Our rise or fall depends on moderate path ahead

By Ramon Navaratnam

Malaysiakini

Jul 13, 2015

I refer to the thoughtful letter written by my former colleague Sheriff Kassim recent letter in The Star (July 7) and also in the NST (July 8) on ‘Moderation?’ Sheriff rightly concludes that “the growth of the economy and the happiness of the people depend on the country taking the moderate path, in line with the principles enshrined in the constitution and our obligations as a member of the international community”.

Sheriff indicated that there are many ‘sacred cows’ like the resistance to change, the New Economic Policy (NEP), the university entry qualifications, the Education Policy and inter alia , government procurement policies. I believe that these sacred cows  have to be managed better and removed for Malaysia to progress.

I fully  agree with Sheriff  that the return to the moderate path in our national policies and practices will enable Malaysia to succeed and prosper and rise as a united nation in the longer term, or fall.

However, I have to confess that I fear that Malaysia will gradually decline, decay and fal, if  our beloved country continues to veer from the path of moderation. Indeed Malaysia could slowly slide like Greece has if we  adopt more extremist and parochial policies and tolerate narrow and polluted practices.

Return to glory and rise

I also believe that Malaysia can return to our glorious days when all our races mixed freely and regarded our diversity as our strengths. Then we enjoyed greater national unity, less Islamisation in our society and our national schools. There was also certainly much lower levels of putrid politicking, on both sides of the House.

But I would respectfully disagree with the views sometimes expressed that the moderate path can only be achieved if we are prepared to accept English as our sole medium in our national schools.

Surely we can carry on with Bahasa Malaysia as our main medium in our national schools, but with English taught seriously as a second medium of instruction.Why should we forgo our national language, Bahasa Malaysia, as our main medium of instruction? Children worldwide are known to be able to learn several languages with ease. So why can’t our children do so? We could also teach English literature and Science and Maths in English, to raise their capabilities.

Chinese and Tamil as compulsory subjects?

At  the same time, the mother tongues like Chinese and Tamil for can be made compulsory subjects for Chinese and Tamil students, while Arabic could also be taught for those who opt to learn another language.

This way the vernacular schools would have to compete with the national schools for pupils and teachers, to enhance their quality. This merging of all Malaysian students in the old ‘English Schools’ would reduce the stigma of growing Islamisation and would raise national unity and quality in our national school system.

Proposed new national consensus for the moderate path ahead

However, there are many more national challenges that we must overcome, to succeed in adopting and sincerely practicing the Malaysian middle path of moderation.

I have listed out some Moderate Measures below, for further consultation and debate. But  more modifications will have to be made to develop and adopt a new national consensus, as follows:

1. We must all reaffirm our loyalty to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the sultans and heads of states.

2. We have to fully support the federal and state constitutions in word and spirit and reaffirm our commitment to strengthen the Rukunegara.

3. We must all agree that Malaysia belongs to all Malaysians, regardless of race and religion and geography. We have to remove the acute divisive feelings caused by notions of ketuananship, racial and religious bigotry and supremacy .

4. Bumiputraism has created racial and religious divisiveness and dichotomy in Malaysia. This can and should be phased out as soon as possible and replaced by the bottom 40 percent income anti-poverty policies and programmers, enunciated so well in the 11th Malaysia Plan.

Most of the poorest and most underprivileged Malaysians are still the Malays, Orang Asli and Orang Asal of Sabah and Sarawak. So all Malaysians regardless of race or religion should benefit equally from affirmative action policies to enhance national unity, instead of eroding it. Divisive policies and practices are not moderate issues, but can be construed as somewhat ‘extremist’.

5. As pointed out by Sheriff, meritocracy, competition, efficiency, countering corruption and slashing government expenditure wastage must be given much higher priority, to build good governance and moderation. These important goals have been getting much less government attention, hence the declining quality of governance over the years .

This is one major reason why Malaysia is now caught in the middle income trap and is suffering from so many social, economic and political ills.

We seem to find it very difficult to break out of this income trap ,while many of our Asian countries that were once behind us have forged ahead of us. Some of our neighbours who are still behind us, are also catching up with us. They will progress faster than us if we continue to advance at a slower pace on all fronts, by being caught in the trap.

Don’t slide like Greece

6. Although we are proud of our relatively strong economic fundamentals at this time, can we  honestly ask ourselves – how long can we remain strong and sustainable? After all, some former very healthy countries like Greece have now become failed states. Can’t we later become like Greece, too?

With the current worrisome political uncertainty, the declining ringgit, which does not appear to be temporary, our national and international confidence levels are not high or rising. Furthermore given our narrow buffers for our budget deficits, national debt and weakening balance of payments, even the encouragement derived from the recent favourable Fitch ratings, may be temporary and not sustainable.

We therefore need to buttress our economy with more real reforms and transformation, to ensure sustained growth and development and better equity and income distribution, to benefit the rakyat.

7. Thus I agree with Sheriff that the rule of law must be protected and promoted more strongly, to preserve and enhance our national and international confidence.

However, crime has been high ,and we especially in the urban areas, still feel insecure. I have never seen so many gated areas in housing estates in the past. The national institutions like the Judiciary, the police, the civil service, Immigration, Customs, the education system and indeed the whole government machinery is suffering from poor overall public perception problems of decline and deterioration.

Some would argue that we are experiencing the early signs of a failing state? I do not believe this, but there are many who do think this way and that is the problem of less confidence and more pessimism.

How else do we explain the continuing severe brain drain, where many of our best brains are in Singapore, Australia, UK and indeed all over the world. At the same time Malaysian businessmen and entrepreneurs will tell you quite openly now that they are finding it very difficult to recruit and especially retain, able and experienced managers and professionals.

Where have many of our bright minds gone and why have they left us for greener and fairer pastures?

8. Many former civil servant colleagues like Sheriff and those in the G25, G33 and most Malaysian moderates would be aware that many senior civil servants like us did often advise the government in the past, while within the service. We urged them professionally and politely to cut the national coat according to the available cloth, to live within our means, and to think long-term and not just seek short-term political gains.

But they did not always listen to us. In fact we were often overruled. In some sad ways, the birds are now coming home to roost.

9. The reason for the government to rush forward in the past, regardless of longer-term adverse socio-economic and even political consequences, was the pursuit of the concept of ‘state capture’. Many countries all over the world practice this policy of using the apparatus of state or the institutions of state to remain in political control, for as long as possible.

But in most countries state capture does not last long, because of frequent changes in governments at election time. However, here in our country, we joke that civil servants who become permanent secretaries hold their posts for short periods of time or temporarily, while many ministers stay in their posts for longer periods or more permanently. That is why permanent secretaries are now renamed secretaries-general.

So how can we get real government and economic transformation when checks and balances are reduced, please? We must therefore reject state capture that can keep us stuck – in the middle income trap.

10. Conclusion – strive for the Malaysian dream

It’s not too late to rise and not fall. For this we need a new Malaysian dream.

We can go back to the good old days of stronger national unity, greater faith and confidence in our beloved Malaysia, and enjoy much more national happiness and a deeper sense of well-being and higher hopes for the future.

But for this ‘Malaysian dream’ of our forefathers to be realised, our leaders must show greater political will to move forward along the ‘moderate path’ – regardless of parochial political and short-term party gains, selfishness, greed, self-interest and racial and religious bigotry.

Then Malaysia will rise and shine.

Rather than fall, fail and decline.

All true Malaysians will work hard and pray that Malaysia will succeed.

Instead of some political leaders becoming less moderate and even extreme,

– and then we will all recede?

So Selamat Hari Raya kepada saudara semua

Harap Malaysia maju dan jadi lebih kaya.

Terima Kasih.

Jumpa lagi.

Salams

RAMON NAVARATNAM is chairperson of Asli/Centre of Public Policy Studies.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 15 July 2015, 5:45 am and is filed under
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Overcoming the legacy of patronage politics

By Bloomberg editors

10th July 2015

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak may very well be, as he insists, innocent of charges that nearly US$700 million (RM2.65 billion) in government-linked funds ended up in his personal accounts. But his handling of the scandal thus far has only underscored weaknesses in the Malaysian political system.

The accusations against Najib revolve around the finances of 1MDB – a debt-ridden state investment company whose advisory board he chairs. In early July, the Wall Street Journal reported that hundreds of millions of dollars may have moved through agencies linked to 1MDB and landed in accounts controlled by the prime minister.

Najib has alleged a political conspiracy to undermine him and vowed not to resign. He’s threatened to sue the Journal, while Malaysian police have launched a probe into how reporters obtained the evidence for its story. The Journal has said it stands by its reporting.

Whatever the facts of the case, Najib inhabits a system that has long suffered from allegations of cronyism. His United Malays National Organisation (Umno) has dominated the government since independence in 1957, in part through gerrymandering and affirmative-action policies that favor the Malay majority.

Having carefully cultivated the 191 division leaders who have the power to remove him as party leader, Najib can likely cling to his position regardless of what facts are revealed – or what voters may want.

The opposition coalition was successfully fractured by the recent conviction of its leader, Anwar Ibrahim, on apparently spurious sodomy charges. Retrograde sedition laws and a docile domestic media further stifle dissent in Malaysia. Najib recently postponed internal Umno elections until 2018, making a party coup even harder.

