The myths of S’wak polls results

By
Bridget Welsh

The dust has begun to settle on the 10th Sarawak polls with the BN touting its retention of the two-thirds majority as a victory, while Pakatan Rakyat points to the more than doubling of its seats. This was the most competitive state election in Sarawak’s history and was hard fought by both sides.

BN, led by Prime Minister Najib Razak essentially camped in the state for 10 days to assure the two-thirds, while the opposition also focused is national machinery in Sarawak, bringing in the top guns from Peninsular Malaysia and thousands of party workers.

A closer look at the results show that the opposition has made impressive ground, despite its failure to break the two-thirds threshold. Sarawak is no longer BN’s fixed deposit, and trends in mobilisation and support suggest that it is even more likely not to be so unless Sarawak BN radically changes how it governs.

Myth of Chinese-only swing

The spin on this election reflects a similar tone of 2006, focusing on the gains in urban seats and Chinese voters. The implicit threat in Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud’s statement that the Chinese will pay for their lack of loyalty highlights the perception that the losses are the product of continued Chinese support for the opposition.

In terms of sheer number of voters for the opposition, this is correct. In all the Chinese-majority seats – from Padungan to Bukit Assek – the level of support for the opposition increased, both in number of votes and share of the vote.

This reflected the dynamic – almost electrifying – opposition campaign in the urban areas, especially in Miri where voters experienced the political awakening that their counterparts in Kuching had experienced in 2006, and in Sibu at the 2010 by-election.

No question about it, a growing number of Chinese supported the opposition in Sarawak. The interesting finding from the results, however, is that they are not alone, and in fact the Chinese swing toward the opposition is comparatively less (yes, less) than the changes within other communities.

By comparing the 2011 results with those of 2006, I trace the changes in voter turnout and share of support (percentage of majority among voters who turned out to vote) for the opposition at the seat level and, when appropriate and with available data, the polling stream level.

The preliminary findings highlight that the movement is greatest in mixed constituencies, and significant movement occurred across the ethnic communities, even the Malays.

Let’s begin with the mobilisation of voters across ethnicities. The 2011 polls show an impressive increase in voter turnout, in keeping with the increased competitiveness of the election. The greatest turnout increase was among the Malays, where the PBB machinery was well-honed, as more voters were brought to the polls, followed by increased participation of Chinese and Iban voters.

What this impressive increase in mobilisation across groups reveals is that Sarawakians recognised their power as voters and came out to vote in an unprecedented manner. This highlights the growing appreciation of political power in Sarawak and engagement with politics, which is in keeping with the unprecedented crowds at ceramah across the state, even in the rural areas.

The table (left) also highlights that the change in voting across the ethnic communities. The greatest movement compared to 2006 was in mixed seats, followed by movement in the Orang Ulu community in places such as Ba’Kelalan (where Baru Bian won his seat) but also places such as Telang Usan.

The share of movement in Orang Ulu-majority seats is large, a 20% swing. These numbers can be a bit deceiving in that the actual numbers of voters in Sarawak are small and 20% can reflect a small number of voters in the small constituencies, yet nevertheless, the swing is significant.

Ibans and Bidayuhs too change loyalities

Why then, given the swing, did the seats not move into opposition hands? The reason is simple – before 2011 opposition support in some of these areas was minuscule. In many constituencies, the opposition needed more than a 40% change to win. Yet there has been a very large swing, which is much larger than the swing in Peninsular Malaysia in 2008.

From my perspective, the most interesting ethnic changes occurred in the Malay/Melanau, Iban and Bidayuh areas. A look at the seat tally suggests that Malays are squarely in the BN camp. The PBB won all 35 of its seats and PAS failed to win a single seat, even in the close contest of Beting Maro.

The Malay/Melanau seats are interesting in a number of ways. First, the pattern towards the opposition varies, with a few of the seats moving even more strongly toward the BN, such as Sadong Jaya, and as such, the pattern is uneven.

Yet the Malay/Melanau ground was more competitive with more straight fights and more contests, such as in Daro and Dalat. PAS, in particular, made inroads. To suggest that the Malay/Melanau community is firmly behind the BN is wrong. Their support is changing as well, in spite of the ethnic campaigning and use of the racial card.

The Iban and Bidayuh majority seats also followed the pattern of opposition gains. In Iban areas, there was less movement in the share of the vote and like the Malay/Melanau seats the pattern was not consistent across seats toward the opposition, with some increased support towards the BN in Engkilili, but overall, the Iban have also changed loyalties.

 As is shown in this table (right), this occurred most starkly in semi-rural areas.

The Bidayuh seats were seen to be those that would have determined whether the opposition broke the two-thirds or not. Pakatan hoped to pick up at least three of these Bidayuh seats, as sentiment on the ground toward the BN had shifted due to the religious issues and persistent exclusion of this group from economic benefits.

Higher education among the Bidayuh had increased awareness and exposure to political issues. The opposition failed to win a single seat, but here too the gains in the share of majority were impressive – an estimated 17.9% swing.

The bottom line is that the view that this election was the product of a bifurcated pattern of support – Chinese with the opposition and other groups with the BN – is wrong. Every group expressed serious concerns with the BN, and this was driven primarily with angst toward the long tenure and perceived excesses of the chief minister.

The urban voters myth

It is thus not surprising that given the changes across the board across ethnic communities, another myth needs to be shattered, namely that the opposition support is only in the urban areas.

Much has been made that the opposition won two very rural seats, Ba’kelalan and Krian. Yet, the most significant gains in terms of seats were in the semi-rural areas – for example, Batu Kawah, Dudong, Piasau (which has a large semi-rural area). The close fight in Senadin is also illustrative.

My preliminary analysis at the seat level shows that the gains in semi-rural seats were more than in the other areas, 19.7% compared to 14.8% in the rural areas and 13.4% in the urban communities.

The ‘safe’ seats in the urban periphery are no longer ‘safe’. The change in voting pattern reflected not just Chinese support for Pakatan, but Iban and Bidayuh support as well. In fact, what is especially interesting is that the movement in support in rural areas is more than the share in urban areas (although it is important to note that the urban areas have more voters).

More than anything, these findings point illustrate how much the ‘fixed deposit’ is no longer secure. Semi-rural and rural cracks in BN support are part of the new Sarawak, a more competitive polity that has become increasingly receptive to a stronger two-party system and critical of BN governance, especially in the areas of corruption.

The growing youth revolution

The election of young candidates in the opposition in some cases fresh out to university may come as a surprise to some, but it highlights the final important dynamic in this election, the massive movement among young voters away from the BN.

Drawing from the study of ‘saluran’ results in seven seats so far, from the Miri, Kuching and Bidayuh areas (semi-rural and urban seats), the findings suggest that a youth revolt has occurred.

In the lower polling streams, where new voters are concentrated, more than 70% of voters opposed the BN. Given the largely young crowds at rallies, especially in Kuching and Miri, this is no surprise.

