Will the PM, DPM, Home Minister and all UMNO Ministers co-operate with the police in investigations into the seditious and hate speeches made by two UMNO delegates at last week’s UMNO GAs?

Are the police waiting for the “green light” by the Home Minister, Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi before they dare to move on the various police reports and investigate sedition and other hate crimes committed by  two UMNO delegates Mohd Zaidi Mohd Said (Penang) and Mashitah Ibrahim (Kedah) at last week’s UMNO General Assemblies?

From Zahid’s “war-mongering” speech during the winding-up of the UMNO General Assembly on Saturday, he seemed  to have usurped the powers of everybody and arrogated to himself the sole powers of deciding whether a person has committed sedition, whether the police, the Attorney-General or even the Judiciary – a sort of  one-man arbiter combining the powers of  “judge, jury and executioner” on sedition offences to the extent that he could pride himself for being described as a “hardcore” or “fundamentalist” Home Minister, bragging  that 40 people had been prosecuted under the Sedition Act in 2010 and  12 this year and more to come, especially after the retention of the Sedition Act after being “fortified”.

Many Malaysians are shocked by Zahid’s “war-mongering” performance in his  winding-up speech last Saturday, for no Home Minister under six Prime Ministers in the past 57 years had misbehaved like Zahid at the UMNO General Assembly last Saturday.

Zahid’s “war-mongering” performance might befit his position as UMNO Vice President but it was clearly inappropriate for a Home Minister of the country – as he must be reminded that he is Home Minister not just  for UMNO to look after UMNO interests, but to safeguard the security of  30 million Malaysians, including 53% of the electorate who did not vote for Barisan Nasional and UMNO in the 13th General Elections in May last year.

Penang UMNO delegate Mohd Zaidi Mohd Said’s denial today that he had  been misinterpreted and that he didn’t mean that all Chinese profited from vice, crime and illegal business must rank as one of the most ludicrous excuses in political history – made even more ridiculous that it has to taken the  Penang UMNO leader three full days in the eye of a national storm to realize that he had been “misinterpreted”.

Zahid should in fact volunteer to co-operate in police investigations as a witness to  Mohd Zaid’s racist, irresponsible, provocative and  incendiary speech to incite inter-racial hatred, tensions and conflict as it was made at the UMNO General Assembly where Zahid and the entire UMNO leadership and the mainstay of the Cabinet, headed by the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister, were present.

In fact, the police should be taking statements not only from Zahid, but also from  Najib, Muhyiddin, Hishammuddin, Shafie Apdal and all the UMNO Ministers and leaders as they were all witnesses to Mohd Zaidi’s racist, provocative and incendiary speech of lies that the Penang Chinese community had become rich off money from gambling, prostitution and entertainment outlets.

Will the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Zahid himself, and all UMNO Ministers and leaders co-operate with the police in its investigation against Mohd Zaidi for the crimes of sedition and hate speech?

Is this the reason why the police is waiting for Zahid’s “green light” before commencing investigations into Mohd Zaidi’s seditious and  hate speech?

Does the same consideration apply to police investigations into Mashitah’s baseless, criminal and seditious allegations that the Chinese community in Kedah had burned a Quran page by page during a prayer ritual when the Kedah Mentri Besar Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir had said that the incident concerned  a mentally-ill Malay individual who had torn the Quran?

Will  Zahid, the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and UMNO Ministers and leaders co-operate with the police in investigations on Mohd Zaidi and Mashitah for their seditious and hate speeches at UMNO General Assemblies last week, or there is a implicit directive that the police should not conduct any serious investigations into the two UMNO delegates’ speeches at the UMNO General Assembly?

                This entry was posted on Monday, 1 December 2014, 4:18 pm and is filed under
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Zero household savings is staggering, and true

– Kamal Salih, Muhammed Abdul Khalid and Lee Hwok Aun

The Malaysian Insider

29 November 2014

We refer to statements by the Governor of Bank Negara (BNM), Tan Sri Dr Zeti Akhtar Aziz, reported on various print media on November 28, 2014, on portions of the Malaysia Human Development Report (MHDR).

She disputes our finding that over 90% of Malaysians have no savings, claiming that the analysis is “partial” and “misleading”.

We thank Tan Sri Dr Zeti Akhtar Aziz for engaging with the MHDR, and for providing this opening to reaffirm our findings. Allow us to clarify the points raised by Tan Sri Zeti.

She is quoted as saying, “The report published by UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) is partial and misleading, as it relies heavily on data by the World Bank, which track household savings via banking accounts.”

In calculating household savings, the MHDR does not rely on World Bank data. We clearly explain that the source of the data is Household Income Survey, which was provided to us by Department of Statistics (DOS) and Economic Planning Unit, which are under the Prime Minister’s Department. The data analysis for this report is entirely conducted by us and our research team.

The Household Income Survey data captures reported interest and dividends from commercial entities, cooperatives and other savings institutions, across both formal and informal sectors. Thus, the survey data is more extensive and inclusive, encompassing more than formal banking accounts.

Our findings are also consistent with data from DOS, that shows that in 2009, households constituted only 2.2% of gross national savings, with the vast bulk coming from corporate and government sectors.

Zeti also asserts that we “probably looked at savings in the banking system but they don’t look at savings (in the non-bank financial intermediaries) like Tabung Haji and cooperatives.”

To clarify again, the MHDR’s estimate of household savings excludes forced savings, as we are interested in precautionary savings. Households do not have access to forced savings (eg EPF) during emergencies.

The report does capture investment in Tabung Haji (TH) and PNB and other investments, which we define as financial investment, not savings.

Our data shows that 57% of Malaysians have no financial investments. This is consistent with data from Tabung Haji which shows that about two-thirds of Muslims do not have an account with TH, while about half of Bumiputera do not have an account with ASB.

The BNM Governor also refers to BNM data that shows “more than 90% of our population have saving accounts.” It is methodologically and empirically insufficient to equate savings with mere possession of a savings account.

The majority of Malaysians have bank accounts, and some even open multiple bank accounts, but one can have a bank account without savings.

Our findings may be staggering, but they derive from careful handling of reliable sources and address specific questions pertaining to inclusiveness. We continue to welcome constructive and critical engagements on the report in order for us to have an informed debatein all of our interest for the country to make a leap forward towards an inclusive future for all Malaysians. – November 29, 2014.

* Kamal Salih, Muhammed Abdul Khalid and Lee Hwok Aun are the authors of Malaysia Human Development Report 2013.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 1 December 2014, 7:41 am and is filed under
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BN Ministers and MPs should not fail Sabahans and Malaysians a third time and should demand that the Joseph Pairin Review Committee on the Report of the RCIIIS should complete its review and make public its report before end of year

Barisan Nasional Ministers and MPs should not fail Sabahans and Malaysians a third time and should demand that the Joseph Pairin Review Committee on the Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on the Illegal Immigrants in Sabah (RCIIIS) should complete its review and make public its report before the end of the year, so that the new year of 2015 can begin with the serious resolution of the 40-year problem which had changed the political demography in Sabah as well as created unprecedented socio-economic problems for Sabahans as to make native Sabahans foreigners in their own land.

The BN Ministers and MPs had earlier  failed miserably in being unable to  rise to the occasion in the middle of last month to demand that the Report of the RCIIIS should be tabled in Parliament before the end of the 28-day budget meeting of Dewan Rakyat on Nov. 27 so that there could be a full-scale parliamentary debate.

The first failure of the BN Ministers and MPs was to allow the Prime Minister and the Cabinet to sit on the Report of the RCIIIS for more than six months doing nothing, as a parliamentary answer to my question revealed that the RCIIIS Report was submitted to the Federal Government on May 14.

Can the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister, or any Barisan Nasional Minister or MP from Sabah enlighten the public as to what was done by the authorities with regard to the RCIIIS Report in the past six-and-a-half months since  it was submitted to Putrajaya.

Did the Federal Government just sat on the Report and twiddled its thumbs, doing nothing,  until it is made public tomorrow?

I do not think I am the only one to have the queasy and  sickening feeling that despite the release of the Report of the RCIIIS tomorrow, it will be the latest in a “merry-go-round” passing-the-buck game in a protracted and humongous problem which had been going on for four decades, not only getting nowhere, but getting from bad to worse!

I have been trying to contact the Chief Secretary, Tan Sri Ali Hamsa or someone in the Prime Minister’s Department to arrange for a set of the RCIIIS Report tomorrow, but to no avail.

My staff was pushed from pillar to post from one department to another, as nobody seems to know who is in charge, until finally to be informed that all the three officials involved in the RCIIIS had gone to Kota Kinabalu for the public launch of the RCIIIS Report tomorrow.

This is not a very impressive display of efficiency and competence of the Prime Minister’s Department in Putrajaya, which probably holds the world record as the Prime Minister’s Office in any country with the largest annual budget.

The Chief Secretary should ensure that all MPs who are interested should be given a full set of the RCIIIS report.

Furthermore, the Prime Minister should be prepared to summon an emergency meeting of Parliament in the last few days of the year to demonstrate the Barisan Nasional’s seriousness and political will to resolve the four-decade long problem of illegal immigrants in Sabah so that Sabah and Malaysia can begin on a new page in dealing  with the problem from the first day of the new year of 2015.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 3:41 pm and is filed under
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Cabinet wages war on the rakyat

By Mariam Mokhtar

Malaysiakini

Dec 1, 2014

Watching the succession of cabinet members spewing inflammatory rhetoric at the Umno Baru general assembly (GA) was like observing notorious class bullies playing to a crowd of their most loyal sycophants. The men and women who took to the podium are an embarrassment to their party, the nation and their community. The Father of Independence,Tunku Abdul Rahman, laid the foundations for a united Malaysia. Najib Abdul Razak consigned Tunku’s ideals to the bin.