Four different official investigations into 1MDB had been announced before the Journal’s report – by the government’s auditor general, a parliamentary committee, the police and the central bank. But questions linger over how independent any of these can be. Najib’s ruling coalition dominates the legislature. The police fall under the home minister’s authority.

And Najib, who is finance minister as well as prime minister, nominates the central bank governor. Yesterday, the head of the parliamentary committee reported that an interim report from the auditor general had found no suspicious activity at 1MDB, although the company had reportedly withheld some bank and investment documents from investigators.

A ‘special task force’ announced last weekend, led by the attorney-general, appears to be investigating with more vigor. It has removed documents and computers from the 1MDB offices and frozen six bank accounts associated with the case. (It hasn’t named the banks or said to whom the accounts belong, except to note that the freeze orders didn’t involve accounts allegedly held by Najib.) Still, its scope and authority are vague.

He should open his books to investigators

If the prime minister truly wants to clear his name, he should abandon his threats to sue the Journal and instead open his books to investigators – something he hasn’t yet pledged to do or confirmed he’s done. He should make way for a truly independent investigation of the charges against him – perhaps structured as a royal commission with wide-ranging powers.

More important for avoiding such scandals in the future is to eliminate the patronage politics that encourage corruption, and this will require far broader reform. Malaysia needs a thriving opposition and a freer media, as well as a far more powerful and independent anti-corruption agency. Stricter campaign funding rules would reduce the risk of vote-buying. Officials’ personal finances should be made more transparent.

Najib has earned praise for his stewardship of the economy; Malaysia recently avoided a Fitch downgrade on the strength of its improving fiscal finances and its relatively healthy growth rates. The country’s reputation, though, no less than Najib’s, is suffering a grievous blow. Neither will be easily healed.

– Bloomberg

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 15 July 2015, 6:02 am and is filed under
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Can PAS lose Kelantan in 14GE?

PAS leaders, like its President Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang and former Secretary-General Datuk Mustafa Ali have publicly stated that the PAS Progressive’s Gerakan Harapan Baru will not last more than two years.

DAP had always been concerned  particularly since the Kelantan floods last December as to whether PAS could again win the Kelantan state government in the next general election.

DAP had informed the top PAS leadership  before the 13th General Election in May 2013 that Pakatan Rakyat was on the way to losing Kedah state government in the 13GE and changes were needed in the Kedah Pakatan Rakyat  State administration  but our concerns and warning fell on deaf ears.

Is it possible that PAS will lose the Kelantan state government in the next general election (GE14)?

Even though the political sentiment at the national level does not seem favourable to UMNO/BN due to factors such as the GST, 1MDB and the worsening economic situation, unique local factors may be sufficient such that PAS may lose votes in Kelantan even as the opposition gains more votes at the national level in the other states.

This is not unprecedented.

For example, Umno/BN gained 3.8% of votes in Kedah in GE13 and won back control of the Kedah state government but at the same time, it lost 3.7% of the votes in Terengganu and nearly lost control of the Terengganu state government.

In Kedah, Umno/BN gained ground because of the weak leadership of the previous PAS Menteri Besar, Datuk Seri Azizan Razak.

Similarly in Terengganu, Umno/BN lost ground because of the weak leadership of the UMNO Menteri Besar, Datuk Seri Ahmad Said.

In Kelantan, a fall in support by PAS is likely for two main reasons – the passing away of PAS iconic leader and former spiritual leader, Tok Guru Nik Aziz as well as the inability of the current Kelantan state government to manage the post-flood reconstruction and rebuilding efforts.

PAS won approximately 54.5% of the popular vote at the state level in GE13 with 33 state seats (out of 45 state seats). PAS won approximately 53.0% of the popular vote at the parliamentary level in GE13 with 9 out of 14 parliament seats.

The following are the results under three Scenarios whereby PAS loses 3%, 4% and 5% of support at the parliament and state levels in the next General Election.

Scenario 1

Scenario 2

Scenario 3

Change in PAS support

-3%

-4%

-5%

State

24 (-9)

20 (-13)

20 (-13)

Parliament

6 (-3)

6 (-3)

6 (-3)

Under Scenario 1, where PAS will lose 3% of support, it will still be able to win 24 state seats and hold on to the state government.

Under Scenario 2, where PAS will lose 4% of support, it will only win 20 state seats and lose control of the Kelantan state government.

At the parliamentary level, PAS will lose 3 parliament seats under Scenarios 1, 2 and 3.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 16 July 2015, 12:07 pm and is filed under
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DAP nation-wide must be prepared for three-cornered contests, both parliamentary and state assembly,  in the next general elections

With the demise of Pakatan Rakyat as a result of the PAS Muktamar resolution on June 3, 2015, DAP nation-wide must be prepared for three-cornered contests, both parliamentary and state assembly, in the  next general elections.

DAP will co-operate with all progressive political parties and forces, including PKR and the progressive PAS leaders who are in the process of forming a new political party, to save Malaysia from becoming a failed state  because of rampant corruption, socio-economic injustices and collapse of good governance so as to re-set the country on the correct course towards an united, harmonious, ethical, democratic, just, progressive and prosperous Malaysia.

I feel sad at the demise of Pakatan Rakyat after seven years of a common political struggle based on the Pakatan Rakyat Common Policy Framework (CPF) and the operational consensus principle that any PR decision must be based on the consensus of the three component parties, but when the PAS President Datuk Seri Hadi repeatedly violated the PR CPF and the PR consensus principle, even ignoring the decision of the previous PAS Central Committee, followed by the PAS Muktmar resolution to sever  ties between PAS and DAP, we must accept the unmistakable signs that the PR had died.

My sadness at the demise of PR is however compensated by a sense of relief that we have released ourselves from the PR trajectory which can only end up in disaster for the PR parties in the 14th General Election, as the 52% of the national electorate who voted for PR in the 13th General Election would not again vote for PR after the betrayal of  the PR Common Policy Framework encapsulating their political, socio-economic hopes and aspirations to topple UMNO/Barisan Nasional for a change of Federal Government in Putrajaya.

As a result, we created the paradox that PR Common Policy Framework encapsulating the political and socio-economic hopes and aspirations of Malaysians can only continue to  be relevant, valid and meaningful if  PR is buried, as PR can no longer ensure that all the three component parties remain true, loyal and faithful to the PR CPF with the PAS leadership suddenly demanding to foist its hudud agenda on PR.

Although PAS as achieved the severance of ties with DAP, DAP should not follow the example of PAS leaders who are  emulating UMNO tactics and strategies to attack and demonise the DAP.

I am shocked that Hadi is adopting wholesale UMNO’s dirty tactics of accusing the DAP of being “chauvinistic” while the former PAS Secretary-General Mustafa Ali emulating UMNO’s unprincipled strategy of accusing the PAS Progressives as proxies of DAP.

DAP leaders at all levels must always be conscious of the need to set a good example of ethical and honest politics, and not to resort to  lies and falsehoods to attack and demonise political leaders not  on our same political wavelength.

When Pakatan Rakyat was functioning, DAP leaders had shown full respect to PAS leaders and we had never interfered in PAS internal affairs, which Hadi is now falsely accusing the DAP leadership.

In fact, DAP leaders went out of our way to try to patch up the fractious  relationship between the top PKR and PAS leaders especially during the Pakatan Rakyat crisis over the replacement of Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim as Selangor Mentri Besar by PKR President Datuk Seri Dr. Azizah Ismail.

I felt very bad when I read the recent account by a senior PKR leader about how Parliamentary Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was “humiliated” by Hadi during the Selangor mentri besar crisis in August last year, as it was the DAP who persuaded a very reluctant Anwar to go to Terengganu to meet with Hadi.

As Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, who was at the time PKR Secretary-General recounted:

 “I still remember the moment when I accompanied Anwar to meet him, and how Anwar was humiliated with language that was truly abusive.

“The discussion was stopped, he left. Two of his companions present apologised and said he had only taken his medication.

“I and Anwar took our leave. Such a ‘beautiful character’.”

I do not have to name Hadi’s two companions at the time, as I do not believe they will contradict Saifuddin’s account.

I am even more shocked the present PAS leadership are attacking the Progressive leaders with perjorative terms, using slander and name-calling, even descriptions like “Satanic”.

I want to remind DAP leaders to be always principled, ethical, civil and never to resort to lies and falsehoods, slander and name-calling to demonise and character-assassinate anyone.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 16 July 2015, 2:03 pm and is filed under
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Ex-PAS man chides party over vote-splitting plan

By Terence Netto

Malaysiakini

Jul 16, 2015

PAS would be doing a ‘childish thing’ if the party decides to field candidates from its supporters’ wing against the DAP in the next general election.

This intention was broached by the Islamic party’s Election Director Mustafa Ali in the course of remarks made to a web news portal on the DAP and the new political entity being set up by PAS progressives who were routed in internal elections at the party’s muktamar held last month.

Hu Pang Chow, a founding member of the Dewan Himpunan Penyokong PAS (DHPP), said PAS should instead engage in public debates with the DAP over its vision of Malaysia rather than choose to split the votes for the opposition by fielding candidates against established opposition political parties.

“Engage in public debates with the DAP, outline your vision of a new Malaysia,” was the advice to PAS offered by Hu, who was chairman of DHPP from its inauguration in 2004 until 2010.

Hu said that he respected the leadership of people like the party’s president, Abdul Hadi Awang, and Mustafa Ali because of their long service to PAS but begged to differ with them on a plan to field candidates from DHPP in seats that would be contested by the DAP at GE14 which is three years down the road.