We see two pattern – higher mobilisation of younger voters, an estimated 16% increase in turnout compared to older voters, and an overwhelming level of support for Pakatan among younger voters in the lower streams, with a change in trend of over 25%. In 2006, there was already stronger support for the opposition among the youth, but this appears to have significantly increased.

When one considers the high number of younger voters that did not register, estimated in the 100,000s in Sarawak, and the large number of younger voters working outstation, these results should be quite worrying for the BN indeed. The fact that the election came before Gawai (harvest festival) is also important as it is likely that when younger voters returned home possibly further movement from the BN could have occurred.

Many a younger voter in my exit interviews highlighted the fact that they convinced their parents (and grandparents) to change support. The youthful composition of voting this election compared to 2006 shows that indeed a revolution among younger voters has occurred in Sarawak.

Rise of a new Sarawak

These results are preliminary and need to further confirmed with the official results at the ‘saluran’ (polling stream) level. This analysis is drawn from the newspaper publication of results and ‘saluran’ results that have been made available immediately after the polls, so the numbers should be seen as indicators of trends rather than absolutes.

These findings collectively show that there is indeed a new Sarawak, that voters across races, across geographic areas and especially the state’s future are no longer supporting the BN to the same degree. While the two-thirds may not have been broken, profound political change did come to Sarawak.

It remains to be seen whether the opposition can continue the momentum or the BN will address the root causes of the discontent, but irrespective of this, Sarawak remains critical for the political direction of the country – now more than ever.

——–

DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University and she can be reached at bwel
[email protected]
. She was in Sarawak to observe the state election.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 19 April 2011, 2:39 pm and is filed under
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Why do Christians use the word Allah in their Malay language Bible and not tuhan?

By
N H Chan

It is because Christians, Jews and Muslims worship the same God as the God of Abraham

Before we all get confused, it is necessary to point out at the outset that the word which is spelt ‘Allah’ is an English word because it is written in English. The word which bears the same spelling in the National Language is a copy of that word which was first spelt in English in the sixteenth century. The English word Allah is the phonetic spelling of the Arabic word for God.

We all know that the Malay word for god is tuhan. We also know that the God of the Muslims is Allah which is actually what this word sounds like in Arabic. Since most of us do not read or write Arabic, we tend to take the phonetic spelling of the Arabic word for God as used in English dictionaries. However, from the point of view of Christians, Christians worship the same God as Muslims do. The God of Christians and the God of Muslims is the same God as the God of Abraham. So that if you are a Christian, the choice of using the word Allah in their Malay language Bible is obvious since Christians also worship Allah which is the Malay language equivalent – since Malay uses the same English phonetic spelling – of the God of Muslims. In this country to be Malay is to be a Muslim.

Christians will not use the word ‘God’ in their Malay language Bible because God is an English word and therefore it is an inappropriate word if it is used in a Malay language Bible. In a Malay language Bible only Malay words should be used. But tuhan, although it is a Malay word for god, is not an appropriate word to use in the context and sense of the Bible. Christians who use Malay in their Bible will never use tuhan for their God because tuhan is other people’s god; it is not the God intended in the Bible. Just as Malay Muslims will never use tuhan for their God even though it is a Malay word for god because their God as well as the Christians’ God is the same God that Abraham (Ibrahim) worshipped – no one really knows exactly when Abraham lived; a traditional view is 1750 to 1500 BC.

Here is an example why tuhan is unsuitable to Muslims and Christians. Taoism is common among the Chinese – not all Chinese because there are also Chinese Christians and Chinese Muslims, indeed there are more Chinese Muslims in China then the entire population of Muslims in Malaysia and Indonesia combined – in China a Chinese Bible is written in Mandarin and Allah is written in Chinese phonetic characters to represent the sound of the Arabic word. A Taoist worships many gods both in heaven and in hell – I always think it is because the Chinese people want to play it safe, because either way they have appeased the deities. I don’t think any Christian or Muslim who uses Malay would worship tuhan even if you say tuhan is a Malay word for god! This is because they only worship their own God who was the God of Abraham (Ibrahim).

In the English Bible the name for God in Christianity is spelt with a capital G to mean the only God.

Allah is Arabic for God. Monotheism is the belief that there is only one god. In today’s world, the reality is, only Jews, Christians and Muslims worship only one god who was the God of Abraham.

The Muslim God is spelt in any English dictionary as ‘Allah’ since the sixteenth century and it means ‘the name of God among Muslims’. In Malaysia it is also spelt exactly the same way as the English spelling when the National Language came into being after Merdeka. Both languages use Roman letters in their alphabet.

Glossary

Allah is Arabic for
The God
 – for al-Ilah, i.e.
al
 (the)
 Ilah
(God): see Collins English Dictionary which gives the etymology of the Arabic word for God:

	[C16: from Arabic, from
 al
 the +
Ilah
 god; compare Hebrew eloah]

If you do not already know, Arabic is the language of the Arabs who is one of a branch of the Semitic race. Aramaic pertains to the northern Semitic languages, the biblical name for ancient Syria. And Hebrew is a person belonging to the Semitic race descended from Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; Jewish is their language: The Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology.

Also in the same Dictionary of English Etymology you will find:

Semite
   Hebrew, Arab, Assyrian or Aramaean, regarded as a descendent of Shem (Gen. X): see The Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology.

Collins English Dictionary:

Semite
 or
Shemite
  n.  1. a member of the group of Caucasoid peoples who speak a semitic language, including the Jews and Arabs as well as the ancient Babylonians, Assyrians and Phoenicians.

Semitic
 or
Shemitic
  n.  1. A branch or subfamily of the Afro-Asiatic family of languages that includes Arabic, Hebrew, Araimaic, Amharic, and such ancient languages as Akkadian and Phoenician.

Shem
  n.  Old Testament.  The eldest of Noah’s three sons (Genesis 10:21).

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 19 April 2011, 2:11 pm and is filed under
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Call for “1Melayu, 1Bumi” by Utusan Malaysia final confirmation that Najib’s 1Malaysia campaign is big  vote-getting circus

Utusan Malaysia, Umno’s official organ, today provided the final confirmation that Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s 1Malaysia campaign is not a serious nation-building concept but a big vote-getting sham and circus involving 1Malaysia T-shirt, 1M Tupperware, 1M mineral water, 1M burger, 1M email a/c and other new-fangled 1M paraphernalia yet to be conjured up by 1M fortune hunters.

Utusan Malaysia’s call today for UMNO to spearhead a 1Melayu, 1Bumi movement involving all Malay parties, based on the lie and canard that the DAP is intent on toppling the country’s Malay leadership, marks the culmination of a two-year anti-1Malaysia campaign by Utusan Malaysia.

This is irresponsible and anti-national politicking at the gutter worst – trying to pit race against race in plural Malaysia based on  lies, calumnies and falsehoods.

This is the old politics of race which must give way to the politics of Malaysian multi-racialism which Utusan Malaysia editors and their  “real masters” are fighting against and resisting  to the last – but are condemned to defeat.