At the finale of this year’s Umno Baru conference, Home Minister Zahid Hamidi told the delegates to adopt a “war mindset”, to “attack our enemies on the outside” and that “the best form of defence was to attack”. He claimed that Umno Baru’s training and research bureau had the blessing of the PM to use cyber and psychological war tactics to win the 14th general election (GE14).

Since when do leaders of a nation lead a clarion call to wage a war against it own people? Shame on you, Zahid and Najib!

Why are Umno Baru’s party conferences filled with hostility? Where are the words of reconciliation, national unity, 1Malaysia, harmony and cooperation, to address corruption, injustice and to uplift people’s lives? These supposedly illustrious men of the cabinet, including the disgraced former women, community and family development minister Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, behaved like thugs.

The public are disgusted with blatant corruption, injustice and abuse of power. They only desire a harmonious, multiracial, secular Malaysia.

The leaders may spew hatred, but the tacit agreement of the delegates who appeared to condone their leaders’antics is more shocking. Equally bad, is the lack of protest by Umno Baru’s coalition partners – MCA, MIC and Gerakan.

When Umno Baru’s Penang delegate Mohd Zaidi Mohd Said claimed that the Chinese had obtained their wealth through illegal means, only one MCA politician objected. MCA vice-president Chew Mei Fun had more guts than the rest of the MCA pack. If the coalition partners cannot fulfil their responsibilities towards their electorate, their leaders should disband the parties. Why become political eunuchs?

A weak leader plays on peoples’ emotions and sentiments. Najib screened footage of the May 13, 1969 riots during his speech, then announced that only Umno Baru could protect Islam, royalty, the bumiputeras and the Malays.

He should speak to the Orang Asli of peninsular Malaysia and the Penans of Sarawak before making such ridiculous claims.

It was also during this GA that Najib finally admitted that he had used cybertroopers to attack anyone who was critical of Umno Baru. He also censured pro-Umno Baru cybertroopers for criticising Umno Baru leaders and reminded them that Umno Baru was their paymaster.

Now that Najib has acknowledged the presence of Umno Baru cybertroopers, we would like to know where the money to pay them came from. Are the taxpayers funding Najib’s vanity project? Has Najib recruited a group of makciks to sell kueh mueh and nasi lemak to earn the millions of ringgits needed to fund this propaganda warfare? I don’t think so!

A displeased Najib chastised the Umno Baru cybertroopers for not conducting sufficient attacks against the opposition. He lashed out and called them, “bangang” (bloody stupid).

Najib and Hadi cast from the same mould

Some leaders never learn. Weak and inadequate bosses should know not to admonish their staff in public, nor call them derogatory names. Both Najib and Hadi Awang, the PAS president, appear to be cast from the same mould.

Hadi publicly called two Selangor assemblypersons “baruah”, for supporting Wan Azizah Wan Ismail in her bid to be Selangor menteri besar. Both Najib and Hadi need a lesson in basic manners and general courtesy.

The party conference also screened shots of Islamic State (IS) militants, armed with knives, marching their prisoners to execution. Zahid wanted to use these scenes to urge delegates to support Najib’s White Paper on the new anti-terror law.

How ironic that a few months ago, Najib got it wrong and praised IS activities. How could a prime minister be so obtuse? What sort of advisers does he surround himself with? Has he got 46,000 “bangangs” in his Prime Minister’s Department?

Zahid had the audacity to say, after the screening, that, “We do not want this to happen in Malaysia, so support the prime minister’s White Paper to create a new anti-terrorism law”.

Does he not realise that Najib’s silence on Muslim extremism within the country has caused untold damage? Najib’s continued silence will take Malaysia down the path to a world ruled by religious madmen.

Despite Najib’s claim that Umno Baru protects the royals, the converse is true. Umno Baru politicians use the royals to advance their own positions. Last week, it was announced that road changes were to be made for some KL roads. We were told, that, at the Conference of Rulers, the monarchs had said that too few roads had been named after them.

One wonders if some Umno Baru politicians are itching for Tan Sri-ships and Tun-ships* and therefore, made this proposal, by claiming it had been a royal request.

Yesterday, following public outrage over the name changes, Umno Baru politicians, principally Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor, claimed that it had been the politicians’ idea and not the royals. The backpedalling is revealing.

So, who fears the backlash more?

All in all, the GA can be summed-up in one word – FEAR. Fear is what makes the Umno Baru politicians spew hatred and issue threats of violence. Umno Baru are afraid of losing GE14.

A confident Zahid claimed that in the “war” for GE14, the word ‘Keris’ was significant. This is my alternative version.

K: Kleptomania – fondness for stealing.

E: Embarrassment – that leaders do not act in the national interests, but only for self-preservation.

R: Regressive – Umno Baru is not progressive. Its members are rabid with racist and religious rhetoric.

I: Incompetent – Umno Baru leaders are incompetent, indolent and irrational.

S: Stupid – this word needs no explaining. Stupid sums up most Umno Baru leaders.

(*Datuks and Tan Sris are two-a-penny. It is alleged that even one of the baggage handlers at Heathrow is a Datuk.)

MARIAM MOKHTAR is a defender of the truth, the admiral-general of the Green Bean Army and president of the Perak Liberation Organisation (PLO).

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 11:59 am and is filed under
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Eight things to know about the Sabah RCI

Malaysiakini

Jan 28, 2013

Some call it Project IC, some call it Project M, whatever the name, here is what we have learnt from the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Immigrants in Sabah, in particular, the covert operations that allowed foreigners to vote in the bid to topple the PBS-led Sabah government.

1. There were at least two such black operation
s

G17 (or Group of 17)

Ring leader: Former Sabah National Registration Department (NRD) chief Abdul Rauf Sani (1990-1992)

Known figures involved: NRD officers Kee Dzulkifly Kee Abdul Jalil, Yakup Damsah, Asli Sidup

Political figures implicated: Then premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s political secretary Aziz Shamsuddin

Time period: 1990 onwards

Modus operandi

Sabah NRD officers were flown to Sabah to process some 40,000 to 100,000 blue identity cards for immigrants. This was necessary as at that time, the identity cards’ details and signature were done by hand.

After the details had been written on the cards as per the application forms furnished to the officers, they were dispatched to the then NRD headquarters in Petaling Jaya to be laminated before being returned to Kota Kinabalu.

The officers testified that they did not question the application forms or their origin, but merely filled them up for the blue identity cards as they were.

They claimed to have operated from Aziz Shamsudin’s house in Kampung Pandan. Asli Sidup described being flown in to Kuala Lumpur for this as an “unusual practice”.

Another officer, Kee Dzulkifly Kee Abdul Jalil – who had described the operation as ‘G17’ and locally based in the Sabah NRD headquarters in Kota Kinabalu – said they also issued some 200,000 birth certificates to immigrants.

This document is important for future application of blue identity cards. The operation was tagged G17 as it consisted of 17 members.

Head of operations Abdul Rauf Sani had confirmed the testimonies, but denied the use of the ‘G17’ name. He claimed to have acted alone.

All known personalities involved were eventually detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA) for at least two years.

The only exception was Abdul Rauf, who was detained under ISA for two months, followed by five months of restricted residence.

He is now the chief executive officer of the Totalisator Board of Malaysia under the Finance Ministry.

Ops Durian Buruk

Ring leader: Former Sabah NRD chief Ramli Kamarudin (1993-1995)

Known figures involved: Former Sabah NRD deputy chief Mohd Nasir Sugip, NRD officer Asli Sidup (also involved in G17), former Sabah Election Commission (EC) chief Wan Ahmad Wan Yusof

Political figures implicated: Former Sabah chief minister Osu Sukam, former deputy home minister Megat Junid Megat Ayub

Time period: Late 1993 onwards

Modus operandi

According to RCI testimonies, the Sabah EC furnished the state NRD with legitimate voter information, including names and identity card numbers of registered voters who had never voted before or are dead.

The NRD then issues an identity card receipt to immigrants using this information.

According to electoral rules, this receipt, an interim document given prior to the issuance of an actual blue identity card, is sufficient to allow a person to vote, and in this case, for immigrants to vote.

These ‘phantom voters’ are then planted into marginal constituencies deemed as black zones for the BN, according to witness testimonies.

Chief of operations Ramli Kamarudin said he executed this project after personally receiving instructions at a meeting with former deputy home minister, the late Megat Junid Megat Ayub, at the Hyatt Hotel, Kota Kinabalu.

Also present at the meeting were NRD officer Asli Sidup and Osu Sukam, who went on to become Sabah chief minister in 1999.

2. Illegal granting of citizenship began as early as 1988

Even though two operations in the 1990s have been mentioned to have taken place during the course of the RCI hearing, witnesses who were beneficiaries of such citizenship-for-votes operations indicate that they began in the late 1980s.

One such case was that of Mohamed Hussein, a Pakistani citizen who arrived in Sabah in 1987 and offered a blue identity card the following year.

3. Highly motivated to vote

Almost all the immigrants-turned-citizens testified they registered as voters immediately after receiving their blue identity cards.

Puzzled at their unrivaled urge to vote even compared to natural citizens, civil society lawyers holding a watching brief at the RCI had grilled the witnesses, but all of them claim to have done so of their own volition.