“This is a childish thing to do,” said Hu, a longtime Kota Baru resident and former teacher in a Chinese primary school in Gua Musang, about the PAS intention to vie with the DAP.

“I don’t think they can find credible Chinese candidates who will be willing to go along with this move,” remarked Hu.

‘Political suicide’

He said PAS was misreading the mood of non-Muslim voters who marked their ballots for the party at GE13 but who have now become disenchanted with the party for its insistence on implementing hudud and for “foolish statements” made by some of its leaders in support of Umno.

“In the eyes of non-Muslims who voted for PAS at the last general election, Umno is an even more discredited party now than it was before,” said Hu.

“So statements made in support of Umno and its top leader are bound to put off non-Muslims who voted for PAS at the last general election,” he asserted.

“Non-Muslim voters do not trust the word of the party anymore,” said Hu.

He said non-Muslim candidates from DHPP would be ‘committing political suicide’ if they allowed themselves to be fielded against DAP incumbents or contestants in seats where the opposition has a good chance of retaining or winning.

“PAS is misreading the mood of voters by making statements in support of Umno; it would do worse by fielding candidates in DAP seats,” said Hu.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 16 July 2015, 4:38 pm and is filed under
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Gani Patail should withdraw from 1MDB task force, say former A-G, lawyers

V. Anbalagan

The Malaysian Insider

16 July 2015 7:00 AM

A former attorney-general has urged top government lawyer Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail to disassociate himself from the task force investigating the prime minister over the 1 Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal, saying this will enhance public perception and integrity into the probe.

Tan Sri Abu Talib Othman’s views were also shared by lawyers who said Attorney-General Gani should not be part of the investigation or else his office would not be seen as being independent.

Gani currently heads the task force which is investigating the alleged irregularities in 1MDB and the RM2.67 billion allegedly channelled into Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s personal bank accounts.

The task force also comprises the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) and police.

Talib and the lawyers said Gani’s immediate disassociation from the task force would enhance public confidence and integrity over the three investigating bodies – police, MACC and Bank Negara – in executing their duties.

They also said the principle of check and balance between investigation agencies and the public prosecutor must be observed to ensure justice to all parties, including the public.

Talib said it was not desirable for Gani, who is also the public prosecutor, to be a member of the task force.

He said police, MACC and the central bank have wide investigative powers under applicable laws and experience to carry out their duties without supervision by the A-G.

“They should be allowed to investigate the way they think fit and submit findings for the consideration of the A-G or public prosecutor,” Talib told The Malaysian Insider.

Talib, who was A-G from 1980 and 1993, said it was then for the A-G to determine whether there was sufficient evidence to charge offenders.

“We have been observing this check-and-balance principle all these years and it is not desirable to disregard it to ensure justice for all,” said the 77-year-old.

Talib said this in response to questions whether it was appropriate to have the Attorney-General’s Chambers (AGC) and investigation agencies in the same task force.

Many were also unclear when the task force was established.

The task force gained prominence on July 4 when Gani said the A-GC, MACC, Bank Negara and police were investigating allegations by a Wall Street Journal (WSJ) expose that huge sums of money were transferred into Najib’s accounts at AmBank in Kuala Lumpur between 2013 and 2015.

Batu MP Tian Chua in a July 5 statement also said a Home Ministry’s written reply to his question in Parliament stated that police had completed investigation on 1MDB and the papers were submitted to the A-G’s Chambers on March 9.

Gani unveiled the existence of the task force at the AGC’s monthly assembly last October when he outlined its achievement over the past 3½ years.

During the speech, it was revealed that he formed the task force and was its chairman.

He said the task force was established due to the seriousness of money-laundering activities and as part of the two main thrusts of the government’s National Key Result Area (NKRA) to reduce crime and combat corruption.

Other members of the task force included the Inland Revenue Board (IRB), Royal Malaysian Customs (RMC), Immigration Department, Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC), Audit Department, Companies Commission of Malaysia, Cyber Security Malaysia and the Ministry of Domestic Trade, Cooperatives and Consumer Affairs.

Lawyer S.N. Nair said Gani and the A-GC could not be part of any investigating team as this was not provided for in law.

He said under Article 145 (3) of the Federal Constitution, the A-G, who was also the public prosecutor, could decide whether to institute, conduct or discontinue any criminal case.

“The A-G cannot be part of the investigation or else his office will not be seen as independent,” he said, agreeing that Gani must disassociate himself to ensure the separation of powers between the prosecuting and investigating agencies remained.

Nair, a former police officer, said in Malaysia, the A-G and the public prosecutor was the same person unlike the United Kingdom.

“The A-G there is the legal officer and adviser to the government while the public prosecutor decides on prosecution without fear and favour.”

He said the A-G and public prosecutor’s position in Malaysia was in conflict and this was not good for public perception.

Nair said under the present circumstances, Gani had to get an independent prosecutor to go through the investigation papers and must also explain to the public if no charges were to be framed against offenders.

Lawyer Ragunath Kesavan said Gani has to grapple with public perception over the ongoing investigations since he was also the chief legal adviser to Najib’s government.

“Depending on the outcome of the investigation, the government’s battle to convince the public that everything was above board will go on until the next general election,” said the former president of the Malaysian Bar.

He said the current turmoil should pave the way for the government and federal legislators to separate the positions of the A-G, public prosecutor, and also provide the MACC prosecution powers to make the agency a truly independent body.

Najib has come under tremendous pressure following the 1MDB fiasco and this escalated with the WSJ expose.

The WSJ reported that US$681 million (RM2.6 billion) originating from Tanore Finance, a company in the British Virgin Islands, was deposited into Najib’s accounts in two transactions on March 21 and 25 in 2013, ahead of the general election in May.

Another sum of US$11.1 million originating from Finance Ministry-owned SRC International Sdn Bhd was moved in two tranches between December 2014 and February this year.

The task force has also frozen six accounts in relation to its investigation.

Najib has denied taking money for personal gain, but has not commented directly on the fund transfers to his accounts. – July 16, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 16 July 2015, 7:34 am and is filed under
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Get used to us, opposition tells Umno in Pasir Gudang after fracas

by Shufiyan Shukur

The Malaysian Insider

16 July 2015

Umno and Barisan Nasional (BN) have to get used to the opposition’s presence in Pasir Gudang, Johor, said DAP and PKR politicians who were recently on the receiving end of harassment by people said to be Umno members.

DAP and PKR leaders today returned to the “hornet’s nest” of Taman Megah Ria in Pasir Gudang to distribute Hari Raya hampers to the needy, and were blocked at one point by a disgruntled bystander.

This was near the scene of a fracas on July 5, which saw several opposition politicians roughed up while attending a DAP event called “Forum Kedai Kopi”.

The bystander today took exception to PKR members who were carrying party flags near Pasar Borneo and tried to block their way as they were walking towards a coffee shop to hold a press conference.

Policemen accompanying the group today moved the bystander aside while the entourage carried on to the coffee shop without any further incidents.

There was clearly some tension throughout the walk, with the PKR members walking straight through without stopping by the stalls for the usual requisite photo-op handshakes with stall operators and shoppers.

During the press conference, Syed Othman Syed Abdullah, PAS’s former Permas Jaya candidate who was assaulted at the July 5 DAP event, took issue with two people present, demanding that they leave if they were not from media.

“This is for media only. If you are not media, please leave,” he demanded.

He declined to elaborate about his outburst but said he knew who the people were.

PKR Johor chief Hassan Karim later said that Pasir Gudang was a “sensitive” area for Umno.

In the 13th general election in May 2013, PKR’s Ahmad Faidhi bin Saidi lost by a slim margin of 935 votes or 1.1% to Umno’s Normala Abdul Samad.

“We’ve had no problems in other areas when we carry out our activities, but this is Pasir Gudang and at the last general election we lost by a very slim margin,” said Hassan.

Syed Othman agreed, saying that overall, while harassment of opposition members was rare, it happened when senior party leaders were visiting and had occurred more frequently during the general election campaign.

“This is a Malay-majority area and most Malays here are factory workers with salaries below RM2,000 per month, so you can gauge the mentality.

“But if their leaders tell them to not behave aggressively, then I believe they will not, but these leaders keep quiet when things like this happen.

“And this is giving tacit support to their bullying,” Syed Othman added.

DAP Johor chief Liew Chin Tong agreed that acts of aggression and bullying were isolated incidences.

“I personally have had only two other bad experiences before July 5.

“I was refused entry at a Ramadhan bazaar in my own constituency of Kluang last year and the previous year when I was prevented from attending a Deepavali event,” said Liew.

At the July 5 event, Liew was physically assaulted by a man who put his hands around his neck and tried to choke him.

“Umno and BN have got to get used to our presence. We are going to do more programmes in Johor and this is our commitment to our constituents. No amount of bullying will stop us,” Liew said. – July 16, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 16 July 2015, 7:19 pm and is filed under
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Major takes off from PAS and lands in New Hope

By Susan Loone

Malaysiakini

Jul 16, 2015

Major Zaidi Ahmad, who was expelled from the Royal Malaysian Air Force over the GE13 indelible ink issue, said he joined Gerakan Harapan Baru (GHB) because PAS has diverted from its principles.

Zaidi, who joined the party only this year, after the military court discharged him from his duties in February, said PAS has become “backward” in its struggles.