In the early decades of nationhood, such a racist and anti-national call would have immediately created race tensions in the country but Malaysians of all races are now mature and can see through the hypocrisy and chicanery of the Utusan Malaysia’s 1Melayu, 1Bumi call.

Malaysians of all races want change not because they are anti-Malay or anti-Chinese, anti-Indian, anti-Iban or anti-Kadazan but because they do not want a small coterie of Malays, Chinese, Indians, Ibans and  Kadazans camouflaging under the guise of race champions merely to feather their own nests.

DAP had never been a political party for the Chinese, but a Malaysian political party for all Malaysians – Malays, Chinese, Indian, Ibans, Kadazans and orang asli.

In the 1969 general elections, more Indian MPs were elected on the DAP ticket than the MIC.  Malay DAP leaders had also been elected as Member of Parliament as well as State Assemblymen in the history of the party.

DAP was also the first Pan-Malaysian political party, with branches not only in Peninsular states but also in Sarawak and Sabah. In fact, the major DAP breakthroughs in the 416 Sarawak general elections were also the result of 33 years of hard political work – of blood, sweat and tears –  of Malaysians and Sarawakians who believe in a just and equal society for all Malaysians and Sarawakians and not just for any one ethnic group.

In making the irresponsible anti-national call today, Utusan Malaysia has in fact put Najib to the test – whether he is prepared to bring Utusan Malaysia into line and discipline those who are blatantly challengning his 1Malaysia policy or whether he is an UMNO President who is not in full charge of Umno, ceding real Umno power to the Umno kingmakers lurking  in the shadows.

Utusan Malaysia’s 1Melayu, 1Bumi call has also put all the other Barisan Nasional component parties to the test.

MCA President Datuk Chua Soi Lek had been egging on SUPP to boycott the Sarawak state cabinet on the ground that it had lost the Chinese community’s support in the Sarawak state elections.

When asked why MCA  had not been consistent with regard to MCA Ministers and Deputy Ministers in the federal cabinet after the 2008 general elections, Chua said it had nothing to do with him and blamed it on former MCA President Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat (although it was Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting who was the MCA President who presided over the MCA losses in the 2008 general elections).

Chua did not explain why after he became MCA President, he did not direct the MCA Ministers and Deputy Ministers to resign from the Cabinet but instead ensured that his son became Deputy Minister and appointed several of his MCA confidantes into government through the Senate “backdoor”.

Now, what is Chua and MCA’s position and response to Utusan Malaysia’s 1Melayu, 1 Bumi call especially as Utusan Malaysia implied that such a 1Melayu, 1Bumi campaign would have MCA blessing under his leadership.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 20 April 2011, 4:08 pm and is filed under
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Experts doubtful of 1 Malaysia e-mail security

By
Yow Hong Chieh
 | TMI

KUALA LUMPUR, April 20 — Computer security experts have questioned the rationale behind the 1 Malaysia e-mail initiative and whether the Najib administration can keep the service secure and affordable.

Open source expert Colin Charles said he did not think it was a good idea for Malaysians to use an e-mail account controlled by the government as there was no guarantee its contents would remain safe.

“The worst that can happen is that someone in the government can read your e-mail,” he told The Malaysian Insider.

“My general advice is: don’t use the e-mail account to write about anything you care about.”

While he thought it an interesting idea, Charles was sceptical of the project’s long-term viability given that Datuk Seri Najib Razak would eventually have to step down as prime minister at some point.

Charles explained the prime minister’s successor would want to stamp his mark politically and was therefore unlikely to continue any of Najib’s 1 Malaysia initiatives, including the e-mail account.

Another expert, Gareth Davies, said it would be costly to provide e-mail accounts for every Malaysian aged 18 and above, estimated to number some 16 million.

“Even if they had 16 million accounts and you give everyone 100 megabytes… that’s a lot of storage,” he pointed out.

“And that’s only 100 megabytes. Imagine if they give one gigabyte,” Gareth said, adding that this was even before the cost of computer architecture, bandwidth, staff, management and software was factored in.

Najib announced yesterday all Malaysians aged 18 and above will be given secure 1 Malaysia e-mail accounts that will allow direct and secure communication between the public and the government.

The account is also part of a new one-stop web portal for government services, which will include social networking features as well as online bill payment and citizen application facilities.

The project is owned and operated by IT company Tricubes Berhad, which will use software from Microsoft — the company that now owns the free Hotmail account service.

The 1 Malaysia email service is part of Najib’s Economic Transformation Programme (ETP) to achieve developed nation status by 2020.

He said today that the RM50 million investment will have a gross national income (GNI) impact of RM39 million up to 2015 and will enhance delivery of public services.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 20 April 2011, 10:42 am and is filed under
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Government says voluntary, but 1 Malaysia email KPI 100pc by 2015

By
 Jahabar Sadiq

Editor

The Malaysian Insider

April 20, 2011

KUALA LUMPUR, April 20 — Several firms were invited to bid for the 1 Malaysia email project last November and demonstrate a 100 per cent take-up rate for the service, contradicting the Najib administration’s statement that the account is not compulsory.

The Malaysian Insider understands the key performance indicator (KPI) for the project was a 50 per cent take-up rate for those above 18-years old by 2012, before increasing to 100 per cent by 2015.

The winning  bidder also had to demonstrate how it would get 50 per cent of the email account holders to use its value added services such online bill payment and public record searches  by 2020, according to a document seen by The Malaysian Insider.

However, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, who announced the project yesterday, clarified early this morning that the email account is entirely voluntary.

“Before I sleep, let me clarify that the 1Malaysia E Mail is a private sector project. No public money is involved n entirely voluntary,” the prime minister wrote in his @NajibRazak Twitter account at 12.31am this morning.

His statement came hours after his Performance and Management Delivery Unit (Pemandu) officials also took to the micro-blogging service to quell a furore over the email service, which some said was a waste of the announced RM50 million investment.

“1Msia Email address is NOT compulsory for all Msians. 1Msia Email is a private sector-led initiative by Tricubes (Berhad), with investment from the company & NOT the govt,” said Pemandu through its @etp_roadmap Twitter account.

Both statements contradicted Tricubes Bhd’s filing to the Bursa Malaysia early this month on April 4, in which the IT firm said it had been awarded the email project by the Malaysian Administrative Modernisation and Management Planning Unit (Mampu).

“The Board of Directors of TRICUBES wishes to announce that the Company has on 4 April 2011 accepted the appointment by the Government of Malaysia represented by Malaysian Administrative Modernisation and Management Planning Unit (MAMPU) vide MAMPU’s letter of award dated 29 March 2011 to implement the 1 Malaysia Email Project.

“TRICUBES will enter into a definitive agreement with Government of Malaysia to finalise the detailed terms and conditions of the appointment in due course. This announcement is dated 4 April 2011,” it said to the local bourse.

The statement did not specify financing or payment details of the project.

Guidelines issued by Mampu and shown to The Malaysian Insider said the 1 Malaysia email project under the E-Government initiative is “for each citizen above the age of 18 years to be assigned a unique official email account and ID … It will provide value-added services such as online bill payment, public record search and others,” it added.

