If DAP succeeds in forming Sarawak State Government in next general election in 2021, the first DAP Chief Minister of Sarawak is unlikely be a Chinese but most likely be a Dayak

Sarawakians and Malaysians must be shocked to read about the speech by the PAS President, Datuk Seri Hadi Awang at a ceramah in Kuching that only a Muslim bumiputera can be Chief Minister of Sarawak and not a Chinese or a non-Muslim bumiputera.

It is very sad and shocking to see PAS advocating such narrow and divisive politics, when everyone should be promoting unity, harmony and togetherness in our multi-racial, multi-religious, multi-lingual and multi-cultural society.

For promoting such a narrow, negative and divisive stand, all the 11 PAS candidates in the 11th Sarawak state general election deserve to lose their deposits on May 7 Polling Day.

Sarawak and Malaysia should be going forward to weld a greater unity out of the rich and diverse ethnic groups, languages, religions and cultures in our midst instead of segregating the diverse ethnic groups, languages, religions and cultures into their separate silos which is not to promote greater national unity but engender greater distrust, division and disunity in our plural society.

I met the first Sarawak Chief Minister, Stephen Kalong Ningkan half a century ago when DAP was established in 1966, and after Stephen was toppled as Sarawak Chief Minister, he was succeeded by another Iban, Tawi Sli.

Sabah had also a history of Chief Ministers who is not a Muslim bumiputera, with personalities like Peter Lo, Joseph Pairin Kitingan, Yong Teck Lee, Chong Kah Kiat and Bernard Dompok.

It is sad that instead of going forwards to promote greater unity, there is a political party which is advocating that the country should go backwards to erect artificial walls to divide the people in Sarawak and Malaysia.

I have said that if the DAP succeeds in its two-pronged objective in the 11th Sarawak State General Election on May 7 – to defend the 12 State Assembly seats won five years ago and to make a breakthrough by electing a bigger group of Chinese, Dayak and even Malay Sarawak State Assemblymen and women – then DAP Sarawak is ready to emulate Penang DAP to try to wrest Sarawak State power from Sarawak Barisan Nasional in the next state general election in 2021 to form a DAP or DAP-based Sarawak State Government.

I dare say that if DAP succeeds in forming Sarawak State Government in next general election in 2021, the first DAP Chief Minister of Sarawak is unlikely be a Chinese but most likely be a Dayak.

Is PAS opposed to the resetting and restructuring of Sarawak politics by ending the six-decade rule of Sarawak Barisan Nasional by the next state general election in 2021, so that a new state government could be formed in 2021?

The past two weeks had been a very educational, informative and even inspiring experience to me, for I had visited some 15 Dayak constituencies, many of which I had never visited before.

The two-week election campaign had taken me to Bario and Marudi in Mulu, Bau in Tasik Biru, Mambong, Bukit Semuja, Keduk, Simanggang, Pakan, Bukit Goram, Pelagus, Katibas, Ngemah, Samalaju, Kemena and Murum, allowed me to learn about the hospitality and rich and variegated cultures of the Ibans, the Kelabit high-achievers, the Bidayuh in Bau with a history spanning close to two centuries, the colourful Kenyah and Penan communities.

But they all suffer from one blight – developmental neglect for the past 53 years and in the case of the Kenyah community in Murum, suffering 18 years of injustice after being forcibly “resettled” from their traditional lands, rivers and forests because of the construction of the multi-billion ringgit Bakun Dam.

How can Malaysia claim to be a fully developed nation in four years’ time in 2020 when the majority of the Dayak communities all over Sarawak are denied the basic infrastructure facilities of piped water, electricity, roads and basic human needs of education, health and employment?

Fifty-three years is not a short period which involves some three generations – which should have given the Barisan Nasional and its predecessor coalition ample time to resolve the most basic infrastructure and human needs of the Dayak people in Sarawak.

This development failure of the Barisan Nasional for some sixty years by the next 12th Sarawak state general election will be the strongest reason why there should be a change of a Sarawak State Government.

Let the year 2021 be the challenge, inspiration and milestone for all Sarawakians, in particular the Dayak community, for the next five years to start the most important journey to resolve their basic infrastructure and human needs by electing a new Sarawak State Government which will give top priority to move the Dayak community into the modern development era consistent with the protection of their traditional cultures and ways of life.

(Speech at the DAP Sarawak General Election Ceramah in Sungai Asap in Murum constituency on Thursday, May 5, 2016 at 7 pm)

                This entry was posted on Friday, 6 May 2016, 8:08 am and is filed under
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Is Sarawak Barisan Nasional opposed to the appointment of a Dayak Sarawak Chief Minister  in the 2021 Sarawak state general election – for the first time in half a century since the appointment of two Iban Chief Ministers from 1963-1970?

I am surprised that there is no strong reaction from  both the Federal and Sarawak Barisan Nasional leaders to the shockingly unMalaysian statement by the PAS President Datuk Seri Hadi Awang that a Chinese or a non-Muslim bumiputera cannot be the Sarawak Chief Minister.

As the PAS President has become a close ally of the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, even defending Najib’s RM50 billion 1MDB global financial scandal, why is Najib and caretaker Sarawak Chief Minister Tan Sri Adenan Satem silent on  Hadi’s shocking statement?

So far only the PBB Vice President and Deputy Minister for Rural and Regional Development Datuk Alexander Nanta Linggi had expressed his outrage at Hadi’ statement, causing him to describe Hadi as “ignorant” and “stupid”.

But why are the heavyweights like Najib and Adenan silent on this important issue?

I have said that if DAP achieves our twin objective on Polling Day tomorrow of defending the 12 State Assembly seats won five years ago, and succeeds in making breakthroughs and victories among some of  the 16 Dayak constituencies like Mulu, Murum, Samalaju, Kemena, Ngemah, Pakan, Tasik Biru, Mambong, Kedup, Bukit Semuja, Bukit Goram, Katibas, sending to the Sarawak State Assembly a strong team of Chinese, Dayak and Malay State Assembly representatives , then Sarawak DAP is ready to make the next Sarawak State General Election in 2021 a great battleground to end the six decades of   Sarawak Barisan Nasional rule in Sarawak and its replacement by a new  DAP or DAP-led Sarawak State Government.

When there is a new Sarawak State Government in the 12th Sarawak State General Election, there will be a new Sarawak Chief Minister (Adenan would have retired as he had asked for another term of five years as Sarawak Chief Minister, and he would be granted his wish on Polling Day tomorrow), and the most likely candidate as the new DAP  Sarawak Chief Minister in 2021 would be a Dayak.

Is Sarawak Barisan Nasional opposed to the appointment of a Dayak Sarawak Chief Minister  in the 2021 Sarawak state general election – for the first time in half a century since the appointment of two Iban Chief Ministers from 1963-1970, Stephen Kalong Ningkan and Tawi

Sli?

Let us hear from the heavyweights in Barisan Nasional, both at federal and Sarawak state levels, whether they agree to the appointment of a non-Muslim bumiputra as Sarawak Chief Minister in 2021 or they share with Hadi grave objection to such an appointment?

(Speech  at the DAP Sarawak General Election Ceramah in Miri on Friday, May 6, 2016 at 9 pm)

                This entry was posted on Friday, 6 May 2016, 8:39 pm and is filed under
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A ‘fixed’ result – Sarawak’s electoral distortions

Bridget Welsh

Malaysiakini

7 May 2016

As Sarawakians head to the polls today, it is important to understand that the BN-created electoral constituencies in the state will significantly impact the result. Malaysia’s non-independent Electoral Commission (EC) has staked the system in its favour in how it has delineated and recently redrawn the state’s electoral boundaries.

Chief Minister Adenan Satem’s victory has been assured, but it will not be a win that is based on fairness or meet basic international standards of electoral integrity. This article looks at malapportionment and gerrymandering in Sarawak, and shows how those in office have manipulated the system to their advantage.

Winning a minority – malapportionment

For the BN to win a majority today in Sarawak, they only need 372,776 voters, or 32.7 percent of the electorate of 1.1 million voters. This number is based on winning 42 (out of the total of 82) of the seats with the least voters. In order for the BN to win two-thirds of the seats, they only need to win 672,336 voters or 59 percent of the electorate.

Disproportionately the seats with fewer voters are safer seats for the BN, rural/semi-rural and Malay and Dayak seats. Examples include Sadong Jaya, Gedong and Belaga, the three seats with the least number of voters and traditionally held by the incumbent coalition.

Malaysia has long been used as an example of malapportionment. In the 2013 general election, scholars and practitioners pointed to the serious imbalances in the country’s electoral constituencies and showed how this allowed the Najib Abdul Razak government to win with a minority of the popular vote. Malaysia is considered among the worst in the world for the practice of malapportionment, as not only are votes not equal, but this inequality has been used systematically by long-ruling coalition the BN to stay in power.

The practice of malapportionment at the national level has been replicated in Sarawak. There are a variety of measures to measure this unevenness.

The most common looks at the ratio of the smallest to largest seat. In Sarawak, the seat with the lowest number of voters is Sadong Jaya at 6,749, while the most populated seat is Pelawan with 32,233 voters. This is a ratio of 1:4.8. To understand this a vote in Pelawan is effectively worth around only 20 percent of that in Sadong Jaya. Voters in smaller seats have more electoral impact.

Another measure looks at standard deviation, how far away from the average number of voters in a seat or the norm. In Sarawak the average constituency size is 13,879 voters, with a standard deviation of 6,203 voters, almost half of the average.

