Teflon Umno

— Gomen Man

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 23, 2012

MARCH 23 — Today was closure for Prime Minister Najib Razak. Not for Malaysia and not for Shahrizat Jalil or her family, most recently known for their involvement in the National Feedlot Centre scandal.

Closure because Najib has been forced to publicly back Shahrizat as the Wanita Umno chief or face the possibility of some form of a revolt from the Wanita ranks.

This scenario was communicated to Putrajaya by Wanita Umno in not to subtle ways. So Shahrizat got to pick her “retirement” date from Cabinet and the assurance that she can remain as Wanita chief.

So today she was feted by her wing, the same wing which was clueless and probably thought that the NFC meant the National Feeding Committee when Shahrizat made light of the scandal at the Umno general assembly.

My advice to readers of The Malaysian Insider and other Malaysians is save your indignation for some other occasion. Surely you did not expect Najib to sack Shahrizat. He needs all the support he can get from his party, not only for the general elections but more so for the Umno elections.

In the eyes of most Malaysians, Shahrizat and her family will never be able to live down the NFC tag but in Wanita Umno, she is the queen bee. And much of that has to do with the lack of credible leaders in Wanita and Umno in general.

But I would not blame Najib too much. Remember Zakaria Deros, Muhammad Muhammad Taib, Jamaluddin Jarjis, Tengku Adnan Mansor, Ali Rustam, Isa Samad.

They all may have failed miserably in the court of public opinion but they are all thriving in Umno and most of them are occupying top positions.

In some ways, even the children of Umno leaders are exempt from the normal rule of law. Malaysiakini today reported that two police reports have been lodged against the son of Nazri Aziz for assaulting a security guard at a condo in Mont Kiara.

Do you think he will be charged for anything?

                This entry was posted on Friday, 23 March 2012, 11:33 pm and is filed under
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The civil service must prepare for change of government

— IDEAS

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 23, 2012

MARCH 23 — The Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) today releases a new Policy Ideas briefing paper that calls for the civil service at federal and state levels to plan and prepare for a smooth transition of administration. This is particularly important as we get closer to the general elections.

The Policy Ideas briefing paper argues that a smooth transition is more than just a peaceful transfer of power. It is also about ensuring that the effective functioning of government does not become too disrupted during the transition period. It provides case studies on how transition was managed in the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany, and the strengths and weaknesses of the systems in these countries.

Wan Saiful Wan Jan, chief executive of IDEAS says: “A clearly defined transition process is important. Politicians, especially those who are now in power, must accept that for the sake of the rakyat, they must create a proper transition plan. And looking at the latest developments, I think that it is more important to prepare in the states rather than federal because there is a chance we will see some states changing hands. Just imagine how disruptive it could be for the rakyat there if Kelantan or Sabah change hands. We can avoid the disruption by planning early.”

In the short term, IDEAS proposes that:

1. Civil service must conduct detailed scenario planning to explore the different possible election outcomes.

2. Senior civil servants at both state and federal levels must hold confidential meetings with opposition leaders to start building trust and identify priorities

3. The focus has to be at state level because it is likely that there will be changes at state level in the coming elections.

In the long term, IDEAS proposes that:

1. A transition guideline must be developed on a cross-party basis detailing the processes involved before and immediately after elections to ensure smooth changeover.

2. Politicians at both state and federal levels should be trained on the inner-workings of the civil service.

* IDEAS is the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 23 March 2012, 11:50 pm and is filed under
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Western Australia says no to Lynas waste

By Shannon Teoh

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 23, 2012

KUALA LUMPUR, March 23 — The Western Australian government, where Lynas Corp’s rare earths mine is located, has said it will not accept waste from the firm’s controversial refinery in Kuantan even if it is not radioactive.

Putrajaya said early this month Lynas, which plans to transport ore from Mount Weld in the Australian state, to its RM2.3 billion plant in Gebeng, had promised to send its residue abroad if it could not find a suitable waste disposal site in Malaysia.

Health Minister Datuk Seri Liow Tiong Lai had also said late last month the Sydney-based firm must find a way to ship the waste back to Australia, failing which no temporary operating licence (TOL) will be issued.

But Western Australia Minister for Mines and Petroleum Norman Moore told the state’s legislative council that it would not allow the residue, which Lynas says it can treat to reduce its radioactivity, to be returned to its source.

“Yes, as Commonwealth legislation prohibits the importation by Australia of any waste product produced from offshore processing of any mineral resources purchased here,” he said in a written response to Mining and Pastoral Region member Robin Chapple obtained by The Malaysian Insider.

Chapple, who is Greens spokesman for mines and petroleum, nuclear issues and waste management, had asked on Tuesday if waste from the Gebeng plant would be accepted if it was not radioactive after being treated.

Local nuclear regulators had said on March 1 Australia’s refusal to accept radioactive waste should not affect Lynas’ efforts to return residue from its rare earths plant to the source.

Atomic Energy Licensing Board (AELB) director-general Raja Abdul Aziz Raja Adnan said this was because the waste from the Gebeng refinery would not be radioactive once it was treated by Lynas.

The Australian miner has assured Malaysia that it will be able to reduce the concentration of radioactivity in the waste products so that the residue could be transformed into commercially viable aggregates, he noted.

AELB approved Lynas’ TOL in January, subject to several conditions, despite continued protests from local residents, environmentalists and the federal opposition.

The Australian firm is planning to ship rare earths ore from its mine in Mount Weld to its Kuantan plant, where it will be processed into highly sought after rare earths metals.

Thousands of anti-Lynas protestors attended an opposition-backed rally by Himpunan Hijau last month in the largest protest yet against the rare earths plant that is expected to fire up later this year.

Critics of the refinery want Putrajaya to direct the nation’s nuclear regulator to reverse its decision to approve Lynas’ TOL, which will let the Australian miner embark on a two-year trial run.

They allege that Lynas has not given enough assurances on how it will handle the low-level radioactive waste that will be produced at the refinery.

The government has been under pressure from groups to shut down the rare earths project over safety fears, but Putrajaya has stood its ground on the project that was first earmarked for Terengganu.

Parliament earlier this week approved the formation of a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on the controversial rare earths refinery.

Pakatan Rakyat (PR) subsequently announced a boycott of the panel, saying it has no power to decide the fate of the RM2.3 billion project.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 23 March 2012, 2:35 pm and is filed under
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Malaysia after regime change

— Tricia Yeoh

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 24, 2012

MARCH 24 — The intricate nexus between the worlds of business and politics has been an age-old tradition in Malaysia. Crony capitalism, a term to describe the intertwined relationship between business, politicians and the state, where individuals in the private sector benefits by obtaining licenses, concessions, government subsidies, other forms of protection from governments and appointments to key state owned enterprises through their close relationship with politicians and bureaucrats.

The main questions to ask in the event of a regime change are: Will it really ever be possible to extricate one from the other, given the context where this is an assumed norm? Second, how would a new government go about making these drastic changes?

There has been recognition of this problem by political players from both sides of the divide.

The Pakatan Rakyat (Pakatan) Shadow Budget admits, for example, that “Pakatan will face resistance from cronies that desire to perpetuate patronage and rent-seeking” when it begins to attempt open tenders and a more transparent procurement policy.

Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak also announced that a new initiative under the Government Transformation Programme (GTP) would regulate financing for all political parties, where all funding must be channelled to an official party account. He said that “a proper receipt record” would “prevent corruption and misappropriation on a grass-roots’ level…”

The CEO of Pemandu (the Performance and Measurement Unit under the Prime Minister’s Department), Idris Jala, stated that a first tier of internal control would be developed, of a checklist of recommended actions for political parties to undertake to avoid the abuse of funding. A second tier of external control would require that “all federal and state government entities and statutory authorities cannot include any party member who is an office bearer on their tender board”, amongst others.

The academic literature on the business-politics nexus (known as rent-seeking) has been examined closely from various angles by numerous academicians such as Peter Searle, James Jesudason, Dan Slater, Alasdair Bowei, Greg Felker, Nicholas White, Terence Gomez and Jomo KS among others. These researches suggest mixed outcomes.

Nevertheless, the research recognises that the business circle exerts strong influence over the political players as do the political players over business, often times resulting in sub-optimal use of national resource such as diverting scarce resources away from productive use (to the awarding of white elephant projects, poor quality works, constant costs over-run and when the corporation selected fails to deliver, the government is expected to bail out these companies using public funds).

Ex-post, the lack of stringent laws and regulations – and the enforcement thereof – has led to the present predicament in which political parties are ultimately subjected to the demands of powerful corporate interests. But it is, nevertheless a symbiotic relationship. This has become a norm in Malaysian politics.

The solution seems clear: ensure there is only well governed arms length relationship between business and politics. But is this really possible as the historical roots runs deep originating from Malaya’s post-colonial transition and the Barisan Nasional’s economic nationalism?

Post-colonial politics and business

As Malaya was in its final years of colonial rule under the British, political alliances were taking shape between the Malays and the Chinese. The Chinese towkay (community and business leaders) entered politics through their party MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association)’s alliance with Umno (United Malay National Organisation) in the 1950’s.

Both parties co-operated during the Kuala Lumpur elections of February 1952 because the “Selangor branch of Umno lacked sufficient funds to fight the election”. Consequently, the MCA bore the bulk of the election expenses for the MCA-Umno coalition up to the federal elections of 1955. MCA funds also helped to secure the Alliance’s electoral victory in the first elections for a fully-elected assembly in August 1959.

Chinese tycoons of the day therefore financed Umno in its earliest beginnings, and a reciprocal relationship was hence born. The Chinese community would benefit from such a relationship by being appointed in key positions from where economic policy could be made: H.S. Lee as the first Minister of Finance, and Tan Siew Sin as the Minister of Commerce and Industry, in particular.

Quite apart from these governmental positions, members of the business elite would also receive commercial favours for their loyalty to the Alliance. H.S. Lee received a banking licence to establish the Development & Commercial Bank in 1966 and Tan Siew Sin became the chairman of Sime Darby in 1977. They were adept and capable businessmen, and earned their positions based on their performance – so it is difficult to say this was a direct result of their political relationships.