It is understood as many as five companies were invited to pitch for the project by Mampu although it was unclear why the task was given to civil service unit that manages the public service.

Mampu had asked the bidders coming for the presentation to illustrate:

*  A business model and sustainability plan to fund this mega project which will support an estimate of 16 million population who are aged 18 and above with trillions of online transactions.

* An estimation of the sources of revenue, project cost, key stakeholders, stimulus to encourage usage besides a mandate from the government, data security, etc.

It then set the project KPI at a 50 per cent take-up rate for the email account by Malaysians 18 and above in 2012, growing to the maximum of 100 per cent by 2015.

Mampu also asked the companies to ensure that value added services usage is 15 per cent of all registered users by 2012, 30 per cent by 2015 and 50 per cent by 2020.

In a statement issued last night, Tricubes chief executive Khairun Zainal Mokhtar reiterated that the “1 Malaysia Email project is a Private Funding Initiative (PFI) and therefore private sector driven”.

He said the project is to offer “centralised e-government services such as online notifications and digital bill statements from government agencies”.

“While we are currently unable to reveal all the details of our business model for the 1 Malaysia Email project as a company listed on Bursa Malaysia, Tricubes has underlined key strategies to ensure commercial viability including advertising and future e-services transactions.

“Private testing is already under way as we prepare towards system readiness,” Khairun said.

His statement did not address concerns about the company’s status under Bursa Malaysia’s Guidance Notice 3 (GN3) for firms that have been asked for a financial regularisation plan or risk delisting.

According to the company’s note, Tricubes was involved in the nationwide deployment of the country’s identity card system called MyKad.

Najib had said the project will have a gross national income (GNI) impact of RM39 million up to 2015 that will allow direct and secure communications between Malaysian citizens and the government, as well as enhance the delivery of government services to consumers and businesses alike.

But critics say the government should focus on infrastructure project such as providing clean water or broadband across the country rather than working on a free email service which is already available through Hotmail, Yahoo! and Google Inc.

Tricubes has said it is collaborating with Hotmail service owner Microsoft Corp for the project but no details were forthcoming.

Malaysians already enjoy online services such as MyEG and utilise banking portals to pay for a variety of utilities and services without the usage of email accounts.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 20 April 2011, 7:50 am and is filed under
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Pemandu takes fire as hostility grows over 1 Malaysia email a/c

By
Shannon Teoh
 | TMI

KUALA LUMPUR, April 20 — The Performance Management and Delivery Unit (Pemandu) today reiterated the 1 Malaysia email accounts project is a private sector initiative — despite a report that the government had invited bids last November for a RM50 million government services internet solution.

Within 15 minutes of the clarification going live on its Twitter account, @etp_roadmap, Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin questioned if the private investment to fund the project was being guaranteed by the government.

The government’s Malaysian Administrative Modernisation and Management Planning Unit (Mampu) invited bids for the project last November, according to documents sighted by The Malaysian Insider.

It is understood as many as five companies were invited to pitch for the project by Mampu although it was unclear why the task was given to a civil service unit that manages the public service.

Tricubes Bhd, a company in danger of being delisted from the stock exchange for financial irregularities, in a filing to the Bursa Malaysia on April 4, said it had been awarded the email project by Mampu.

“The Board of Directors of TRICUBES wishes to announce that the Company has on 4 April 2011 accepted the appointment by the Government of Malaysia represented by Malaysian Administrative Modernisation and Management Planning Unit (MAMPU) vide MAMPU’s letter of award dated 29 March 2011 to implement the 1 Malaysia Email Project,” the filing read.

The little-known ACE-listed company triggered Bursa Malaysia Securities’ Guidance Note 3 (GN3), paragraph 2.1(f) last year when auditors “expressed a modified opinion with emphasis on Tricubes’ going concern in the latest audited financial statements for the financial year ended March 31, 2010”, according to a separate filing made by Tricubes on October 29, 2010.

As a GN3 company, Tricubes has to submit and implement a regularisation plan, appoint a sponsor until it is no longer deemed a GN3 company, retain the services of a sponsor for three full financial years after the company is no longer considered a GN3 company and announce the status of its regularisation plan monthly.

Tricubes’ latest filing to Bursa Malaysia on April 1 indicates that it is still in the process of regularising its finances.

In tweets that were sent out between 2pm to 2.05pm today, Pemandu’s Fadhlullah Suhaimi Abdul Malek, director of Communications Content and Infrastructure, Business Services NKEA  said “I wish to reiterate that this is a private sector-led initiative by Tricubes. The investment DOES NOT come from the govt.”

The unit headed by Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Idris Jala also said that “this is an alternative secured mode of communication between the govt & the people” whereas “most M’sians use non-secured public emails e.g. yahoo, hotmail, gmail (hosted overseas) in their communications w the govt.”

However, Pemandu did not explain why the government invited bids if it was a private sector initiative or why secured emails were required to communicate with the government.

It also did not explain why a key performance indicator (KPI) of hit 100 per cent take-up by qualified Malaysians was necessary if the project was being executed by the private sector.

Questions posed by The Malaysian Insider on Twitter regarding these issues sent concurrently with Pemandu’s broadcast were unanswered as of 2.55pm.

Questions sent to Pemandu this morning have also not been answered.

Pemandu’s clarification drew an immediate response from Malaysians on Twitter who accused it of not answering the important questions regarding the 1 Malaysia email accounts.

“@etp_roadmap You didn’t answer my ques.Why contract given to a GN3 company? #1malaysiaemail,” tweeted Adrian Ng.

Others also attacked Pemandu for claiming that Gmail was not secure.

“@etp_roadmap Google uses RC4_128 encryption! It is as secured! not non-secured!” said a user known as comeez.

A user known as Pakdi7 said “@etp_roadmap hi doc! How bout Tricubes GN3 status? Are they really competent enough to handle other person data but not their own financial?”

Rembau MP Khairy also tweeted at 2.20pm that he understood “that private investment to fund project BUT is there implicit/explicit govt guarantee?”

He said the two main issues were the “award of project and “Big Brother” concerns. Award done based on standard ETP “open proposal system.”

The hashtag #1malaysiaemail, RM50m and Tricubes are still dominating the top five Malaysian topics on Twitter as of 3pm.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 20 April 2011, 5:22 pm and is filed under
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Urban bumis also swing to opposition

By
Wong Teck Chi
| Malaysiakini

On top of a huge swing of nearly 40 percent of Chinese voters to Pakatan Rakyat in Miri, a smaller proportion of urban or suburban bumiputera voters has turned to the opposition coalition, which resulted in SUPP losing almost all three state seats in Miri three days ago.

However, the magnitude of the swing is hard to estimate, given that there is no single area in Miri with a super majority of bumiputera voters.

The best example which showed there is some swing to Pakatan among the bumiputera community is Senadin, which is located on the outskirts of Miri.