They claimed to have personally gone to the state EC to register as voters.

4. National Security Council’s fingerprints all over

The prime movers of at least two known operations, namely G17 and Ops Durian Buruk were formerly officers of the National Security Council (NSC) under the Prime Minister’s Department.

Abdul Rauf Sani was transferred from the NSC in 1990 to helm Sabah NRD, the same time when G17 started.

In 1992, he returned to the NSC to work with its intelligence division.

Abdul Rauf’s successor, Ramli Kamarudin, too, was transferred from the NSC in 1993 to head the Sabah NRD and shortly before Ops Durian Burok began.

Ramli said he was “ordered” to go to Sabah to help support the creation of a state government that would be “favourable to Islam”.

5. Kemas and unnamed political party also implicated

Aside from the NRD and Sabah EC that were implicated, the federal government’s Community Development Department (Kemas) was also fingered during the RCI.

NRD officer Asli Sidup, who was involved in both operations, had said that aside from Sabah EC, Kemas and an unnamed political party were responsible for furnishing NRD with names of registered voters who had never voted for the issuance of blue identity card receipts to immigrants under Ops Durian Buruk.

6. RCI isn’t particularly interested on who gave the orders

The three RCI conducting officers are Manoj Kurup, Azmi Ariffin and Jamil Aripin who are tasked to question witnesses during the hearing.

Ten police officers and members of the Malaysian Anti Corruption Commission (MACC) had also been appointed for the RCI’s investigation – the same people who had interviewed the witnesses before taking the stand.

Based on what the witnesses had testified and their statements from the interview to date, the investigation appears to be fairly independent but it is unclear if key parts of the ‘Project IC’ will come to light, particularly on who gave the orders as it is not part of the RCI terms of reference.

Therefore, the conducting officers did not pursue this line of questioning.

An example was when Abdul Rauf Sani was quizzed about G17, the conducting officer Azmi Ariffin had only sought to confirm that they had operated at the residence of Mahathir’s political secretary Aziz Shamsuddin but did not go beyond this.

In contrast, watching brief lawyer James Sikayun had grilled Abdul Rauf on why he was at Aziz’s residence and whether he had receive instructions from higher ups, but answers were not forthcoming.

Civil society lawyers holding a watching brief are allowed to question the witnesses and they will likely play a role in pushing the limits of the RCI’s terms of reference for more information.

The RCI is confined by eight terms of reference:

1) To determine number of immigrants granted blue identity cards;

2) To determine number of immigrants granted blue identity card due to statelessness;

3) To investigate whether this was done legally;

4) To investigate if immigrants holding blue identity cards were illegally registered in the electoral roll;

5) To investigate the standard operating procedures (SOP) for issuance of blue identity card and recommend improvements;

6) To probe if the authorities had taken action or done improvements to the SOP to prevent infringement of the law;

7) To investigate reason behind the increase in Sabah’s population and their impact on the electoral roll; and,

8) To investigate the social implications of granting citizenship to immigrants in the state.

7. Conducting officers aren’t fans of the media

Often times witnesses are questioned based solely on their statements given during their interview prior to taking the stand.

They are asked to agree or disagree as the statement is read out which could contain names implicated by witnesses or several set of figures.

However, unlike previous royal commissions of inquiry such as the one on Teoh Beng Hock’s death, conducting officers are much less forthcoming in providing information and clarification.

8. Context matters

The Project IC apparently began following a political shift in Sabah in which Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) swept to power in 1985, ousting the BN for the very first time.

However, PBS joined BN a year later after riots broke out in relation to the election results which destabilised the state government.

During this period, according to testimonies, there appear to be some cases of immigrants being illegally granted citizenship.

However, this operation went into full swing – in the form of G17 and Ops Durian Buruk – after PBS left the BN in 1990, days before the state election.

In that election, PBS won 36 out of 48 seats in the state assembly. PBS then led by Joseph Pairin Kittingan, was perceived to be a Christian party.

By the 1994 state election held on Feb 18 and 19, the PBS majority was slashed to two – it had 25 seats against BN’s 23.

Despite the victory, Joseph Pairin had to wait outside the state palace for some 36 hours before finally being sworn in by the governor.

The delay was supposedly due to manoeuvring to oust the now fragile incumbent through defections, in which then deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim played a key role.

Nevertheless, the PBS government lasted another two weeks before collapsing as a majority of its elected representatives defected to BN.

The defectors included Bernard Dompok, Lajim Ukin, and the chief minister’s own brother, Jeffrey Pairin Kittingan.

With the mass defections, the PBS was left with only three elected representatives, namely Joseph Pairin, Maximus Ongkili and Amir Kahar Mustapha.

Joseph Pairin attempted to dissolve the state assembly, but this was denied by the governor. He eventually tendered his resignation as chief minister on March 24, 1994.

RCI resumes tomorrow

The RCI will reconvene its public hearing in Kota Kinabalu tomorrow until Friday, with a third session scheduled for Feb 22 to 27.

A total of 29 witnesses had testified in the first five-day session which concluded on Jan 18. The RCI had officially announced that a total of 48 witnesses would be called.

However, Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak had revealed that there would be a total of 167 witnesses.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 10:43 pm and is filed under
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Four things to look out for in Sabah RCI report

By Nigel Aw

Malaysiakini

5:38PM Dec 2, 2014

More than half a year after the government received the royal commission of inquiry (RCI) report on immigrants in Sabah, Putrajaya is finally set to release the document tomorrow.

The delay comes as no surprise after the nine month-long RCI hearing last year gave a controversial glimpse of the political machinations in Sabah which permanently altered the state’s demography.

Throughout the hearing, public attention centred on the uncontrolled influx of illegal immigrants and the alleged covert operations by the government to grant “instant citizenship” in exchange for votes.

Political opponents are likely to declare the report a vindication of their long-time claim about BN’s sin against the people of Sabah.

As controversial as the content may be, the toughest part for Putrajaya is not what happened in the past – which many Sabahans have long suspected – but what comes next.

Here is a highlight on what to look out for in the RCI report and why it is a headache for Putrajaya.

Stateless children

Many stateless children in Sabah are third generation descendants of illegal immigrants or refugees in the 1970s and 1980s.

Despite being born and raised in Sabah, they are denied education, healthcare and a future as they lack proper documentation.

During the RCI hearing, the commission heard that some 15,000 children in Sabah were not allowed to go to school because they did not have birth certificates.

The government has until recently largely ignored the problem as any attempt at a resolution would be politically controversial.

The RCI recommendation is expected to address this matter, which may force Putrajaya to finally confront the decades-long problem.

One option, which Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi had indicated, is to grant them birth certificates on humanitarian grounds.

But the torrent of criticism from Sabah politicians when Ahmad Zahid first made the suggestion gave a sense of the possible political backlash Putrajaya may face.

However, human rights groups have warned that regardless of the past wrongs, any resolution based on sentiment or resentment may create a lost generation.

The stateless children is only the tip of the iceberg as many second generation descendants of immigrants and refugees, many of whom are Sabah-born, also remain stateless as adults.

The perpetrators

The RCI is unlikely to recommend any punishment for those who were allegedly responsible for various operations to grant citizenship in exchange for votes, collectively dubbed ‘Project IC’.

This is because determining the exact perpetrators of the covert operation is not part of its terms of reference.

However, all eyes would be on the RCI on whether it would name and shame those responsible in the passing or ignore those implicated in the hearing altogether.

Calling them out may be important as those implicated in the testimonies include not only individuals but also government agencies.

While many individuals implicated have either passed away, are in their twilight years or have been punished under the Internal Security Act, the accused government agencies continue to function to date.

Chief among them is the National Security Council (NSC). The RCI heard that two National Registration Department directors who helped lead separate operations for Project IC were recruited from the NSC.

The electoral roll

One of the terms of reference of the RCI is to determine whether those who were illegally granted citizenship have been registered in the electoral roll.

If the commission determines that the testimonies during the hearing about such occurrence to be true, it is likely to open a cans of worms.

Even though election laws have been amended to disallow judicial review of the electoral roll, the Election Commission (EC) will lose moral authority if it insists on a tainted electoral roll.

The amendment disallowing judicial reviews was introduced after the Kota Kinabalu High Court declared void the 2001 Likas election after finding discrepancies the electoral roll.

A finding in the positive may force the EC to recompile the electoral roll in Sabah, which itself will generate more controversy.

There may be pressure to expunge “instant citizens” from the electoral roll.

However, such individuals would have lived in Sabah for decades since receiving their “instant citizenship” and by now have likely fulfilled all citizenship conditions.

The anti-Malaya sentiment

The RCI report comes amid a growing “anti-Malaya” sentiment fuelled by the secessionist movement unhappy over alleged unfair treatment to Sabah.

A confirmation of the citizenship-for-votes syndicate would only strengthen claims that Putrajaya, or then Kuala Lumpur, had wronged the oil-rich state.

But the toughest part is in dealing with the fallout from these covert operations in Sabah which threatens to open up old wounds.

For example, the growing population of stateless children, a humanitarian issue which was a by-product of the political machinations of the past.

Native Sabahans who already feel they are being squeezed out by “instant citizens” would not view kindly the government’s move to set stateless children on the path to citizenship and would fuel resentment.

The RCI report may also touch on the deteriorating security situation in eastern Sabah following the Lahad Datu incursion, which happened during its hearing, even though it is not specifically part of its terms of reference.

Any links between the dubious citizens and the security threat could potentially contribute to further resentment.