The deviation from the norm is significant, as it shows the breadth of unfairness and movement away from the principle of equality in representation. Sarawak’s electoral system is not based on ‘one Sarawakian, one vote,’ it is tied to the idea of political power of ‘Sarawak for some Sarawakians’. For example, disproportionately voters in urban areas, especially in traditionally Chinese urban areas, have been given less representation as their votes have less impact on shaping the final result.

The graph below shows the distribution by seat size in Sarawak. Those familiar with Sarawak will see that the largest seats are in urban Chinese areas, not just Pelawan, but Pending and Dudong – the three most populated seats.

The use of malapportionment has its roots from the 1970s in Malaysia, where ethnicity has predominantly been used to draw constituencies. It was assumed then in the post-1969 climate that creating Malay seats would strengthen the BN. This practice came back to haunt the BN in the 1999 General Election, when the reformasi tied opposition picked up seats in Malay areas. In the 2003 delineation exercise, the EC changed its formula and created more mixed seats. This too backfired in 2008 when the opposition picked up ethnically mixed seats, as it fielded a multi-ethnic alternative.

In Sarawak, the BN has used three different formulas in delineating seats. The first practice has been to create more rural seats. These are harder for the opposition to win, as they cost more for campaigns due to logistics and also the BN’s ability to use resources gives it the advantage. This practice is becoming more difficult as connectivity and awareness are growing, but money still is powerful in these areas.

The second practice has been to give more seats to the Malay community. Part of this is a product of their rising population. Yet, the number of seats and their voting power in the overall number of seats goes beyond population numbers. This follows the trend in West Malaysia.

A third practice has been to create more mixed seats, where the Chinese vote is less concentrated. The idea rests of the view that the BN in Sarawak will have an electoral advantage in representing the state’s various ethnic communities. It is also tied to the view that fragmenting ethnic communities gives the BN an advantage. In particular, the BN relies heavily on the fragmentation of the Dayak communities, which have been wooed extensively with vote buying. Sarawak has largely followed the national trends in delineation, but not experienced the anti-BN backlashes.

In terms of the impact on voters, however, urban and Chinese voters have less representation in the electoral system. Electorally, this negatively affects the opposition as they have been winning the majority of Chinese support, and will likely continue to do so in the Sarawak 2016 campaign.

Extending control – the 2015 re-delineation

The practice of using their control of the electoral system to their advantage continued in the most recent delineation exercise. Eleven new seats were created in the 2015 delineation of constituencies.

These new seats were created in a similar BN-advantageous manner, making it harder for the opposition to gain power. As a study by the Malaysian Electoral Roll Analysis Project (Merap) noted earlier this year, these new seats were created to favour the BN. Their assessments estimated nine out of the 11 seats favoured the BN. The Bersih movement also lodged their complaints.

Concerns about fairness in the electoral process were taken to court in the legal challenge against the EC. The new seats are disproportionately in rural and semi-rural areas. They also are disproportionately Malay, following trends noted above. In Sarawak, there are now a total of 21 Malay-majority seats, compared to 11 Chinese-majority seats.

The Dayak continue to have the most majority seats, at 32. They are the most rural community. The remaining 18 seats are mixed (less than 60 percent of one community). Given the trends in migration toward the urban areas, one would expect more mixed seats, as has occurred. The pattern in delineation however is to build on ethnic differences and voting patterns.

The BN is looking for a new formula for electoral safety, post the 2013 General Election. This new pattern seems to be to create more Malay seats (banking on support from this community), a few additional Dayak seats that give representation to specific communities, such as the creation of Mulu for the Kelabit, and more rural/semi-rural seats.

In Sarawak, they have also created more mixed seats, effectively fragmenting and dampening the power of the Chinese electorate. It remains to be seen whether this will work and for how long. Today’s formula combines traditional practices, but is driven by the underlying core of staying in power.

There is another dimension of what is going on – gerrymandering. The EC is changing districts and redrawing their lines. The international standard is to follow administrative lines, and not to split communities. Largely in Sarawak this has been done in the past, especially compared to the peninsula. There were exceptions, such as the competitive Bukit Assek seat in Sibu.

Yet, in the last 2015 re-delineation exercise, there was considerable more movement of polling stations outside of boundaries. In seats such as Batu Lintang, Piasau and Tanjong Datu (formerly Kidurong), polling stations were carved as these seats became less Chinese, and to weaken the opposition’s chances (although they are likely to still hold onto these seats). In the case of Batu Lintang, a new seat was created that aimed to give the BN a chance to win around Kuching. This seat, Batu Kitang, is competitive this contest.

It is not only the urban areas that have been affected. Rural seats such as Telang Usan and Ba’kelalan – both highly competitive seats with the latter held by PKR – have been gerrymandered. The use of technology has allowed more careful study of voting by areas and this is being used to change how seats are being created. The 2015 court case against the EC raised issues of fairness, but they lost their challenge and appeal last October.

Distortions and electoral reform

For almost a decade, the issues of electoral reform and electoral integrity has been centre stage in Malaysian politics. The Sarawak election only serves to illustrate the systemic problems that exist. The electoral system does not follow international standards, but is tied to one that fits the system and interests of those in power.

This piece also shows how difficult the electoral terrain is in Sarawak, and why electoral reform remains a concern of many Malaysians. The lack of independence and accord with international standards in electoral constituencies will be impactful. When the results are announced tonight, the winner will have won in an unfair and distorted contest.

BRIDGET WELSH is Professor of Political Science at Ipek University, Senior Research Associate at the Center for East Asian Democratic Studies of National Taiwan University, Senior Associate Fellow of The Habibie Center, and University Fellow of Charles Darwin University.

This article is the fourth instalment in a five-part series published by New Mandala. Bridget Welsh would like to thank Sarawakians who assisted with the classification of polling stations, seats and analysis.

Part 1:
‘Same Old’ in Sarawak campaign

Part 2:
Stopping ‘change’ – Sarawak’s electoral battlegrounds

Part 3:
It’s raining money in Sarawak

Part 4:
A ‘fixed’ result – Sarawak’s electoral distortions

Part 5:
Victory and insecurity – Sarawak results and trajectories

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 8 May 2016, 7:06 pm and is filed under
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DAP must not be afraid to lose in elections as we must learn from the  crushing defeat in the Sarawak state elections yesterday so that we can become stronger to fight for justice, freedom  and human empowerment another day

DAP must not be afraid to lose in elections as we must learn from the crushing defeat in the Sarawak state elections yesterday so that we can become stronger to fight for justice, freedom and human empowerment for all Sarawakians and Malaysians another day.

The test of a political movement dedicated to the higher ideals of justice, freedom and human empowerment is the ability not to be crushed by a “crushing defeat”, but the ability to rise from a “crushing defeat” to be stronger and more committed to our cause to fight another day.

We can bemoan that if the voter turnout had been more than 70 percent and close to 76.3 per cent as in the 2013 Paliamentary elections and not just 68.1% yesterday, DAP Sarawak  could have kept the 12 state assembly seats won five years ago.

In fact , on the same day that  the Sarawak voters went to polls yesterday, a political analyst  Bridget Welsh had predicted the Sarawak state general election  outcome in her article, “A ‘fixed’ result – Sarawak’s electoral distortions” in Malaysiakini, explaining that the non-independent Election Commission (EC) had staked the system in the Barisan Nasional’s favour in how it had delineated and recently redrawn the state’s electoral boundaries – resulting in the DAP Sarawak losing five of the 12 state seats and the greatest victim of such “BN-created electoral constituencies in the state”  is Alan Ling Sie Keong, DAP Sarawak State Secretary in a redelineated Piasau assembly seat.

It is because of such gerrymandering that Adenan could predict during the election campaign that the BN would win at least 70 of the 82 seats, which turns out finally to be 72.

Be that as it may,  as we are committed to political change throughout the democratic process, we must be prepared  to face victories and defeats through the ballot box.

The problem in life’s struggle  is not falling down but the ability to stand up after a fall, however big the fall, and  to continue the battle for justice, freedom and human empowerment.

Despite our disappointment and setbacks, DAP will not be deflected from our objective to elect a full slate of Chinese, Dayak and Malay state assembly representatives in the Sarawak State Assembly.

It has taken  DAP Sarawak 18 long years to be elected into the Sarawak State Assembly and DAP Sarawak is prepared for the long haul together with like-minded Sarawakians to achieve the next target, to elect a new State Government in Sarawak which will give top priority to the needs and rights of the people of Sarawak instead of just to the cronies of the powers-that-be.

Finally, let me congratulate Adenan for his re-election and appointment as Sarawak Chief Minister for the next five years, and his promise of Adenan’s Team and Adenan’s Way instead of Najib’s Team and Najib’s Way.

(Media Conference Statement in Kuching on the results of the 11th Sarawak State General Elections on Sunday, 8th May 2016 at 12 noon)

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 8 May 2016, 11:45 am and is filed under
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It’s raining money in Sarawak

Bridget Welsh

Malaysiakini

7 May 2016

More than any other state in Malaysia, Sarawak’s elections have been seen to be determined by money. Vote buying and patronage are deeply intertwined in the state’s political fabric, as many voters look at the election period as one of festivity and entertainment.

Booze is purchased, and bounty is shared. Projects are announced, and even more ‘development’ promises are made in arguably one of Malaysia’s most neglected states.

The 2016 campaign is similarly being affected by the use of resources and highlights how uneven the playing field is in this election. Given the seriousness of the 1MDB scandal and the use of these tainted funds in Malaysia’s 2013 election, understanding the role money plays in determining the electoral outcomes is more important than ever.

