he may not have a premiership to return to  after the RCI investigation.

At present, everybody seems to be investigating into the 1MDB scandal – the Auditor-General, the Public Accounts Committee, Bank Negara and even the Police – but nobody has any confidence that any of these investigations would be meaningful and produce the proper results.

All these investigations should be replaced by an investigation by a Royal Commission of Inquiry, with the RCI commissioners appointed by the Dewan Rakyat by way of a motion so that the views of both the government and opposition are taken into account on such appointments.

The RCI into 1MDB should start work immediately, hold public hearings, and be given a time-frame say of six months to complete its investigations and  submit its findings and recommendations.

The case for a RCI into 1MDB has become even compelling with the revelation that  auditing of 1MDB’s accounts for the year ending March 31, 2015 had not even started.

Even the Prime Minister’s brother and CIMB Chairman Datuk Seri Nazir Razak had said he was “perplexed” over Putrajaya’s slowness in auditing troubled 1MDB’s financial accounts for the current financial year.

In a posting on Instagram, Nazir questioned if standards in the corporate governance on the Finance Ministry-owned state investment vehicle had dropped, and asked:

“How is this allowed? Has standards of GLC governance dropped so low?”

Who is responsible for the shocking lapse in good governance where auditing of the  financial accounts of 1MDB for the year ending March 31, 2015 had not even started although the second quarter of the year will end in less than three weeks.

Can Najib disclaim responsibility for such shocking lack of good governance in a government company where the Prime Minister is the final approving authority under Clause 117 of the 1MDB Memorandum and Articles of Association (M&A) Agreement, which stipulated that the Prime Minister must give his written approval for any of 1MDB deals, including the firm’s investments or any bid for restructuring.

The Prime Minister’s written approval is mandatory if “any financial commitment (including investment), restructuring or any other matter which is likely to affect the guarantee given by the Federal Government of Malaysia for the benefit of the company, national interest, national security or any policy of the Federal Government of Malaysia”.

With the clear-cut provision specifying that “any other matter which is likely to affect……national interest” requires the Prime Minister’s written approval, can Najib disclaim responsibility for this grave breach of good governance by 1MDB?

                This entry was posted on Friday, 12 June 2015, 4:43 pm and is filed under
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DAP’s challenge to win the Malay hearts and minds

by C.K. Foo | TMI

The news that 80-year old national laureate, Abdul Samad Said, popularly known as Pak Samad, will be joining DAP may come as a surprise to many, but not to some others.

It is another feather in DAP’s cap, coming after a tumultuous week of mutual incrimination between the ulama leaders who gained control of PAS and DAP leaders, following the PAS muktamar’s decision to sever ties with DAP.

Some would ask, what is it that attracts some Malays to join DAP, like the octogenarian Pak Samad, and a twenty-something Malay girl, Dyana Sofya Daud, the latter who not only joined, but who took active part in DAP politics?

Similarly, ex-Umno politician, Datuk Mohd Ariff Sabri Abdul Aziz, who joined DAP prior to the 13th general election and with the strong support of non-Malay voters won the parliamentary seat of Raub in Pahang.

Perhaps what attracted some Malays to join DAP is that the party has remained on course since it was established in 1966 by faithfully sticking to its mandate , i.e. to be a truly multiracial party staying above partisan politics of race and religion.

If actions speak louder than words, then the decision of the current DAP secretary-general who said some 17 years ago he would go to prison (which he did) in order to defend the modesty of an underaged Malay girl who was a victim of statutory rape, speaks for itself.

And then there is DAP’s current resolve to separate its humanitarian commitment to help rebuild the lives of mostly Malay flood victims in Kelantan (who are not at all DAP voters or supporters in any sense), from the politics of the ulama-controlled PAS to sever ties with DAP.

Just for this, although its detractors would say it was a politically smart move, DAP has nonetheless enviously earned kudos even from PAS leaders and, more importantly, from the wider Malay community in the country.

Yes, it will take time for DAP to win over the trust and confidence of Malay voters. But DAP now has the information revolution, the internet and the social media on its side in its arduous journay to win over the voting Malay community.

DAP’s challenge, however, is the rural Malay heartland, which has been, and still is, overwhelmed by PAS and Umno foot soldiers and by Umno’s control of TV and newspapers with their biased broadcast and one-sided publishing of domestic political issues.

If DAP leaders can stay on course on its stated principles of fair play for the marginalised and the disadvantaged section of Malaysian society irrespective of race and religion,  while other parties still find comfort in their politics of race and religion, the party can be assured it will always be on the right side of history.