Putrajaya is mindful of this and has roped in Sabah Deputy Chief Minister Joseph Pairin Kitingan (left) to head a special committee to implement the RCI’s recommendations.

Any resolution, however controversial it may be, must be seen as a Sabahan solution to avoid the continued perception that “Malaya” is again interfering in the state’s affairs.

The RCI report is potentially a crossroad for Sabah where its people must decide on how to move forward to clean up a mess brought about by political machinations of the past.

Putrajaya and the Sabah government would need to tread carefully as they try to fix these problems.

In the words of Chief Judge of Sabah and Sarawak and the RCI’s chief Steve Shim at the end of the RCI hearing in September last year: “Now comes the hard work”.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 11:29 pm and is filed under
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Four things to look out for in Sabah RCI report

By Nigel Aw

Malaysiakini

5:38PM Dec 2, 2014

More than half a year after the government received the royal commission of inquiry (RCI) report on immigrants in Sabah, Putrajaya is finally set to release the document tomorrow.

The delay comes as no surprise after the nine month-long RCI hearing last year gave a controversial glimpse of the political machinations in Sabah which permanently altered the state’s demography.

Throughout the hearing, public attention centred on the uncontrolled influx of illegal immigrants and the alleged covert operations by the government to grant “instant citizenship” in exchange for votes.

Political opponents are likely to declare the report a vindication of their long-time claim about BN’s sin against the people of Sabah.

As controversial as the content may be, the toughest part for Putrajaya is not what happened in the past – which many Sabahans have long suspected – but what comes next.

Here is a highlight on what to look out for in the RCI report and why it is a headache for Putrajaya.

Stateless children

Many stateless children in Sabah are third generation descendants of illegal immigrants or refugees in the 1970s and 1980s.

Despite being born and raised in Sabah, they are denied education, healthcare and a future as they lack proper documentation.

During the RCI hearing, the commission heard that some 15,000 children in Sabah were not allowed to go to school because they did not have birth certificates.

The government has until recently largely ignored the problem as any attempt at a resolution would be politically controversial.

The RCI recommendation is expected to address this matter, which may force Putrajaya to finally confront the decades-long problem.

One option, which Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi had indicated, is to grant them birth certificates on humanitarian grounds.

But the torrent of criticism from Sabah politicians when Ahmad Zahid first made the suggestion gave a sense of the possible political backlash Putrajaya may face.

However, human rights groups have warned that regardless of the past wrongs, any resolution based on sentiment or resentment may create a lost generation.

The stateless children is only the tip of the iceberg as many second generation descendants of immigrants and refugees, many of whom are Sabah-born, also remain stateless as adults.

The perpetrators

The RCI is unlikely to recommend any punishment for those who were allegedly responsible for various operations to grant citizenship in exchange for votes, collectively dubbed ‘Project IC’.

This is because determining the exact perpetrators of the covert operation is not part of its terms of reference.

However, all eyes would be on the RCI on whether it would name and shame those responsible in the passing or ignore those implicated in the hearing altogether.

Calling them out may be important as those implicated in the testimonies include not only individuals but also government agencies.

While many individuals implicated have either passed away, are in their twilight years or have been punished under the Internal Security Act, the accused government agencies continue to function to date.

Chief among them is the National Security Council (NSC). The RCI heard that two National Registration Department directors who helped lead separate operations for Project IC were recruited from the NSC.

The electoral roll

One of the terms of reference of the RCI is to determine whether those who were illegally granted citizenship have been registered in the electoral roll.

If the commission determines that the testimonies during the hearing about such occurrence to be true, it is likely to open a cans of worms.

Even though election laws have been amended to disallow judicial review of the electoral roll, the Election Commission (EC) will lose moral authority if it insists on a tainted electoral roll.

The amendment disallowing judicial reviews was introduced after the Kota Kinabalu High Court declared void the 2001 Likas election after finding discrepancies the electoral roll.

A finding in the positive may force the EC to recompile the electoral roll in Sabah, which itself will generate more controversy.

There may be pressure to expunge “instant citizens” from the electoral roll.

However, such individuals would have lived in Sabah for decades since receiving their “instant citizenship” and by now have likely fulfilled all citizenship conditions.

The anti-Malaya sentiment

The RCI report comes amid a growing “anti-Malaya” sentiment fuelled by the secessionist movement unhappy over alleged unfair treatment to Sabah.

A confirmation of the citizenship-for-votes syndicate would only strengthen claims that Putrajaya, or then Kuala Lumpur, had wronged the oil-rich state.

But the toughest part is in dealing with the fallout from these covert operations in Sabah which threatens to open up old wounds.

For example, the growing population of stateless children, a humanitarian issue which was a by-product of the political machinations of the past.

Native Sabahans who already feel they are being squeezed out by “instant citizens” would not view kindly the government’s move to set stateless children on the path to citizenship and would fuel resentment.

The RCI report may also touch on the deteriorating security situation in eastern Sabah following the Lahad Datu incursion, which happened during its hearing, even though it is not specifically part of its terms of reference.

Any links between the dubious citizens and the security threat could potentially contribute to further resentment.

Putrajaya is mindful of this and has roped in Sabah Deputy Chief Minister Joseph Pairin Kitingan (left) to head a special committee to implement the RCI’s recommendations.

Any resolution, however controversial it may be, must be seen as a Sabahan solution to avoid the continued perception that “Malaya” is again interfering in the state’s affairs.

The RCI report is potentially a crossroad for Sabah where its people must decide on how to move forward to clean up a mess brought about by political machinations of the past.

Putrajaya and the Sabah government would need to tread carefully as they try to fix these problems.

In the words of Chief Judge of Sabah and Sarawak and the RCI’s chief Steve Shim at the end of the RCI hearing in September last year: “Now comes the hard work”.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 11:20 am and is filed under
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Hong Kong Gold Sales Fall as China Tackles Corruption

By BIMAN MUKHERJI and  JOYU WANG

The Wall Street Journal

Dec. 1, 2014

HONG KONG—For years, Wo Shing Goldsmith has warmly ushered in eager buyers from mainland China, with customer traffic peaking at year-end. But shoppers are few and far between this year as Beijing’s anti-corruption drive damps spending.

“There was a sudden drop in gold price last year, which fuelled high demand from China. So we sold a good amount last year,” says Cheung Wai Nam, the 68-year-old co-owner of Wo Shing. “But this year…there is not too much demand.”

The store, opened in 1892 in Yau Ma Tei , part of the shopping district of Kowloon, displays chunky gold jewelry, with an old work bench scattered with tools and an ancient-looking metal vault in the back. The shop, next to a dried-seafood store on a busy street, deals mainly in accessories such as rings, bracelets and golden-pig necklaces.

On a recent afternoon, fewer shoppers than normal could be seen entering neighboring stores.

The world’s biggest gold buyer, China, is losing its appetite amid Beijing’s anti-corruption drive. In Hong Kong, pro-democracy protests have hurt business for some jewelers because of traffic snarls. WSJ’s Joyu Wang reports.

Mr. Cheung says sales are down by about 20% from last year, and that more expensive items are suffering the most. That marks a shift from 2013, when prices “didn’t matter at all, so long as it was made of gold,” he says.

Falling demand in Hong Kong is a serious blow to gold. The city is the trading hub for China, the world’s largest consumer. Buyers typically step up purchases in late November to use as gifts for Lunar New Year celebrations early in the following year. The decline comes as investors elsewhere are also ditching the safe-haven metal for riskier assets such as equities, sending gold plummeting in recent months.

Gifts of solid gold bars, jewelry and even images of ancient Chinese figures are common enough among members of wealthy families and Chinese businessmen looking to sweeten deals. But a crackdown on these golden gifts that began early this year and intensified in early summer—part of a broader effort to eliminate corruption on the mainland—has vaporized demand, analysts say.

“They want to capture not only the tigers, but also flies,” Edmund Moy, chief strategist at U.S-based Fortress Gold Group, says of the crackdown, referring to top officials as well as those lower down. Fortress Gold provides investment products linked to the metal.

A report on third-quarter demand by the World Gold Council, an industry group, said Chinese consumers are increasingly buying 18-carat gold jewelry, rather than rings and necklaces in pure 24-carat gold, a shift that it said may have resulted in part from the effort to fight corruption. Eighteen-carat jewelry is often purchased to wear, while 24-carat products are seen more as a financial investment.

China’s gold demand is expected to be no more than 850-950 tons this year, compared to a record of more than 1,000 tons last year. So far this year, demand is 39% below the level in 2013, and is more in line with demand in 2012, according to the Council.

As demand weakened, the price of gold in China, usually $3-$5 an ounce higher than on the international market, slid to a discount in early November. Buying has picked up slightly since then, leaving the price $1-$2 above international levels.

Premium levels aren’t pointing to an upsurge in demand, traders and analyst say. They argue that the pickup in demand is likely to really strengthen only in January, but that seasonal buying isn’t likely to push gold prices out of their current trough.

Prices of gold hit a four-and-a-half-year low of $1,138.24 an ounce in early November. Monday afternoon in Hong Kong, it was at around $1,151, weighed down by a vote in Switzerland rejecting a proposal that would have barred the central bank from selling gold in the future.

Anita Limbu, a Hong Kong-based manager at Indra Baraha Jewellery, an international jewelry chain, said big swings in prices are cutting into demand for gold. “People are hoping that prices will fall further,” she said.

Kevin Yu, a jeweler in the Mong Kok area, where traffic had been disrupted by Hong Kong’s ongoing pro-democracy protests, said confrontations between police and demonstrators have hurt demand as well.