Money politics in Sarawak is not only intense; it is expensive. There is no question that the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN) is using its control and access to resources to assure a victory in this Borneo state.

Less autonomy, more dependence and projects

One important development in the 2016 Sarawak campaign is the dominance of money from the federal government. The retirement of former chief minister Abdul Taib Mahmud has reduced the amount of Sarawak-based political resources able to fund the election.

Current Chief Minister Adenan Satem is relying heavily on federal funds for assistance, and this accounts in part for why he has allowed Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak, under a scandal-clad cloud, to play such a prominent role in the campaign. Money talks, especially in the ‘cash is king’ Najib government.

Funding from the federal government takes multiple forms. Promised ‘development projects’ are the most common. Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi announced this week that federal funds promised to Sarawak reached RM20 billion (US$5 billion) of which RM16 billion is part of a multi-year project to construct the Pan-Borneo highway.

These allocations come from a variety of ministries, with education, defense and rural development among the most prominent, and are often part of the 11th Malaysia Plan announced last year.

The use of development to sway Sarawak voters is not new, as it has been a long-standing practice. Voters regularly face the stark choice of losing road access, funds for housing, and a potential new hospital if they vote against the incumbent government. Unlike the peninsula, Sarawak continues to lack basic infrastructure and services, especially in rural areas.

Project announcements are explicitly tied to political support, almost always featuring local BN politicians and a federal minister as the announcer. Najib has been the most prominent ‘gift giver’. This campaign, the amount of money promised has reached new heights. Excluding the highway, voters in Sarawak are looking at an average per voter project allocation of nearly RM5,000 (US$1,250).

The politicisation of development projects takes two forms. They are strategically applied to areas where races are competitive. Consider for example the promised new bridge in Kampong Long Lama in Telang Usan (RM70 million) or the repairs to long houses in Limbang (RM50 million). The closer the contest, the more the promises and visits to hand out largesse.

These political allocations also target specific communities. Najib promised the 341,000 People’s Volunteer Corps (Rela) members of Sarawak RM20 million for new uniforms. This is almost a third of the electorate, in a group that is seen to be closely aligned with the government.

Similarly, there are promises to military and government personnel, with announcements of a new headquarters (RM 20 million) in Lanang and RKAT homes in Miri (RM94 million). Security personnel in Sarawak make up 25,022 0f the electorate, as early voters in many competitive contests, such as Dudong in Sibu.

Another key element of the targeting of voters involves strategic allocations to schools, churches, mosques and longhouses. The state government has matched many of the religious donations that now reach over an estimated RM50 million, including promises to 110 churches in competitive Ba’kelalan. In return, posters and flags are often on display, with a striking number of churches in this election flying BN colours.

Costly vote-buying and constituency engagement

Money politics in Sarawak extends directly to individual voters beyond promises and projects. Voters are also given money and other favours directly. The amount of money involved here is estimated to reach well over RM1 billion. As in GE 2013, the Sarawak polls has featured regular ‘free’ dinners. These are not under the 1MDB label as occurred in West Malaysia, but are clearly organised by BN officials wearing their signature navy blue.

Thousands are given a free meal, and prizes are raffled off as voters are encouraged to support the incumbent coalition. Many leave with a door prize of RM1,000 or even higher. To put these funds in perspective, the Najib government has announced a new monthly minimum wage of RM920 during the Sarawak campaign. Amounts given are more than some monthly wages, and there is more expected on the final day of polling.

In earlier elections, the funds involved were more of a token, RM50-200. With the high cost of living and perceived high funds available (with 1MDB amounts feeding this perception), demands in vote buying have gone up. The opposition has the difficult task of showing they are worth more than a month’s wage. In GE 2013, the key financial conduit with the voters involved ‘needs-based funding’ under the 1Malaysia banner.

The 1Malaysia People’s Aid Funds (BR1M) are now regular cash transfers with the latest distribution date April 27, 10 days before Sarawak polling. An estimated 7 million Malaysians are eligible to receive BR1M payments, from senior citizens to poorer households.

Given the economic conditions in Sarawak, one would expect these funds to be prominent, but it appears based on estimates of household numbers, that less than 100,000 Sarawakians get BR1M, in part due to the high costs of accessing it logistically, especially in rural areas. Nevertheless, the government continues to rely on this to win support, in the areas where BR1M is available.

There is additional cash on hand for distribution, to address the shortcomings in federal vote buying-linked cash transfers. These funds are part of the ‘slush’ campaign funds given to candidates, who can use these handouts at their discretion. The source of the funding is unknown, although it is usually tied to the BN and its leaders.

The amount spent per constituency varies, with urban areas costing less due to less distribution. The amounts range from RM2 million to RM40 million per constituency. Candidates have been demanding more in the 1MDB era.

By comparison, opposition politicians work on a budget of RM 100,000 to 300,000 per constituency. How much will be pocketed by candidates, rather than spent in vote-buying will be important in shaping how much is spent. Funds in rural areas are given to the village or long house head, tuai rumah, with some of these funds believed to be pocketed.

What distinguishes vote buying this election is that rather than just focus on the Dayak communities and in rural constituencies, more funds are being allocated for Chinese voters and in semi-urban areas.

Patronage and allies

A third area where money politics is prominent is in the alliance between the BN and business. In exchange for contracts, land and access, companies and individuals are given favour. It’s a traditional pattern, where the BN relies on the private sector for funding rather than using state resources directly.

The nexus between government and business cronies is well-honed in Malaysia. This practice is still present and common in Sarawak, although a declining share of the overall funds is used to sway the election. Without fail during elections, the BN calls in the cards from the past and future cronies for funds.

Chief Minister Adenan Satem has faced greater challenges in this area than his predecessor. In particular, his relationship with the powerful timber tycoons is not as warm due to Adenan’s mixed signals on logging. Importantly, Adenan has not engaged in extensive patronage, and this has created resentments. He has uneven and in some cases troubled relationships with leading local business people.

The resentments have spilled over into the conflict within the BN. In some contests, Adenan’s choice of candidate is not liked, and in others, the candidate chosen is involved in a long-standing rivalry, with business people willing to back opponents to the BN candidate. Najib has come in to try to resolve some of the disputes, reportedly promising funds to independent candidates to step down, as occurred in competitive Batu Kawah.

Whether these differences are settled or the sabotage festers will shape the results, as will how much crony-businessmen are willing to spend, especially in the crunch period of vote buying and on the decisive final ‘money’ day of the campaign.

Part of the effort to address the lack of state patronage for business involves the lucrative RM16 billion 1,096 km-long Pan-Borneo highway. Launched in March 2015 with an MOU signed in July 2015, the highway has had some challenges getting off the ground. Some of these involve land issues and logistics, while others involve patronage and contracts.

Officials have promised business to bumiputeras and local Sarawakians and before the election, a RM1.7 billion contract was allocated out of 17 bids. Reports prominently discuss how the Pan-Borneo Highway will benefit local business. Business people in Sarawak still depend heavily on contracts and access.

Given the changes in Sarawak’s economy – the reduction of timber and the declining price of palm oil – construction infrastructure is seen as an important catalyst injection of capital. The road is much needed, but its tie to patronage is there, as it has repeatedly been used to win votes and allies.

Betting is back

The final dimension of money politics involves a different empowerment of local business, a resurgence of the local underworld. Funds are being reportedly used through betting to sway votes in some close urban contests. This system works by a financial backing of the odds that creates a situation where the person wins money if the results are in the favour of the financial backer’s choice of candidate.

This practice disproportionately has disadvantaged the opposition, although in today’s Sarawak campaign, it has the potential to affect BN candidates as well. In the last few elections in Sarawak, betting had little impact on the outcome. Given the fragmentation of candidates and likely closer races in Chinese seats in urban areas this time round, this aspect of money politics may shape outcomes.

What is also clearly affecting the campaign is where some of the candidates are using their own money. The number of millionaires running is much higher than in West Malaysia. In some cases, as appears in the seat of Repok, the candidate is splashing funds in an unprecedented manner. Some of the wealthy candidates appear to have links to the underworld and are seen as local ‘gangster’ figures. Voters are questioning ties to the underworld and sources of funding.

From projects and vote-buying to patronage and betting, money politics in Sarawak is raining everywhere. In fact, in some constituencies, there are floods of funds. The amount collectively spent to woo the 1,138,650 voters has exceeded that of any state election in Malaysia. Easily one can estimate that the funds in this Sarawak election for slightly over one million voters are reaching at least at third of what was spent in GE 2013 for slightly over 13 million voters.

The massive injection of federal funding, including both projects and patronage, combined with mysterious election slush funds and splash local spending reinforces the view that this election is being bought. The Najib government appears to be willing to spend this amount to assure its political survival.

The impact of Najib’s ever-increasing electoral spending only makes the electoral system more uneven and creates serious distortions in the priorities for development and well-being of Malaysians, including Sarawakians.

There is little regard to the damages money politics is causing Malaysia as unlike the rain, it is tied to a Najib reign.

Part 1:
‘Same Old’ in Sarawak campaign

Part 2:
Stopping ‘change’ – Sarawak’s electoral battlegrounds

Part 3:
It’s raining money in Sarawak

Part 4:
A ‘fixed’ result – Sarawak’s electoral distortions

Part 5:
Victory and insecurity – Sarawak results and trajectories

BRIDGET WELSH is Professor of Political Science at Ipek University, Senior Research Associate at the Center for East Asian Democratic Studies of National Taiwan University, Senior Associate Fellow of The Habibie Center, and University Fellow of Charles Darwin University.