Despite that that the seat has a mix of 49.98% Chinese, 28.97% Malay or Melanau and 15.88 % Iban, PKR candidate Michael Teo was still able to slash the majority of SUPP incumbent Lee Kim Sin from 4,799 votes in the 2006 state election to just 58 votes.

If not for the controversial postal votes that numbered around 1,000, SUPP would definitely have lost Senadin, and the party would have been totally wiped out from Sarawak’s second largest city.

In a further analysis into the results at Senadin’s polling districts, Malaysiakini has also found that PKR almost won at Kuala Baram despite the constituency having only 37.19% of Chinese, who are considered largely pro-opposition.

There are 31.35% Malay/Melanau voters and 24.46% Iban in Kuala Baram, but PKR still managed to get 47.25% of votes, showing that the multiracial party also got significant support from the bumiputera community in this election.

Beside Senadin, two other state seats – Piasau and Pujut under the Miri parliamentary seat – also showed a similar trend and the Iban swing was more obvious.

Within Piasau’s Lutong polling district, which has the highest number of Iban voters (40.63%), DAP’s popularity has increased tremendously to 56.73%, a jump of 23.06% from 33.67% in the last state election.

Surge in DAP’s popularity

In two other Malay/Melanau majority polling districts – Permaisuri (50.1% Malay/Melanau) and Bintang (44.85% Malay/Melanau), DAP’s popularity also increased by 17.37% and 20.35% respectively to 42.84% and 44.39%, despite losing to SUPP in both polling districts.

Another clear example of the swing is from Lambir, a mixed-bumiputera state seat under the Sibuti parliamentary seat, which is close to Miri. Miri International Airport is located in the constituency.

The seat has a majority of bumiputera voters, with 39.3% Malay/Melanau and 29.7% Iban, but PKR still successfully increased their votes from 1,497 in the last election to 3,104 this year, and the majority was also reduced from 2,834 to 1,521, despite that another opposition party, Snap, has siphoned off 693 votes.

In terms of percentage, the popularity of PBB, which contested under the BN logo, has reduced from 74.31% to 54.98%, a sharp drop of nearly 20%.

The swing among urban or suburban bumiputras is believed to be largely because they faced the same inflationary pressure faced by Chinese urban voters.

Indeed, the urban bumiputera community faces even more perils because most of them belong to the low-income group, living mostly in squatters’ residences beside the beach or in low-cost housing areas in the suburbs.

In addition, thousands of bumiputeras, especially Ibans, in squatter areas such as Canada Hill, Pujut Corner and Kampung Wireless were also relocated to give way to development projects, causing dissatisfaction with the state government.

In contrast to those in rural areas, this group of urban bumiputera voters have more access to information and thus more open to a political alternative.

For instance, one of the ceramah held by PKR on the outskirts of Miri before polling day had attracted around 500 bumiputera voters to listen to leaders like PKR deputy president Azmin Ali (centre in picture).

When one of the leaders asked, “Who is the biggest vacuum cleaner in the state?”, the crowd simultaneously shouted, “Taib”, displaying their dissatisfaction against Sarawak Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud and his government following a series of corruption allegations.

Protest vote against Taib

Meanwhile, the Chinese community in Miri has seen a bigger swing to the opposition, which is as large as 38.22% in some areas, leading to the fall of SUPP president George Chan to DAP novice Ling Sie Kiong in Piasau.

According to the election results, DAP won at least 66% of the Chinese votes in Miri, which is largely a protest vote against Taib and the BN state government.

This is evident in DAP’s victory in two Piasau polling districts with 90 percent Chinese voters – Bazaar and Merbau. During the last election, DAP only gained 28.7% and 29% in these two areas, but their popularity has jumped to 66.59% and 67.22%.

In Pujut, there is also a polling station with 90 percent Chinese voters – Krokop – and DAP’s popularity there has increased sharply from 46.2% to 72.02%.

This has sounded the alarm bells for SUPP, who claim to represent the Sarawak Chinese community within the BN coalition, as the party could only bag less than one-third of the Chinese votes.

Another peril the party faces is that they are getting less support in those polling streams with younger voters.

Before the state election, Miri was seen as the last fortress of SUPP after the fall of Kuching in the last state election and Sibu in last year’s parliamentary by-election to the opposition.

However, this was not surprising since opposition ceramahs in Miri after nomination day have constantly attracted crowds of thousands, evidence of the strong anti-Taib and anti-SUPP sentiment.

Although the Chinese-based SUPP had called on the Chinese community to defend George Chan as deputy chief minister and warned voters about the loss of Chinese representation in government during the last stages of the campaign, this fail to deter voter to back the opposition.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 20 April 2011, 10:37 am and is filed under
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1 Malaysia email page changed on Pemandu website

By
Shannon Teoh

April 21, 2011

KUALA LUMPUR, April 21 — The Performance Management and Delivery Unit (Pemandu) changed details of the 1 Malaysia email project on its website between the day it was announced and yesterday, and now calls it a private sector initiative when it was previously listed as a government initiative.

“The 1Malaysia Email project is a government initiative in providing a unique and official email account and ID for the citizens of Malaysia,” the description read on Tuesday.

Since yesterday, the description of the RM50 million project read: “The 1Malaysia Email project which features the domain name of ‘myemail.my’ is a private sector initiative led by Tricubes Berhad to provide a unique and official email account and user ID for interested citizens of Malaysia.”

This came after public outcry over the project that many said was a waste of public funds forced both Pemandu and Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to clarify on Tuesday that the government would not fund the platform for secure communication with the public.

As of 8am today, close to 36,000 Facebook users have joined a virtual protest against the project and both #1malaysiaemail and Tricubes are still among the top 10 Malaysian topics on microblogging site Twitter, nearly two days after the emails were first announced.

The unit, under Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Idris Jala, insisted yesterday that the project is a private sector initiative despite a report by The Malaysian Insider that the government had invited bids last November for a RM50 million government services Internet solution.

Tricubes, which is currently in danger of being delisted from Bursa Malaysia for financial irregularities, said yesterday that the “government is neither funding nor underwriting this project” and it would be financing the RM50 million required over 10 years by reinvesting revenue from the project.

The little-known ACE-listed company triggered Bursa Malaysia Securities’ Guidance Note 3 (GN3), paragraph 2.1(f) last year when auditors “expressed a modified opinion with emphasis on Tricubes’ going concern in the latest audited financial statements for the financial year ended March 31, 2010”, according to a filing made by Tricubes on October 29, 2010.

The same filing stated: “If the Company fails to comply with any part of its obligations indicated above, Bursa Securities shall: suspend the trading of the Company’s listed securities on the next market day after five market days from the date of notification of suspension by Bursa Securities; and delist the Company subject to the Company’s right to appeal against the delisting under Rule 8.04(6) of the ACE LR.”

As a GN3 company, Tricubes has to submit and implement a regularisation plan; appoint a sponsor until it is no longer deemed a GN3 company; retain the services of a sponsor for three full financial years after the company is no longer considered a GN3 company; and announce the status of its regularisation plan monthly.