However, this blurring of boundaries between politics and business would set the stage for political parties to continue to receive funding from not just Chinese tycoons, but all tycoons regardless of race. Hence, even private sector players who were not part of the political infrastructure would require close connections with government figures to develop their businesses. Robert Kuok and Dato’ Nik Kamil, the latter of whose success inspired young Malay entrepreneurs to embrace the ‘jadi ahli politik untuk buat duit’ (become politician to make money) motto are such examples.

The crony capitalism trend persisted also in Sabah and Sarawak, where similarly the Chinese big businesses were more than willing to work with Malay-Muslim political power for economic and social gain. Khoo Siak Chiew, a leading logging baron, who helmed the Sabah Chinese Association (SCA) and eventually became a minister following Sabah’s incorporation into Malaysia, is an example.

Things have not quite changed since the 1960’s. What has changed is that where in the past, contracts, tenders or appointments were made based on ability and expertise, with political connection being the added advantage, today it is mostly about political connection and ethnicity. Government makes decisions not because they are the most competitive or capable but for other reasons. As such, political acumen has been an essential skill for individuals to possess, without necessarily having equal entrepreneurial or technical expertise.

It is unsurprising that the historical post-colonial Malaya, and the way in which political parties began, formed the very foundation of the current-day Umno’s modus operandi, and that of its coalition partners. By being members of political parties in government, one increases the chances of one’s networking pool, especially to decision-makers within government.

Economic nationalism: New Economic Policy

The New Economic Policy (NEP) was used by the national government to benefit Bumiputera companies and business people, in the name of assisting the Malay community. Ironically enough, these companies would not be restricted to Bumiputera ones alone; even non – Malay entrepreneurs who were successfully able to “buy-in” to the system would also be rewarded.

Simultaneously, former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamed was on a roll to internationalise the Malaysian economy. This he carried out by embarking on mega-projects. Large government-linked companies (GLCs) would then engage in joint-ventures with the government and international firms in these mega projects (e.g. North-South Highway, HICOM, Perwaja Steel, Malaysian Shipping Corporation, Putrajaya, the Kuala Lumpur International Airport, Kuala Lumpur City Centre, Cyberjaya, etc). In order for these large projects to be funded, the government relied on a significant amount of contributions from the national oil company, Petronas, as well as funding from corporate entities.

Political party financing

Given this backdrop of the post-colonial political formation and economic nationalism, the persistence of government to recognise wealth expansion of the Malay community, and desire to place Malaysia on a global growth map, it was only natural that the government and the private sector enjoyed a close relationship.

Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed said that “the presence of (influential) Malays on various boards’ means… they are able to impart … know-how to new ventures launched by Malays”. However, the dominance of Umno within the Barisan Nasional (BN) federal government, combined with the nexus of business and politics, has been corrosive.

Umno traditionally relied on membership fees and donations from private individuals, as documented in Transparency International Malaysia’s (TI-M) new book “Reforming political financing in Malaysia”, launched in May 2010. UMNO grew to rely more upon its investments and business interests through ownership of corporations and shares. As mentioned earlier, early Umno members consisted of teachers and the civil service, but the majority is now made up of entrepreneurs and corporate figures.

Former Umno treasurer Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah recounted how he was tasked with finding investments for Umno and acknowledged a covert political fund existed.

Barry Wain in his book claimed this fund was worth RM88.6 million in 1984. Former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir told TI that he handed his successor RM1.4 billion worth of property, shares and cash. The Star newspaper contributes RM50 to RM60 million to MCA annually, and TI estimated MCA’s current assets to be RM2 billion.

TI’s research concluded that Pakatan’s coalition parties still depend on grass-roots support, raising funds through a combination of membership fees, fundraising dinners, donations, publications and forums. The Democratic Action Party’s elected representatives contribute a portion of their salaries and allowance to the party fund.

TI’s report stated clearly that businesspeople or wealthy individuals with vested interests are eager to give money to politicians in return for securing business favours, strengthening the argument that there exists a powerful nexus between politics and corrupt money.

Clearly, there is a need to break from this culture and norm of relying upon large business conglomerates to support political parties. It is well known that companies are obliged to sponsor events such as party elections, and state and national election campaigns. The danger of not addressing this very real problem is that no matter which political coalition comes into power, it is inevitable that the political leaders have to succumb to the demands of corporate interests.

Unless a better system exists in which political financing takes place through a more transparent and well-regulated process, this culture is bound to continue.

Can a new government change this?

The existing system (or lack thereof) of political financing has brought to fruition a culture of dependency upon the large business players. If there were to be a possible regime change, would the new government be able to circumvent such a system?

Political financing reform is key to ensuring that any government in place is not held ransom by private sector interests. The Pakatan Shadow Budget has outlined its clear position that it would break up monopolies and oligopolies in Malaysia should it come into power. Its goal is also to “free all government-linked companies (GLCs) from political interference” and that they would operate based on commercial priorities.

Pakatan’s list of monopolies to be either restructured or completely dismantled includes the business of Malaysia’s most powerful tycoons. Would the move to dismantle them succeed, first on the count of the resistance from the tycoons, and second on the count of their very convenient use as financial sponsors?

In the case of regime change, Malaysians must be cognisant that this deeply-embedded web between business and politics will not be easy to disentangle.

Even within the first 100 days, should the Pakatan government make initial efforts at change, it may not result in immediate improved outcomes.

For instance, a task-force would have to spend copious amounts of time examining the hundreds of lucrative contracts between government and private companies, separating the legitimate from the dubious ones.

Next, by virtue of the fact they have a contractual agreement; it will be extremely difficult to break these contracts immediately. Doing so would either mean penalties have to be paid, or multiple court cases would ensue between the corporations and government. This is the experience that the Pakatan state governments of Penang and Selangor faced when they came into power.

Second, selected existing civil servants who have already built their careers on these relationships would very much operate according to the existing mindset. Whether or not the same cronies are involved, the method of dealing with contracts and public procurement will be dealt with in much the same manner by them.

For there to be a distinctive change in the way politics is run, and to push for a more transparent and corrupt-free democracy, steps must be taken to deal with the current political-government-business nexus.

For the business world to be kept at arms length and independent from the political players, new laws and regulations that emphasise transparency and good governance must be considered. Although close relationships between the two will always exist, these regulations will help mitigate the negative effects resulting from this. The inclusion of the public’s intense scrutiny through transparency measures will allow the public to participate in the process of examining the political parties that claim to represent them.

Malaysians must be aware of the current systemic flaws. In doing so, they would recognise that change takes time to set in. It is absolutely crucial that a new government must seek to strictly regulate and enforce political financing, even if it is to its own political detriment. This would be necessary for the long-term strengthening of democratic institutions. The voting public must push for these changes to take place.

In the final analysis, dependency of politics on the private sector must be removed if we are to encourage a new way of being and doing government. — http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala

* Tricia Yeoh works in market research and is former research officer to the Selangor Chief Minister. She continues to write and comment on Malaysian policy matters. Her book, “States of Reform: Governing Selangor and Penang”, will be published later this year.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 24 March 2012, 12:10 pm and is filed under
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‘No More Bullshit’: Political Cognizance of a Rakyat for the Rakyat

by Syed Zahar

Malaysian Digest

We are living in interesting times. Here and now is a crucial episode in Malaysia’s modern political history, where things can go either way. To put things in perspective, it is a national duty of writers and media practitioners to feed Malaysians with the lowdown on the political situation in this post-March 8, 2008 era. And one writer has stepped up to the plate since even before the historical 12th General Election to do Malaysians a big favor by helping us make that informed decision come poll day.

Following his March 8: The Day Malaysia Woke Up (2008) and its sequel, March 8: Time for Real Change (2010), veteran journalist Kee Thuan Chye’s latest book is aptly titled No More Bullshit, Please, We’re All Malaysians. It’s a compilation of his trademark straightforward commentaries on Malaysian politics that were published in various print and online media (including Malaysian Digest) as well as the author’s past speeches, political plays, poems and interviews with various media.

Malaysians now can be categorized into four political mindsets. To put it simply, there are the staunch Barisan Nasional (BN) supporters, the fence-sitters, the strong Opposition supporters and then those who are more than willing to vote for the Opposition for the sake of change and to get the two-party system going. I would say Kee belongs to the last category as we can see from the following excerpt from his new book:

“It may be difficult to trust the old hands in the Opposition team, or to put much faith in some of their newbies, or be certain that their company won’t fall apart because their ideologies are different, but if we want to retain this situation of two coalitions battling for our benefit, we have to nurture it. It sure beats having a monopoly. We have to keep the March 8 spirit alive.”

“If people were to ask me how I’d vote at the next GE, this is what I’d say – why vote in the people who have been taking us for a ride and robbing us blind? They may actually bring about a slew of reforms just before the elections in order to win our hearts and minds… well, let them. We can accept that, like some voters who accept money, and still vote them out. Why not let in a group of people and see what they can do? At least at the beginning, they will be so blunt on winning our approval, they will bring us a further slew of reforms – until they get corrupted or prove to be incompetent. If that happens or if they don’t come up to our expectations, and the other salesmen clean up their act, we can choose anew at the following GE.”

“That’s a simplistic way of looking at it, of course. More importantly, I think we need to get in fresh government because the old one has become too entrenched in its ways. They know the system too well to use it to their corrupt advantage. What’s more, we need to undo the damage that has been inflicted to our country by the man who outshines Avatar. We need a massive spring cleaning.”

–    Kee Thuan Chye, No More Bullshit, Please, We’re All Malaysians

Although Kee regularly participates in political rallies doesn’t see himself as an activist but more of an observer who wants Malaysians to be more politically conscious. Back in his days as a fulltime journo for several mainstream papers (namely, New Straits Times and The Star), Kee had gained notoriety for his provocative articles. You see, most journalists in this country have accepted the shameful reality that they have to submit to the political interest of the owners of the organizations they work for. Kee is a rare breed for he is not one of them, and this had landed him in trouble with his editors in the past. As he said in No More Bullshit when talking about how the media have willingly restricted themselves since the Mahathir (the person he refers to as the man responsible for messing up the country and to whom have dedicated a special section to) era, the only thing worse than censorship is self-censorship.