“Because what we sell are luxury goods, people are less likely to buy them if they are not in a good mood,” he says. “The business is getting better this month, but last month was the worst as our revenues decreased by half.”

Chow Tai Fook Jewellery Group Ltd. , one of the world’s largest jewelers, shut as many as one-third of its stores during the height of the protests in early October. It recently said that October same-store sales in Hong Kong fell 24% compared with a year earlier.

—Kathy Chu contributed to this article.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 4:18 pm and is filed under
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Iran Bombing Islamic State In Iraq, U.S. Official Confirms

Akbar Shahid Ahmed

Huffington Post

12/01/2014

WASHINGTON — The list of countries bombing Islamic State targets in Iraq has thus far featured a host of classic United States partners — Canada, the U.K., France. Now, it looks like the U.S. has a new quasi-partner in the air: Iran.

The U.S. is aware of Iranian bombing activity in the same national airspace where planes aligned with the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State are operating, a defense official told The Huffington Post Monday evening.

The official said he believes the Iranian bombing is unlikely to end as long as the Shiite-dominated nation feels threatened by the Sunni extremist group, also called ISIS. The bombing will not require a U.S. response unless Iran presents an immediate threat to U.S. forces in the air, he said.

“We are aware of that. I wouldn’t say we’re necessarily concerned with it — we kind of have our eyes on it,” the official said. He noted that the Iranian bombing has been taking place near the Iranian border, in a different part of Iraq than most U.S. and coalition activity. The official said he could only confirm reports of the bombing on the condition of anonymity.

While previous reports have said that Iran has provided weapons and equipment to the Iraqi government, the official’s comments represent the first confirmation that Iran’s own air force is involved in the fight in Iraq against the Islamic State.

The fact that the U.S. is not challenging this level of Iranian involvement is the strongest evidence yet that the Obama administration sees the Iranian government as a tactical partner in the Middle East. The stance is controversial, given that U.S. allies — including Israel and Arab states helping tackle the Islamic State, like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates — feel threatened by Iran.

The defense official’s comments offered evidence for recent claims about an Iranian jet in Iraqi skies made by IHS Jane’s Defence Weekly, a British defense analysis firm, and Haaretz, a leading Israeli newspaper. The plane, both outlets said, was spotted in Al Jazeera video footage from late November. They said it was assisting the Iraqi military — a key U.S. on-the-ground ally — in its biggest campaign against the Islamic State since the summer.

Neither outlet could verify whether the jet was Iranian: Both noted that only Iran and Turkey, a member of the U.S.-led coalition that has yet to militarily target the Islamic State, fly the kind of jet seen in the video. The outlets also differed slightly on their timelines for the sighting, with IHS Jane’s dating the footage to Nov. 30 and Haaretz saying on Dec. 1 that it was from “a few days ago.”

The official said the U.S. became aware of Iranian bombing in Iraq “earlier than” the recent claims, and that the U.S. military is aware that the planes are part of Iran’s air force.

The sheer extent of U.S. involvement in Iraq makes undetected Iranian air activity there unlikely, he said. “We are there pretty heavily in the air if you include [intelligence collection], so just looking at those facts we have a pretty good picture of what’s happening in Iraqi airspace. We would not be operating in Iraq without having a clear picture.”

The White House declined to comment on the defense official’s statement or the previous reports. The State Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Iran began providing Iraq with assistance to face the threat of the Islamic State months before the U.S. started targeting the group in August.

Despite the U.S. involvement, Tehran still wields broad influence over Iraq’s government and with some of Iraq’s most effective fighting forces, brutal Shiite militias that are not formally aligned with the government but are committed to destroying the Islamic State. In September, a top Iranian commander threatened to “attack deep into Iraqi territory” if the Islamic State threatened Iran’s borders.

U.S. officials told HuffPost last month that in both nations where the U.S. is targeting the Islamic State — Iraq and Syria — it knows it must play by Tehran’s rules. This is particularly important, one official said, because of a fear that Iranian forces or their Shiite militia proxies might turn on the increasing number of Americans now on the ground in Iraq. An added concern is the future of ongoing diplomacy over Iran’s nuclear program, which could, if it yields fruit, serve as the major foreign policy achievement of President Barack Obama’s second term.

White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest said in November that the U.S. and Iran were not cooperating in the fight against the Islamic State. But he added that both countries, longtime opponents that have not had diplomatic relations since 1979, were interested in defeating the group — and that representatives from the two nations had discussed their respective efforts against it.

“We won’t share intelligence with them, but their interest in this outcome is something that’s been widely commented upon and something that on a couple of occasions has been discussed on the sidelines of other conversations,” Earnest said.

The defense official who confirmed the Iranian involvement said that because of Iran’s relationship with the Iraqi government, pushing back against Iran’s presence in Iraqi airspace is not an option for the U.S.

“We are there at the invitation of the Iraqi government,” he said, referencing Iraq’s request over the summer for international help against the Islamic State. “It’s not like it was in 2010 [during the U.S. occupation of Iraq]: We’re there at the invitation of the Iraqi government, so it’s not for us to say what they should allow, what they shouldn’t allow.”

“It’s their country. Our only concern would be if there are any type of force protection issues. Like I said, we have a pretty good understanding of what’s in the air.”

Analysts and opponents of Iran’s role in the Middle East have warned that though Iran and the U.S. presently share a mutual threat, they likely do not have similar long-term visions for the region.

Joseph Bahout, a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a former adviser to the French foreign ministry, told HuffPost last month that he believes Iran has likely decided what it wants the Middle East to be: “a quagmire of open low-intensity fighting for years.”

Talks on Iran’s nuclear program, a deal on which is seen as the first step towards reintegrating Iran into the international community and reining in its ambitions, are set to resume this month.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 4:39 pm and is filed under
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Islamic State crisis: UK gives £20m to keep Lebanon safe

By Paul Wood

BBC

1 December 2014

The Lebanese army’s Brig Gen Ali Mourad got a WhatsApp message from the Islamic State (IS). It was short and to the point. “We are the heroes of Qalamoun,” it said, referring to the mountains on Syria’s border with Lebanon, “and we’re going to kill you.”

Gen Mourad has a robust attitude to this threat.

“We want them to come, these terrorists,” he told me, at one of the heavily fortified positions paid for by the British government.

“We are waiting for them [here].

“When we see them, we shoot them, all the time.”

We were at Tango Ten, the 10th of 12 new posts built so far with UK money and expertise along Lebanon’s border with Syria. It looked down over a dusty plain to the snow-covered mountain that is controlled by various jihadist groups and used by them as a base to launch attacks.

The Lebanese soldiers at Tango Ten say they come under fire almost every night. They used to crouch behind a few tyres filled with concrete, “eyes like saucers, gripping the 50-cal [heavy machine gun,” said one of the former British army officers advising the Lebanese. Now they have proper defences, and morale is good.

Tango Ten had shades of Northern Ireland in the guard tower and Afghanistan in the Hesco barriers – which are earth-filled defensive walls. There was even a fleet of Land Rovers parked inside.

The UK has spent some £20m to stop the jihadists from invading Lebanon.

“Lebanon is… a fragile country,” said the British ambassador to Lebanon, Tom Fletcher.

“We’re only 20 minutes away from Europe.

“If this domino falls, then other dominos will follow, and that has implications for our own national interest,” he said.

“IS would love to score a symbolic victory in Lebanon. It would signal a level of ambition, a level of effect, that would be both magnetic to people who would want to fight with them but would also frighten their opponents.”

The jihadists briefly took over the border town of Arsal in August. Pickup trucks with heavy machine guns came down from the mountains of Syria, and fighters emerged from the refugee camps around the town.

Some started pushing out, heading for the Christian villages of Ras Baalbek and Qa, but they were stopped at Tango Ten.

The attackers might have been trying to flank the Lebanese forces surrounding Arsal, rather than making a serious attempt to take the Christian villages. But regardless of this, people there are terrified, and grateful the Lebanese army was able to halt the attack.

“The assistance provided by the UK was of great importance,” said another senior Lebanese army officer, Brig Gen Maroun Hitti.

Beheaded

The country was only 50km (30 miles) wide, lacking “strategic depth” and therefore vulnerable to forces that could move quickly, he said.

Lebanon’s border with Syria has scarcely been defined, let alone controlled, for most of the country’s history.

The new posts meant the state was now present along 50% of the border, the general said, and it is hoped all this will help stop the violence of Syria’s civil war from spreading.

“The distance from Beirut to Raqqa [the Islamic State’s “capital” in Syria] is not much. When the enemy is close, you feel more the danger,” said Gen Hitti.

Lebanese commanders say for the attack on Arsal, the jihadists were able to muster some 3,000 fighters, most coming out of the refugee camps inside Lebanon rather than from Syria. British sources put the figure at 500 emerging from the camps plus 30 pickup trucks with heavy machine guns from Syria.

Everyone agrees that most of the force is not from the Islamic State but from the Nusra Front, another offshoot of al-Qaeda but one seen as less militant.

Real numbers are impossible to determine independently, but the BBC’s sources say there may be only 300 Nusra fighters and as few as 30 members of IS on the border.

The terror tactics familiar from Iraq and Syria are already being used in Lebanon.

In the fighting for Arsal, Nusra and IS captured some 30 Lebanese soldiers, and some have already been beheaded.

‘Volcano of a civil war’

A majority of the captured soldiers are Shia Muslims, and if they are all killed, there are fears of revenge attacks on Sunnis, a spiral of sectarian bloodletting, perhaps a new civil war.