Tricubes’ latest filing to Bursa Malaysia on April 1 indicates that it is still in the process of regularising its finances.

Chief executive officer Khairun Zainal Mokhtar said yesterday that Tricubes had dropped into GN3 status due to heavy investment in research and development that had “a long gestation period” but did not provide any detail as to the nature of the company’s research work.

In the current version of the page on the 1 Malaysia emails, Pemandu seems to have reduced the scope of the project, removing references to “social networking” and “web development toolkits.”

It now says that Malaysians will use an “email ID” instead of a “web portal” to access the services provided.

“The user ID will eventually be used for any government e-services e.g. e-hasil, EPF statements, driving licence renewals, quit rent payment, etc,” the page now reads.

Previously, it said that “the web portal will serve as a one-stop centre for government services, providing value added services such as social networking, online bill checking and payment as well web development toolkits for citizens and businesses organisations to creatively develop applications.”

The page also emphasises now the non-compulsory nature of the email ID by saying the service is “for interested citizens of Malaysia.”

Najib had announced the project on Wednesday, saying all Malaysians aged 18 and over would be given an account to allow for direct and secure communications between citizens and the government.

Tricubes launched its myemail.my website yesterday, stating that a limited registration will begin at the end of the month.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 21 April 2011, 11:11 am and is filed under
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Alleged Anwar sex tape2 – Police in danger of suffering knock-out blow in public confidence which only a change of government can restore

It is exactly one month ago that Malaysians were sprung with the alleged Anwar Ibrahim sex tape made public by a  cloak-and-dagger screening at the Carcosa Sri Negara on March 21 to select media representatives.

Malaysians now know that this is Alleged Anwar Sex Tape2 as 12 years ago in 1999, a sex video linking Anwar had surfaced and was investigated by the police.

This was revealed by Datuk Mat Zain Ibrahim, who was then the Kuala Lumpur  Criminal Investigation Division (CID) chief and who had investigated the Alleged Anwar Sex Tape1.

The Police had dismissed the Alleged Anwar Sex Tape1 as a smear and attempt at character assassination of Anwar in 1999.  The Alleged Anwar Sex Tape2 is the latest attempt to smear and character-assassinate Anwar.

Zain has asked the Police to widen its investigations into the Carcosa sex video to ascertain whether there are any possible links between the two Alleged Anwar Sex Tapes separated by 12 years, viz:

1. Is Sex Video I also authentic now that Sex Video II has been officially declared authentic?

2. Are the contents of Sex Video I the same in full or in part with Sex Video II?

3. Is the identity of the man in Sex Video II that police have declared can be determined positively the same as the man in Sex Video I?

4. Does the voice of the man in Sex Video I belong to the man who is said to be identifiable in Sex Video II?

5. Does the voice of the woman in Sex Video I belong to the woman who is said to have been identified in Sex Video II?

6. Is the recording location of Sex Video I the same as Sex Video II?

7. Are the trio involved or played any role in the production or distribution of Sex Video I in 1999, seeing as they have been identified as having a relationship with Anwar? More so Rahim (former Malacca Chief Minister Tan Sri Rahim Tamby Chik) who is believed to have cause for revenge as Anwar had accused the former Umno Youth chief of corruption just three months before Sex Video I was made public on November 24 and 25, 1999.

During the 1999 general election campaign at that time, Keadilan Deputy President Dr. Chandra Muzaffar condemned the Alleged Anwar Sex Tape1 in no uncertain terms, dismissing it as “yet another vicious, malicious endeavour” by Anwar’s  “political and corporate foes to discredit and denigrate him”.

Now, has the Alleged Sex Tape1 dismissed by the police as a smear on Anwar re-appeared in part or in whole as the Carcosa sex video 12 years later?

I must remind the Inspector-General of Police, Tan Sri Ismail Omar that the Carcosa sex tape or Alleged Anwar Sex Tape2 has put  the independence, credibility, professionalism and reputation of the Malaysian Royal Police Force on the line  – and the police are in danger of suffering a knock-out blow in  public confidence which only a change of government can restore.

The police suffered the worst blow of public confidence in its history in 1998  when it allowed political and extraneous considerations to compromise and undermine police professionalism and integrity in the Anwar “black eye” episode and investigations.

Mat Zain was then the investigation officer for the Anwar “black eye” episode and there would have been no need for any royal commission of inquiry to find out that it was the then Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Rahim Noor who had assaulted Anwar  if Mat Zain had been allowed to complete his investigations without obstruction from higher authorities, including the Attorney-General’s Chambers with the present Attorney-General Tan Sri Gani Patail playing a prominent role in the subversion of justice and the rule of law 12 years ago.

The police has not yet fully recovered from the 1998 blow to public confidence in police independence, credibility, professionalism and reputation from the Anwar “black eye” episode.

Now, if the police again allows political and extraneous forces and factors to dictate its investigations into the Alleged Anwar Sex Tap;e2 episode, it will be a knockout blow to public confidence in police independence, credibility, professionalism and reputation which only a change of government can repair and restore.

For the past month, right-thinking Malaysians have been asking two  questions:

1. Why police have not yet arrested the trio of “Datuk T”, namely Rahim, Datuk Shazryl Eskay Abdullah and Datuk Shuib Lazim for various crimes including Section 292 of the Penal Code for “publicly exhibiting any obscene or pornographic material” liable to a jail term of three years or Section 5(1) of the Film Censorship Act 2002 where a person is liable to be fined up to RM50,000 or jailed up to five years or both. Do the trio enjoy immunity and impunity for breaches of the law and actions which have brought world-wide shame to the nation?

2. How Malaysian public and international opinion are to be convinced that the police and the top Umno and Cabinet leaders including the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak and the Home Minister, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein were not privy to the Sri Carcosa sex tape caper and to the identities of the trio in “Dato T” whether before or immediately after the screening of the sex video.

The despicable and dastardly political ploy to destroy both Anwar Ibrahim and Pakatan Rakyat’s chances in the Sarawak general elections have failed, and Najib and BN leaders must be warned that the continued resort to such gutter politics may prove to be the last straw to break the back of public confidence in the credibility and legitimacy of the Najib premiership and to convince the majority of the people that the time has come to end the mandate of Barisan Nasional and Umno to continue to govern Malaysia.

The police are on trial. The Prime Minister is also on trial.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 21 April 2011, 4:27 pm and is filed under
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Another alleged sex tape of Anwar in 1999, says ex-cop

By
Shannon Teoh

April 21, 2011

KUALA LUMPUR, April 21 — A retired senior police officer has said Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was linked to a sex video in 1999, and is asking for an investigation to uncover any connection with similar allegations last month.

Former KL CID chief Datuk Mat Zain Ibrahim wrote about his suspicions in an open letter to Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Ismail Omar this week, saying he had investigated the first case 12 years ago.

“Several comparisons and questions arise regarding the two sex videos. I am of the opinion that the investigation into the 2011 Sex Video II must take into account the circumstances surrounding the 1999 Sex Video I.