Despite having gained a reputation as a ‘troublemaker’ in various editorial departments during his younger days, it is only lately (after 2008) that Kee stumbled into his newfound fame mainly for his candid and honest political commentaries that were published on various non-mainstream media. Kee has not held back his punches in No More Bullshit as his commentaries would still be considered provocative, for Malaysian standard anyway. This is a writer who wants the Opposition to win so bad because he truly believe that making this possible would benefit rakyat in the long run. In fact, at times, he almost sounds desperate for change as he’s had enough, and this defiance is not for the sake of dissent but for the love of the country. As quoted by Kee in one of the opening pages in No More Bullshit:

“Dissent is the highest form of patriotism.” – Howard Zinn, American historian, academic, author, playwright and social activist

Notwithstanding his hope for a change of government, the author is pessimistic about the Opposition winning in the coming election though, deep inside, he looks forward to be pleasantly surprised.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 24 March 2012, 12:28 am and is filed under
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Najib should explain to Parliament whether he is acting on the AG Gani Patail’s advice that there is insufficient evidence for a judicial tribunal to be empannelled against the AG himself?

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak should explain to Parliament whether he is acting on the Attorney-General Tan Sri Gani Patail’s advice that there is insufficient evidence for a judicial tribunal to be empanelled against the Attorney-General himself?

Or has Najib acted on the advice of the de facto Law Minister Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz?

Najib should be forthcoming and tell Parliament whether and how many times he had consulted Gani on the issue, and who are the other judicial, legal and other officers he had consulted before he came to the conclusion to reject the call for a tribunal to investigate serious allegations of abuses of power against Gani Patail which have been made not only by the former Commercial Crime Investigation Department (CCID) chief Datuk Ramli Yusoff but also the former KL CID Director Datuk Mat Zain.

In my 	10-minute speech in Parliament on Thursday during the last day of the debate on the motion of Thanks for the Royal Address, I had specifically referred to this issue, viz:

“In his campaign rounds, Najib recently extended an apology for past Barisan Nasional (BN) mistakes resulting in its loss of several states and electoral seats in the last general elections.

“Some three weeks have passed but nobody knows what mistakes Najib was apologizing for.

“There are many past UMNO/BN mistakes he needs to tender an apology, but there are also many of his own mistakes made during his 35-month premiership which he needs to apologise for.

“Time does not permit me to enumerate these mistakes made by Najib. I will just mention one – his failure to restore public confidence in the efficiency, independence and professionalism of key national institutions, whether the judiciary, police, the Attorney-General’s Chambers, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, the Elections Commission.

“The refusal of the Prime Minister to set up a judicial tribunal into grave allegations of abuses of power, subversion of the rule of law and the perversion of the course of justice, made against the Attorney-General, Tan Sri Gani Patail and the former IGP Tan Sri Musa Hassan, made by former top police officers, including former CCID Director Datuk Ramli Yusof and the former KL CID Director Datuk Mat Zain, going back to the fabrication of evidence in the Anwar Ibrahim ‘black eye’ incident, the Anwar trials in 1998, the Tajudin Ramli MAS bailouts, and the new information on the  ‘bizarre five-year-old case allegedly involving the country’s most powerful police officer, the attorney-general and an underworld figure’, implicating even the Deputy Home Minister at the time, Datuk Johari Baharum, raises grave questions about the Prime Minister’s commitment to the rule of law.

“Is the Prime Minister going to avoid taking a stand when it is seriously alleged that only very recently, the country’s topmost legal and police officers in the land, the Attorney-General and the Inspector-General of Police, were criminals – and the same AG is still in office?”

Najib’s own credibility and legitimacy as Prime Minister will suffer a serious blow if he dismissed out-of-hand the “new evidence” offered by two former top police officers substantiating their serious allegations against Gani as well as the former Inspector-General of Police – whether this is based on “advice” by Gani as Attorney-General when he is a self-interested party or without any expert advice whatsoever!

The least Najib should have done is to establish a judicial tribunal into the serious allegations and “new evidence” offered by the two former top police officers as well as other former police officials, to establish once and for all whether there is any basis to the allegations that until recently, the country’s topmost legal and police officers in the land, viz the Attorney-General and the Inspector-General of Police were themselves criminals – with the same Attorney-General still in office!

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 25 March 2012, 12:41 pm and is filed under
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Najib’s concern must be for real

Jeswan Kaur | March 25, 2012

Free Malaysia Today

Indulging in corruption, cronyism and nepotism is not what a leader who “listens” to his people does.

COMMENT

Trusting a politician is the hardest thing to do;  the risk is not just worth it. So when Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak says he will listen to the rakyat in choosing candidates for the 13th general election, it is too good an assurance to hang on to.

Is it not Najib who keeps “cautioning” the people that he wants “winnable” candidates to contest in the looming GE? How then does the rakyat’s choice make a difference to him?

In his March 22 interview with DJs Sam Mak and Tan Yi Hui in the one-hour 988 Street VIP programme of the 988 FM radio station, Najib said he would have to listen to the people when it comes to choosing candidates for the next general election.

“It is only right as a leader. I should listen to the people. So, therefore, I will make a decision that his or her time is up and should not stand as a candidate anymore,” were the premier’s words.

Najib is very right that he “must” listen to the rakyat, which he has not been doing. Indulging in corruption, cronyism and nepotism is not what a leader who “listens” to his people does.

What should the rakyat make of a leader like Najib who chooses a corrupt politician to helm the Federal Land Development Authority or Felda.

Everyone is aware of the money politics that Mohamed Isa Abdul Samad, the former Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan indulged in, which resulted in Mohamed Isa being stripped of his Umno vice-presidency by the Umno discplinary board in 2005. His six-year suspension however was commuted to three years upon appeal and ended on 23 June 2008.

Still, Najib found Isa a befitting candidate to contest in the Bagan Pinang by-electionin 2009. Was Najib then “listening” to the rakyat?

If that was not disastrous enough, Isa who won the Bagan Pinang by-election was “rewarded” and made the chairperson of Felda in 2011. So much so that National Economic Advisory Council (NEAC) member Datuk Dr Zainal Aznam Mohd Yusof remarked that Mohamed Isa’s appointment to head Felda was a sad episode that caused uncertainty in the market.

According to the late Dr Zainal Aznam, the former Negeri Sembilan Menteri Besar’s poor track record and involvement in money politics involving Umno back in 2005 were cause for concern.

Najib refuses to learn lessons

However, taking cognisance over his “misdemeanours” is not Najib’s forte. Otherwise, why would the premier dare give his “buddy” and former special officer Omar Mustapha Ong a free hand in the controversial move to list Felda Global Ventures Holdings (FGVH).

The proposal to list FGVH has not gone down well with the Felda settlers and stakeholders and Najib has made no effort to clear the fiasco.

As far as the settlers are concerned, they see the listing as Putrajaya’s way of forcing Kooperasi Permodalan Felda’s consent with regard to the move.

The highway scandal

Then there is the scandal surrounding the Kidex (Kinrara-Damansara Expressway) RM2.2 billion concession which was awarded to Umno-linked firms “as a reward for Perak’s fall”?

Why is Najib silent when asked by ousted Perak Menteri Besar Nizar Jamaluddin and his Pakatan Rakyat  colleagues to clarify the BN government’s basis for awarding the highway deal to companies owned by Umno lawyer Hafarizam Harun and the wife of former Chief Justice Zaki Azmi.

The companies in question are Emrail Sdn Bhd and Zabima Engineering Sdn Bhd. Hafarizam is a director in both firms while Zaki’s wife, Nik Sazlina Mohd Zain is a director in Emrail.

“Why such a disproportionate sum? How can a highway of 50km cost RM2.2 billion and then the Banting-Taiping highway, which was initially supposed to be RM3 billion, costs RM7.07 billion for a much longer distance,” Nizar, who was formerly Perak Mentri Besar, told the media early this month.

“So where can they rationalise the award here… if you talk about per kilometre, there is a lot of difference between the two highways,” Nizar queried.

Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin however insisted that the Kidex contract was awarded to only the most “qualified” companies and rubbished claims that it was due to political reasons.

Nizar had rubbished Muhyiddin’s claim, saying: “But if DPM says the companies are qualified, have good track records and all that, then explain why the costing seems completely out of tune.”

“Explain if the highway was awarded as a reward for Perak’s fall.”

The Pakatan Rakyat lawmakers also dismissed Muhyiddin’s claim that the two firms were selected based on merit, pointing out that the deputy prime minister had still failed to disclose if the project had been awarded via open tender or direct negotiation.

Perak fell to Pakatan in the 2008 GE but was recaptured by BN during a year-long constitutional impasse that ensued when three Pakatan lawmakers left their parties to become BN-friendly independents.

Najib’s concern not for real

What the premier is doing is to balm the unhappiness Malaysians have over the many issues the Barisan Nasional government under Najib’s leadership refuses to show concern.

The BN government has no interest in arresting the problem of deaths taking place while in police custody. The call to put in place the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission has received no favourable attention from the federal government.

The issue of racial disharmony too has not been tackled by Najib. His leniency with Perkasa, an organisation set up with the sole agenda of safeguarding Malay rights and privileges and exterminating the non-Malays of this country is proof of the premier’s lack of sincerity in ensuring peace and tranquility between the rakyat is always at an all-time high.

To conveniently “use” the people in an attempt to boost his popularity is not going to place premier Najib in their “good books”.

Dismissing the rakyat’s concern over the nation’s manipulated elections and instead killing off entities like the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections or Bersih 2.0 which is demanding  reforms to the electoral system fails to portray Najib as a “people’s” leader.

There are just one too many instances of the rakyat having had enough of the BN-government’s machiaevellian ways. When in July 2009 an opposition political aide, Teoh Beng Hock was found dead hours after a gruelling interrogation at the hands of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, all that was possibly possible was done to hush-up to prevent the truth from being revealed.

So afraid was Najib that he unwittingly “exposed” himself when he chose to ignore names suggested to him by Teoh’s family to sit on the Royal Commission of Inquiry panel.