This is the third piece in a five-part series in New Mandala.The next looks at the impact of 2015 redelineation and the electoral system on Sarawak’s election. Bridget Welsh would like to thank Sarawakians who assisted with the classification of polling stations, seats and analysis.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 8 May 2016, 6:50 pm and is filed under
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‘Same Old’ in Sarawak campaign

Bridget Welsh

Malaysiakini

3 May 2016

As the lacklustre 11th Sarawak 2016 election campaign comes to a close on Friday, consistency rather than change has predominated.

Most Sarawakians on both sides of the political divide had made up their minds on how they will vote before the campaign began. So far, the campaign has done little to change their orientations, and even less to inspire Sarawakians to vote at all. Political parties have mainly relied on old strategies, offering little new in their engagement with the electorate.

Strongman versus pressure politics

The main substantive campaign issue is autonomy, the mantra of ‘Sarawak for Sarawakians’. The prominence of this call is different than earlier campaigns but not new to Malaysian electoral politics as Sabahans will understand.

Concerns about autonomy in East Malaysia have been long-standing and extend for decades to when the two Borneo states joined the Federation. Not surprising, all of the parties in the Sarawak polls are calling for greater control of decision-making at the state level in areas involving language, immigration, education, religion and resources (oil royalty).

Where they differ slightly is in their priority in areas of governance, with those aligned with the BN tapping into immigration and those in the opposition pushing harder on issues of religion and resources.

The parties also differ in how they will implement autonomy. Current Chief Minister Adenan Satem has personified autonomy around himself, portraying the image that voting for him will assure the protection of state rights. He follows this pattern set by his brother-in-law, current Governor and former chief minister Abdul Taib Mahmud.

Adenan has projected the view that his working relationship with the federal government will assure protection, and that he is ‘his own man’. This argument runs that a strong mandate for Adenan will strengthen his hand with the federal government.

The choice by ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN) to focus on autonomy aims to neutralise traditional opposition demands for fairer representation for citizens in the state. It echoes electoral strategies adopted in the recent past, where the new incumbent co-opts ‘reform’ to win support.

The opposition on its part has repeated its urgings for checks and balances, arguing that a strong opposition is necessary to assure that the substantive issues related to autonomy are implemented. They are urging pressure politics.

Given that these issues have been traditional ones for the opposition, and they have been their strongest advocates by putting them into the public arena and introducing measures in the legislature, they are hoping that the electorate does not forget their commitment – even as these issues have been effectively co-opted by the incumbent government.

At stake for Sarawakians are two different visions of state representation, one based on repeating the independent strongman politics of Taib that Adenan is portraying versus the long-standing call for alternative voices in government.

Shadow of Pak Lah

Closely connected to calls for greater representation is the personification of political power in Sarawak. This is also not new. Personal politics and personality have been at the core of East Malaysian politics. They help us understand the fragmentation of the candidate slates and account for the long tenures of many of the incumbents.

The campaign around Adenan and the use of his coattails for his team is not new. We saw this in the 2004 general election, where former premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, or Pak Lah, was showcased as ‘his own man’ and different than his predecessor.

Like Adenan, Abdullah was chosen by a predecessor who had become a political target for criticism. Although in Adenan’s case, he is part of the Taib family and has consistently been a part of the previous leadership, never challenging Taib or openly criticising his policies during his tenure. This is opposed to Abdullah, who was relegated to the political wilderness for a few years as ‘Team B’ and more openly campaigned against his predecessor to win support. \

Adenan has used the time since he was appointed in 2014 to try to distinguish rather than distance himself, featuring similar ‘nice guy’, ‘reformer’ and ‘clean’ traits that were part of comparable electoral efforts in Malaysia’s past. As with Pak Lah, the Adenan campaign has promised a new leadership.

Sarawakians are facing the difficult decision of whether Adenan can be trusted. Faith in Malaysian politicians is low, and the national politics of taking politicians down has become engrained in the fabric. Sarawakians are more trustworthy than their counterparts on the peninsula. They are also following the national trend and becoming more cynical.

Many Sarawakians recognise that the multitude of promises Adenan is making echoes unrealistic goals of the past. Adenan is building up expectations, with the repeated potential for disappointment. Voters question whether he will have the power and political will to implement the promises after the election, especially given that Adenan will be a lame duck after he has won office as he has stated that he only wants one term.

Undermining leadership

Questions about Adenan’s leadership are understandable, given the prominence of his persona in the campaign. Two areas are prominent.

The first involves the perceived abuse of political power for electoral gains by Adenan, namely the use of Sarawak’s immigration authority to prevent opposition politicians and activists from entering the state. Scores of people have been denied entry, to prevent the opposition crowds from building and weakening the opposition machinery. On their part, peninsula-based BN politicians and government department and activists have been given access.

Deemed ‘extremists’ and ‘troublemakers’ many of those denied entry have used Skype to engage voters, but the dampening impact on ceramah crowds has been evident. This is in spite of more Sarawakians following the campaign online. This ‘strongman’ denial of entry and subsequent calls for politicians to write letters as pleas for entry as occurred for the female leader of the opposition, Anwar’s wife Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, feed the portrayal of a man in control.

They simultaneously reveal a politician with weakness, as these measures suggest fear, and have raised questions about fairness in Adenan’s leadership. The denials of entries have backfired among many voters, who no longer see the chief minister as ‘Mr Nice Guy’.

Another factor undermining Adenan is Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak. The relationship between the two men is challenging to navigate as they are mutually dependent, as Adenan needs funds from the federal government to support his campaign.

Najib on his part needs a decisive victory in the Sarawak polls to sustain his power, given the seriousness of the corruption, embezzlement, and abuse of power allegations being made in multiple investigations in the 1MDB scandal.

Striking a balance where Adenan is in charge, but Najib gains credit is difficult. In the 2011 polls, the relationship between Taib and the Najib campaign was problematic, as the latter tried to control the campaign. A similar pattern has occurred in 2016, with Najib’s pictures of ‘Saya Sayang Sarawak’ and with Adenam himself featured all over rural areas, and coverage of his promises overshadowing Adenan’s.

It is not clear whether this is a Najib or Adenan campaign. Clearly, it is both. Rural folk often highlight the similarity in the appearance of both men. Najib’s significant presence is a liability for Adenan, as the premier is deeply unpopular and he undercuts the chief minister’s claim of independence. It appears as if Najib has hijacked Adenan’s thunder to serve himself.

Disconnecting messages

Amidst the personas, voters are navigating the messages of the various campaigns. The campaign messages showcase disconnection between their slogans and delivery. The Sarawak United Peoples Party’s (SUPP) slogan ‘United We Can’ is perhaps the most ironic, as the party remains dangerously divided. The splits in the party have the potential to lead to further downfalls of its leaders, as SUPP has yet to meaningfully justify why Sarawakians should vote for their party.

They are effectively no longer their own players, as has occurred to other non-Malay parties in the BN.

The opposition parties are also delivering disengaging messages. The Democratic Action Party’s (DAP) ‘4Real Change’ raises questions about delivery, especially since they are not working with other parties in their campaign.

One feature of the 2016 campaign is that for the opposition it is a step back to the past of 2001, even 1999 when parties worked against each other rather than together. While in urban areas there is little open vitriol against each other (with the BN the main target), the fact that they are competing with each other undercuts messages of ‘change’.

Voters are not clear what is meant by ‘real change’ as this theme has been so overused that is has lost meaning. Indeed, the fact that even the BN is using the word, in its call to remove the DAP from Kuching (notably the Kota Sentosa seat where state DAP chairperson Chong Chieng Jen is contesting), shows how unclear the word has become.

On its part, the People’s Justice Party’s (PKR) focus has been on autonomy, but the word ‘trust’ has featured in much of its campaign posters, with questions arising from its use given the distrust in the opposition evident in the split among the various parties. The opposition’s lack of collaboration in the campaign has undermined their momentum and undercut their connection with voters, especially younger and swing voters. They have damaged themselves.

Playing cards and scandals

As the campaign draws to a close, political parties are fighting hard. To date, what distinguishes Sarawak’s campaign has been the lack of prominence of the racial card. Religion, however, has been mobilised by the BN, which has used funds to woo Christians, estimated to comprise 40 percent of the electorate.

The use of religion has been contradicted by broad trends to undercut freedom of religion in Sarawak and the slating of candidates by the BN that have conservative views that are not in line with more tolerant urgings of moderation. Whether the BN can win back Christian support lies with the priorities of the churches themselves, whether they buy into the wooing effort, how they perceive Adenan’s sincerity and the choice of moral example they will set.

The opposition is relying on the 1MDB scandal to swing the electorate. This issue is difficult for many Sarawakians to connect to, especially in rural areas. Many do not believe it at all and do not see how the issue affects them directly. Others are outraged, and this undercurrent is strong among those who hold political leaders to standards.

These issues about rights and scandals have become even more serious for Malaysia’s future, but it is not clear whether national concerns will displace local interests.

Sarawakians, like many Malaysians, are tired. The campaign has not yet inspired, and as such voter engagement has been markedly lower. There is a palpable lack of enthusiasm for either side, with a focus on livelihoods and ordinary routines. This is in part because the 2016 campaign has been in fact quite routine itself, offering little new and relying on the old strategies and tactics.

The question ahead will be whether the same old campaign approaches will yield the same old results.