For one thing, there is only so much the politics of race and religion can save the country and an ethnic community, and a growing number of Malays have begun to realise that.

There will be plenty more hurdles for the party to cross, some battles might be lost, but its war against the politics of race and religion in Malaysia can still be won, that is, if it stays on course and remains faithful to its charter which was carved in stone in 1966.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 13 June 2015, 4:21 pm and is filed under
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Kata dah putus hubungan, tapi kenapa susah nak lepaskan jawatan?

Nomy Nozwir

The Malaysian Insider

13 June 2015

Pada minggu lalu, Muktamar PAS kali ke-61 berlangsung dengan menyaksikan golongan pro Presiden PAS Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang menang besar dalam pemilihan parti tersebut.

Kemenangan terbesar golongan yang dikenali sebagai pro ulama ini juga membuat satu resolusi mengatakan akan memutuskan hubungan mereka dengan DAP, tetapi kekal dalam Pakatan Rakyat (PR).

Ini macam sudah bercerai tapi masih hendak duduk serumah tidur sekatil.

Saya melihat hubungan “menage-a-trois” antara ketiga-tiga parti dalam PR ini sangat unik, memutuskan hubungan tetapi masih dalam satu kumpulan.

Beberapa ahli PAS yang tidak sebulu dengan golongan pro-ulama ini, seperti Mohamad Sabu, melepaskan jawatan sebagai seorang ahli lembaga pengarah di Perbadanan Air Pulau Pinang.

Pulau Pinang kini ditadbir oleh kerajaan yang diterajui oleh parti DAP, yang dipimpin sendiri oleh setiausaha agung parti itu sendiri, Lim Guan Eng.

Jika benarlah, begitu bencinya ahli PAS terhadap DAP, yang terus tegas dengan pendirian menolak undang-undang hudud, kenapa tidak reti-reti hendak letak jawatan secara terhormat?

Jika benar, resolusi memutuskan hubungan dengan DAP ini kerana parti DAP menolak dasar undang-undang hudud, kenapa demi lillahita’ala tak nak lepaskan jawatan?

Takkan hanya Mat Sabu sahaja yang berani buat macam tu?

Ada lebih 1,000 ahli PAS memegang jawatan dalam “payroll” kerajaan negeri Pulau Pinang.

Setakat ini, hanya 15 ahli jawatankuasa kampung tertentu mengemukakan surat peletakan jawatan mereka.

Kenapa yang lain tak nak lepaskan jawatan? Sebab seronok dapat kerusi empuk, pejabat mempunyai penyaman udara sambil main Facebook, hujung bulan dapat gaji, elaun itu dan ini?

Memanglah bukan DAP memiliki Pulau Pinang, tapi rakyat Pulau Pinang memilih PR sebagai pentadbir negeri tersebut, dengan DAP sebagai pemegang kerusi terbanyak.

Dalam kerajaan negeri yang ditadbir PAS sekarang ini, Kelantan, saya nak tanya, ada tak orang DAP pegang apa-apa jawatan dalam pentadbiran negeri?

Kalau ada, sepatutnya ahli itu melepaskan jawatannya sebagai satu bukti pendirian dalam berpolitik.

Kenapa bila main isu hudud sikit, semua jadi hilang akal, jadi gila, kemudian bila fikir bab pangkat, tak pula berfikir macam tu?

Macam ni ke parti Islam nak dijadikan sebagai contoh dalam berpolitik? – 13 Jun, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 13 June 2015, 10:07 pm and is filed under
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Time for realignment of political forces to keep alive the hopes of Malaysians for political change in 14th General Elections for an agenda for “Malaysian unity, justice and prosperity”

Today’s event is most significant for two reasons: the completion of the Impian Kelantan project to repair or build 60 houses in Kampung Pasir Tumboh which was destroyed in the Kelantan Great Flood which started on Dec. 22 last year.

Secondly, the announcement of National Laureatte Pak Samad’s membership of the DAP.

Both political coalitions in the country, Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakat, are going through an unprecedented turmoil and chaos.

The Umno/Barisan Nasional coalition is fighting a life-and-death struggle with the daily escalation of the titanic Najib-Mahathir battle, with the former Prime Minister trying to save UMNO for he is convinced that UMNO under Najib would lose the next general election.

The Pakatan Rakyat has also come to the end of the road with the PAS Muktamar motion last week cutting ties with the DAP.

Who will win the next general elections? Can UMNO/BN coalition survive for another general election?