One of the names was that of Ambiga Sreenevasan, the former Malaysian Bar president and who is also chairperson of Bersih 2.0 and an award winning lawyer, her activism lauded by Michelle Obama, the First Lady of America and by the French government which honoured Ambiga with the Legion of Honour in September last year, acknowledging her contributions to human rights defense.

But to the BN leadership, Ambiga’s fight for a clean and fair election is a threat, her resolute to stand up for the tenets of democracy lost on the party and its “top guns” Najib and deputy Muhyiddin Yassin.

With so much public resentment against BN and its leadership and the continuous politicking undertaken by the leaders, the rakyat has to seriously ponder where does the hidden-agenda behind Najib’s “People First, Performance Now” lie.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 25 March 2012, 1:35 pm and is filed under
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Scandal-ridden BN on the ropes?

Neil Khor | Mar 24, 2012

Malaysiakini

COMMENT

It has been some three months since I last wrote an article for Malaysiakini. I have, nevertheless, kept up with the issues that continue to glue Malaysians to their computer screens, iPads and mobile phones. Even the mainstream media cannot keep Cowgate off its pages!

There is little doubt that the next general election will happen in 2012. Every pundit in Malaysia is saying June. One cannot continue beating the war drums and delaying the date of battle.

For the opposition, the elections of 2008 never ended and they have been prepared for a long battle. Few remember now that nobody expected Pakatan Rakyat to stay together.

One senior member of a Chinese kongsi told me that he did not expect Lim Guan Eng to be CM for more than six months but now sings the CM’s praises.

Instead, what looks most brittle is the BN as a coalition. The decision to put up winnable candidates will apply across the board.

This means less seats for Umno’s traditional partners the MCA and the MIC; and the other component parties. This cannot go down very well with the component parties.

There are five major problems that will adversely affect the BN going into the 13th general election. All are related to unresolved scandals.

The first has to do with senior BN partner the MCA. In almost every poll and judging from the by-elections results, the MCA is not able to bring the majority of the Chinese back to the BN fold.

Scare tactics lose fear power

Try as hard as he can, Chua Soi Lek just cannot bring back the Chinese voters. The same is true of the BN’s Chinese-based parties in Sabah and Sarawak.

The MCA’s last ditch attempt to “scare” the Chinese by painting a scenario where the Chinese will be a majority in opposition without governmental representation did not work as well.

The problem with this argument is that the Chinese already feel that the MCA has little say in government whilst the DAP is doing so well in Penang.

But more revealing is the recent attempt by MCA supporters to use social media to get their ideas across. The Chinese New Year video was immediately turned on its head.

An alternative video featured prominently the PKFZ scandal and Chua’s own private sex scandal. Voters are not about to forgive the MCA for its bad handling of PKFZ.

The on-going trial of Dr Ling Liong Sik and Chan Kong Choy, if unresolved decidedly before the next GE, will be cannon fodder for the opposition.

The loss of face for the Chinese community who associate the MCA with their own sense of identity as Chinese Malaysians (definitely a small and decreasing lot) will find it very hard to hail Chua as their representative. The loss of face from the scandal is really a big deal.

The second scandal that is draining support away from the BN and that points to a fundamental flaw in the BN coalition has to do with Sarawak Chief Minister Taib Mahmud.

Recently, in the Sarawak state elections, Taib showed KL that he continues to deliver the votes. His position is entrenched but his reputation continues to suffer from attacks both internally and from overseas.

The excesses involving the “development” of Sarawak continues to be highlighted in the international press. In the blogs and social networking spheres, Taib Mahmud has become an icon of the BN’s inability to transform.

Losing streak set to continue?

Whilst the BN has successfully faced such problems head-on and survived, the recent Sarawak state election has raised alarm bells.

The PM is no longer as confident as before about securing a two thirds majority. An Umno that does not have more than 90 seats in parliament will be more dependent than ever on coalition partners.

Mahathir was the worst performing Umno president, winning about 70 seats in 1999, and Pak Lah the second worst with 79 in 2008. Both PMs required the support of their coalition partners to rule.

If Najib Razak cannot reach the 90-seat mark and his peninsula counterparts do not perform as well, he will most likely be dependent upon Taib. This does not make the BN a very stable or likeable coalition.

The talk in town is that Malaysia will have a deputy prime minster from Borneo and most likely Umno will have to give up the seat. Such a bleak future scenario is destabilising for the BN.

The third scandal is on-going and needs no introduction. Cows have never been very interesting animals but combined with a politician they have had considerable attention-grabbing effects recently.

Shahrizat Abdul Jalil’s ministership may be over but her refusal to step down as Umno Wanita head and BN Wanita chief is a godsend for the opposition.

Whilst the PKFZ scandal is long-drawn-out and complex and the excesses of Taib is a world away, the National Feedlot Corporation scandal is easy to understand.

Cow scandal refuses to vanish

The government gives one a computer loan but we use it to buy a bike. Is this okay? Only if you are related to a minister, comes the answer. It is simple to understand and can be used in the rural areas most effectively.

Of course, if it was any other minister, it would be okay but the Wanita Umno chief is something else. Wanita Umno is supposed to be the safety valve for the party.

It was the buttress that helped heal wounds behind the scenes. Its members are dedicated and would go house-to-house to campaign, reversing opposition “lies”.

But to have the burden of explaining the leader’s own “problems” is an additional burden the wing simply does not need.

It remains to be seen how this will hamper the campaign but extra resources will now have to be deployed to shift attention away from a very easily understood scandal.

The fourth scandal or scandal-to-be involves national security. Despite all the scientific explanations and reassurances from the PM himself, Lynas is not going away.

That the plant will be built in the PM’s home state means the latter will have to battle it himself. This really should be handled more professionally and by Lynas itself but the PM has taken up the cudgels and will now have to make sure that he is able to overcome fears of environmental pollution that come with such industries.

More damagingly, Lynas recalls Bukit Merah and all the other previous environmental disasters that have come to our shores through government initiatives.

Similarly, and in Pahang as well, are the gold-mining activities in Raub and alleged poisoning of rivers. This scandal is on-going and will cost the BN a lot of votes. The crux of the matter is that citizens will be asking: “Can we trust the BN?”

The fifth and by all accounts not the last scandal, involves Felda. Here the PM is trying to “unlock” the potential of Felda and turn it into a global plantations company.

Nothing wrong with this noble intention but it recalls all other projects of this nature that ended up beggaring the nation. The question here is does the BN really know how to manage the economy and the Malay forward movement?

Felda is unlike other projects. It is a scared cow and a symbol of BN-led progress. Now in the hands of the son of the man who started it, is the PM sure that his vision will be realised in the hands of men who have, in the past, performed less than sterlingly?

Is he able to convince the Malays that the incorporation of Felda will be that special transformative ingredient that will provide Malays with a more secure and progressive future?

These five scandals (and scandals-to-be) will determine the fate of the BN in the next general elections. Two of them, PKFZ and Lynas, will influence urban and semi-urban voters.

The rest will create more trouble for BN in rural Malaysia. But fundamentally, Malaysians will have to judge whether the BN, in its handling of these self-created scandals, can be trusted with our future and what guarantees will we have that Pakatan can resolve them better.

——————————————————————————–

NEIL KHOR completed his PhD at Cambridge University and now writes occasionally on matters that he thinks requires better historical treatment. He is quietly optimistic about Malaysia’s future.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 25 March 2012, 2:46 am and is filed under
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BN has failed the Indian community

— S. Barathidasan

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 26, 2012

MARCH 26 — The Malaysian Indians Progressive Association (MIPAS) has done surveys, studies, gained information and feedback from the rakyat showing that it is not true that the rakyat’s support for Barisan Nasional (BN) is peaking based on the party’s record of fulfilling its promises, as claimed by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

MIPAS feels that it is not true that “big winds” are blowing towards BN.

The rakyat still does not have confident and full trust in the BN government as many issues have still not been fulfilled.

An example is the Lynas issue. The Parlimentary Select Committee (PSC) should investigate and study the plant’s safety standards. It should be fair and hear the concerns of the people in Kuantan. But it has failed!

Another example is the anger and frustration of the Chinese community over education. A rally was organised by the United Chinese School Committees Association (Dong Zong) over the problems faced by Chinese educationists over four decades and regarding the transfer of non-Chinese-speaking teachers to Chinese schools. The BN government has failed to meet Dong Zong’s demands.

MIPAS also believes the BN has failed the Indian community. Najib’s Nambika (trust) has not fulfilled their needs as many of them are still without MyCards, birth certificates. Statistics show Indians only comprise 3.2 per cent of employees in the government sector. It should be increased to seven per cent.

Recently the PM announced that the government would give full scholarships to the top 100 students from the Indian community who graduate with first-class honours from public universities. How many Indian students are there in public universities? And only the top 100 get full scholarships? It’s just an eyewash!

Our country has been independent for 54years now but we still have race or ethnic division/segregation. Every vote is equal but when it comes to policy and implementation it is not equal. For example, the BN government asks Indians to vote BN but whenever there is an issue over appropriation of estate land (e.g. Bukit Jalil Estate) the government says it cannot do anything because it is private land.

Malaysia so keen to support and help the Palestine struggle but when it comes to the ethnic cleansing of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, the BN government abstained from voting against Sri Lanka in the UN Human Rights Council in a resolution mooted by the US. The BN government is against any violation of human rights in Palestine, South Africa, Somalia, South Thailand and many Islamic countries. But why when it comes to Sri Lanka the BN government keeps quiet?

MIPAS believes BN can expect an easy victory only in Johor, Malacca and Pahang in the 13th general election.

* S. Barathidasan is secretary-general of the Malaysian Indians Progressive Association (MIPAS).

                This entry was posted on Monday, 26 March 2012, 5:03 pm and is filed under
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Pakatan will probe A-G, Musa if elected to power, says Kit Siang

By Shazwan Mustafa Kamal

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 26, 2012

KUALA SELANGOR, March 26 — Pakatan Rakyat (PR) will investigate Attorney-General Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail and former Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Musa Hassan for alleged criminal involvement if elected to federal power, Lim Kit Siang pledged last night.