“There is a ‘nexus’ between the two,” he wrote in the letter that was made available to The Malaysian Insider.

A mysterious “Datuk T” had first screened the video purportedly showing the opposition leader having sex with a Chinese prostitute on March 21.

Former Malacca Chief Minister Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Thamby Chik, Perkasa treasurer-general Datuk Shuib Lazim and businessman Datuk Shazryl Eskay Abdullah later took responsibility for the 21-minute recording, stating that their aim was to “show that a man who wants to be prime minister is not qualified.”

The police said last weekend that they have wrapped up investigations into the video after verifying that it had not been doctored. Ismail said yesterday the Attorney-General’s Chambers has sent back the investigation papers as it needed “to be re-worked”.

“Some areas have to be re-looked at and re-worked. This is normal,” the IGP said.

But Mat Zain called on the police to investigate possible seven possible links between the two videos, namely:

1. Is Sex Video I also authentic now that Sex Video II has been officially declared authentic?

2. Are the contents of Sex Video I the same in full or in part with Sex Video II?

3. Is the identity of the man in Sex Video II that police have declared can be determined positively the same as the man in Sex Video I?

4. Does the voice of the man in Sex Video I belong to the man who is said to be identifiable in Sex Video II?

5. Does the voice of the woman in Sex Video I belong to the woman who is said to have been identified in Sex Video II?

6. Is the recording location of Sex Video I the same as Sex Video II?

7. Are the trio involved or played any role in the production or distribution of Sex Video I in 1999, seeing as they have been identified as having a relationship with Anwar? More so Rahim who is believed to have cause for revenge as Anwar had accused the former Umno Youth chief of corruption just three months before Sex Video I was made public on November 24 and 25, 1999.

Mat Zain, who was the investigating officer in the case involving the assault of Anwar in police custody, said that the sex video was distributed in Kuala Lumpur just a few days before the 10th general election on November 29.

“I believe a large segment of the public and even some police officers themselves are not aware and will be shocked to know of the existence of this first sex video that supposedly involved Anwar,” he wrote.

He said that several members of the public had found the video left in front of their homes or offices and made individual police reports, surrendering the copies as evidence.

As the city criminal investigation chief at the time, Mat Zain said his department had investigated the video.

“I myself saw the videos at least twice. The first time with senior Kuala Lumpur criminal investigation officers to classify the investigations and the second time with the former Kuala Lumpur mayor.

“To the best of my memory, the contents of the 1999 Sex Video I included recordings of phone conversations between a man said to be Anwar and his girlfriend,” he wrote.

Mat Zain said that the investigations identified “the source” of the video but failed to find the persons responsible for distributing it to the public.

“However, it is believed that the distribution was politically motivated as it was done just a few days before the 10th general election,” he said, adding that some of those who made police reports were members of Anwar’s PKR.

Mat Zain said Sex Video I should be screened to the people so that the public, especially the Malays, could make their own decision over whether the former deputy prime minister really lacked the morals to become prime minister as claimed, or if the video was created by his enemies to destroy his political career.

“Or even revenge due to Anwar exposing the abuse of power and corruption of certain leaders as mentioned,” said Mat Zain, referring to a segment of his letter where he named the Datuk T trio.

He said that the film was not pornographic and more like a documentary which would not fall foul of laws banning obscene material.

In his letter, Mat Zain also cast doubt over Rahim’s credibility as the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) had recommended he be charged for making a false statutory declaration in 1999.

“The question that arises is whether Rahim’s testimony in Sex Video II can be accepted fully, seeing as he was willing to make a false declaration to the prime minister and government to hide criminal offences as reported by the ACA,” he said.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 21 April 2011, 11:25 am and is filed under
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DAP dares MCA to dissolve and call for Najib’s resignation

By
Clara Chooi

April 21, 2011

KUALA LUMPUR, April 21 — The DAP challenged MCA leaders today to dissolve their party or call on the prime minister to resign should he lose Chinese community support in the coming general election.

DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang charged that the MCA was being hypocritical in calling for Sarawak Chief Minister Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud’s resignation due to his failure to deliver the Chinese vote last week, pointing out that the MCA itself had performed no better in Election 2008.

In the Sarawak state polls last Saturday, Barisan Nasional (BN) lost 16 seats to the opposition, most of them Chinese-majority urban seats.

In Election 2008, MCA suffered its worst ever electoral defeat when it saw its parliamentary representation cut by more than half from 31 to just 15 seats.

“Now they are asking Taib to resign on grounds that he lost the Chinese vote. Will they apply the same standard to PM (Datuk Seri) Najib (Razak)?

“And why is MCA still in the Cabinet? Why was MCA’s president (Datuk Seri Dr) Chua Soi Lek so keen on securing his son (Chua Tee Yong) a deputy minister’s post?” Lim asked.

DAP publicity chief Tony Pua, who led the party’s campaign in Sarawak, agreed, saying that the MCA should “dissolve” itself for having failed in its purpose of representing the Chinese community.

“If you are talking about support based on race, the MCA has failed to represent the Chinese. So their organisation is completely irrelevant. They should dissolve themselves,” he said.

Lim and Pua were responding to a statement by MCA vice-president Gan Ping Sieu yesterday calling for Taib’s resignation due to the outcome of Saturday’s polls.

The DAP leaders also berated MCA’s Loh Seng Kok for “insulting the intelligence of Sarawak voters” when he claimed the Chinese community had been duped into voting for the opposition for racial reasons.

“They are insulting their intelligence because Sarawak voters, all those who supported DAP, were voting for the Pakatan Rakyat (PR). They were voting for new politics which surpasses racial boundaries,” said Lim.

He pointed out that the outcome of the Sarawak polls had not only shown an increase in Chinese community support towards the DAP but an improvement in support from all communities towards PR as a pact.

This, he said, was mirrored in how the opposition had managed to increase its popular vote from 37 per cent in 2006 to 45.5 per cent or 300, 288 votes while BN managed to secure 54.5 per cent or 372, 379 votes.

“MCA and Gerakan leaders are feeling so aggrieved that they were treated with utter contempt in Sarawak that they are making these nonsensical statements.

“It is their way to vent their anger. They should know their days are numbered unless they change and rise above racial politics,” said Lim.

Pua also pointed out that it was the MCA’s parallel, the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP), that had played the race card in the polls in order to convince people to reject the opposition.

In its campaign, the SUPP had warned Sarawakians that they would lose Chinese representation in the state Cabinet if they voted for the DAP.

On April 16, however, the DAP scored an electoral upset by winning 12 of the 15 seats it contested, most of them Chinese-majority urban seats.

The SUPP was nearly wiped out when the party, which claims to represent the Chinese, won in just six of the 19 seats it contested, only two of which were Chinese majority while the rest were Dayak seats.

“I want to challenge MCA to point out when and where in our entire campaign in Sarawak were we racist? Go back to school and learn what racism is.