“I’ve been a supporter of PAS since I was a young boy in Sungai Petani, so were my parents.

“But when I went to the recent party’s muktamar in Selangor in early June, I saw how the party has diverted from its principles,” he told Malaysiakini, when met after the launch of GHB’s pro-tem committee by its state chief Mujahid Yusof Rawa in Butterworth today.

Zaidi, who is a member of GHB’s 35-member pro-tem committee in Penang, said PAS only wants to promote certain groups and not inclusive anymore.

He said all factions – ulama or progressives – need to work together in PAS but the recent muktamar put an end to that.

PAS has become backward

In the recent election for PAS new central leadership, Zaidi said he had thrown his support behind Ahmad Awang, also an ulama who contested but lost to president Abdul Hadi Awang.

Hadi’s pro-ulama faction managed to defeat 18 progressive leaders including Mujahid and former PAS deputy chief Mohamed Sabu.

Zaidi said PAS also diverted from its principles when delegates at the muktamar decided to sever ties with DAP.

“The party is no longer inclusive of all groups and has become backward,” he added.

The decision by PAS delegates was later supported by its syura council.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 16 July 2015, 6:47 pm and is filed under
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With Anwar in jail, is there anyone in Malaysia who could stitch together a new coalition with support from over 112 MPs to “Save Malaysia” from becoming a failed state and re-set nation-building policies?

There has never been a Haji Raya Aidilfitri like this one in modern-day Malaysia, when Muslims and non-Muslims gather to celebrate the end of Ramadan, the Islamic holy month of fasting.

Firstly, never had Ramadan sales been so poor and dispirited, with one survey estimating a plunge in Ramadan sales of as much as 20 per cent compared with last year.

Secondly, never before have national issues been so dominant during Ramadan and in  Hari Raya Aidilfitri  open houses – questions galore about the catalogue of  financial scandals, breakdown  in law and order with Low Yat race riot the latest  example less than a week from Hari Raya Aidilfitri  and what the future has in store for the people and the country.

But so few answers!

Top among these issues include:

•	the fate of the Prime Minister; whether Datuk Seri Najib Razak could survive the political challenges to his premiership;

•	whether Tun Mahathir would succeed in adding a new scalp to his collection of two Prime Ministers and two Deputy Prime Ministers;

•	the RM42 billion 1MDB greatest financial scandal, the MARA property corruption scandal in Melbourne, the latest bribery scandal linkingh Najib and former Prime Minister Tun Abdullah to  the Australian  printing of  polymer currency notes for Malaysia and other scandals affecting FELDA, Tabung Haji, etc.;

•	Najib’s failure after two weeks of Wall Street Journal allegation of Prime Ministerial misconduct  to answer the simple questions whether RM2.6 billion had been deposited into his personal accounts in AmBank just before the 13th general elections in 2013; where the monies came from and where they have gone to;

•	deepening economic hardships and  crisis with Malaysian ringgit recently hitting a 17-year low when it closed above RM3.80 to the US dollar, the burdensome Goods and Services Tax,  rising inflation and other economic woes.

These concerns are reflected in Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s Hari Raya message from Sungai Buloh prison, where he rightly warned that merely removing Najib from power without real reforms will not bring about meaningful change other than benefitting certain cronies.

Anwar is right as  based on past experience, removing Najib alone is “not enough”.

We do not want piecemeal solutions but a serious commitment to reform and the end of corruption.

Although no Prime Minister in nearly six decades of the nation’s history had been beset  with so many mega and intractable political and economic problems  with his international image suffering unprecedented battering, the betting is that Najib will survive the political onslaughts on him despite increasing calls for his resignation.

Najib must now be the most unpopular Prime Minister in the nation’s history, even more unpopular than Mahathir during ther latter’s  most unpopular period when he arbitrarily sacked and imprisoned Anwar Ibrahim but Najib’s chances of political survival scores a high rating because of his command and control of government and UMNO/BN resources.

Is it possible to bring about comprehensive change in the governance and administration of the country even  before the 14th General Election in two or three years’ time, unless Najib changes his whole game-plan to expedite early polls?

A very tall order indeed – unless there are at least 112 Members of Parliament, regardless of party affiliation whether in government or opposition, who are progressive and patriotic  enough to unite on  a common national programme to Save Malaysia from becoming a failed state because of rampant corruption, injustices and collapse of good governance.

Are there at least  112 MPs to  take a common stand in the national interests and rise above political party loyalties to Save Malaysia from becoming a failed state and to re-set Malaysia on a new course of inclusive and centripetal  nation-building policies and programmes?

With Anwar incarcerated in Sungai Buloh prison, is there anyone else who could surface to stitch together a “Save Malaysia” coalition with the support of at least 112 MPs to re-set the country on a new course of comprehensive change in the governance and administration of the country even before the 14th General Election – with a caretaker Prime Minister and a caretaker Cabinet?

This is no easy task as already two top leaders of an Opposition party have broken ranks,  providing even stronger support to the Prime Minister  than Najib is getting from his own party and coalition.

This is the most urgent call  of the moment, as to  whether in the “worst of times”, Malaysia can find the resilience and resources to craft the “best of times”.

There is no greater challenge than this political transformation to Malaysians celebrating this year’s Hari Raya Aidilfitri.

Selamat Hari Raya Aidilfitri!

Hari Raya Aidilfitri Message on Thursday, 16th July 2015

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 16 July 2015, 7:02 am and is filed under
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Egg all over his face and he still does not know – a special quality of UMNO/BN Ministers and leaders

I do not know whether to commiserate  or congratulate the overnight Barisan Nasional strategic communications director, Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan, Minister for Urban Wellbeing, Housing and Local Government who has undoubtedly won  instant media fame (or is it infamy) by  having egg all over his face.

The wonder of it all is that he is  blissfully unaware that he has egg all over his face – a special quality of UMNO/BN Ministers and leaders.

He could even admit to having soiled goods but insist that the importance is the message not the messenger.

But if the messenger is disreputable and mercenary, what  is the credibility of his message?

School children would be able to give proper answer to this question which seems to be beyond Abdul Rahman’s mental and moral capabilities – no wonder former Prime Minister Tun Mahathir keeps lamenting the low-standard of present-day Cabinet Ministers whom he and his former Finance Minister, Tun Daim Zainuddin, have dismissed as “half-past six” or “deadwood” Ministers.

Abdul Rahman’s dismissal of senior Sarawak minister Tan Sri James Masing’s criticism over his  use of the “confession” of a disgraced former Sarawak journalist, whose credibility was questionable, speaks volumes about the Urban Wellbeing Minister’s  political and moral standards – who clearly has no qualms parleying with the dregs of society and the scums of the earth to serve his political ends.

It is time for Malaysians to aim for higher ethical  standards in politics and governance which is an integral part of the Malaysian Dream to achieve a Malaysian nation where the citizens are inspired by the highest and most noble goals in life instead of being motivated by greed, avarice and other base human needs and desires.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 17 July 2015, 5:23 pm and is filed under
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Malaysia near bottom in survey on money in politics

Malay Mail Online

July 17, 2015

KUALA LUMPUR, July 17 — Malaysia ranked fifth from the bottom in a survey of 54 countries on the integrity of campaign financing in elections, amid allegations that Barisan Nasional (BN) abused government money to fund their Election 2013 campaign.

The “Checkbook Elections” study by the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP), based at the University of Sydney, Australia, in collaboration with Global Integrity and the Sunlight Foundation for the Money, Politics and Transparency Project (MPT), also showed Malaysia with an average score of 19 out of 100, compared to the highest score of 79 by Georgia, and to its Southeast Asian neighbours like Thailand (50), Indonesia (47), and the Philippines (43).

“Reporting requirements are light: according to the law, parties must report on their finances annually, and candidates must do so only once, in a single post-election report,” the MPT noted.

“Reports are not completely itemised, and in practice, do not disclose a complete list of donors or donations. Of the information that is submitted, no party reports are made available to the public, and candidate reports, in practice, are accessible only in hard copy for a period of six months after the election,” the MPT added.

According to the survey, Malaysia’s “in law” and “in practice” scores were 26 and 15 out of 100 respectively.

A country’s “in law” score provides an indication of how stringently a country’s laws regulate political finance, while its “in practice” score assesses practical enforcement within a country. The composite score is the average of all scores on a country’s scorecard.

The scorecard was based on five sections: direct and indirect public funding during campaigns, restrictions on contribution and expenditure, reporting requirements and public disclosure, third-party actors (defined as those who independently solicit contributions and spend on candidates’ election campaigns), as well as monitoring and enforcement.

Malaysia’s ranking at 50th out of 54 countries in the survey, which was conducted between July and December last year, comes even as US paper the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported last month that acquisition payments made by state-owned 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) were channelled to special charities for BN’s election campaigns, specifically in Penang, in the 13th general election in 2013.

The international business newspaper had cited the example of Yayasan Rakyat 1 Malaysia (YR1M) headed by Prime Minister and BN chairman Datuk Seri Najib Razak, which it said received RM35 million in donations from Genting Plantation soon after 1MDB’s acquisition of Genting Sanyen.

WSJ also said in another report that US$700 million (RM2.6 billion) from 1MDB had ended up in Najib’s personal bank accounts two months before the 13th general election in May 2013. A taskforce is currently investigating the paper’s allegations.