“Pakatan Rakyat will form a judicial tribunal to find out whether the criminal allegations against the former IGP, Attorney-General are real,” he told 5,000 people at a PR ceramah here.

Lim, the DAP parliamentary leader, stressed that a tribunal was “necessary” as claims have been made against the two by senior police officers — former Bukit Aman commercial criminal investigation chief Datuk Ramli Yusoff and ex-Kuala Lumpur CID chief Datuk Mat Zain Ibrahim.

Both have urged Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to probe Abdul Gani and Musa for claims of abuse of power.

But Najib had said on Friday the claims did not merit a tribunal as they were mere allegations.

This comes after Mat Zain’s repeated accusations over the past three years that Abdul Gani and the former Inspector-General of Police fabricated evidence in Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s 1998 “black eye” case which he investigated.

He also said Najib admitted to knowledge of Abdul Gani’s alleged wrongdoings when they had met privately in 2008, and challenged the PM to axe the A-G over the latter’s failure to act in high-profile cases such as the death of DAP aide Teoh Beng Hock while in the care of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission.

Putrajaya has repeatedly said, most recently in November, it will not reopen investigations into the case as an independent panel set up in 2009 had cleared Abdul Gani of any wrongdoing.

But Mat Zain said the panel was unconstitutional as only a tribunal, formed by the the Yang di-Pertuan Agong on the advice of the PM, can investigate the conduct of the A-G.

“There has to be change… we have to propel it and bring back proper democracy,” Lim said.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 26 March 2012, 10:39 am and is filed under
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Probe on AG and ex-IGP if Pakatan captures Putrajaya

Nigel Aw | Mar 26, 2012

Malaysiakini

DAP supremo Lim Kit Siang has declared that Pakatan Rakyat will probe attorney-general Abdul Gani Patail and former inspector-general of police Musa Hassan for alleged criminal wrongdoing if it captures federal power in the next general election.

This, he said, is because Prime Minister Najib Razak’s refusal to act on former Commercial Crimes Investigation Department (CCID) chief Ramli Yusuff’s complaint that Gani had fixed him and his team of police officers after they arrested an underworld figure.

“If there is no judicial tribunal, then we have to go back to the mandate of the people for a tribunal to find out whether we have criminals as the (former) head of police and attorney-general,” Lim told a 5,000-strong crowd at a Pakatan Rakyat ceramah in the Kuala Selangor stadium last night.

Lim said the allegation made by a former top police officer was unprecedented even in other countries and should have warranted an immediate investigation from the premier.

Last Friday, Najib had dismissed calls for a tribunal, stating that it was merely a claim which had yet to be substantiated.

Following this, Ramli expressed his disappointment that he and his officers, which he said had been wrongly charged but subsequently cleared by the courts, have been denied any avenue for justice.

Police officers willing to testify

Malaysiakini had reported that in 2007, Ramli – on the orders of then deputy internal security minister Johari Baharum – investigated Johor-based underworld figure Goh Cheng Poh only to find, according to the ex-CCID chief, indications that Musa had helped Goh in his gambling and money-laundering businesses.

Gani was said to have then instructed the Anti-Corruption Agency (now the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission) to access highly-confidential files on the case and used that information to hunt down informants who assisted Ramli’s team and coerced them into implicating the police investigators instead.

Ramli and six of his police officers were later hauled to court on various charges but they were all acquitted.

Following the revelation, several police officers, both serving and retired, have come forward with offers to testify if a tribunal is set up to investigate Gani and Musa.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 26 March 2012, 10:57 am and is filed under
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Reforming Education: Fixing Kampong Schools

M. Bakri Musa

(First of Six Parts)

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Education Muhyiddin Yassin promised to release his “thorough review” of our schools by yearend. I hope that he, his officials, and the slew of expensive consultants he hired will pay attention to the unique challenges facing three particular groups of students: those in our kampong schools, residential schools, and those university-bound with their post-Form Five dilemma.

            I will cover these three issues in the order presented. I had earlier critiqued and put forth my recommendations on improving the whole system in my book, An Education System Worthy of Malaysia (2003).

            There is no shortage of reviews, thorough and otherwise, of our education system. Unfortunately, just as the recommendations of one new policy were being implemented, there would follow, just as surely as a burp after a roti canai breakfast, a stunning reversal soon thereafter. Unlike a burp where only stale gas would be expelled, with a policy reversal the whole earlier content would be vomited out. It is enough to keep the heads of our pupils and teachers spinning, further distracting and confusing them. A prime example would be the language of instruction for science and mathematics.

            In addition to the confusions and distractions from these frequent policy reversals, kampong pupils in particular are further burdened by a triad of formidable obstacles that have remained unresolved for decades despite the multitude of reforms. Incidentally as these pupils are Malays, they should be of particular concern to UMNO, Perkasa, and other champions of Ketuanan Melayu types. On a more general level, Malaysia cannot become developed if a major segment of its population – its rural youths – are deprived of quality education. That is quite apart from the racial implications.

            It is pathetic if not reprehensible that after nearly three years as Minister of Education it is only now that Muhyiddin is aware of the glaring achievement gaps between rural and urban schools. He discovered this from perusing the results of the recently-released Sijil Persekutuan Malaysia (Form Five) examination. Muhyiddin’s ignorance is even more incomprehensible considering that he is the product of a rural school. That could only indicate sheer bumbling incompetence or gross dereliction of duty.

            As usual, his answer to the crisis was simply a promise to develop a “ten-year master plan” to “transform” (that favorite word again!) rural schools. By the time that committee is formed he would be busy campaigning or scheming to take over Prime Minister Najib’s job, and our rural students would be back to where they are today – ignored.

            The challenges confronting kampong students are many and obvious. One is their persistent low English proficiency; two, their less-than-conducive intellectual environment at home and in the community due largely to poverty; and three, inadequate schools and less-than-superior teachers.

            The government cannot easily ameliorate their poverty and lack of intellectual stimulation at home and in the community. The authorities can however, compensate for those deficiencies by improving the other two factors. That is, enhance their English fluency specifically and give them superior education through better schools, enriched curriculum, and competent teachers. That will be the pupils’ sure ticket out of poverty. From there they could then change for the better their families’ and communities’ intellectual and socio-cultural environment. This has been proven in different societies and at different times.

            Those who continually harp on changing culture as the effective route towards improving educational achievement or ameliorating poverty have it backward. This does not mean that familial and social factors are unimportant in a child’s education; they are. However it is considerably much easier to improve the child’s education first; the results and impact would also be more readily apparent and measured.

Enhancing English Proficiency

There are two immediate and practical reasons for improving the English proficiency of our kampong students. One is to enhance their employability. In today’s world, the least advantaged (or most disadvantaged) are those who can speak only one language, and that language is other than English. This is true whether that language is Malay, Mandarin, or Swahili. The most advantaged are those who are bilingual, with one of the languages being English.

            For kampong youths, there is another equally relevant reason for enhancing their English fluency, and that is to increase their self confidence. A major handicap for kampong youths is their lack of self confidence. Increase their proficiency in English and watch their confidence grow. This is more effective than repeatedly reveling in our imagined glorious past during Hang Tuah’s time, or proudly proclaiming our special status under the constitution, as the Perkasa folks are wont to do.

            This special aura of the English language is attributable only in a small part to our colonial legacy. English is now effectively the global language of commerce and science. We ignore this reality at our peril. Even China is recognizing this, even though Mandarin is being spoken by more people in the world.

            Enhancing English fluency cannot be achieved through endlessly exhorting the young to “study harder” or haranguing them on the importance of that language, but by increasing the hours of instruction in that language and providing these pupils with competent teachers.

            That was one reason for the earlier policy (now reversed) of teaching science and mathematics in English. We could just as easily simply increased the number of hours devoted to English, or teach other subjects with high language content such as history or Moral Studies in English. Elsewhere I suggested teaching Islamic Studies in English, or even establishing English-language Islamic schools. English-language Islamic schools would break a major psychological barrier for Malays to learning English: its negative association with Christianity, again a legacy of colonialism.

            In Japan, English is taught throughout the entire school years right from pre-school, yet its students remain hopelessly crippled in that language, as with our kampong students. The reason is clear. Both the Japanese and our kampong students have little opportunity to exercise their English skills at home and in the community.

            Native English-speaking pupils in Western Canada learning French, the country’s second official language, face the same challenge as that language is not widely used in the community. One of their solutions is French immersion classes, during summer holidays or the first few years of school.

            We could adopt a similar approach in the kampongs by having kindergarten and the first few years of primary school totally in English. As the usage of Malay is high at home and in the community, and as these students are also Malays, it is unlikely for them to forget their native tongue. This was how Tun Razak learned English prior to his enrollment at Malay College. This was also the basis for the Special Malay Classes during colonial times and the Remove Classes of Tun Razak’s policy. They were all highly effective.

            This was also how Malays of my generation learned English. We were, in a manner of speaking, in total immersion classes throughout our school years. In my book An Education System Worthy of Malaysia I specifically call for establishing these English-medium schools in rural areas.

            Malays like me certainly did not lose our native language skills as a consequence of attending English schools. Indeed many of the seminal contributions to Malay literature have been from Malays educated entirely in English. Pendita Za’aba and National Literary Laureates Shahnon Ahmad and Muhammad Haji Salleh are shining examples.

Next:   Part Two: The Challenge of Providing Teachers

                This entry was posted on Monday, 26 March 2012, 10:51 am and is filed under
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Tribunal will show A-G’s hand in Altantuya trial, says Mat Zain

By Shazwan Mustafa Kamal

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 26, 2012

KUALA LUMPUR, March 26 — Datuk Mat Zain Ibrahim today continued to pressure the prime minister to investigate the Attorney-General for alleged abuse of power, arguing that a tribunal will prove Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail’s “manipulation” in the Altantuya Shaariibuu murder trial.

 PM Datuk Seri Najib Razak had on Friday said there was no need to probe claims against the A-G made by Mat Zain and former Bukit Aman commercial criminal investigations chief Datuk Ramli Yusoff, saying they were mere allegations.