Are the hopes of Malaysians, which represent the majority of voters in the 13th general election, for political change still relevant and alive in the next general election?

The greatest  challenge facing Malaysians who committed to political change is to rekindle the people’s hopes that political change in the next general election is still within reach, even if there is no Pakatan Rakyat.

The time  has come for  a realignment of political forces to keep alive the hopes of Malaysians

in the 13th General Election for political change, which is now postponed to the 14th General Election on an agenda for “Malaysian unity, justice and prosperity”.

National laureate, Pak Samad, who is well known as “Perwira Ubah”, has made a most critical decision for he would be making great contributions to keep alive the hopes of Malaysians that  even if  Pakatan Rakyat has come to the end of the road,  the pursuit for change of  Federal power  in Putrajaya remains unaffected.

The agenda for “Malaysian unity, justice and prosperity” must be an inclusive programme which rises above the politics of race, language and territory, for this is the only way to unite Malaysians regardless of race, religion or region, to march ahead as one to forge  a nation of justice and prosperity.

(Speech in Kampung Pasir Tumboh, Gua Musang on Saturday, June 13, 2015 a 12 noon when launching Impian Kelantan project completing 60 houses after the Kelantan Great Flood)

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 13 June 2015, 4:00 pm and is filed under
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Why is Najib, as final approving authority for 1MDB, in law and in fact, prepared to brief UMNO division representatives but not Parliament on 1MDB controversy?

The Sunday Star reported that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak will brief UMNO division information chiefs  today on the 1MDB controversy as he steps up efforts to counter mounting attacks against him on the issue.

The question that immediately comes to mind is why Najib, who is the final approving authority for all 1MDB decisions, in law and  in fact, prepared to brief UMNO division representatives but not Parliament on the 1MDB controversy?

Najib is the final approving authority for all 1MDB decisions in law and in fact because Najib is responsible in law as  1MDB is a government company and as the Prime Minister as well as Finance Minister he must accept full and  final responsibility for all of 1MDB actions although he may not be responsible for its day-to-day operations; and responsible in fact, because under Clause 117 of the 1MDB Memorandum and Articles of Association Agreement (M&A), the Prime Minister must give his written approval for any of 1MDB deals, including the firm’s investments or any bid for restructuring.

It  was only ten days ago that the Second Finance Minister, Datuk Seri Husni Hanadzlah ended the six-year pretence and admitted in his TV1 interview on “1MDB: Di mana wangnya?” on 3rd June 2015 that Najib Razak as the Prime Minister is the final approving authority for 1MDB deals, investments and transactions under the 1MDB M&A.

The question is whether the Cabinet, at its meeting on 29th May 2015 which approved the Save 1MDB Roadmap, was aware that the Save 1MDB Roadmap was in fact a Save Najib Roadmap as right from the first day of 1MDB in September 2009, the Prime Minister was the final approving authority for all 1MDB deals.

Did Najib give a full report to the Cabinet on all his 1MDB dealings in the past six years as the final approving authority for 1MDB deals, transactions and investments and have all Cabinet Ministers understood how 1MDB could pile up RM42 billion debts in six years and endorsed all the 1MDB decisions taken by Najib as the final approving authority for all these transactions?

If the Cabinet had not been aware that Najib was the final approving authority for all 1MDB deals from Day One of 1MDB, and Najib had not given the Cabinet a full report of all his 1MDB “written approvals” for the past six years, then the Prime Minister had been guilty of a serious misconduct of misleading Cabinet about the 1MDB controversy.

Although  the Prime Minister had told his Ministers  at the May 29 Cabinet  meeting to resign if they do not support him on the 1MDB issue, the pertinent question is whether all Ministers have accepted the collective responsibility for the 1MDB scandal “to sink or swim‘ with Najib on the issue?

It is now known that the Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, who clearly agrees with former Prime Minister, Tun Mahathir, that the 1MDB scandal is the “last straw that breaks the camel’s back”, was not present at the May 29 Cabinet meeting as he was overseas.

Does Muhyiddin support the Save 1MDB Roadmap adopted by the Cabinet on May 29?

Although Husni immediately refuted a Bernama report after the May 29 Cabinet meeting that Putrajaya will wind up 1MDB, the credibility of Ministerial statements and assurances are at an all-time low, and the report by The Edge Financial Daily at the beginning of the week that the 1MDB Board will be made to step down as early as next month has raised anew the question whether this will be a prelude to the winding up of the troubled investment firm.