But against all expectations, the crisis has largely brought the country together.

There was “0%” chance of a new internal conflict in Lebanon, said Gen Hitti.

“Deep inside, every single Lebanese knows what would be the cost of giving their ears to external interference, to external appeals, that would throw them again into the volcano of a civil war,” he said.

“They don’t want it.”

Gen Hitti is a Christian, and his colleague Gen Mourad a Sunni Muslim.

With the exception of one or two defections of soldiers to IS, the Lebanese army has not split along sectarian lines. It remains internally united and, according to opinion polls, trusted by most Lebanese, whatever their religion or sect.

In Iraq, IS was able to capture Mosul by inspiring terror in their enemies and exploiting the corruption and sectarian divisions of the Iraqi army. The same could not happen here, said Gen Mourad.

“The Lebanese army is not the Iraqi army,” he said.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 8:38 pm and is filed under
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Mohd Zaidi and Mashitah’s racist, extremist and incendiary hate speeches at UMNO GA are “must watch” videos on YouTube for all Malaysians to realize that the time has come for moderates regardless of race or religion to unite to Save Malaysia by marginalizing extremism and promoting wasatiyyah

The extremist and incendiary hate speeches by two UMNO General Assembly delegates Mohd Zaidi Mohd Said (Penang) and Mashitah Ibrahim (Kedah) should be “must watch” videos on You Tube for all Malaysians to realize that the time has come for moderates regardless of race or religions to  unite to save Malaysia by isolating and marginalising  extremism and promoting wasatiyyah or moderation.

The Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak had been preaching to the world in the past four years – three times at the United Nations General Assembly since Sept. 2010 – that “the fight against extremism is not about Christians versus Muslims, or Muslims versus Jews, but moderates versus extremists of all religions”, and calling for a “coalition of moderates – those willing to reclaim their religion and pursue the path to peace”.

Unfortunately, Najib has allowed extremists in UMNO free rein, to the extent that UMNO delegates could even  make extremist and incendiary hate speeches in the face of Najib, Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin, Home Minister Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi and the whole phalanx of UMNO Ministers and leaders at last week’s UMNO General Assembly, enjoying immunity and impunity from sanctions of the law.

More than two months ago, at an UMNO Lumut function, Zahid swore: “As the minister responsible for the Royal Malaysian Police, wallahi billahi tallahi (I swear to Allah) that if police reports are lodged against any individual who impinged on a sensitive issue, the police will start investigations immediately, if possible within 24 hours.”

Why then the silence and inaction by the police to the numerous police reports which had been lodged against Mohd Zaidi and Mashitah for sedition and other crimes of hate speech in the past few days – well exceeding the 24-hour deadline in  Zahid’s public oath?

I want to know whether the police are waiting for Zahid’s “green light” as Home Minister before they dare to investigate the reports of sedition and other hate crimes committed by  Mohd Zaidi and Mashitah, when  these offences were committed in the face of the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Home Minister and the whole phalanx of UMNO Ministers and leadership  and freely available for You Tube on the Internet.

I must thank Mohd Zaidi’s denial yesterday, taking three days in the eye of a national storm  to claim his speech at the UMNO General Assembly had been “misinterpreted”, for it was then that I found that Mohd Zahidi and Mashitah’s speeches were easily available on You Tube, and watching them on You Tube spouting their extremist and incendiary hate speeches is an even more disgusting and outrageous experience than reading about them.

The You Tube showed that when Zaidi was speaking, Najib, Muhyiddin, Zahid, Hishamuddin and Apdal were clearly present on the stage.

Will the PM, DPM, Zahid, Hishammudin, Apdal and all UMNO Ministers and leaders co-operate in police investigations as they are witness to  Mohd Zaidi’s racist, extremist and  incendiary hate speech.

Will other UMNO Ministers and leaders who were witnesses to Mashitah’s extremist and incendiary hate speech vouch full co-operation with the police?

The UMNO General Assembly last week have fulfilled the worst fears, that it would witness ferocious bout of Chinese, non-Malay and non-Muslim bashing.

Among the  greatest casualties in last week’s UMNO General Assembly are not only Najib’s credibility as a result of his reneging on his 2012 pledge to repeal the Sedition Act as an important cornerstone of his Political Transformation Programme, but the fate of his  brainchild, the Global Movement of Moderates and his wasatiyyah or moderation campaign.

One clear message from the UMNO General Assembly is Najib’s total absence of political will to spearhead a campaign to marginalise extremism and promote moderation in Malaysia.

If moderation or wasatiyyah is to be elevated to be a special trademark for plural Malaysia in the  international stage, it must depend on Malaysians themselves.

The majority of Malaysians cannot be the silent majority anymore and let the minority of extremists and their voices of hatred and intolerance dominate the national pulpits and opinion spaces.

The overwhelming majority of Malaysians, from all races, religions and regions, who believe in moderation and the middle path of unity, harmony, tolerance, justice and fair play for all Malaysians, must make their voices heard loud and clear and drown out the extremist and incendiary hate speeches of the Mohd Zaidis and Mashitahs in the country.

We want a Malaysia where there is no Chinese-bashing, Malay-bashing, Indian-bashing, Kadazan-bashing or Iban-bashing at the UMNO General Assembly or of any general meeting of any political party, but a common commitment by all Malaysians and all political parties how best to achieve the Malaysian Dream of a united, harmonious, competitive and prosperous Malaysia where all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or region, could realize to the  maximum their potential, talent and vision.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 11:08 am and is filed under
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The real difference between RON95 and RON97 — besides the price

Malay Mail Online

December 2, 2014

PETALING JAYA, Dec 2 — With RON97 now only 20 sen more expensive than RON95, more Malaysians are now able to purchase it.

In 2012, both fuels used to have a price difference of RM1 per litre.

But what exactly is the difference between RON 95 and RON97 besides the price?

RON stands for Research Octane Number, a form of fuel quality and performance rating.

The rating system was developed by Russell Marker at American firm Ethyl Corporation in 1926, following Marker’s discovery that branching in hydrocarbons reduced “knocking”, or pre-ignition.

Following his discovery, oil refining companies rushed to increase the hydrocarbon branch chains to improve fuel quality.

A higher rating indicates the fuel can withstand higher levels of compression before detonating.

Higher compression levels may mean more power output.

Filling a vehicle with a lower octane rating than the one specified by the car manufacturer may lead to pre-ignition, a scenario that would ruin the car engine in the long-run or even result in an explosion.

Generally, higher octane fuels are used for vehicles with higher compression rations.

A higher compression ratio gives an engine a higher horsepower per engine weight than one with a lower compression ratio — making the engine “high performance”.

RON97 is recommended for drivers of vehicles with an engine capacity above 2,500cc.

Octane ratings offered to consumers vary from region to region.

Up until a few years ago, Australians were able to fill up with RON100 in major cities but can only choose from RON91, RON95 and RON98 fuels now.

In the United Kingdom, BP introduced BP Ultimate Unleaded 102, a petrol with an octane rating of 102 but stopped selling it in 2010.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 December 2014, 8:39 am and is filed under
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A Malaysia without Umno

Azrul Mohd Khalib

The Malay Mail Online

December 2, 2014

DECEMBER 2 — No, the reality of the political landscape in Malaysia is such that it is just not possible at the moment, to not have the United Malay National Organisation (should translate this into Bahasa Malaysia, no?).

Actually, when I really think about it, we have much to thank Umno for and we should be grateful. Indeed we have to bersyukur to them. Their continued presence and actions remind us of the work to be done.

For far too long we have been complacent and comfortable in enjoying the fruits of economic prosperity and have been placid in our engagement with the democratic process. We conveniently outsourced our civic duty and responsibilities to elected representatives and others.

Only when it hits our interests and our periuk nasi, do we wake up to discover the existence of laws passed decades ago which infringe on fundamental human rights and are unconstitutional, the diminished stature of the Federal Constitution due to the hundreds of amendments made to this bedrock document, and the erosion of institutions meant to ensure transparency, governance and accountability.

If anybody was sleeping before, this year’s Umno General Assembly was a rude wake up call.

Rather than use the annual gathering to trumpet and take pride in the latest achievements, progress and successes of a people with a proud history of overcoming adversity and contributing towards the building of a young nation, we heard threats, unsubstantiated and malicious accusations, and fear mongering on a scale rarely seen before.

The way the delegates spoke last week, it ironically sounded to me as if the Holocaust was upon us and the Malays were fleeing and fighting persecution from an enemy who wears multiple masks: Chinese, liberals, feminists, transgenders and the occasional stray blogger.

Veiled threats and insinuations as to “what could happen if you don’t support us” came in the form of an Islamic State video of people about to be beheaded. You can’t make these things up, seriously.

Playing the helpless victim has been turned into an art form, perfected over the years and performed to an impressionable and unquestioning audience. This is today’s Umno.

A party which seems to have forgotten that they represent the majority and not a minority. When once upon a time, we would hear talk of Malaysia Boleh!, today’s collective mindset seems to be “tak boleh” instead of “boleh” or worse, aku tak boleh sebab kaum lain rampas hak aku. Disempowered, helpless, weak and wrong.

Sexist remarks, jibes at sexual minorities, unashamed demands for the reinstatement of crony practices (e.g.surat sokongan) and calls for 1 Melayu to replace 1 Malaysia. This is what has become of the party of Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Dr Fatimah Hashim.

Today’s generation continues to stand on the shoulders of giants, but are minnows unworthy of the mantle of those who came before them.