But Mat Zain claimed today a tribunal would “expose the wrongdoings of Abdul Gani in manipulating, hiding material evidence” in the Altantuya trial.

The A-G’s manipulation, said the ex-cop, was evident with the change in prosecutors in the trial, where deputy public prosecutor Datuk Sallehuddin Saidin was replaced by Datuk Tun Majid Hamzah.

Mat Zain said the reason given by Abdul Gani back then was that Sallehuddin had an “intimate relationship” with the presiding judge as they were “badminton partners”, and that that might affect the trial process.

“If the close ties betwen judge Mohd Zaki and Sallehuddin are being questioned, why did Gani Patail hide his personal relationship with Mohd Zaki and as well as Tun Majid’s ties with the judge?

“Mohd Zaki was a judicial commissioner (JC) under Abdul Gani in 2005. Tun Majid, like Sallehuddin had close ties with Mohd Zaki as they were working together in Perak in 1987, and then the A-G’s chambers,” Mat Zain said today in an open letter addressed to Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Ismail Omar.

He said that if Abdul Gani had really wanted to be fair and impartial, he would have ensured that another judge presided over the Altantuya murder trial.

“By withholding material evidence, it is an offence under Section 415 of the Penal Code, and Gani cannot do this,” added the ex-cop.

Mat Zain also claimed that former trial suspect Abdul Razak Baginda had signed an affidavit relating to the case in 2007, but the contents of the affidavit were never challenged by the A-G.

“Mohd Zaki released him without calling for his defence, as though his affidavit was not challenged.

“When Razak Baginda was freed, Gani Patail did not want to file an appeal even though there were a lot of calls to do so.”

Mat Zain also alleged that a tribunal would shed some light into instances of power abuse and manipulation of facts in Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s Sodomy II trial and 1998 “black eye” incident involving the A-G and former IGP Tan Sri Musa Hassan.

He accused the two of stealing Anwar’s blood samples for DNA tests in the Sodomy II trial and using it against him.

Mat Zain stressed that these were merely parts of a “no holds barred” testimony that he is prepared to give in front of the tribunal, should it be formed.

“The issue of a tribunal will not go away as long as both Abdul Gani and Musa Hassan are not brought to justice. Their transgression…is too serious to be forgiven.”

                This entry was posted on Monday, 26 March 2012, 4:37 pm and is filed under
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Bilalah Abdul Wahub akan muncul?

— Aspan Alias

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 27, 2012

27 MAC — Lama juga rasanya saya berada dalam Umno dan pernah bergiat hampir tiga dekad lamanya. Walaupun saya bukan seorang yang pandai dan jauh sekali untuk memandai-mandai, saya dapat banyak pengalaman bergiat dalam parti yang telah diberikan mandat untuk mentadbir negara selama kita mencapai kemerdekaan. Itulah sebabnya saya berani dan boleh untuk menceritakan perkara-perkara yang membezakan diantara Umno yang dahulu dengan Umno Baru yang baru berumur 24 tahun itu.

Bak kata orang tidak ada yang lama tidak ada yang baru. Keadaan bersalah-salahan itu memang satu keadaan yang natural. Hanya kita sahaja yang boleh memilih untuk memilih salah satu dari sifat berlawanan itu. Kalau ADA lawannya TIADA, Begitulah keadaannya. Mana kita tahu yang sesuatu itu panjang jika tidak ada elemen yang pendek. Masakan kita tahu mana yang panas jika kita tidak tahu dan pernah merasakan yang sejuk dsb.

Dalam politik dinihari kita sedang melihat satu politik yang belum pernah kita lihat dan alami sebelum ini. Keadaan ini berlaku disebabkan kali ini merupakan pilihanraya dalam mana rakyat ramai terutamanya gulungan yang muda bersama-sama terlibat memainkan peranan untuk membezakan politik dahulu dan politik sekarang ini. Kali ini juga merupakan politik yang pertama kalinya BN menghadapi pengaruh PR yang sudah pun memegang teraju pemerintahan dilima buah negeri dalam persekutuan ini.

Salah satu penyebab yang BN menjadi lemah ialah kerana sifat takbur BN yang telah sebati dengan Umno yang BN dianggap pasti pilihan rakyat. Malahan selalu sangat kita mendengar kata-kata seperti; “kalau bertanding BN, calon tak payah datang berkempen. Kalau wakilkan songkok calon pun dah cukup”.begitulah sombongnya Umno dalam waktu ia sedang kuat.

Kata-kata yang lain yang selalu kita semua dengar, “PAS dan pembangkang itu hanya parti bermusim. Ianya wujud hanya semasa pilihanraya sahaja” atau pun “Pembangkang seperti PAS itu parti gila dsb”. DAP pula dikatakan parti komunis, rasis, anti Islam dan jika menyertai parti itu kita akan menjadi kafir. Semua momokan Umno terhadap musuhnya dibantu oleh media arus perdana selama 50 tahun lamanya. Tetapi sekarang mampukah Umno dan pimpinannya bercakap sedemikian sombong?

PAS telah dihina oleh pimpinan Umno semasa parti itu masih terkial-kial untuk meyakinkan rakyat malahan ramai diantara pemimpin mereka dipenjarakan dan disimpan di Kemunting dibawah tahanan ISA. Dr Mahathir marah-marah kerana ada Melayu Islam yang berkeyakinan terhadap PAS, parti yang pernah dicop sebagai parti militant untuk menjarakan orang Melayu darinya. Dr Mahathir pernah dengan sombong bercakap yang Nabi Muhammad saw tidak bercukur kerana semasa zaman itu tidak ada pisau pencukur.

Mungkin memang benar tidak ada pisau pencukur semasa itu. Saya pun tidak pasti kerana 1432 tahun dahulu saya belum lahir lagi. Tetapi saya dan ramai lagi sekarang ini memang mengakui yang pisau pencukur sememangnya banyak sekarang ini.Pencukur-pencukur inilah yang telah dan masih mencukur harta rakyat sehinggakan negara berhutang sebanyak 53 peratus dari GDP negara..

Sekarang dalam keadaan tersepit pun Umno masih sombong. Umno sekarang masih bercakap tentang membantu orang Melayu, isu yang lama yang dimainkan sejak berdekad-dekad dahulu. Melayu tidak kemana juga. Dalam keadaan hampir lumpuh pun Umno masih bercakap besar tentang isu yang sama. Janji-janji yang sama dibuat sejak dahulu sampai sekarang.

Sekarang ini Umno (Najib) mundar mandir membuat janji dan kemana sahaja beliau pergi beliau telah membayar sedikit komisyen kepada rakyat. Beliau telah berjanji yang rakyat akan dapat banyak lagi komisyen jika mereka mengundi BN. Malahan beliau begitu terdesak sambil berkata “Lu tolong gua, gua tolong lu”. Umno tidak habis-habis dengan membayar komisyen kerana kuasa kepada mereka adalah perniagaan.

Kalau ini caranya mentadbir, negara akan bankrap dan ini tidak mengejutkan kerana salah seorang dari jemaah menteri negara pun pernah berkata yang negara kita akan bangkrap pada tahun 2019. Sikap Najib tidak ubah seperti watak Sulaiman Akhlakhan dalam filem “Tiga Abdul”.

Dalam keadaan hendak kena lelong pun masih hendak membayar komisyen lebih tinggi, iaitu sebanyak 25 peratus jika rakyat tidak melelong Umno dan BN dalam pilihanraya yang akan datang. Rakyat berharap akan ramai lagi watak-watak Abdul Wahub untuk mengajar pemimpin-pemimpin tamak haloba seperti Abdul Wahab dan Abdul Wahib seperti yang dipaparkan oleh filem “Tiga Abdul” itu.

Rakyat berharap akan timbul seorang Abdul Wahub dalam isu politik negara kita ini. Kalau muncul Abdul Wahub peluang untuk mencari keadilan akan sampai. Selagi ada watak-watak Sulaiman Akhlakhan yang sentiasa mengambil komisyen dan ketamakan Abdul Wahab dan Abdul Wahib selagi itulah segala harta rakyat dibolot mereka. — aspanaliasnet.blogspot.com

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 27 March 2012, 5:00 pm and is filed under
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Cowed no more

by Kapil Sethi

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 27, 2012

MARCH 27 — Till maybe a decade ago, the average Malaysian adult, when confronted with a political topic in a public place would shuffle uneasily, take a quick peek over his shoulder and either change the topic or restrict his response to a quick whispered sentence or two. Very Orwellian, but understandable in the context of realities such as the ISA, Ops Lalang, Special Branch and the Anwar black eye incident.

In the context of all the deeply intellectual prognoses by hordes of political analysts on the outcome of the next general election, it seems strange that there has been no acknowledgement of the profound impact of this loss of fear among the electorate.

From rumours of serial numbers on ballot numbers being used to identify and harass those who voted a particular way, to civil servants’ jobs and promotions being in jeopardy if they didn’t toe the line, to the full might of the law being used to finish careers of those who openly supported the other side, it seems everyone in Malaysia had a instructive story to tell of those who chose oppositional politics.

The advent of the Abdullah Ahmad Badawi administration and his commitment to keep the Internet free of censorship set the stage for a large number of people to see the actual realities of Malaysia without the rose tinted lens of the Barisan-controlled mainstream media.  The 2008 tsunami further helped the process along and fast forward to today, of the Arab Spring and closer home, Bersih 2.0.

This shift is much more than a passing fad and it may have changed the way Malaysians view their political system in a fundamental way. The idea that their participation in the political process has a real impact on outcomes that affect their individual lives is here to stay.

The proposed roll back of the ISA and UUCA, the formation of a Parliamentary Select Committee on electoral reform and the Lynas rare earths project, the scrapping of the civil servants’ new pay scheme (SBPA), the rethink on the AirAsia-MAS share swap or even the resignation of Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil are direct reminders of the newfound power of the people to effect political change in matters that concern them.

Election predictions to date generally take the view that there is an even split between BN and PR for roughly 70 per cent of the electorate. It is the undecided 30 per cent that will decide the outcome. That 30 per cent is the youth vote, the Malay vote or the non-Malay vote, depending on who you ask.