Malaysians are reminded of Muhyiddin stand after the Cabinet meeting on 1MDB in early March, clearly made in response to reports that Najib and his coterie of 1MDB advisers were considering an exit strategy for 1MDB, which could involve 1MDB being left as a skeletal structure and possibly dissolved under a debt repayment plan in which most of its assets will be sold.

Muhyiddin in a rare statement in March said there should  neither be a “bail-out” nor “strip sale” of 1MDB to pay off its hefty debts amounting to RM42 billion, wanting all allegations made against 1MDB to be taken seriously and the 1MDB board of directors be prepared to face legal action if results of the investigation showed negligence or discrepancy.

Now that it is established that Najib is the final approving authority for 1MDB, will Muhyiddin similarly take the position that the Prime Minister should be prepared to face the legal and political consequences for negligence, discrepancy or other wrongs?

But the most relevant question is whether Muhyiddin fully endorses the Save 1MDP Roadmap adopted by the Cabinet on May 29?

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 14 June 2015, 11:06 am and is filed under
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DAP launches Impian Kedah/Perlis as part of Impian Malaysia to promote an inclusive vision to rally all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion, region or class to unite on a common agenda of Malaysian unity, justice and prosperity

Tonight, I am pleased to announce another Impian Malaysia project, Impian Kedah/Perlis, following in the footsteps of Impian Sabah, Impian Sarawak and Impian Kelantan.

The Impian Kedah/Perlis project will be headed by Dr. Mohd  Tajuddin Shaffee who is the Kedah Chairman of the Federation of Private Medical Practitioners Associations, Malaysia (FPMPAM) and other members of Impian Kedah/Perlis are Dr. Tan Poh Teng, Nurul Shifa and Abdul Manan.

DAP is launching  Impian Kedah/Perlis as part of Impian Malaysia to promote an inclusive vision to rally all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion, region or class to unite on a common agenda of Malaysian unity, justice and prosperity.

Impian Kedah/Perlis, like Impian Kelantan,  is born out of the two convictions: Firstly, Malaysia cannot be progressive and prosperous if Kedah and Perlis continue to be poor and backward in infrastructure development.

Secondly, that the people and states of Kedah and Perlis are entitled to the right to development compared to other states and not to be relegated as Malaysia’s poorest state.

Together with National Laureatee, Pak Samad, I was in Kampung Pasir Tumboh in Gua Musang, Kelantan yesterday to launch the completion of a project to repair or build 60 houses for Kampung Pasir  Tumboh.

I believe all of us  in Malaysia, regardless of race, religion or region, share a common dream, to make plural Malaysia a model for the world as a show-case of peaceful, tolerant, progressive and successive nation-building, where there is unity, justice and prosperity for all Malaysians.

Seven years ago, Malaysians were fired up a common bond and vision  in their support of Pakatan Rakyat’s Common Policy Framework to create an united, just and prosperous nation where we can assure to our children and children’s children  a better future as Malaysians.

Unfortunately, in the past few years, Malaysia has lost its way and direction, coming under unprecedented stress and strain, both vertical and horizontal.

Never before have  racial and religious polarization been so bad in the nation’s history, caused by irresponsible, cynical and opportunistic exploitation of the politics of race and religion.

But for the first time, Malaysia is not only threatened by centrifugal forces of race and religion, the very existence of Malaysia is being threatened by reckless disregard of the  1963 Malaysia Agreement which formed the basis of Malaysia with the federation of Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak.

Malaysia is facing very troubled times, especially with the two political coalitions, the Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat, undergoing turmoil and chaos.

Will the UMNO/Barisan Nasional coalition survive the next general elections?  Tun Mahathir does not think so and this is the reason he has given as to why he wants Datuk Seri Najib Razak to step down as Prime Minister – to save UMNO not so much to save Malaysia.

Will there be a Pakatan Rakyat in the next general elections?

We must learn from the lessons of the past, for instance why Pakatan Rakyat lost the Kedah State Government in the 2013 general elections, where Pakatan Rakyat lost four parliamentary and seven state assembly seats as well as the Kedah state government.

Before the 13th General Elections, I had spoken to the PAS national leaders about the need for change in Kedah or PR runs the risk of losing the Kedah state government.

Unfortunately, the PAS national leadership was not prepared to listen to DAP advice, as  it was  very confident about PAS and PR chances in Kedah in the 13th General Elections.

Just as the  PAS leadership failed to learn from the lessons of the 2004 General Election, where PAS lost the Terengganu State Government after one term in power, the Kedah state government was lost in the 2013 General Election.