Umno has made us realise the need to abandon the system that has enslaved us to unblinking obedience and compliance. A system where the PPP president Tan Sri M. Kayveas stated that, “There are only two rules in the game: the boss is always right. If the boss is wrong, refer back to Rule 1.” Where a father can say to his son that every grain of rice you eat is due to Umno. Where the retention of the colonial era Sedition Act is celebrated instead of cast off. Do we need to say more?

It is ominous that Umno depends more and more on Perkasa, Isma and the uniformed and dark spectacled lot from the Pertubuhan Martabat Jalinan Muhibbah Malaysia to be at the frontlines (of what exactly?). Where they are celebrated as the “reasonable” ones while the rest of us are extremists.

It is cynical to note that those who call for reform and change are labelled as extremists and radicals. Reformists and progressives like Saifuddin Abdullah are marginalised. In people like him and rational and thinking politicians like Khairy Jamaluddin are the hopes and dreams of an alternative future for the party.

Make no mistake. This party is fighting for its political survival. It will sacrifice all that is dear to remain in power. Nothing is sacred. Let’s be realists here. This is existential politics. A game of thrones.

You know, many have said that the day that Malaysia sheds off its racial baggage will never come. That the goals are too lofty and too high. That we, as a country are too divided and that we are too disillusioned to ever support the common purpose of a diverse but united nation. Let us prove these naysayers wrong.

Let us work towards a future where there is no need for political parties which are ethnic centric and discard the waning premise that only a Malay political party can fight for Malays, only an Indian politician can champion the Indian community, only a Chinese voice can speak out for their fellow Chinese and so forth. A future where race based political parties are lapok, obsolete and irrelevant.

Maybe Onn Jaafar who fought for this future in the early years of Malaya was a man light years ahead of his time with the right idea and the right vision.

As the colonial masters before, those in power have preyed on the divisions which exists, created barriers where there were none and reinforced differences where there were commonalities. We have a choice. It does not have to be this way.

We are neither serfs beholden to a feudal system nor indebted for life or in perpetual servitude to a party whose successors take delight in exploiting past deeds and the gratitude of a people for their own benefit.

Our gratitude, appreciation and love for Malaysia lies in our speaking out and engaging to contribute to efforts to make this a better country for all to live in. We cannot afford to be silent, put our blinkers on and berpasrah.

We must summon the courage and audacity to travel the road untaken. We need to take a leap of faith.

We need to work towards ending this colonial strategy of divide and conquer. We need to build a new political narrative, a new vision and a new deal for a coalition and a society which speaks, breathes and believes in inclusion and not exclusion. We need a new deal for Malaysia.

We need to stand up and speak out loud that we are one nation, that we are one people. And that our time has come.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 3 December 2014, 10:22 am and is filed under
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Advice for Umno

– Aslam Abd Jalil

The Malaysian Insider

1 December 2014

The United Malays National Organisation (Umno) General Assembly 2014 kicked off last week. It was a grand event as always with a total of 2,752 delegates from around the country attending. Let’s put aside how biased the mainstream media was in covering the event, using government machinery like Radio Televisyen Malaysia (RTM) or even private media companies. Thanks to the extensive media coverage though, I had the opportunity to watch live during the speeches delivered by important figures in Umno including the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak as well as Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin.

On the opening night, Muhyiddin was straightforward in pointing out the problems in Umno. According to him, there are five reasons why youth reject Umno. This includes the fact that the party was facing a trust deficit, a feudal party, practising a “yes-man” culture, being controlled by warlords and a culture of threatening by intimidation. In fact, he pointed out that youth who had great ideas were silenced from speaking out because they did not want to contradict their elders in the party. Due to that, one of the main focuses in this year’s Umno general assembly was how to engage with the youth in a way that Umno still became relevant, to paraphrase Najib’s words.

To be frank, I was initially quite happy to hear all this because the Umno leaders were bold enough to admit that these problems existed. I was interested in their focus on youth engagement. Clearly, Umno is trying hard to get more support from the youth as the voting demographics change. Yes, it is true that theoretically, Umno is not the Malaysian government and the Malaysian government is not Umno. But in reality, Umno dominates the current federal government of Malaysia. Therefore, whatever is in the agenda of Umno is most likely to be in the Malaysian government’s agenda. That is why, being a youth myself, I would like to voice my opinion regarding the youth engagement by Umno.

What struck me was the moment when Najib proudly announced that the Sedition Act 1948 would not just be retained, but also “fortified” although he had promised to abolish it back in 2012. Being a dishonest leader is one thing. Restricting our freedom of speech and expression is another. Based on what is happening with the use of Sedition Act lately, it seems like it has become a tool for the government to silence those who are critical towards them. The prosecution is very selective.

However, this is not only about the Sedition Act 1948 per se. This is about silencing the whole people of Malaysia through the abuse of power. The government can use any laws, including Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 (Auku) or even scholarship agreements to stop the youth, especially university students or mahasiswa, from criticising them. This has happened to quite a number of mahasiswa including the eight University of Malaya (UM) students recently.

My advice for Umno, if they seriously want to engage with the youth, is that they should stop the culture of intimidation to the mahasiswa. When mahasiswa are vocal towards the government, we are always told to be grateful for what the government has given us and most importantly, we are asked to use the “proper channel”.

It is puzzling to me to get these reactions from the senior members of the ruling Barisan Nasional including Umno. For their information, we are seriously being grateful to God for what we have and what sort of “proper channel” do they mean? Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights specifically guarantees the right to freedom of opinion and expression. Oops, if this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is an agenda of so called “human rightism”, let’s refer to the Federal Constitution of Malaysia! Article 10 states that all citizens of Malaysia are entitled to freedom of speech, assembly and association. In fact, most of the time, we are encouraged to question and debate issues pertaining to our beloved country, including when we are overseas using the “proper channels”.

It is fascinating to know the fact that members of 73 overseas Umno clubs or Kelab Umno Luar Negara (KULN) in several countries are always seen to be the patriotic students, and perhaps the clubs are seen as the most “proper channel”. Of course, the clubs have the right to exist. But my main concern is, why is there a double standard of treatment from the government to these student bodies and those students who are critical towards the government policies in other clubs and forums? Don’t all students have the right to participate in our democratic process? Is it wrong to think differently when we are always told to think outside the box?

It is always fine if the students are on the government’s side but it is always a crime to be on another side. This in fact was highlighted by the former deputy minister of higher education and also a senior Umno member, Saifuddin Abdullah. If we are critical towards the government, it is very simplistic and childish to label us as supporters of the opposition when we are critical towards the opposition too. But what is so wrong about having a political stand anyway?

When I received a show-cause notice from the Malaysian Public Service Department (JPA) for participating in academic forums at my former university, I was quite overwhelmed by the support given by everyone, including my Umno friends who were generally mahasiswa. I could sense that my KULN friends also felt that it was not justified that the authorities simply banned students from participating in forums discussing national issues, nor did they agree with what was seen as intimidation by the Special Branch officers. Plus, the accusation of me “being seditious in a way that may harm Malaysia and my educational institution” totally bewildered everyone!

I have many KULN friends and we discuss Malaysian politics from time to time. I am very grateful that we can have fruitful discussions based on our intellectual capacity and not political ideology about the way to move forward as one nation. I can see that the younger generation in Umno, at least in my circle of friends, are more open-minded and tolerant towards different ideas, unlike the majority of the older generation of Umno members. If Umno continues to resist reform, I am afraid that the young generation will lose hope and may leave Umno sooner or later.

If Umno wants to appeal to the youth, they must make sure that equal treatment is given to all mahasiswa in politics as a start. It is a great insult to our intelligence for the government to make a blatant assumption that the younger generation especially mahasiswa cannot think for themselves and always need to be told what to do and what to think. Most importantly, this culture of intimidation towards mahasiswa must stop for Umno to appeal to youth. – December 1, 2014.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 3 December 2014, 10:38 am and is filed under
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After oil price slump, worries as Petronas slashes dividends, capital expenditure

Malay Mail Online

DECEMBER 2, 2014

KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 2 — The recent global oil price slump has affected both Putrajaya and domestic oil and gas (O&G) industry which depend heavily on Petroliam Nasional Bhd (Petronas), after the local giant decided to slash its dividends and capital expenditure.

In the aftermath of the slump, media reports revealed declines in the ringgit, local stock market, and net worth of industry players including billionaires Tan Sri Robert Kuok and T. Ananda Krishnan, and even Tan Sri Mokhzani Mahathir.

With the US crude oil prices at a five-year low, Petronas Chief Executive Tan Sri Shamsul Azhar Abbas told reporters on Friday after the that payments to the government in the form of dividends, tax and royalties could be 37 per cent lower from the previous year to about RM43 billion in 2015 if oil stays around US$75 (RM275) a barrel.

As a result, Malaysia’s ringgit headed for its biggest two-day decline since the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis yesterday.

According to Bloomberg, the currency weakened 1.6 per cent to 3.43 against US dollar yesterday, the lowest level since February 2010.

It has also dropped 2.7 per cent in two days, the steepest decline since June 1998, Bloomberg added.

Malaysia’s oil-related revenue totalled RM63 billion in 2013, accounting for 29.5 per cent of total government revenue.

The RM63 billion comprised of tax income and royalties of RM36 billion and Petronas dividends of RM27 billion.

Petronas also announced a cut of between 15 and 20 per cent to its annual capital expenditure of RM50 billion, denting the outlook for local companies, which depend on it.