In my view, that 30 per cent is best defined as the post-fear voter. The voter who is not necessarily ideologically committed or even overtly political, who will not campaign for a political party or even participate in activism, but who knows the power of her vote. This person does not indulge in a lot of political debate, but is aware of the fact that he can, if he so chooses. This person may not have voted in the past or even registered to vote, but will do so this time, because for the first time he sees the point of it.

This voter may represent the true awakening of Malaysian democracy that makes participation attractive to almost every adult, even if only once in five years. In my view what matters to this voter is growth in economic terms, protection of traditional values in cultural terms, a level playing field and an end to corruption in opportunity terms and an opportunity to hold her head high as a Malaysian in global terms. Paraphrasing Rabindranath Tagore: “Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high; where knowledge is free; into that heaven of freedom, my father, let my country awake”.

So who is this person most likely to vote for? Sticking my neck out, my prediction is that in the current scenario, expect the DAP to win big with this segment as it champions a post-racial middle-Malaysia position built around the perceived success of Lim Guan Eng in Penang. Most notably his tom-tomming of the Freedom of Information Act, a level playing field in economic terms with open tenders that did not disadvantage Malay contractors and the CAT (Competence, Accountability and Transparency) mantra.

Let the games begin.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 27 March 2012, 11:13 pm and is filed under
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Mentalqinkan Umno

— Sakmongkol AK47

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 27, 2012

Mari talqinkan Umno.

Ianya bukan apa apa. Umno sudah sampai masa tamatnya. Bila dah tiba maut, kita tak boleh melambat atau menyegerakan walaupun sesaat. Rakyat sudah lemas dan meluat dengan Umno. Untungnya, Umno tidak boleh melakukan apa apa untuk menyelamatkan dirinya. Setiap hari Umno menunjukkan lemasnya.

Najib berkata kepada rakyat jangan melakukan kesilapan sekali lagi. Amat benar — jangan melakukan kesilapan dengan memberi lesen kepada pimpinan Umno untuk merompak dan melanun negara ini. Pada kadar kerajaan Umno memberi kontrak dan pinjaman dengan kadar rendah, seolah-olahnya, kerajaan pimpinan Umno memerah rakyat. Negara akan bengkrap.

Lebih mendukacitakan — Najib menunjukkan sifat Umno yang bongkak. Umno merasakan dialah sahaja Melayunya. Dialah sahaja yang pandai mengurus negara. Dialah sahaja yang melindungi orang Melayu. Dialah sahaja yang boleh beri masa depan kepada orang Melayu dan Malaysia. Akan tetapi, fakta menunjukkan negeri-negeri di bawah Pakatan Rakyat di tadbir dengan lebih baik.

Bagaimana Umno boleh memberi kita suatu masa depan yang cerah, jika ia telah menyebabkan suatu sejarah yang muram dan masakini yang kacau? How can you offer a bright future when you have created only a dark past?

Ternyata Najib tidak menghormati pilihan rakyat. Ternyata Najib bukan seorang democrat tapi seorang closet feudalist yang despotik.

Kenapa?

Kerana yang Najib kata buat silap itu merupakan 51 peratus dari undi popular di Semenajung Malaysia. Siapa Najib untuk berkata 51 peratus dari pengundi popular telah silap kerana menyokong Pakatan Rakyat? Penyokong Umno dan BN hanya merupakan 49 peratus peratus dari pengundi popular. Yang menyelamatkan Umno dan yang membolehkan Najib jadi PM, ialah persempadanan kawasan mengundi. Kalau tidak ada pembohongan dan “arrangement” macam ini, Umno yang melakukan kesilapan demi kesilapan keatas rakyat Malaysia sudah lama bungkem!.

Apa punca kesombongan Umno yang paling besar? Ada punca-puncanya.

Pertama, Umno menyifatkan dirinya penaung dan orang Melayu mereka yang Umno naungi. Umno patron dan Melayu budak budak. Ini bertentangan dengan piagam manusia yang merdeka — bahawa penentu nasib dan masa depan individu ialah diri mereka sendiri. Dengan sikap sombong Umno menerapkan jiwa hamba keatas orang Melayu.

Keduanya, Umno menganggap dirinya sesuatu yang mesti di sembah dan rakyat ialah budak-budak hamba sahaja mereka. Sekali lagi ini bersalahan dengan piagam manusia yang merdeka — yang menyifatkan kerajaan hanya suatu wadah yang melaluinya, rakyat mencapai pelbagai matlamat kepentingan masyarakat. Kerajaan bukan sesuatu yang menekan dan menindas rakyat.

Jadi apa yang rakyat dan bangsa Melayu hilang dengan menolak Umno? Mereka hanya akan menghilangkan rantai dan pasung yang selama ini memenjarai jiwa mereka. Umno membodohkan orang Melayu dan suka selagi orang Melayu bergantung kepada Umno dan tertunduk tunduk meminta sedekah seperti segala tambi dan peon. Ini bukan cara untuk memertabatkan maruah bangsa.

Nasib baik yang menyebelahi kita ialah kerana Umno bodoh. Kalau Umno cerdik, Pakatan Rakyat yang jadi jurubicara rakyat akan susah. Jadi kita tepuk bila Najib kata pembangkang auta. Kita tepuk bila Najib tidak hormat 51 peratus pengundi popular. Kita tepuk bila Najib cakap merapu dan kata Anwar tidak layak jadi PM. Tapi kita jangan lupa, kedua-dua PM dan TPM sekarang adalah pengikut orang yang hari ini di katakan tidak layak jadi PM. Kedua mereka adalah pengikut setia team wawasan yang ketika itu di pimpin oleh orang yang di katakan tidak layak jadi PM.

Realitynya jika Najib boleh jadi PM, maka sesiapa sahaja ada peluang jadi PM. If Najib can become PM, anyone can too.

Najib dan Umno tidak tahu lagi menangani keadaan. Mereka bercelaru. Umno dan BN ingat semua ini is about Anwar. Sebab itu mereka attack Anwar dengan cara lama — Ezam Mat Nor, Nallakaruppan, Ummi Hafilda, Hasan Ali, Zulkifli Nordin di perkudakan untuk menyerang Anwar.

Sebetulnya kita suka keadaan demikian berlaku kerana Umno bodoh. Akhirnya Umno akan sedar bahawa penolakan rakyat kepada Umno bukan disebabkan oleh Anwar Ibrahim.

Ianya adalah kerana Umno sudah sampai masa untuk kita takqinkan. Dari debu dia datang, kepada debu ia pulang. — sakmongkol.blogspot.com

* Sakmongkol AK47 is the nom de plume of Datuk Mohd Ariff Sabri Abdul Aziz. He was Pulau Manis assemblyman (2004-2008).

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 27 March 2012, 4:45 pm and is filed under
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On thorium and Lynas

— Chan Chee Khoon

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 27, 2012

MARCH 27 — The Sun declined to publish my response (below) to Dr Looi Hoong Wah’s
earlier letter
. In the interest of reasoned exchanges, I hope this response to Dr Looi’s latest
letter
 sees the light of day.

In this letter, Dr Looi’s cites the Argonne National Lab’s fact sheet on thorium to argue that only a miniscule portion of thorium-232 which is ingested via food or water is absorbed into the bloodstream, of which only 4 per cent gets deposited in the liver where it is retained with a biological half-life of 700 days.

He neglects to mention that thorium-232 is much more readily absorbed into the human body via an inhalation route, and furthermore that 70 per cent of the amount entering the bloodstream gets deposited in bone where it is retained with a biological half-life of about 22 years, all that while irradiating the much more radio-sensitive blood-forming tissues there with highly mutagenic alpha-particles (20 times more damaging to cellular genetic material than beta or gamma radiation).

Could this be the reason for the cluster of childhood leukaemias observed among the children of Bukit Merah?
(Recall also the inverse square law — the intensity of radiation from a radioactive particle a metre away from a human body increases a trillion-fold when that same particle sits at micron-level distances on the body’s cells and tissues.)

Dr Looi considers that inhalation exposures to thorium-containing dust is solely an occupational problem which is not relevant to the greater Kuantan-Kemaman community. Let’s recall that the ARE rare earths refinery at Bukit Merah, like LAMP, had no long-term waste management plan. Ad hoc arrangements, including the aborted Papan dump site, eventually led to a situation of indiscriminate, clandestine dumping of radioactive thorium-cake wastes at Lahat, Menglembu, Pengkalan, Jelapang, Buntong, Simpang Pulai, among other
locations
.

The Kuantan-Kemaman community similarly faces the prospect of unknown numbers of dump sites at unknown locations scattered in and around the cities if Lynas does not come up with an acceptable plan for long-term waste disposal.

Allow me also to bring to Dr Looi’s attention a 1993-1994 study of male miners at the Bayun Obo rare earths and iron mine in Inner Mongolia which was reported in the Journal of Radiological Protection in 2005.

In that study, highly dust-exposed miners had 5.15 times the age-adjusted lung cancer rate compared to the rate among Chinese males in the general population. The less-exposed mining staff had 2.30 times the general population rate. Both groups had similar smoking rates (78 per cent vs 67 per cent for the general adult male population).

On this basis, the authors concluded that the excess lung cancer risk among the less-exposed was largely due to above-average smoking, and the further difference between the two miner groups was due to high exposure to airborne crystalline silica particulates (mainly) and to thorium-containing dust and its radioactive daughter nuclides such as thoron gas.

These conclusions are highly debatable, and it is precisely in this situation of uncertainty and lack of consensus that the Kuantan-Kemaman community shouldn’t end up as tikus makmal (lab rats) in a natural experiment for Lynas.

Finally, it should also be noted that the ores that the Chinese miners were exposed to contained 400 ppm of thorium. The rare earth oxide concentrates that will be arriving shortly at Kuantan port will have 1,600 ppm of thorium.

The US Public Health Service (1990) reports that the natural background level in North American soil is typically ~ 6 ppm of thorium.

The unpublished letter to The Sun.