MPT noted that although there is a limit on the amount spent by election candidates in Malaysia, party spending is not capped.

“Malaysia’s political finance system does not provide any type of funding, direct or indirect, for parties or candidates. Restrictions on contribution are likewise largely absent, though anonymous donations to candidates are not permitted,” said the MPT, noting that political parties generally rely on business ventures and membership dues for funds.

The MPT also noted that “third-party actors”, who are not candidates or political parties, appeared in Election 2013, but were not required to report on their financial activities and that there was no information on their independent contributions and expenditure.

The MPT said the Election Commission (EC) does not have investigative powers, its appointees are not appointed based on merit and the body’s independence is not fully guaranteed.

“The body does not conduct investigations, lacks the capacity to do so, and never imposes sanctions on parties or candidates who violate the law. In Malaysia, not only is the regulatory framework fairly weak, enforcement is less than rigorous,” said the MPT.

Polls watchdog Bersih has repeatedly told EC officials to step down, claiming that the EC is biased towards BN and has failed to address malpractices in Election 2013, where the ruling coalition recorded its worst-ever electoral performance by losing the popular vote to the opposition.

The EIP said previously in a separate study that Malaysia’s 13th general election was ranked 66th out of 73 elections across the globe, as the polls were perceived to have low levels of integrity due to problematic electoral boundaries and election laws.

The “Checkbook Elections” study released today ranked US fifth, better than other Asian nations, including Japan (21) Indonesia (25), Philippines (28) and India (42).

                This entry was posted on Friday, 17 July 2015, 10:57 pm and is filed under
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Najib will weather scandal, but it’s not good for Malaysia or PH

Zachary Abuza

Rappler

Jul 17, 2015

Even if Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak remains in office, he is politically weakened, preoccupied and ruling with considerably less legitimacy. This bodes ill for the Philippines.

The 1MDB scandal continues to hit embattled Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak. The investment vehicle that he chairs is $11.1 billion in debt, and documents leaked to The Wall Street Journal show that some $700 million of 1MDB funds were deposited into his personal accounts, as well as some $560,000 into his wife’s account.

Such allegations should be enough to sink most politicians, but this is Malaysia.

To date, there have been separate investigations by a parliamentary committee, the government’s auditor general, the police and the Bank of Malaysia. All have broadly cleared the government of wrongdoing, which is not surprising given Najib’s control and influence over them.

The Office of the Attorney General established a task force comprised of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, the police and the central bank. that is investigating the allegations against Najib more aggressively. To date, it has raided 1MDB offices and frozen six accounts. But the OAG is less autonomous than in other countries and there are limits to how far it can and will push.

It’s important to note that the documents that were leaked to date, directly implicate the prime minister and his wife, not UMNO or the ruling coalition. The leaks have been highly targeted, designed to remove the prime minister from office.

Coalition intact

But it is the nature of Malaysian politics that gives him the strongest defense. As long as his party and coalition remains united, Najib has little to be concerned about, unless criminal charges against him are filed. A parliamentary vote of no confidence is unlikely, or certainly unlikely to succeed.

Malaysian politics are based on patronage. His ruling UMNO party controls 88 of the 222 seats in parliament, but his coalition partners, the Barisan Nasional (BN), control 132 of 222 seats in parliament (60 percent). While some in his party are loyal to former prime minister Mahathir Mohammad, he’s been out of power since 2003; most MPs owe their position, campaign funds, and general slush funds for district spending to Najib.

His coalition is unlikely to defect as well. Key partners in UMNO’s coalition, the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) hold 10 seats between them, and see Najib as the UMNO leader most likely to protect minority rights and appeal to the interest of their constituents. Other parties, in particular, the Serawak-based United Traditional Bumiputera Party (PBB), which has 14 seats, can exact greater concessions through loyalty.

But more importantly, the parliamentary opposition has imploded. The coalition, known as Pakitan Rakyat, was already weakened following its leader Anwar Ibrahim’s February 2015 trial and second conviction on trumped up sodomy charges. But it completely crumbled this summer after the internal party election of the Islamist party, PAS, which holds 21 seats, elected the conservative rural clergy as its leadership. This wing of the rural Ulama has been pushing for the implementation of strict Islamic law, including the hudud, which alienated its secular coalition partners Keadilan (28 seats) and the ethnic-Chinese dominated Democratic Action Party (DAP) (37 seats).

Even if a sufficient number of BN MPs defected in a vote of no confidence, the opposition is in total disarray, with no vision or leadership that offers a meaningful alternative. A recent meeting between Keadilan and the DAP degenerated into squabbles. Without a charismatic leader, such as the imprisoned Anwar Ibrahim, there is little to hold together the disparate opposition.

There is a possibility that UMNO calls an early intra-party election, but this too is unlikely. UMNO rank and file support him. Najib appointed many of the 191 division chiefs within UMNO and his patronage ties are deep.

Yet, key members of UMNO’s leadership could potentially withdraw support, not because of the corruption investigation, but because of the deleterious effects that a protracted investigation are already having on the economy. The ringgit is plummeting, now at a 16-year low, while economic growth and exports have already slowed. Continued low global prices for oil and China’s slowdown, further weaken the commodities based economy. A protracted political crisis will be very damaging to the economy.

Who’s viable candidate?

Many within UMNO may be concerned that the BN coalition could lose power in the 2016 general election with Najib at the helm; it’s hard to imagine him not being a political liability for a party that already lost the popular vote in the 2013 general election, and only has a parliamentary majority due to shameless gerrymandering.

But there is little consensus within the party as to who would be a viable candidate to replace him. For example, the UMNO vice president and deputy prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin is a known Mahathir loyalist who’s been a vociferous critic of Najib, but who’s been unwilling to garner sufficient support.

There is a chance that criminal charges could be filed against Najib. If that happens there will be pressure for him to step aside. But short of that, it is unlikely that he will be forced out. There are no signs of him indicating that he will resign. If so, expect more damaging documents to be leaked, though that might be insufficient.

Not only is Najib confident that he can weather the scandal, he’s starting to go on the offensive using the considerable coercive powers at his disposal. The police are now investigating the leak of the documents from within the central bank, and at the same time, Najib has called for much more aggressive policing of social media. He has threatened to file a law suit against the Wall Street Journal, though he has been unable to refute the facts. Already Malaysian police have begun investigating The Wall Street Journal, a clear violation of press rights. Najib has repeatedly abused the Sedition Act to silence political opposition, so there is little incentive for watchdogs and the media to dig too deep.

Impact on Philippines

The protracted conflict in Malaysia does have several implications for the Philippines. Even if Najib remains in office, he is politically weakened, preoccupied and ruling with considerably less legitimacy. This bodes ill for the Philippines for three reasons.

First, Malaysia is currently the chairman of ASEAN. The crisis clearly distracts the Prime Minister and his government from devoting their full energies to hosting the slew of economic and political meetings it is to convene this year. ASEAN was terribly weakened by Thailand’s chairmanship in the face of a weak and embattled government in 2009.

More importantly, it will be hard for Najib to be willing to really stand up to China regarding the South China Sea, or maintain a strong united front by ASEAN. This comes at a centavo time, when the Philippine case is being deliberated at the arbitration panel at the Hague, which will likely provoke more assertive unilateralism by China.

Third, Malaysia still plays a key roll in the stalled Mindanao peace process. Its leadership will be essential once the Senate reconvenes to take up the Bangsamoro Basic Law in the fall. – Rappler.com

Zach Abuza, PhD is principal of Southeast Asia Analytics. Follow him on Twitter @ZachAbuza.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 17 July 2015, 7:52 pm and is filed under
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Sarawak Report refutes allegations that it forged information

Bernard Cheah

Sun

16 July 2015

PETALING JAYA: Sarawak Report (SR) has refuted claims that a Lester Melanyi had written for the whistleblower site or had forged information for it.

“Let us confirm. Lester Melanyi has never ever written a word for Sarawak Report – sorry Lester, but we are out of your league,” Sarawak Report editor Clare Rewcastle-Brown said in a short comment piece on the website.

She was referring to the report that Barisan Nasional strategic communications director Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan had urged the authorities, including Interpol, to act against SR for falsifying information concerning 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB).

Abdul Rahman was reported saying that he had been approached by an individual with a video that SR staff doctored the papers in an effort to criminalise Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak and 1MDB with malicious intent.

The person in the video is believed to be Melanyi.

News reports stated that a police report on this was lodged by BN-friendly NGO Pertubuhan Minda dan Sosial Prihatin (PMSP) president Ramesh Rao Krishnan Naidu today afternoon.

The police report, sighted by theSun, pointed out that Ramesh had travelled to Kuching to meet Melanyi who had confessed to be involved in the falsifying of documents along with Rewcastle.

The report added that Melanyi confessed to receiving monthly wages of RM6,000 from Rewcastle to edit content by her, as well as that information on SR were uploaded according to the orders of several DAP and PKR lawmakers.

Rewcastle also wrote that “it is a sign of desperation that ministers are trying to make headlines out of nonsense in order to attempt to distract people from the facts, which include the billions of debt that 1MDB is unable to pay interest on and the fact that billions have also gone missing”.

“Over the past months 1MDB’s defenders have not been able to counter or undermine any single one of the reports we have written on the scandal torn fund, which is why they resort to these ridiculous stories, rather than trying to sue us or answer back on the details,” she said.