With the PAS Muktamar resolution where  PAS severed  relations with DAP, and the inability of Pakatan Rakyat to function as an effective unit  in the past year,  existing only in name but not in fact ( the reason why the Pakatan Rakyat Leadership Council could not function at all  with the multiple breaches of the PR Common Policy Framework and the consensus operational principle that no political leader or party could exercise a veto power over the others), Pakatan Rakyat has come to the end of the road.

Are the hopes of Malaysians, which represent the majority of voters in the 13th general election, for political change still relevant and alive in the next general election?

I believe so. The greatest challenge facing DAP and all political forces which want   political change to take place in the 14GE is to rekindle the people’s hopes that political change in the next general election is still within reach, even if there is no Pakatan Rakyat.

The time has therefore come for a realignment of political forces in Malaysia  to keep alive the hopes of Malaysians in the 13th General Election for political change in the 14th General Election and for  a new government in Putrajaya on an agenda for “Malaysian unity, justice and prosperity”.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 15 June 2015, 4:45 pm and is filed under
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Is Najib giving  an undertaking to nation that he and all his Ministers will resign and retire from politics if the 1MDB scandal and all-related 1MDB issues are not resolved by the end of the year?

	It has been reported that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, has given his assurance to some 1,000 Umno divisional leaders and selected representatives of NGOs yesterday that the controversy surrounding the state investment arm 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB) will be resolved by year-end.

This is indeed good news, but instead of broadcasting from the rooftops, the Prime Minister seems to be very coy about it, and Datuk Seri Najib Razak not only made it at a closed-door function but the report was not an announcement from the horse’s mouth but in the form of a leaked version by one or two persons who attended Najib’s special briefing on the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal – which would allow for a subsequent denial of its veracity.

Yesterday I asked why Najib, as the final approving authority for all 1MDB decisions, in law and in fact, was prepared to brief UMNO division leaders and selected NGO representatives but not in Parliament on the 1MDB controversy.

Malaysians are still waiting for Najib’s answer.

The  question now is  whether Najib had admitted to the UMNO divisional leaders and selected NGO representatives yesterday that he is the final approving authority for 1MDB deals, investments and transactions and as such, he cannot pass the buck of final responsibility for 1MDB scandal to the 1MDB Board or the management?

Furthermore, had Najib given a full report on all his 1MDB dealings in the past six years as the final approving authority for 1MDB deals, transactions and investments and how 1MDB could pile up RM42 billion debts in six years?

Had Najib also given a full report on the Save 1MDB Roadmap passed by the Cabinet on May 29?

Furthermore, had  Najib given a full and frank account of his relationship with Jho Low, the  “mover and shaker” of the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal, and Jho Low’s role in the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal?

On June 3, I drafted “Ten Questions on 1MDB for dummies” which all Cabinet Ministers should be able to answer, but no Cabinet Minister seems able to do so.

Can all who attended Najib’s special briefing yesterday  able to answer all these 10 questions on 1MDB for dummies?

If the answers are in the negative,  how could the UMNO divisional leaders go out to explain to the public that the the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal does not exist, and that all the 1MDB deals, debts, investments and transactions are proper and above-board?

If the answers are in the positive,	then the question that immediately arises is why the Prime Minister is prepared to make a “clean breast” of the 1MDB controversy in a closed-door briefing for UMNO divisional leaders and selected NGO representatives, but not in Parliament?

The  Prime Minister must give Malaysians a truthful and straightforward answer about the 1MDB scandal as he cannot continue to run and hide as he did over the 1MDB “Nothing2Hide” forum two Fridays ago.

Malaysians do not want Najib to play the role of ace magician like David Copperfield by just winding up and dissolving the 1MDB so as to claim that 1MDB controversy is no more as it has ceased to exist, but to be responsible for all 1MDB and 1MDB-related issues and scandals, including those passed off to other entities should there be a winding-up and dissolution of 1MDB.

Malaysians want a straightforward answer from the Prime Minister: Is Najib giving  an undertaking to the nation that he and all his Ministers will resign and retire from politics if the 1MDB scandal and all-related 1MDB issues are not resolved by the end of the year?

The Deputy Prime Minister and all Cabinet Ministers should also speak up whether they agree with Najib or not on this undertaking.

If the answer here is in the positive, then Malaysians are not only looking at the possibility of some 30 parliamentary by-elections by the end of the year but even a change of government in Putrajaya.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 15 June 2015, 9:17 am and is filed under
Financial Scandals
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Najib Razak
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Parliament
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