Dr Looi Hoong Wah, in dismissing the Kuantan community’s apprehensions over Lynas rare earths refinery in Gebeng (The Sun, March 7, 2012), has glossed over a number of points:

1. Potassium-40, when absorbed, is distributed more uniformly throughout the human body, mostly in muscle tissue which is among the least radio-sensitive of the body’s tissues (the most radio-sensitive tissues are the lymphoid organs, bone marrow, blood, testes, ovaries, intestines)

2. Thorium-232 is very poorly absorbed from the gastrointestinal tract, but much more readily via an inhalation route. Seventy per cent of thorium entering the bloodstream localises to the bones where it is retained with a biological half-life of 22 years, all that while irradiating the blood-forming tissues with alpha-particles which are 20 times more damaging than gamma or beta radiation.

3. In contrast, potassium-40 is excreted from the body much more rapidly, with a biological half-life of 30 days.

4. The net result of all this: the lifetime cancer mortality risk per Curie of inhaled thorium-232 is 200 times that of inhaled potassium-40, and 2,000 times that of ingested potassium-40 (1 Curie =  37 GBq).

5. The “safe thresholds” of 1 mSv/yr (public) and 20 mSv/yr (occupational) that Dr Looi, Dr Che Rosli Che Mat (MP, Hulu Langat), Lynas, AELB, and IAEA repeatedly invoke are derived from ICRP risk models which are currently under critical scrutiny and challenge, in the wake of excess childhood leukaemia near nuclear power plants that can’t be explained by radiation exposures which are much below the “safe thresholds”. A UK expert panel for instance (2004, www.cerrie.org (http://www.cerrie.org/) ) could not arrive at a consensus regarding the health risks of low-level exposure to internal emitters (inhaled or ingested radioactive particles). Opinions among the UK panel members ranged from negligible adverse effects to an underestimation of risk by at least a 100-fold.

6. In short, nobody really knows at this point how hazardous the Lynas refinery may turn out to be, given that much of the radioactive solid wastes will be in powdery form, i.e. respirable as suspended particulates, or ingestable from contaminated surfaces.

7. In asserting that the LAMP refinery is unquestionably safe, Dr Looi, Dr Che Rosli, Lynas and AELB have recklessly abandoned the precautionary principle. The Kuantan-Kemaman community may end up as lab rats in a natural experiment.

* Chan Chee Khoon, ScD (Epidemiology) is from the Centre for Population Health, Department Social & Preventive Medicine Faculty of Medicine, University of Malaya.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 27 March 2012, 4:23 pm and is filed under
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Umno rewards the compromised

— Sam Peh

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 27, 2012

MARCH 27 — Is it any wonder that Khairy Jamaluddin is now being made the chairman of PUNB? Not at all because Umno is a party which reward its members who have indulged in money politics, being found guilty of subverting the judicial system, abused the Internal Security Act and even those who have not been able to shake the smell of corruption.

Syed Hamid Albar is the top boss at SPAD, the public transportation body, and his claim to fame is locking up a journalist under the ISA supposedly for her own safety.

Isa Samad was found guilty of vote-buying or corrupting the electoral system of his party and now he is heading Felda.

Tengku Adnan Mansor was found guilty by the Royal Commission of Inquiry of fixing judicial appointments and today he is the secretary-general of Umno and a shoe-in for Cabinet appointment.

Rafidah Aziz was slated for the abuse of the Approved Permits scheme by none other her former boss Mahathir Mohamad and is today head of Air Asia X. She is also going to be boss of PInewood Studios.

Khairy Jamaluddin was found guilty by Umno disciplinary board of money politics but let off with a warning. Dr Mahathir noted that this was the first time that someone who had been found guilty by the board and in the court of public opinion was hailed as a leader of Umno Youth. Well, now he is going to be the head of PUNB.

Next we should expect Shahrizat Jalil, Khir Toyo and others to be rewarded. All they have to do is stay “loyal” to Umno and be “patient.” What they don’t need to worry about is whether they are clean, competent or controversy-free.

Once again, it just shows you the talent level in this political party.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 27 March 2012, 10:26 pm and is filed under
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Anwar: Christian threat is Umno propaganda

S Pathmawathy | Mar 28, 2012

Malaysiakini

Pakatan Rakyat condemned the latest move to instil fear of the threat of Christianisation in the country, blaming it as tactic by Umno to “frighten” the Muslim Malay majority.

“I want to state, the all mighty in Malaysia is Umno – Umno is in charge of religion, Umno is in charge of the finances – so if the allegations (of attempt to spread Christianity) is true, that means it is Umno that failed to strengthened the faith of the Muslims,” said opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim.

“What I can confirm is that this is nothing other than a disgusting political manoeuvre to use religion to frighten the people,” Anwar said.

Speaking at a press conference at Parliament today, Anwar pointed out that if a movement exists to threaten the faith of the Muslims, then there are adequate legal measures that can be taken for transgressing the law.

He was responding to a letter on a seminar organised by the Johor Education Department the coming Saturday titled ‘Pemantapan Aqidah, Bahaya Liberalisme dan Pluralism Serta Ancaman Kristianisasi Terhadap Umat Islam. Apa Peranan Guru?’ (Strengthening Faith, Dangers of Liberalism and Pluralism and the threat of Christianity towards Muslims. What is the Role of Teachers?).

The letter addressed to primary and secondary schools heads in the Johor Baru district, required two religious teachers from 55 schools in the district to attend the seminar.

Drawing similarities to past claims of proselytisation of Muslims, Anwar said that the relevant authorities have failed to furnish evidence.

Last year, the Selangor Islamic Department gatecrashed an event organised by Harapan Komuniti at the Damansara Utama Methodist Church’s (DUMC) Dream Centre based on a tip-off alleging proselytisation among attendees.

Jais found 12 Muslims among the crowd but the organiser had denied any allegations of trying to proselytise Muslims, stressing that it was a fundraising dinner for the HIV support group.

Prior to that a controversy broke after several DAP leaders were accused of hatching a plot with pastors to establish Christianity as the country’s official religion.

Not proper to ‘politicise religion’

PAS vice-president Husam Musa, who was also at the leadership council meeting, reminded the government that it is not proper to “politicise religion”.

“If we are truly concerned, we would provide more for missionary work, heighten awareness and correct faith. We would stop corruption and mismanagement,” said Anwar, adding that such seminars would only create tension between faiths.

“We will advise Muslims in the country to be wary on this issue. As Pakatan (and) as Muslims (we) will continue to adhere to Islamic principles (and) maintain excellent rapport and working relationship,” he said.

DAP’s parliamentary leader Lim Kit Siang said the seminar is at odds with Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s call for “moderates of the world to unite against extremists”.

“This is creating suspicion and distrust among the religions. The Christian leaders have called for proof because they made it clear about their sensitivities and the need to maintain religious harmony,” said Lim.

Such programmes will only “lead to greater racial polarisation”, he said, urging for quick measures to be taken to resolve the issue.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 28 March 2012, 7:50 pm and is filed under
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Pakatan promises to buy back MEX if voted to power

By Clara Chooi

The Malaysian Insider

Mar 28, 2012

KUALA LUMPUR, March 28 — Pakatan Rakyat (PR) pledged today to buy back the part publicly-funded Maju Expressway (MEX) from its concessionaire should they wrest Putrajaya in the coming polls, claiming the move would save over RM4.6 billion in taxpayers’ money.

In a statement signed by representatives from all three PR parties – Rafizi Ramli (PKR), Tony Pua (DAP) and Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad (PAS) — the leaders noted that it was one of PR’s Buku Jingga promises to restructure toll rates and the country’s many highway concession agreements, many of which they claim have over-benefitted Barisan Nasional (BN) cronies.

Speaking at a press conference in Parliament today, Pua, DAP’s publicity secretary, said it was more sensible for Putrajaya to buy back the highway with a maximum payment of RM400.9 million, instead of allowing Maju Holdings Sdn Bhd to profit from its sale.

He said that Maju Group executive chairman Tan Sri Abu Sahid Mohamed stands to make a clean profit of RM1.09 billion or 1,800 per cent of his initial investment of RM60 million from his sale of MEX to EP Manufacturing Bhd (EPMB) for RM1.7 billion.

“This profit is too high because the government has already used taxpayers’ money to fund 74 per cent of the highway’s construction cost,” he said.

This, added Pua, amounts to a whopping RM976.7 million.

“This money will not be returned to the public but will be a great profit for Abu Said,” he said.

Pua explained that according to EPMB’s March 16 Bursa Malaysia filing on its purchase of MEX, there is an “expropriation” clause attached to the concession agreement.

The clause, he said, allows the government to buy back MEX and terminate the concession with three months’ notice.

Pua added that the acquisition cost to the government would be a maximum of RM401 million which, according to the compensation terms, is the sum of the value of construction work less the government grants, liabilities, dividends or interest to shareholders, plus 12 per cent interest per annum on investments by shareholders.

“This RM401 million compensation is sufficient returns for the concessionaire which only needed an investment of RM60 million over eight years.

“This is in comparison with the RM3.2 billion that that concessionaire would have earned in projected net profits over the 25 years of its agreement. This profit will be reaped from toll payments from Malaysians of over RM5 billion,” Pua said.

“With the decision to buy back MEX, savings for the people would exceed RM4.6 billion.”

EPMB had said in a filing to Bursa Malaysia on March 16 that it will buy MEX concession holder and operator Maju Expressway Sdn Bhd (MESB) from Maju Holdings for RM1.7 billion.

The acquisition is expected to give the auto parts company a steady stream of revenue while allowing it to venture into the infrastructure sector, EPMB chairman Hamidon Abdullah had said.

According to Malaysian Rating Corp Bhd (MARC), total traffic on MEX in 2010 was 28.8 million vehicles, while average daily traffic was 78,962.

Latest figures from June 2011 show that the average volume has since increased 17.5 per cent to 92,785.

The ratings agency said the increase in traffic was due to greater awareness of the highway as well as commercial and property developments in Putrajaya and Cyberjaya.

MARC added that traffic growth on MEX would likely be sustained in the double digits in the near term before easing as the highway matures.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 28 March 2012, 5:11 pm and is filed under
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