When contacted by theSun Rewcastle said she had worked with Melanyi for a brief period in Radio Free Sarawak before dismissing him in June 2011.

“But I have not met him since,” she said.

However, she said that there were several e-mail exchanges between the two since.

Rewcastle had also forwarded to theSun a screenshot of a short email exchange between her and Melanyi on March 1 this year.

Melanyi had written: “Hi there, no wonder you have been so quiet. you have been busy digging, congrats. good job. I am so proud of you. hope all is well. cheers!” (sic)

Rewcastle then replied: “Thanks! Yes it was quite a job!…. sitting up night after night cleverly ‘forging’ all those document!!!!

“Seriously, it has been a real challenge getting this story out there, but once I knew the truth I was determined to drag it out – I think I slept better than those party boys last night.” (sic)

Rewcastle said that if Melanyi had been working with her in SR, he would not have written to her in such a way.

She also brushed off all allegations against her and SR in its exposes on 1MDB, adding that as a journalist she will continue to uncover the truth.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 17 July 2015, 7:34 am and is filed under
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Selamat Hari Raya, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim

By Martin Jalleh

                This entry was posted on Friday, 17 July 2015, 12:55 pm and is filed under
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The special task force into allegations of PM misconduct by Najib has zero credibility and legitimacy when DPM and Cabinet Ministers completely in the dark about its establishment, composition, terms of reference and latest change of Chairmanship

The special task force investigating into allegations of Prime Ministerial misconduct by Datuk Seri Najib Razak, in particular into Wall Street Journal (WSJ) report and allegation on July 3 that US$700 million (RM2.6 billion) were deposited into Najib’s personal accounts in AmBank in March 2013, shortly before the dissolution of Parliament on April 3, 2013 and the holding of 13th general elections has zero  credibility and legitimacy.

How can the “special task force” have credibility and legitimacy when Cabinet Ministers, and even the Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, do not know about its establishment, composition, terms of reference and the latest change of Chairmanship of the special task force?

Yesterday, former Attorney-General Tan Sri Abu Talib urged the Attorney-General Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail to disassociate himself from the special task force, saying this would help enhance public perception and integrity into the probe.

Abu Talib’s views were also shared by lawyers who said the top government lawyer should not be part of the investigation or else his office would not be seen as being independent.

Talib and the lawyers said Gani’s immediate disassociation from the task force would enhance public confidence and integrity over the three investigating bodies – police, MACC and Bank Negara – in executing their duties.

The principle of check and balance between investigation agencies and the public prosecutor must be observed to ensure justice to all parties, including the public.

Talib, who was A-G from 1980 and 1993, said it was not desirable for Gani, as the public prosecutor, to be a member of the task force.

The role of the public prosecutor concerning investigations was to determine whether there was sufficient evidence to charge offenders, and this was a check-and-balance principle that ensured justice for all.

Talib said that police, MACC and the central bank have wide investigative powers under applicable laws and sufficient experience to carry out their duties without supervision by the Attorney-General.

There was an immediate super-speed response on the same day, by way of a joint statement by the other three Tan Sris on the special task force, namely, Bank Negara Malaysia governor Tan Sri Zeti Akhtar Aziz, Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Khalid Abu Bakar and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission chief commissioner Tan Sri Abu Kassim Mohamed.

The three Tan Sris said that there is no issue of the Attorney-General influencing the ongoing probe into the WSJ report, the state investment firm 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB) and allegations that money from related entities were moved to the prime minister’s accounts.

This is because  the Attorney-General is only referred to for guidance and legal advice to ensure the investigation is done holistically and in accordance to the law.

The three Tan Sris in their joint statement said:

“In this regard, the Attorney-General is very sensitive towards his jurisdiction as prescribed by Article 145(3) of the Federal Constitution and Section 376 of the Criminal Procedure Code.”

This belated explanation however is still controversial, as  there are lawyers like S.N. Nair who still find it untenable and unacceptable.

Nair, who was formerly a police officer, said all investigating agencies have legal officers and departments for reference and the government task force investigating allegations against the Prime Minister relating to the WSJ report and  1MDB has no business seeking guidance from the Attorney-General while the probe is ongoing.

Nair argued that the public prosecutor had no legal power over investigations and any reference to him would be deemed as interference.

Nair said investigating agencies could seek advice from their officers who were experienced and legally qualified as  all the three agencies involved, Bank Negara Malaysia, MACC and the Police have deputy public prosecutors seconded from the Attorney-General’s Chambers or their own legal division.

Nair said the central bank, police and MACC might as well close their respective legal departments if they had to refer to the A-G for legal advice during the ongoing investigation.

Nair stressed that “Investigation and prosecution are like oil and water, and they cannot mix”.

Procedure would see that investigation papers are sent to the public prosecutor’s office once the probe is  completed.

The problem however is even more serious than that envisaged by the former Attorney-General and lawyers like Nair, reflecting a serious crisis of governance in Malaysia, as the four Tan Sris have been caught  red-handed in  failing to be truthful and honest in the discharge of their public duties.

All the four Tan Sris are not telling the truth and not acting honestly when they claim that there is no issue of the Attorney-General influencing the ongoing probe, when  Gani is not only a member of the quartet of high-powered “special task force”, but the Chairman as well!

Although the statement of the special task force yesterday was signed by the three Tan Sris without Gani joining it, the previous statements by the “special task force” were either issued jointly by the four Tan Sris or in one case, only under Gani’s name.

Furthermore, for the past 10 days since the outbreak of the WSJ controversy, Gani Patail has been described in the media as the chairman of the high-powered quartet of Tan Sris (which he had not denied), the Ministers have referred to Gani has head of the “special task force” in their plea to the public to have trust and confidence in the ongoing investigations, not to mention the high-profile actions ordered by the four Tan Sris led by Gani to freeze six bank accounts and to raid 1MDB office at Menara IMC in Kuala Lumpur on Wednesday.

Deputy  Prime Minister Muhyiddin had urged the special task force “to find the truth, not to find fault” and the need for closure to the issue which was important for the image of the country.

He complained: “When I go overseas, people would ask me about this issue and what is happening in Malaysia.  They are starting to see Malaysia like a third-world country, which is not good for us.”

Malaysia is indeed becoming a third-world country. Does Muhyiddin, the No. 2 man in the country, know who is now the Chairman of the “special task force”?

I won’t even ask the Ministers, who know absolutely nothing and dare not ask what is happening in the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal.

It is a sad state of affairs for Malaysia, which aspires to become a fully developed nation under Vision 2020 in five years’ time, that no Minister know or can  say what are the full terms of reference and scope of this “special task force” – quite blur  about its establishment, scope and actual composition.

It is now two weeks since the Wall Street Journal report that Malaysian government investigators have found some US$700 million (RM2.6 billion) deposited into Najib’s personal accounts at AmBank in March 2013, shortly before the dissolution of Parliament on April 3, 2013 in the run-up to the 13th General Election.

By now, every Malaysian informed about current events, know that Najib dare not deny the WSJ allegation that  US$700 million (RM2.6 billion) of funds were deposited into his personal accounts in 2013 just before the dissolution of Parliament on April 3, 2013 in the run-up to the 13th General Election; and everybody wants to know where  the RM2.6 billion came from; and where and to whom  these RM2.6 billion have gone to.

Najib must answer both these questions as it is not enough for him to repeatedly declare that he had not used the RM2.6 billion for personal purposes.

The  latest development over Gani’s actual role in the special task force  has highlighted the   zero credibility and legitimacy of “special task force” of four Tan Sris.

This has strengthened my proposal that  the “special task force” of four and now three Tan Sris should be scrapped immediately and be replaced by a Royal Commission of Inquiry of three Tuns, chaired by Tun Mahathir with Tun Abdullah and Tun Musa Hitam as the deputy chair-persons with commissioners of independent and credible Malaysians  including DAP MP for PJ Utara Tony Pua and PKR MP for Pandan Rafizi Ramli.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 17 July 2015, 4:02 pm and is filed under
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YB Lim Guan Eng in conversation

Farouk A. Peru

The Malaysian Insider

17 July 2015

Two weeks in a row of top DAP men (the first being Zairil Khir Johari) would be too much for any writer, I think. Especially a writer on a 20-hour long fast each day.

Fortunately, last Sunday’s weather was rather cool. The rain made it very much more acceptable. But let’s face it, I would have made it to this talk even if the weather was Saudi Arabian hot! It was not often London enjoyed the presence of DAP’s secretary-general as well as the Chief Minister of Penang, YB Lim Guan Eng.

I had been generously granted an interview with Lim after today’s main event – his conversation with my friend and compadre, Mariam Mokhtar.

Mariam has been known to fire off some difficult questions so I hope Lim would not be too shell-shocked to answer my own questions later.

Monsoons Book Club (MBC) efficiently organised this event as they did Zairil’s the week before. Although only six months old, the MBC have organised very thought-provoking talks to stir up deep political debates for overseas Malaysians.

Mariam began by asking Lim to comment on the former deputy prime minister, Tun Musa Hitam’s remark to her that Malaysia was in a mess. Lim went further by saying that it was not just in a mess but in a crisis.

Malaysia is being plagued by humiliating political scandals where the prime minister himself has been implicated, the first ever in Malaysian political history. The economy is no longer robust thanks to the haphazard implementation of the GST and misgovernance (which is not really a word but one that needs to be coined thanks to the existence of Umno) is rife.