BRIDGET WELSH is Professor of Political Science at Ipek University, Senior Research Associate at the Center for East Asian Democratic Studies of National Taiwan University, Senior Associate Fellow of The Habibie Center, and University Fellow of Charles Darwin University. This article first appeared in New Mandala.

Part 1:
‘Same Old’ in Sarawak campaign

Part 2:
Stopping ‘change’ – Sarawak’s electoral battlegrounds

Part 3:
It’s raining money in Sarawak

Part 4:
A ‘fixed’ result – Sarawak’s electoral distortions

Part 5:
Victory and insecurity – Sarawak results and trajectories

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 8 May 2016, 5:50 pm and is filed under
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Stopping ‘change’ – Sarawak’s electoral battlegrounds

Bridget Welsh

Malaysiakini

6 May 2016

While the Sarawak campaign may lack dynamism, the nature of the state’s politics has been transforming. Over the last 10 years, voting has changed considerably, with more support for alternatives and, importantly, greater engagement in politics.

The seats the opposition has won in state elections has increased from two in 2001 to 16 in 2011, with gains in Parliament from one seat in 2004 to six seats in 2013. The share of the popular vote won in Sarawak state elections jumped from 29 percent in 2001 to 44 percent in 2011.

Chief Minister Adenan Satem and his team, led by the head of the BN Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak, aim to stop and reverse these gains, and in the process assure that the state remains a BN stronghold. By looking at voting behaviour, we can understand the electoral battlegrounds and the slowly-shifting sands of the Sarawak political landscape.

Voting analyses in Sarawak have concentrated on three distinct areas: urban-rural differences, ethnicity and age.

I have studied voting trends in the past two elections; the state election of 2011 and parliamentary election of 2013 (GE 2013). The findings on voting in those studies are estimates based on polling station results and assessments, a study of voting at the smallest unit of analysis available using a methodology that has become common in understanding voting behaviour, known as ecological inference.

The findings reveal important differences among the Sarawak electorate, and show the type of constituencies and communities that are the most contested. Rather than simplistically and mistakenly boiling down the election to ‘Adenan,’ it is necessary to better appreciate the diversity of Sarawakians and the variation in their political engagement.

BN’s rural advantage

Sarawak is Malaysia’s most rural state, with many remote areas and the country’s worst transportation infrastructure. It is also the state with the most rural constituencies.

Of the 82 seats, 30 of these can be seen as rural (36 percent), another 38 as semi-rural (46 percent) and 14 of these are urban (17 percent). The share of semi-rural seats has been increasing with the expansion of infrastructure and development. Within many of these seats there are more and less urbanised areas, requiring analysis to focus on polling stations that reflect the specific towns, villages and long houses.

The BN maintains a clear advantage in rural areas, where it wins close to an estimated two-thirds of the support. By contrast, the BN has only won slightly over a third of the support in the urban areas in recent polls.

In this election, both sides are heavily fighting to break the urban-rural patterns of voting. The opposition is facing an uphill battle. PKR’s long-standing support for land rights and DAP’s more recent Impian efforts underscore their attempts to win rural support. With recent improvements surrounding native customary rights (NCR) to land and promises to stop dam construction, rural issues are less heated than in the past, making the opposition campaign even more challenging.

Many rural folk, however, have yet to receive promised compensation and continue to face serious conditions of poverty and poor infrastructure. They also question the sincerity of promises. Furthermore, discrimination remains a problem for many marginalised communities. Rural folk are more aware of issues than in the past, as information technology has improved.

In this election, almost all of the political parties have stood local candidates in rural communities and have worked the ground for some time in most of the seats. The breakthrough for the opposition in rural areas happened in 2011 in Ba’kelalan and Krian where PKR candidates won. The rural areas are becoming more competitive, although in these polls arguably less than a third of the rural seats are seen as meaningfully competitive. Both opposition rural incumbents face difficult fights.

It is noteworthy that Najib has visited almost all of the competitive rural seats, promising long-overdue development projects.

Semi-rural skirmishes

With almost half the seats in semi-rural constituencies, the outcome of the Sarawak elections will be determined in these areas. It is here where the opposition will succeed or fail to reach its goal of breaking the two-thirds mark of the incumbent.

Not surprisingly, the BN also holds an advantage in these areas. Nevertheless, the opposition has been gaining ground in semi-rural areas, following the national trend. Seats such as Batu Kawah and Repok were won in 2011, and gains were made in Senadin around Miri, a seat that has become more urban in the past five years.

This time round the contests in many of these semi-rural areas are quite fragmented, with many independents and parties contesting in multi-cornered fights. For example, the new seat of Batu Kitang is competitive, but a place where a three-cornered fight will hurt opposition chances. Similar observations can be made about Jepak, outside of Bintulu.

If there are breakthroughs, they may come from unexpected quarters, tied to the role of sabotage against BN candidates as a result of Adenan’s leadership in handling the choice of candidates and long-standing feuds within BN parties, inadequate attention to accommodating the local clans in candidate selection in communities and from local strongmen backed with resources and local networks to sway the outcome.

The results also may be shaped by greater access to information and expansion of opposition machinery and engagement in these seats, as has happened elsewhere. The BN’s advantage in semi-rural areas remains strong, where it wins close to 60 percent of support.

Ethnic bases

While the Sarawak campaign has not highlighted ethnicity openly, differences in ethnic voting and mobilisation remain prominent features of the Malaysian political landscape.

The BN relies heavily on Malay/Melanau support to control its majority in Sarawak, giving Adenan’s party Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) a similar dominance in the state to that of Umno on the peninsula. Support among Malays/Melanau for the BN is higher in Sarawak than in West Malaysia, where more than three-quarters of Malays/Melanau supported the incumbent coalition.

In the 2013 general election this number increased to nearly 90 percent. It is likely that in this election, the number will return to the average in state elections, around 78-80 percent. Malay support for the BN in Sarawak contributes to their dominance in ethnically-mixed seats.

By contrast, Chinese support for the opposition mirrors the level of support of Malays for the BN, at more than three-quarters. The 2016 campaign has seen concerted efforts to woo Chinese voters, through allocations to schools, clan associations and repeated calls that Chinese could be effectively left out of the state leadership.

Adenan has avidly courted the Chinese electorate, while unpopular Najib has largely stayed away. This election, movement among Chinese voters will be decisive in the outcome. The BN hopes to wrestle back seats from the DAP in Sibu, Sarikei and Miri in seats such as Dudong, Repok, Meradong and Pujut, and set in place a national pattern of a return of the Chinese to the BN fold. The opposition is fighting hard to maintain Chinese loyalties, capitalising on concerns over corruption and the economy.

Meanwhile, the changes in voting among the Dayak communities over time have been more gradual. While the support levels of the Iban, Bidayuh and Orang Ulu remain consistently in favour of the BN above the majority in the last two polls, these levels of support have dropped over the last decade, by 5 percent for the Iban and Bidayuh and 10 percent for the Orang Ulu.

The 2016 campaign has focused on trying to win greater Dayak support, with opposition parties featuring their new and younger Dayak leaders and greater efforts in political engagement. The battlegrounds in the rural and semi-rural areas as well as debates around religion and representation will all be shaped by the votes of the Dayak community.

There is a perception that these communities can be easily influenced and are most impacted by money politics, notably vote buying. While clearly a factor in voting among the Dayak, it is important to recall that the surprise 1987 results were a product of a swing in Dayak support. The BN takes the Dayak support for granted and feeds the division within the community, using well-honed divide-and-rule tactics. Greater awakening with calls for better representation and leadership and splits among the Dayak communities could influence outcomes.

Generation mobilisation

Any changes along ethnic lines, if they do occur, are likely to come from the young. A third important trend in Sarawak has been greater mobilisation of the youth for the opposition. Looking at variation within ‘saluran’ or streams in different polling stations allows for an estimate of differences in voting by age. The opposition is winning a majority of younger voters, while the BN holds onto the older electorate.

Sarawak is an older electorate than in other states in the country. Only 12 percent of the 2016 voters are in their 20s, with another 21 percent in their 30s. By contrast, half of the electorate in West Malaysia is younger. The young in Sarawak have been leaving, in search of work and, in the past few years, registering elsewhere, especially in Johor and Selangor. Nearly a quarter of the electorate in Sarawak (23 percent) is over 60, with 3 percent over 80.

While the older age compensation gives the BN an advantage, the nearly a third of younger voters can and has had a meaningful impact. The effect of youth can be especially important in the urban and semi-rural areas. They account for much of the change in the BN’s support levels and whether they come out and continue to support the opposition this round will be decisive.

The BN has not openly courted the youth this election, and Adenan’s appeal among the young is not as strong as it is among older voters.

Changing voter turnout

The final tallies will importantly be shaped by how many people come out to vote. Youth voting turnout will be especially important.

Similar to Malaysians elsewhere, more Sarawakians have been coming to the polls. The 2013 general election was at a high mark for turnout in Sarawak, at 75.4 percent, up from 69.5 percent in the 2011 state polls. Voter turnout is important in Sarawak, as contests often come down to a handful number of votes, especially in fiercely-contested seats. In these close contests, voter turnout will affect the outcome, with higher voter turnout in close seats usually favouring the opposition.

There are important differences in turnout across the state. Traditionally, the BN’s more effective machinery and mobilisation of their supporters works to their advantage. For example, voter turnout in the BN’s core base, rural areas, is markedly higher than in urban areas. Similarly, as shown below, the BN is able to mobilise ethnic groups that give them an advantage, namely Malays/Melanau and Bidayuh – communities that have traditionally been among the BN’s highest supporters. In contrast, youth turnout is lower, as many younger voters do not even register, disadvantaging the opposition.