The oil giant’s CEO also announced that the Fortune 500 company will review its projects, with no more marginal oil-field developments unless Brent prices go over US$80 per barrel.

According to Business Times, Petronas’ RM57 billion spending last year helped float the industry when other markets have started struggling.

There are around 40 listed O&G companies and another 4,000 smaller ones that rely on Petronas for jobs, English daily The Star reported previously.

Consequently, the benchmark FTSE Bursa Malaysia KLCI Index of shares fell 2.1 per cent in the worst one-day performance in 22 months yesterday.

Business Times noted some firms suffered two-digit losses, including UMW Oil & Gas suffered (18 per cent), SapuraKencana (10 per cent) Yinson (12 per cent), Dialog (15 per cent) and Bumi Armada (12 per cent).

This has dented the net worth of several tycoons in the industry, according to a report by The Star today, with the value of their shareholdings cut by almost half from RM15.89 billion to RM7.86 billion yesterday.

The Star said that following SapuraKencana Petroleum Bhd’s share price fall of 48.78 per cent over the year, Tan Sri Shahril Shamsuddin’s shareholding value went down from RM4.85 billion to RM2.53 billion.

Another major stakeholder Tan Sri Mokhzani Mahathir, the son of former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, also saw his shareholding value fall from RM2.95 billion to RM1.54 billion.

According to The Star, the net worth of billionaires Tan Sri Robert Kuok, T. Ananda Krishnan, Tan Sri Ngau Boon Keat and Tan Sri Quek Leng Chan were also affected, resulting from share price drops in PACC Offshore Services Holdings, Bumi Armada Bhd, Dialog Group Bhd, and TH Heavy Engineering Bhd respectively.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 3 December 2014, 7:05 am and is filed under
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As oil tumbles, drillers seek to idle more rigs, Petronas cuts capex

Reuters

2 December 2014

SINGAPORE: Offshore drillers globally are increasingly considering “warm stacking” their rigs to take them temporarily off the market, as they gear up for a slowdown in the hunt for oil with crude prices sliding to five-year lows.

Rigs in warm stack maintain basic operations and most of the crew, and can be put to use once the owner gets a contract. Drillers put rigs in warm stacks to lower operational costs and also to keep them sufficiently ready for quick deployment, meaning they are hopeful a downturn won’t be a prolonged one.

Rigs can also be “cold stacked”, or shut down, which typically happens when an owner does not expect to find work for an extended period of time.

Oil prices have fallen about 40 percent in the past six months, with international benchmark Brent dropping below $68 to a five-year trough and nearing the marginal production cost of the most expensive offshore projects.

“Six months ago, no one talked about stacking rigs,” said Thomas Tan, chief executive officer at Kim Heng Offshore & Marine Holdings Ltd, a Singapore-based oilfield service firm, “In the last few weeks, things have become scarier and the talk of stacking started.”

Tan said his firm has received enquiries to stack dozens of rigs over the past few weeks. Kim Heng currently services four rigs in warm stack around Singapore. The company serves about 60 rigs a year in different stage of operations, including providing repair, maintenance and logistics services.

“A lot of people are looking at warm stack, as they hope that the market will turn around quickly,” Tan said. “Cold stack is on their mind… but they haven’t given up hope yet.”

Seadrill Ltd, the world’s largest driller by market value until recently, expects to see a pickup in stacking and scrapping next year, its CEO said. And Transocean Ltd , which owns the world’s largest offshore drilling rig fleet, said it may retire additional rigs because of a sluggish market.

Transocean and Seadrill are among Kim Heng’s customers.

RATES FALL, SUPPLY GROWS

Drillers, who provide rigs on hire to oil producers, are in a pinch because day rates to hire rigs have fallen this year while supply grows.

The day rate for a top specification drillship, which can work in water up to 12,000 feet (3,658 metres) deep, was recently quoted at as low as $400,000, down from $600,000 last year. Even rates for jack-up rigs, generally working in water depth below 400 feet, have started to weaken in recent months after holding up relatively well earlier in the year.

Rig orders soared in recent years when oil prices topped $100 per barrel, making it more profitable to explore in hard-to-reach underwater areas. The global fleet of jackup rigs is forecast to grow 9 percent in 2015 and another 7 percent in 2016, Oslo-based investment bank Pareto Securities estimated.

Pareto also expected the number of jackups and floaters – drillships and semi-submersibles – in warm and cold stack to each reach 100 in the next 12-18 months from 60 and 53 now.

The marginal cost of producing one new barrel of oil varies, ranging from as cheap as $10 for Middle East onshore, to $60 in deepwater offshore, and above $70 in U.S. shale oil, according to a Reuters survey in September.

Some producers have announced spending cutbacks.

Malaysia’s Petroliam Nasional Bhd said it will cut next year’s capital spending by 15-20 percent.

That’s the kind of bad news the drilling industry is trying to get a handle on.

“What we are seeing now is that people are just standing back and waiting to understand the dynamics of the market before making decisions,” said Jason Waldie, Associate Director at energy consultancy Douglas Westwood.- Reuters

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 3 December 2014, 7:17 am and is filed under
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Call on Najib to give assurance that there will be no further “merry-go-round” procrastination manoeuvre to the 40-year problem and that the implementation of the Report of the RCIIIS will begin on 1.1.2015

The long-delayed Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Illegal Immigrants in Sabah (RCIIIS) to deal with the 40-year problem of illegal immigrants in Sabah which has changed the political demography and caused unprecedented socio-economic crisis to the state is to be made public in Kota Kinabalu later today.

The RCIIIS has been the longest in gestation, as there had been calls for the establishment of the Royal Commission of Inquiry as far  back as the past few decades but the problem was allowed to mushroom from some 100,000 some 40 years ago into a humongous and runaway figure ranging from 1.5 million to 1.9 million out of 3.3 million state population today.

As a result of persistent and growing pressures, the  Cabinet took a policy decision to set up the RCIIIS on February 8, 2012, but it took another  six months to finalise its terms of reference and its membership, another month before the RCIIIS started work, a year for public hearings and preparation of its Report and recommendations, and although the Report of the RCIIIS was officially handed over to the Federal Government on May 14, 2014, it was cold-storaged for six months until its publication later today.

The question uppermost in everyone’s mind apart from the contents and recommendations of the RCIIIS Report is whether we have come to the end-game of the 40-year problem of illegal immigrant problems in Sabah, or  whether we are only seeing the latest “merry-go-round” procrastination manoeuvre which will kick the problem for the next few  years with no real solution in sight until 2020, when the problem would have snowballed to some three million illegal immigrants in Sabah, reducing native Sabahans into a minority in their own land!

Najib’s announcement in Sabah for the opening of the PBS Congress on Nov 17 that PBS President and Sabah Deputy Chief Minister Tan Sri Joseph Pairin Kitingan will be heading a special committee to look into the findings of the RCIIIS and compile recommendations on implementation does not give cause for optimism that there would be swift and immediate action to act on the recommendations and report of the RCIIIS to bring a final end to the 40-year problem in Sabah.

The Pairin RCIIIS Report Review Committee cannot even meet and  start work today as it has not been fully constituted. Or is the Pairin Review Committee of the RCIIIS Report a one-man committee?

How long will  the Pairin Review Committee take, one month, three months, six months or one year to complete its work of compiling recommendations on implementation of the RCIIIS Report?

Nobody believes that Joseph Pairin will be vested with real  powers to implement the recommendations of the RCIIIS, as only the Federal Government will have the powers to implement the Report and recommendations of the RCIIIS.

For this reason, I call on Najib to announce which Federal Minister would be tasked to work with Joseph Pairin on the implementation of the RCIIIS Report and recommendations, and to immediately give an assurance that there will be no further “merry-go-round” procrastination manoeuvre to the 40-year problem and that the implementation of the Report of the RCIIIS will begin on 1.1.2015.

Najib should explain how the Federal government proposes to deal with RCIIIS recommendations it finds unacceptable or inappropriate.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 3 December 2014, 12:21 am and is filed under
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Can Oil Prices Drop to $40 a Barrel? Some Say It’s Possible

NBC News

1.12.2014

Remember way back in June, when oil was $115 a barrel? Now it’s trading at around $67.90 a barrel for Brent crude and some analysts are predicting, given the right conditions, it could tumble to as low as $40 a barrel.

Weak demand, a strong U.S. dollar and booming U.S. oil production are the three main reasons behind the fall, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA), which warned of a “new chapter” for oil markets, which could even affect the social stability of some countries. Russia is already feeling some pain: the ruble tumbled about 4 percent on Monday, on course for its biggest daily drop since the 1998 financial crisis.

Saudi Arabia sparked talk of an oil price war as it has cut its official selling prices for some customers for four consecutive months through November. Part of oil’s drop has to do with supply conditions. Increased U.S. oil production has added to a glut in the world oil market. The U.S. now produces about 8.9 million barrels a day, while Saudi Arabia, the world’s largest producer, pumps about 9.6 million barrels a day.

As oil prices drop to more than four-year lows, analysts are slashing their forecasts, with some predicting it could plunge as much as 40 percent to around $40 a barrel. “There is a possibility that if this price war becomes unmanageable, [we could] see prices down to about $40 a barrel [for WTI],” Jonathan Barratt, chief investment officer of Ayers Alliance Securities, told CNBC.

But for oil to get all the way down to $40 a barrel would take “a massive lack of confidence in the economies, also a lack of pricing power,” Barratt said.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 3 December 2014, 7:46 am and is filed under
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