This effectively began the tone for the rest of the conversation and although the topic did divert to the issue of congestion and environmental issues in Penang, we pretty much stayed on the issue of Malaysia’s political crisis and DAP’s proposed solutions.

I put on my business hat when I asked my first question to Lim – what was DAP’s unique selling point? In other words, what made DAP different from other parties?

Lim answered that DAP was a truly Malaysian party and never wavered from its political philosophy. It never joined the racialist Barisan National (BN), for example.

This is unlike PAS, which had a brief spell with BN before its acrimonious departure.

Lim also made the point that DAP leaders have put themselves at risk (he himself was a “graduate” of Operasi Lalang 25 years ago), further proving their commitment to the cause of democracy.

I then mentioned that Malaysians were still not able to appreciate a party solely for the sake of governance. After all, the Malays have had decades of indoctrination towards racism and religious bigotry, no thanks to the Umno propaganda machine.

Can the Malays be persuaded to accept the DAP which subscribes to the idea of a Malaysian Malaysia.

Lim sounded very confident when he answered to the affirmative. He has complete faith in the Malay populace. They seemed to know diamond from glass.

Lim mentioned his own personal experience when talking about the change in the Malay mind. He mentioned the Felda Malays who were diehard Umno supporters, only to now become victims of mismanagement.

Felda shares have plunged by more than half. He also mentioned “kaum ibu” Malays who supported Umno up till now only to have serious doubts with the emergence of scandal after scandal. One even considered getting her money out of Lembaga Urusan Tabung Haji after its connection to the 1MDB scandal.

People are changing, they can only be pushed so far by the ruling regime.

The burning question on everyone’s mind, including my own, was DAP’s recent split with PAS. Mariam had earlier pressed Lim for answers as to why he had not consulted PKR before splitting.

He replied that the split was unilaterally from PAS’s side. The DAP only acquiesced to PAS’s wishes. It took three parties to make Pakatan Rakyat. With PAS’s change of heart, it simply was not possible to keep Pakatan Rakyat alive.

I later asked Lim if DAP could continue without its coalition partners. He surprisingly replied in the negative (surprising because I thought his optimism was insurmountable!).

He believed DAP needed coalition partners. However, with its unpleasant history with PAS, it was not possible to form a coalition with them. I agreed completely.

PAS has displayed an appalling lack of integrity and it is very clear that the treacherous PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang cannot be trusted. He and Haron Din are now showing their true colours.

Lim, however, shows great hopes in the “PAS Progressives”. Now that they are forming their own party and are seen to be “backburning” hudud, perhaps a cooperation with them is possible.

This is where I have serious doubts. I have had the experience of asking former PAS deputy president Mohamad Sabu questions regarding freedom of religion for heterodox Muslims and he was as fascist as Hadi Awang himself.

I do feel that any form of religious politics must be completely rejected. They take away the fundamental liberties of citizens.

All in all, I do feel that DAP is the best bet for Malaysian voters. This is due to the fact that they focus on what matters – governance.

Race and religion have no place in governance. They are used by scoundrels to levy power for themselves. I am not so idealistic as to say that DAP is not without problems but it must be remembered that they are dealing in a multi-racial, multi-religious society where the biggest political party uses race and religion to their own ends.

They must therefore tread carefully to ensure there is no bad blood. With Umno and PAS in disarray, the time is now for them to claim their destiny. – July 17, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 17 July 2015, 1:58 pm and is filed under
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As scandal rocks Malaysian government, B.C. pushes LNG deal with state-owned gas giant

By Warren Bell in Opinion | July 15th 2015

National Observer

Christy Clark is recklessly planning on linking the next generation in BC to the Malaysian government, which in the last few days has headed into the worst financial and political scandal in its recent history – the latest in a long history of questionable government behaviour.

The B.C. legislature is now sitting, at Premier Clark’s behest, in a rare summer session whose sole purpose is passing legislation to facilitate a sweetheart financial deal with Petronas, the giant Malaysian oil and gas company. Petronas wants to build a massive plant to liquefy fracked gas on tiny Lelu Island in the center of prime salmon habitat at the mouth of the Skeena River.

Petronas is wholly owned by the Malaysian government (which has been controlled by a single ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional, for the last 50 years). Petronas supplies the Malaysian government with as much as 45 per cent of its budget, according to Reuters.

On July 2, the Wall Street Journal broke the story in Western media. Citing leaked documents, now published on the Internet, the Wall Street Journal has shown convincing evidence of nearly US$700 million in money transferred to the personal bank account of Malaysian president Najib Razak.

Does Christy Clark care about this latest turn of events? Apparently not. She’s moving ahead with “the largest private investment in the province’s history,” specifically designed to give “investor certainty” to the scandal-ridden Malaysian government.

This latest money-making scheme is nothing new. The Malaysian government has done this before. To quote the Wall Street Journal:

“A government investment scheme is launched with grandiose promises of moving up the value chain and other economic jargon. Then the asset stripping begins. If the project goes reasonably well, the ruling party has an accomplishment to point to, with the high costs conveniently forgotten. If it fails, public money bails it out in some form, with the state-owned oil monopoly Petronas the ultimate backstop.”

BC Liberals must have known about this track record when they decided to engage in a massive deal with the company that backstops a corruption-plagued regime. They must have privately realized that the Razak government is not necessarily the best business partner to hand a contract that guarantees no changes in tariffs for 23 years.

The embattled Malaysian Prime Minister is currently involved in yet another scandal involving money: it has refused to release key documents to the Australian government outlining “improper dealings” related to printing Malaysian cash on polymer material.

Perhaps this Malaysia-Australia scandal has served as a model for Premier Clark? Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott tried (ineffectively, it turned out, thanks to WikiLeaks) to hide the names of the leading Malaysian and other politicians involved in that particular scandal.

By this standard, it makes sense that Christy Clark scrupulously avoids comment on the Malaysian government’s history and potential for future fiscal disasters.

Far from giving British Columbians a safe and secure economic future, the B.C. Premier — intent on signing with Petronas as soon as possible — is simply propping up a corruption-plagued government whose primary source of rescue remedies is the $160 billion fossil fuel company, which contributes heavily to global warming.

With all the talk in investment circles of needing to leave most fossil fuel reserves in the ground, and a looming “carbon bubble,” Premier Christy Clark’s obsession with signing as soon as possible with Petronas looks more and more like reckless indifference towards major risks to British Columbia’s future.

This deal should not go through.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 18 July 2015, 7:00 am and is filed under
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By Abdul Rahman’s logic, I should have paid money for the so-called “info” about 1MDB, reckless about the mercenary’s motivation and the info’s veracity and  demand Najib should  accept them as gospel truth!

A few days ago, I received a call and the person on the other side of the line said he had all the info about the 1MDB scandal and asked whether I was interested.

When I said yes, he said he needed money and when I told him clearly and unmistakably that these are two separate issues which I am not prepared to link  together, the caller ended the  phone conversation.  I have not heard from him since.

Have I acted wrongly?

The overnight  Barisan Nasional strategic communications director, Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan, Minister for Urban Wellbeing, Housing and Local Government might think so, which is probably why he has suddenly become the champion of the dubious information offered by a dubious character regarding it as  “pay dirt” and  questioning the honour, honesty and credibility of those who had tried to pry  open the biggest financial scandal in the nation’s history – the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal.

Abdul Rahman  was so pachydermous that he even had the temerity to claim that he is emulating me when he tweeted:  “When BN questioned the credibility of DAP’s sources, @limkitsiang always quick to say “Don’t shoot the messenger, focus on the message!” So?”

As illustrated by  the most recent example early this week, I would not  touch with a barge pole seedy,  dubious and mercenary  characters who claim to  have “vital info” for sale, for if the “messenger” is disreputable and mercenary, what is the  credibility of his message?

Clearly, Abdul Rahman still does not understand the ethics, principles and honour of public life.

But I am really  speechless that Abdul Rahman could reply to my wonder that “he is blissfully unaware that he has egg all over the his face” with the copy-cat response of “Clearly the eggs are on your face Mr Lim, not mine”.

It is of course folly on my part to expect any originality or creativity from an UMNO/BN Cabinet Minister.

By Abdul Rahman’s logic, I should have paid money for the so-called “info” about 1MDB, reckless about the mercenary’s motivation and the info’s veracity and  demand that the Prime  Minister should  accept them as gospel truth!

We  operate under  different standards and principles.

But it clearly defies the imagination that there are Cabinet Ministers who  are seriously trying to ground a serious charge of treason and national sabotage based on the dubious account of seedy mercenaries.

How low have the high and mighty fallen in Malaysia!

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 18 July 2015, 11:07 am and is filed under
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For Asia’s Oil Consumers, It’s a Buyer’s Market

by Eric Yep

Wall Street Journal

July 16, 2015

With ample supply, oil refineries in Asia have increasing influence over prices

SINGAPORE—With oil prices at half what they were a year ago and crude flooding into Asia from all directions, buyers from the west coast of India to southern Japan are, for the first time in decades, spoiled for choice.

The changing balance of power is already affecting the regional market share of key producers. With a full return of Iranian supplies now looming, following a nuclear accord this past week, competition will likely heat up further.

Oil consumers, mainly the refineries that turn crude into products such as gasoline and jet fuel, face a dilemma in this “new normal” era. Do they stick with multiyear contracts with long-established suppliers, primarily from the Middle East, or buy more oil on spot markets, getting cheaper prices but risking security of supply?