In the 2016 polls, turnout levels will likely drop, due to the lack of enthusiasm of the electorate for the campaign. The question will be by how much.

Who comes out will also shape the outcome. The opposition has been regularly calling for voters to return home. It is much easier (and less expensive) for the workers in Brunei to return than those across the South China Sea.

As polling day approaches, the variation and trends in support levels and political participation cannot be ignored. The dominance of the BN in their control of seats obscures important differences and changes that have been taking place. The BN is banking on stopping change in opposition voting trends to strengthen their advantage.

BRIDGET WELSH is Professor of Political Science at Ipek University, Senior Research Associate at the Center for East Asian Democratic Studies of National Taiwan University, Senior Associate Fellow of The Habibie Center, and University Fellow of Charles Darwin University.

This is the second piece in a five-part series in New Mandala. The next article focuses on money politics in Sarawak. Read the first article here. Bridget Welsh would like to thank Sarawakians who assisted with the classification of polling stations, seats and analysis.

Part 1:
‘Same Old’ in Sarawak campaign

Part 2:
Stopping ‘change’ – Sarawak’s electoral battlegrounds

Part 3:
It’s raining money in Sarawak

Part 4:
A ‘fixed’ result – Sarawak’s electoral distortions

Part 5:
Victory and insecurity – Sarawak results and trajectories

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 8 May 2016, 6:15 pm and is filed under
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Sungai Besar and Kuala Kangsar by-elections will be more reliable barometers of Najib’s fate in 14GE than the 11th Sarawak state general election

The Minister for Communications and Multimedia, Datuk Salleh Said Keruak may be wide off the mark to think that the Sarawak polls show that Barisan Nasional can win in the 14th General Election.

At least the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak was more realistic when  after Adenan Satem’s swearing-in  as Sarawak Chief Minister, he hailed Barisan Nasional’s victory as an indication of “Sarawakians’ confidence in Adenan’s leadership” – which is a very different matter from Sarawakians’ confidence in Najib’s leadership despite Najib’s hijacking of the Sarawak state general election from Adenan by being the Santa Claus of the BN election campaign of money politics.

Salleh should know that the impending parliamentary by-elections in Sungai Besar and Kuala Kangsar will be more reliable barometers of Najib’s fate in the 14GE than the just concluded 11th Sarawak state general electilns.

This is one of the several myths which  have  been born in the past 36 hours after the results of the 11th Sarawak state general election on Saturday night.

Others include that DAP Sarawak had been dealt a devastating blow by the “crushing” setbacks in the 11th Sarawak state general election,  that there is a major swing of urban voters to Barisan Nasional and that it was strategic mistake for the DAP to reach out to make inroads into the rural heartland.

Although DAP Sarawak had suffered a “crushing” defeat in Sarawak general election in the   context of our hopes in the 11th Sarawak state election and our 2011 state general election performance, I am uplifted that the electoral debacle on Saturday had not “crushed” the fighting spirit of DAP leaders and members who are even more committed and determined  to press on with the DAP’s political journey to ensure justice, freedom and human empowerment for all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or region,

Better understanding of the results of the Sarawak state general elections on Saturday  have clarified certain misconceptions about the 11th Sarawak state general election, for instance, that the DAP-PKR clash in six state assembly constituencies was  not the  reason for the BN victory although the voters are rightly disappointed and dismayed by the failure to present an united Pakatan Harapan front or that contrary to general expectations, Sarawak Barisan Nasional’s rural grip are actually weakening and not strengthening.

The very fact that the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and the Sarawak Chief Minister have to queue up to visit and  “rain” Tasik Biru with gifts, projects and promises to foil the election of the DAP candidate Modi Bimol is an indication not only of the massive firepower in the Barisan Nasional Sarawak election campaign but Sarawak BN’s  realisation that its  hold on the rural hinterland is not all that invincible.

The battle for the hearts and minds of Sarawakians and Malaysians must go on – to the Sungai Besar and Kuala Kangsar by-elections,  the 14th General Elections by 2018 and to the 12th Sarawak state general elections in 2021!

                This entry was posted on Monday, 9 May 2016, 11:03 am and is filed under
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The struggle I fought so hard for, and lost

Musa Ngog

Malaysiakini

9th May 2016

COMMENT
In my battle for the Tarat state seat, I lost more than half of the total votes in my own village. I even lost votes from my own relatives.

It is not a total surprise since some are so scared of me due to my standing in my political struggle.

I lost badly in Dunuk, the place where I grew up; Bisira, where I have my cousins, nieces and of course my close relatives from my father’s side. I also lost half of the votes in Marakep, the place of origin of my father. I lost in all the rural polling districts.

I saw fear in them when they are not allowed to hang my posters and flags. I even saw the impressions of uneasiness on my cousin’s face when I visited him to ask for help to hang my posters.

They fear being sidelined from all the goodies and assistance given by the Barisan National. Indeed, poverty doesn’t have power to make a change, since fear is always the enemy of change.

A few days before the Sarawak state election last Saturday, I was asked if I could give some money to them as they expected this from the BN. A sum of RM30 or more per vote, they said, would confirm votes for me for my Tarat seat battle.

I said to them that I cannot afford that, for I am running the state election with limited funding from the party and small amount of love gifts form friends, relatives and churches.

A group of youngsters asked for few bottles of liqueur and beer to have their votes. A man with red eyes and stinky breath came by and told me that I will never have his vote since I refuse to give a few shots of Tequila Sunrise. All I know is that I won’t change anything if I let them continue to get drunk and not go to work.

Not allowed to bring posters into village

I was given 15 minutes to walk around one village, but not allowed to bring my posters and flags into the village. I got a stern warning to not to campaign to my friends and relatives. I see oppressive power, arrogance and disrespect for politics by Umno-BN.

One of my team members was intimidated and almost got a punch on his face for being a Peninsular Malaysian and helping help me in the campaign.

We were approached by an assistant of a ketua kampung and he asked us to leave the village because the ketua kampung asked him to tell us so. He hates ‘Malaya’ over the issue of the use of the term ‘Allah’ by Christians.

I couldn’t say much for his ignorance, since his angry face didn’t show an invitation for a second opinion.

On the way back to the operations room, a man stopped us and almost landed a punch on one of my team members. Indeed, to them, ‘Malaya’ is a bad name for an opposition party but a saviour for Najib and Umno-BN.

I should have given the voters free meals for 10 straight days and nights. I should have given beers, liqueur and pork to win the votes. But can I make a change by doing these things?

During the campaigning period, I saw fear, oppression, ignorance and so much poverty, greed and arrogance. Yet, we marched on with some braveness and plenty of love because we cannot leave them behind.

I believe the 3,024 votes that were given to me were from the churches, former classmates, friends and relatives who believed in fairness, justice, liberty and good governance.

Till then, I will never get tired and lose my faith. This is not about an election itself, but a long struggle that only a few people can endure; the struggle to plant hope and work for change.

I will never surrender to ignorance, oppression, tyranny and greed. This is a noble struggle that the disciples had gone through to bring hope to the world.

Loving can be so hurtful, but it brings good things to those who give it to others.

Thank you, once again, to all the voters out there who were brave enough to make a change.

We lost the votes, but we won God’s commands and the integrity of good citizens.

You are not alone! God bless you.

MUSA NGOG, an IT support engineer, runs his Facebook page at #All4Sarawak.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 9 May 2016, 6:02 pm and is filed under
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1MDB Default Deters Funds as Malaysia Can’t Put Scandal to Bed

Denise Wee

Bloomberg

May 10, 2016

As Malaysia’s state-owned investment company reaches out to bondholders to explain why it has defaulted, some investors say they can’t wait to hear the end of the saga.

1Malaysia Development Bhd., which defaulted on dollar-denominated bonds last month and faces another coupon payment Wednesday, said it plans a call on May 23 to explain its dispute with a co-guarantor and how it plans to meet future obligations. Returns on debt from Malaysian issuers have cooled amid probes into financial irregularities at 1MDB, whose advisory board has been headed by Prime Minister Najib Razak.

“The political situation in Malaysia continues to be one of the biggest, I would say, hurdles for foreign investors,” said Arthur Lau, co-head of emerging-market fixed income in Hong Kong at PineBridge Investments, which manages about $83 billion globally. “In terms of fundamentals everything points to be quite O.K., especially now with oil prices rebounding. The only one thing that really drags is the political noise.”

The ringgit has slumped 2.8 percent this quarter, turning to Asia’s worst performer from its best in the first quarter. The cost of insuring the nation’s sovereign debt against default has risen 10 basis points since March 31 to 163. Malaysia’s corporate dollar bonds returned 1.1 percent in the period, slipping to seventh place from third place in the first three months, based on Bank of America Merrill Lynch indexes.

Headline Risk

Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad, the prime minister’s press secretary, didn’t immediately respond to an e-mail seeking comment.

Dollar bonds from Malaysian issuers are underperforming even as this quarter’s 20 percent crude rally brightens the outlook for the net oil exporter. While the finance ministry announced last week that 1MDB’s board will resign on May 31, previous efforts to draw a line under the scandal have failed. The fund announced plans last year to unwind assets.

“Headlines about 1MDB that keep coming back would probably be kind of a dampener and may give investors less reason to focus on the fundamentals,” said Euben Paracuelles, a Singapore-based economist at Nomura Holdings Inc. “It’s very hard for investors, given their experience last year, to kind of put it to bed.”

IPIC Dispute

The fund didn’t meet a $50 million coupon payment last month amid a dispute with co-guarantor Abu Dhabi’s International Petroleum Investment Co., which triggered cross defaults on 7.4 billion ringgit ($1.85 billion) of 1MDB debt. The company is due to pay another $52.4 million of interest on Wednesday on its 5.99 percent notes maturing in 2022, according to calculations based on Bloomberg data.

“1MDB will now actively engage with all holders in order to outline the next steps of the process,” the company said in a statement Monday. It is also asking investors to hold off any request for early repayment on its Islamic debt, a person familiar with the matter said last week. 1MDB’s spokesman couldn’t be reached for comment by phone and e-mail.

Pheona Tsang, head of fixed income at BEA Union Investment Management Ltd., which manages $6.8 billion, said that the ringgit has already priced in “a lot of political risk” and she is waiting for a further pullback to buy more. Christian de Guzman, senior analyst at Moody’s Investors Service, said that Malaysia is buffeted by the same shocks as other countries and all things considered, seems to be doing “somewhat alright.”

The default is the latest episode in financial scandals that have rocked 1MDB, already the target of investigations in Switzerland, the U.S. and Singapore into allegations ranging from money laundering to embezzlement. Both 1MDB and the premier have consistently denied wrongdoing.

AllianceBernstein has been underweight on Malaysia for “a while” and has a bearish view, said Jenny Zeng, Hong Kong-based portfolio manager for Asian credit, which manages about $479 billion.

“The 1MDB default is highlighting the risks of contingent liabilities on the sovereign,” she said. “If I look at Malaysia’s banking system and the sovereign, it’s on a gradually deteriorating trend.”

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 10 May 2016, 8:19 am and is filed under
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Islam Is Diversity and Contradictions

M. Bakri Musa

10th May 2016

Review of Shahab Ahmed’s What Is Islam. The Importance of Being Islamic

First of Two Parts

While holidaying on an island in the Indonesian Riau Province I came upon a communal graveyard. I was surprised that while the graves had markers, there were no individual identifications, no names or even dates of death. On enquiring, the villagers told me that this was to discourage ancestor worship. In Islam we worship Allah, and only Him. Any deviation would be shirk, a blasphemy.

            Yet only a few islands away on Pulau Penyengat, there is an elaborate mausoleum to honor the great poet Raja Ali Haji of Gurindam XII fame. On religious days and special occasions, villagers throng the site; at other times they come to pray for their children’s success at school.

            The inhabitants on both islands are devout Muslims. While we could readily comprehend and accept variations in Islam (or any faith for that matter) in different geographic areas and with different cultures, the people on both islands are all Malays. What gives?

            On a more substantive level, with my Minangkabau clan, inheritance goes exclusively to daughters, a direct and apparent defiance of the Koranic injunction that daughters get only half as much as sons. Yes, we Minangkabaus are also Malays and devout Muslims.

            If there are such glaring contradictions in the practice of Islam within a small homogenous society, imagine the situation across cultures and continents. The ummah (community) as a whole has failed or refuses to recognize this central and obvious reality.

            Much of the schisms ravaging the Muslim world today and in the past are rooted in this fundamental failure to accept much less embrace such differences. Every Muslim feels that his or her particular version of the faith is the only true one, the rest are but bida’a (adulterations), or worse. The consequence to this thinking is that every Muslim feels a messianic urge and rage to correct those “misled.”

            On the flip side, when some Muslim Nigerians and Afghanis behave like brutal savages, the entire global Islamic community gets blamed. To non-Muslims we are but a monolithic homogenous mass with the same ideals and aspirations.

            Shahab Ahmed’s What Is Islam. The Importance of Being Islamic addresses the reality of such conspicuous contradictions, dizzying diversity, and perplexing plurality within Islam. He focused on the vast arc of Muslim land from the Balkans to Bengal to illustrate his point that such diversity, plurality and outright contradictions are very much the norm in Islam, now and then. His somewhat oxymoronic but elegant phrase “coherent contradictions” does not in any way diminish that reality.

            Ahmed had a Southeast Asian connection. Born in Singapore of Pakistani ancestry, he graduated in law from the International Islamic University, Kuala Lumpur, and later blossomed in America. A Princeton PhD, he was on the faculty at Harvard where he completed his tome. He died recently in his forties.

            Scholars like Shahab Ahmed, trained in modern scholarship with its emphasis on critical thinking and rigorous analyses, shine new light on our faith. The Islam that we discover from such works is much more beautiful and relevant to our present ever increasingly diverse and interconnected world. That Islam is also a refreshing departure from the one projected by our traditional scholars, obsessed as they are with their dazzling quotations of the Koran, hadith, and the layers upon layers of ancient commentaries, or the “ideal” and “true” version as projected by reformers, ancient and contemporary, mesmerized as they are by their “enlightened” hermeneutics of our holy texts.

            Shahab Ahmed sought the meaning of Islam “in a manner that expresses the historical and human phenomenon . . . in its plenitude and complexity.” The book is an endeavor “to locate the logic of difference and contradiction as coherent with and internal to Islam.” Ahmed did not presume to tell readers how Islam should be practiced to ensure one’s personal salvation. As to who would end up in Heaven, well, that is, as Muslims put it, Allahu alam (only God knows!).

            This book is an account of what Islam means to its followers then and now, in the Balkans as well as Bengal, not what the ulamas and legal scholars think it ought to be. It is the Islam lived by its followers, not the prescriptive and proscriptive variety, or the halal versus haram version. The book however, is not a sociological treatise either in content or style. There are no surveys, graphs or statistical analyses, and the prose is highly readable. Technical terms and strange-sounding Arabic words are kept at a minimum.

            Shahab Ahmed began by posing six questions. What is Islamic about Islamic philosophy, considering that more than a few of its practitioners were non-Muslims; likewise with Islamic art? The next three questions pertain to some esoteric theological beliefs and practices of the Sufis that would rile up the Wahhabis and other conservatives.

            The sixth and most striking is the issue of imbibing wine. Every Muslim knows or thinks he knows that wine is haram. Yet wine drinking was common at one time in much of the Balkans-to-Bengal arc. Rumi’s canonical Divan makes frequent celebratory references to it. There were even wine decanters inscribed with Koranic verses, and used at state functions during the heyday of the Islamic empire.

            What is Islam gets great reviews. As a parenthetical aside, the snippets of glowing reviews reprinted on the book cover are from scholars whom the author had mentioned favorably in his book!

The book is over 600 pages, with drawn-out but not dense sentences, paragraphs that often extend well beyond the page, and chapters (there are only five) of mini-book length. Beyond that, the ideas and revelations presented require much contemplation to ponder and absorb. Nonetheless the reader is well rewarded in the end and could appreciate why the book is getting all those accolades. They are well deserved!

            The Koran asserts that Islam is “for all mankind, at all times, and till the end of time.” Our holy book also says that Allah in His infinite wisdom had created mankind in all its diversity. As such, Islam must of necessity be a very big tent. We should not be surprised then that those on the western or sun-setting side would dress and behave differently from those on the eastern cooler part, or those on the northern side would view the world differently and speak a different language, with words, imageries, and metaphors carrying entirely different meanings.

            Consider language. The Koran was revealed in a language understood by the Bedouins. Its words, metaphors and imageries did not arise in a vacuum rather they were the ones frequently used and well understood by those early Arabs. The denotations and connotations however, may have changed over time and place. They may well be at variance with the original usage.

            Take the word ‘poetry.’ During the prophet’s time, poets were hired to assassinate characters or ridicule them. Poets were literary whores; their words may be poetic and stir emotions, but they were whores nonetheless. Today we hold poets in high esteem. Same word but vastly different if not diametrically opposed meaning.

            Likewise imagery; consider Hell as depicted in the Koran, an eternal inferno. What would be the imagery had Almighty Allah chosen not an Arab but an Eskimo to be His Last Messenger?

            That brings me to the story of the priest sent to the frigid North to preach among the natives there. On his very first fire-and-brimstone midnight sermon he warned his flock of the severe punishment of Hell awaiting those who transgressed God’s laws. Imagine his horror when the very next morning his parishioners were all gleefully indulging themselves! When asked they responded, “But Father, we want to go to that place where the big fire burns all the time!”

            Same imagery, but evoking vastly different emotions and meaning!

            To understand the Text (Koran), we would first have to comprehend the pre-revelation language, or what Ahmed referred to as the “Pre-Text,” as with the meaning of poets. Then we would have to appreciate the “Con-Text,” as with the imagery of Hell.

Much of the discussions on Islam today, in the West and in the Muslim world, involve languages and expressions of the dominant West, as with secular versus religious. Such dichotomy, with its constricting either/or proposition, while appropriate in the West with its history of heavy Church involvement in the affairs of state, is irrelevant in Islam or alien in its history or culture. If anything in Islam, as Noah Feldman noted in his The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State, ulamas and scholars served as bulwarks against the excesses of the state and sultans.

At least that was the traditional roles of scholars and ulamas. Today as exemplified in Malaysia and elsewhere, they have been co-opted by the state to be its instruments for control and repression. Recall the wisdom of Sa’adi Shirazi’s Gulistan: Hell is full of scholars who were close to rulers; heaven with rulers who befriended ulamas.