Asian refiners, located far from major oil-producing regions, previously have tied up as much as 95% of their crude intake through long-term contracts with reliable producers such as Saudi Arabia’s state-owned oil giant Saudi Aramco.

“This is a buyer’s market, especially in Asia,” said Ed Morse, global head of commodities research at Citigroup Inc. He said Asian refiners are letting some contracts lapse or renegotiating them, and buying more oil on spot markets.

The likely end result: Oil prices will be determined by the purchasing habits of Asia’s oil refiners, which underpin the region’s physical oil market, and the market share of competing oil producers looking for a home for their oil cargoes.

Some of the biggest changes are in the Far East, home to Middle Eastern producers’ previously most loyal customers. Several Japanese refiners plan to cut reliance on long-term contracts to around 70% from more than 90% of their oil imports, while some South Korean refiners are reducing long-term procurement to just 50% from around 75%, a prominent oil trader said.

The increased competition has sweetened terms for buyers, too. Saudi Aramco, for example, has slashed its selling price to Asia to a historically low level, while Indian refiners have persuaded several Middle Eastern producers to absorb the cost and risk of oil delivery, normally borne by oil buyers. And Russia’s state-owned Gazprom Neft has allowed Chinese buyers to make payments for oil purchases in China’s currency, the yuan, rather than dollars.

In May, Russia became China’s largest crude supplier for the month, overtaking Saudi Arabia for the first time, according to customs data. The Saudis also fell behind Nigeria as the top supplier of crude to India, a position it had held for more than four years.

More South American crude is being shipped to Asia. India’s private oil refiners now buy 30% to 40% of their intake from the region, trade data show, compared with less than 3% a decade ago.

Supplying countries are mimicking Middle Eastern oil producers’ long-held strategy of investing in Asia to secure a captive market. Petróleos de Venezuela SA is setting up a refinery in Jieyang in southern China to process 400,000 barrels a day beginning in 2017, in a joint venture with China National Petroleum Corp. It will likely use Venezuelan heavy crude oil as its main feedstock, says Richard Gorry, a consultant at JBC Energy.

Heavy crudes are harder to refine and hence cheaper. Many Asian oil refiners have spent heavily on advanced refineries to process them.

In April, Russia’s Gazprom Neft signed an initial agreement for a 49% equity stake in Vietnam’s sole refinery, Dung Quat, while Rosneft has signed an oil-supply deal with India’s Essar Oil Ltd. and bought a 49% stake in the refiner, and plans similar moves in China.

Still, oil traders and buyers suggest few refineries will risk slashing their long-term procurement by more than 20% to 30%.

“No one in their right minds would want to cancel Aramco crude purchase contracts unless they really have no choice,” one trader said.

In the key Chinese market, the Middle East’s share of oil imports has been growing long-term: 46% of China’s oil imports came from the region last year compared with 40% in 2003, according to data from BP’s Statistical Review of World Energy. That has helped make up for lost markets in the U.S. and Japan, which each imported around 25% less oil from the Middle East than they did in 2003.

Oil-supplying countries such as Nigeria, Angola, Venezuela and Russia don’t offer the long-term security of a Middle Eastern exporter like Saudi Arabia, analysts say.

Russia still has “a somewhat dodgy record on reliability as a supplier,” said Alastair Newton, political analyst at Nomura. In 2006 and 2009, for example, Russia cut gas supplies to Ukraine, a key transit country to Europe, amid a dispute over payment terms. Venezuela’s flow of oil to China also has been unpredictable, as the country trimmed its exports to the world’s No. 2 economy despite receiving its ample financial assistance. The International Energy Agency predicts Russia’s crude oil exports will decline by one million barrels a day over the next 20 years as its output declines.

Technical constraints mean refiners often choose to stick with tried-and-trusted oil sources. “A lot of oil trading is still about comfort levels,” said one oil trader. “If my usual supplier offers [oil] at market price, why should I risk getting barrels of unknown quality?” he said.

When Iraq began exporting its new Basra Heavy grade in June, the price was discounted heavily because refiners couldn’t adapt to the new crude fast enough. Even for emergency stockpiling, which has been a pillar of support for oil prices, both China and India are still opting for Middle Eastern oil grades that are better-suited to their refineries.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 18 July 2015, 6:22 am and is filed under
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Guan Eng on the road ahead for Malaysia

Mariam Mokhtar

Free Malaysia Today

July 18, 2015

Lim Guan Eng shares his thoughts about the state of the country, the death of Pakatan Rakyat and the Opposition chances in the next GE.

Lim Guan Eng, the chief minister of Penang, was in London recently but took time-off from his busy schedule to meet some Malaysians and share his thoughts on a variety of issues. These ranged from the Malaysian mess to Malay votes, the economy to the end of Pakatan Rakyat, and the challenges of Sarawak, to his choice of a cell-mate. Here is a condensed account of that interview.

1.“Malaysia is in a mess.” What solution does DAP have to take Malaysia out of its predicament?

Malaysia is not in a mess, but in a state of crisis. We have a challenging year ahead and we must not lose hope and faith. Our economy is tanking because of the Goods and Services Tax (GST), and the ringgit is dropping. Our leaders are not saving the economy but are only saving themselves.

The first step will be a change of leadership. To get to the root of the crisis, Najib Abdul Razak must take a leave of absence. The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), the Bank Negara Governor, and Inspector-General of Police (IGP) are all under the authority of the prime minister, so they are unable to conduct an independent and neutral investigation of their own boss.

We cannot continue without change. In the short-term Najib must go on leave. In the long term, there must be free and fresh elections, so that a new, clean and legitimate government can be elected.

2. According to Zairil Khir Johari, Najib’s approval rating is the lowest of any Malaysian PM, at 27%.Lower     even than George Bush’s after the Iraq war. Why is it so difficult to unseat Najib? Is this because the mainstream media is not independent, or is it the fault of an ineffective and disunited Opposition?

It is a combination of these factors. In the cities, businesses are closing down. People find it hard to make ends meet. Although there is a yearning for change among the youth, this is not shared by the rural folk. The downturn in the economy does not seem to have affected the rural folk so much, that they demand a change.

3. On June 6, PAS announced that it was severing ties with DAP. On June 16, Lim Kit Siang announced that Pakatan Rakyat was dead. Did you consult with your other coalition partner PKR, before you announced the end of Pakatan Rakyat? If not, why not?

PAS severed ties with DAP. If they had severed ties with PKR, they would have had to resign all posts and government positions, in the Selangor state government. Why should we consult Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and put them on the spot? It is not fair to PKR. We indicated to PKR what we were going to do. The break with PAS is complete and irrevocable.

4. When you formed Pakatan Rakyat, you must have known that hudud was part of PAS’ objective. Was DAP ignorant?

The old PAS and the new PAS are two different creatures. The PAS of old had progressive leaders. They always said that whilst hudud was part of the struggle of PAS, they knew that they had to bide their time. Hadi Awang claimed that he was the sole arbiter. That was not the arrangement, when we formed PR. Hadi was acting against the spirit of Pakatan. Our decision was not taken on the spur of the moment.

5. Is Selangor’s Pakatan government still alive or dead?

Pakatan Rakyat is dead. It is a reality and it is something that Azmin Ali, the Selangor menteri besar (MB) will have to deal with. When you do not have PAS and DAP on the same page, how can there be a Pakatan Rakyat? It is just not sustainable or viable, any more.

6. Will you form a PR-Mark 2 coalition?

Why don’t we cross our bridges when we come to them?

7. Your policies are threatening the environment of Penang, you are beholden to the developers, development is damaging the hills and the sea-bed, you are known as the Developers Action Party, and there is hardly any sustainable development.

We run the best heritage conservation in Malaysia, and this has been acknowledged by Unesco. We enforce all the necessary building codes. Penang is cleaner and greener. We stand by what we have achieved.

8. Can you win general election (GE)-14?

Yes, we can win GE-14. If we can gain an extra 2% of the votes, we will have a majority of 54%. The extra 2% that we need to win will equate to 20 or 30 extra seats, because of election gerrymandering; nevertheless, this is achievable, because of the boost that 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) has given to us. I have great faith in all Malaysians, including those from Sabah and Sarawak, to vote for us.

9. As the people of East Malaysia become more assertive, they demand a bigger share of the economic pie and a bigger say in the running of their country. How is DAP responding to these challenges?

Sabah and Sarawak are equal partners. Without them, there is no Malaysia. They are not one of the 14 “states”, they are one of the three territories which are Sabah, Sarawak and peninsular Malaysia. The East Malaysians see the beautiful highways in peninsular Malaysia, but they have none. They only get 5% of the oil royalties, and are not able to enjoy the resources of oil and gas. East Malaysians are very unhappy. For them to live in dignity, we must honour our agreement with them. It is a shame that Sabah has the highest number of poor people, despite its wealth.

10. You were jailed twice, first, in 1987, in Operation Lalang, under the Internal Security Act (ISA), and for Sedition, in 1994, for defending a Malay victim of statutory rape. Mat Sabu was also jailed in Operation Lalang and your friendship with him, continues to this day. If you were to be jailed again, who would be your cell mate of choice, and why?

If I were to be detained again, I would be placed in solitary confinement. I don’t think Putrajaya will allow a cell mate for me.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 18 July 2015, 9:31 am and is filed under
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