            Islam is more than a religion, our imams remind us often. It is all encompassing. An either/or dichotomy is inadequate. More relevant would be a spectrum or “axis of values,” not between religious or secular but along such lines as public and private, or state and personal. Spectrum means that boundaries are fuzzy, and would vary with circumstances. Instead of having to make a dichotomous choice, we have instead a hierarchy of values that is fluid, malleable, and changeable.

            Thus what is haram or unacceptable in the public arena is very much tolerated if not embraced (pardon the pun) in the privacy of one’s bedroom. Consider this legend attributed to Caliph Omar, may Allah be pleased with him.

            On one of his famous “walk-about” management routines, he came upon an unmarried couple engaged in what Malaysians would call khalwat, in the privacy of their quarters. The Caliph barged in and pronounced them guilty of adultery, and handed them the ultimate punishment, stoning to death (at least for the woman), as prescribed in the Koran.

            After the Caliph had finished his ranting, the man calmly admitted that yes he and his partner had indeed committed a sin against God, as per the Koran, but the Caliph on the other hand had wronged the couple by invading their privacy, also haram as per the Koran. The great Caliph, recognizing his error, apologized and recanted his verdict.

            The central point here is that in Islam, the latter – wronging your fellow man – is the far more serious offence than transgressing God’s laws. A Generous and All-Forgiving Allah may forgive you, not so your fellow man whom you have wronged.

            The other and far more relevant point is the primacy of personal privacy. Even the great Caliph had to respect that. In Malaysia today we are obsessed with khalwat raids in hotels while the swindling of public funds done openly by our leaders is condoned if not considered praiseworthy. With the former you transgress God’s laws; the latter, you wronged the rakyats by robbing them of their due.

            Caliph Omar recognized this hierarchy and spectrum of values implicit in Islam. No wonder he is universally held as the greatest Commander of our Faith.

Next:  Second of Two Parts:  Learning Islam From Muslims, and Muslims Learning Islam

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 10 May 2016, 7:19 am and is filed under
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Najib has  gained no respite for Malaysia or for himself on the 1MDB global scandal despite the landslide Barisan Nasional victory in Sarawak state general elections on Saturday

JP Morgan Asia’s downgrade of Malaysia’s status to underweight is the  latest bad news for Malaysia and potent testimony that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak has gained no respite for Malaysia or for himself on the 1MDB global scandal  despite the landslide Barisan Nasional victory in Sarawak state general election on Saturday.

The equity research team cited concern about Malaysian banks, which also account for about 30 percent of the iShares MSCI Malaysia ETF (EWM),  as one of the main reasons for the downgrade.

It said: “Negative outlook on financials driven by increasing credit costs due to declining loan and deposit growth. Banks are grappling with rising non-performing loans (expected to peak at 3.1 percent in 2018).”

The iShares MSCI Malaysia ETF had fallen 7.7 percent in the second quarter, which makes it the second worst performing market in Asia after Taiwan.

In the past fortnight, while Najib has led the campaign in the Sarawak state elections to rain money throughout the state, Malaysia has not ceased to be at  the receiving end of adverse international developments and references, like being named number two by The Economist in its second index of crony capitalism, just behind Russia which clinched the crony capitalism crown.

The Economist’s ranking for Malaysia is against the backdrop of the global fraud investigations into the RM50 billion 1MDB scandal, which had already gained  for the country a string of  infamous world rankings  – like the international website, foreignpolicy.com’s ranking for host country for the  third “world corruption scandal of 2015” and TIME magazine’s citation of Malaysia as the second worst example of global corruption in March.

The landslide Barisan Nasional victory in the Sarawak state general elections have not checked the velocity of Malaysia hurtling down the slippery slope towards a failed and a rogue state, with the widening global web of international fraud and money laundering investigations implicating more and more international institutions and personalities.

Will this issue be the top agenda of Parliament when it reconvenes on Monday on 16th May or will Parliament “sleep-walk” for the eight parliamentary sittings as if the first global scandal does not exist in Malaysia and that it was  the whole wide world which is hallucinating about the 1MDB scandal and its adverse effects?

The Prime Minister should  present a White Paper on the 1MDB scandal, taking into account the report of the Public Accounts Committee on the 1MDB, stating the government’s position on the nation’s first global scandal, and to set aside at least three days for debate on the Government White Paper on 1MDB.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 10 May 2016, 4:49 pm and is filed under
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Sarawak Win Buys Malaysia Premier Time as Economic Risks Mount

Shamim Adam

Bloomberg

May 9, 2016

A state election win for Malaysia’s ruling coalition has given Prime Minister Najib Razak breathing space after months of political turmoil, while serving as a reminder he needs to focus on the economy to avoid becoming a liability to his party before the next national vote.

Barisan Nasional secured a bigger majority in Sarawak, the nation’s largest state located on Borneo island and across the South China Sea from peninsular Malaysia.

Najib visited the state frequently over the past two months, shifting last week’s cabinet meeting there as he campaigned alongside Chief Minister Adenan Satem.

Even as he carries back the message to his United Malays National Organisation — the lead party in BN — that he can still help win elections, the Sarawak polls show Najib can’t afford to let bread-and-butter issues slide with voters. Malaysians are contending with rising prices that are eating into disposable incomes and eroding consumer confidence, while a debt default by a government investment fund could pose a threat to state finances.

“UMNO loves a winner so Najib will try to build on this momentum,” said James Chin, director of the Asia Institute at the University of Tasmania. Still, “if Najib cannot get the economy right, and the ringgit keeps falling again, then he will be in deep trouble.”

The Malaysian currency is the worst performer in Asia this quarter after outperforming all others in the first three months of 2016. Debt-ridden fund 1Malaysia Development Bhd. — whose advisory board the premier has chaired — defaulted on a $1.75 billion bond last month and faces another coupon payment this week. The investment company is the subject of global investigations into alleged money laundering and embezzlement.

“As the Sarawak state election gets done and dusted, it’s time to shift the focus back” to 1MDB, Tony Pua, an opposition lawmaker with the Democratic Action Party, said in a Facebook post on Saturday. 1MDB has denied any wrongdoing over its finances.

Mahathir’s Campaign

Questions are still being asked by Najib’s detractors, including former premier Mahathir Mohamad, of the $681 million that appeared in his accounts before the 2013 election. The ruling coalition, in power since independence in 1957, won that vote by its slimmest margin yet, with the next national poll due by 2018. The government said the money was a private donation from the Saudi royal family, and most of it was later returned.

While the powerful divisional chiefs in UMNO have largely backed party president Najib through his worst political crisis since coming to power seven years ago, their support may wane if they believe he is a liability to lead them into the next election.

Ethnic Malays make up the bulk of supporters for the UMNO-led coalition, and Najib has often relied on handouts to the poor to bolster his standing. With the economy slowing, he needs to close the door on the funding scandals to focus on improving living standards for voters, while staying on an austerity path to satisfy credit rating companies. There is still public anger over a goods and services tax implemented last year.

Funding Development

Pledges of development probably swung ballots in Sarawak, and a “weak” opposition failed to capitalize on dissatisfaction over the GST, said Faisal S. Hazis, head of the Centre for Asia Studies at the National University of Malaysia. Opposition parties fielded multiple candidates in some seats.

Najib told reporters on Saturday that voters saw the benefits the consumption tax would bring in improving the nation’s finances and funding development. BN under Najib has promised money for everything from roads to hospitals.

“This is the first election after the introduction of GST” and serves as an important barometer on its impact on the electorate, Faisal said.

Najib called on civil servants at a regular meeting on Monday to monitor the needs of voters in Sarawak and neighboring Sabah state, ensuring they have quality roads and equipping longhouses with utilities, according to the official Bernama news agency.

Sarawak Shares

Shares of Cahya Mata Sarawak Bhd., a manufacturer of building materials based in Kuching, rose as much as 2.3 percent Monday, while Gamuda Bhd. gained as much as 2.1 percent. Infrastructure and construction companies are expected to benefit from Barisan Nasional’s win as projects announced by the state government are set to proceed.

Gross domestic product is forecast by the government to increase 4 percent to 4.5 percent in 2016, after an expansion of 5 percent last year. The economy grew at the slowest pace in more than two years in the final quarter of 2015 and data this week may confirm economists’ predictions that it eased further last quarter.

Indifference to the Najib and 1MDB-related scandals was one factor cited by analysts for Barisan Nasional winning 72 of 82 seats in the Sarawak assembly. Over on the peninsula, voters may be more attuned to the turmoil surrounding the premier.

“Confidence is a major issue for Malaysia, and Najib needs as much political boost as he can get at the moment,” Trinh Nguyen, an economist at Natixis Asia Ltd. in Hong Kong, said in a report earlier in May. “The 1MDB saga is likely to continue to sap confidence on his management of the economy.”

Potential By-Elections

Najib may have to test the public mood again soon. A helicopter crash in Sarawak last week killed six people including two UMNO parliamentarians, whose deaths could trigger by-elections for the vacated seats. That decision lies with the Election Commission.

For now, the prime minister’s supporters are claiming the Sarawak win as a defeat for Mahathir’s campaign against him. Mahathir, who was premier for over two decades, has repeatedly said UMNO will lose the next general election if Najib is leader.

“The people have again approved BN’s policies that have brought new jobs, inclusive development, and security and stability to all Malaysians,” said Abdul Rahman Dahlan, minister for housing, local government and urban wellbeing. For Mahathir, “the result also proves his claim that the prime minister must be removed as BN will lose elections under his leadership is just another lie.”

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 10 May 2016, 8:01 am and is filed under
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