“Fighting corruption, abuse of power and nepotism is not racism. These issues cut across the races and if MCA thinks they are racist, they should evaluate their own party constitution which prohibits other races from taking part in their organisation,” said Pua.

Lim agreed, pointing out that the MCA and Gerakan were largely to blame for the SUPP’s fall in Sarawak as leaders for both the peninsula-based BN partners had joined in the election campaign.

“The real reason why SUPP did so badly was because of the assistance rendered by MCA and Gerakan leaders who have only served to highlight the need for the country to rise above race and go for new politics. Since peninsula voters have rejected Gerakan and MCA, the Sarawak voters are doing the same.

“Nobody cared about them in Sarawak. Not just that, they were treated like garbage and with utter contempt,” he said.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 21 April 2011, 1:11 pm and is filed under
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DAP-Snap merger would break the mould

By
Terence Netto

Apr 21, 11

COMMENT
 If a mature politics is a pattern of creative responses to society’s vast inertia and small margin for change, then the idea of a merger between DAP and Snap is one of the more stimulating propositions to emerge in recent times.

With one stroke, Alexander of Macedon solved all the mystery of the Gordian knot. A DAP-Snap merger, in one fell swoop, would break the racial mould in which Sarawak’s politics has for the last four decades been mired.

Floated by the DAP’s strategic director, Lim Kit Siang, in the immediate aftermath of his party’s redoubtable showing in the Sarawak polls last Saturday, the idea is a win-win proposition for both parties.

For the DAP, the merger would enable them to field suitable Chinese Malaysian candidates in Dayak-majority seats; as for Snap, they can commend capable Dayak candidates to stand in the urban centres in Sarawak where Chinese voters predominate and who, in the election last week, overwhelmingly preferred DAP candidates to rival, SUPP, ones.

This hypothetical cross-fielding of candidates would begin to bridge the real but unspoken gulf in Sarawak: the chasm in politics and economics that exist between the more affluent Chinese and the majority and disadvantaged Dayaks, especially the Iban.

The gulf is compounded on the one side by condescension and, on the other, by mistrust. It’s the kind of divide that politicians are loath to deal with. In sallying forth to try, Lim delivers another blow to his critics’ unfair stereotype of him as a covert racist.

At the same time, the veteran politician projects his lifelong calling’s better side: bold and creative politicians can and do use their arena to break the hold that social and cultural taboos exert on the electorate.

Indian appointed speaker by Snap

If Lim succeeds in this instance, he would not be acting in a historical void. It was the Iban-dominated Snap, Sarawak’s first multiracial party formed in 1961 that gave teeth to its agenda by appointing an Indian as speaker of the state legislative assembly in 1963.

Stephen Kalong Ningkan, the Snap leader and chief minister then, appointed in 1963 an Indian – whose presence as a race in the population was negligible – to the position on the grounds that the individual was capable and that the action was good for Snap’s multiracial image.

Observers, of cynical bent, tend to deprecate actions like this as window dressing. But over time and in history’s long haul, it is actions like these that resound in the memory, coming back to resuscitate buried or stifled intuitions that were once constructive though unpopular.

Snap’s multiracialism suffered lethal blows from baleful adversaries in Rahman Ya’kub and Abdul Taib Mahmud (left) in the 1970s and 1980s.

First, through Rahman’s machinations with then prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein, Snap’s founding financier James Wong, the parliamentary opposition leader then, was detained under the ISA for a year-and-a-half in November 1974.

After that, in a perverse twist in which the victim became the victimiser, Wong was responsible for sacking Daniel Tajem in July 1983 for covertly supporting the successful candidacy of incumbent Edwin Tangkun against the party’s choice of Wong’s minion, Wellington Rufus Lanang, for the Simanggang seat in the April 1982 parliamentary polls.

Internecine conflict

The sacking worsened internecine conflict in Snap and led to secretary-general Leo Moggie’s myopic challenge to Wong, who wanted to move up from deputy president to take the retiring Dunstan Endawie’s place at the top in the party elections later that year.

Moggie lost and led a walkout of prominent Dayaks, including Tajem (right), from Snap to form the Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak.

The episode was the trigger for endless schisms within the Dayak political community, diluting their strength and leaving it fractured by its representation in as many as six political parties – PBB, SUPP, PRS, SPDP, PKR and Snap.

Tajem’s return to Snap as its adviser earlier this year, symbolically at least, meant that the wheel of Dayak questing and experience has gone its full cycle of waywardness.

Now that denouement would have a constructive sequel if he gets his party to accept the invitation offered by his superior in political experience, though not in age, to merge with the DAP.

The move would strengthen both parties, weaken the grip of race on Malaysian politics, stanch the mutually undermining flow of recrimination between Snap and PKR, and serve notice to Umno that its policy of ruling Sarawak through its proxy, PBB, is on its last legs.

No one move by an opposition group could have such multiple beneficent effects.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 21 April 2011, 11:05 am and is filed under
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Explain DAP-SNAP merger invite, PKR tells Kit Siang

By
Clara Chooi

April 21, 2011

KUCHING, April 21 — Sarawak PKR demanded a clarification today from Lim Kit Siang for inviting SNAP to merge with DAP without prior discussion with his Pakatan Rakyat (PR) partners.

SNAP, a Sarawak-based opposition party, came at odds with PKR during the just concluded Sarawak polls after seat distribution talks broke down.

Warning that such a merger would affect the existing relationship between PR’s key coalition partners — PKR, DAP and PAS — Sarawak PKR chief Baru Bian said today that Lim, as a veteran leader in the DAP, should explain his suggestion.

“Sarawak PKR is surprised to learn that Lim Kit Siang wants a ‘merger’ of DAP and SNAP. Since we are PR partners, we would appreciate a clarification of this proposal from Lim and the DAP,” he said in a statement today.

Baru, who was one of three PKR candidates who triumphed in the just-concluded Sarawak polls, reminded Lim that SNAP had attempted to “undermine” PKR by contesting against the party and forcing multi-cornered fights.

“SNAP has also consistently been negatively critical of PKR for reasons best known only to them.

“If anything, PKR Sarawak is deeply disappointed and saddened by SNAP’s approach within PR since we have always regarded SNAP as our partners,” he said.

Prior to the polls, SNAP had also promised not to campaign against DAP and PAS but it did no such thing with PKR and clashed head-on with the party in all 26 of the seats it contested.

Despite this, the party failed to capture a single seat and its candidates even lost their deposits in 24 constituencies after they failed to garner one eighth of the votes cast.

“As proven by its disastrous electoral performance, SNAP has no electoral machinery, little political capital and even less social clout on the ground.

“The total votes garnered by all of SNAP’s candidates combined were less than those garnered by independent candidates. SNAP came in last in almost all multi-cornered fights,” Baru noted.

He added that SNAP’s fight in the Sarawak campaign had only served to confuse the electorate, weaken PR and help Barisan Nasional secure a victory.

BN managed a landslide victory in Saturday’s polls when it recaptured its two-thirds majority and won 55 seats in the 71-seat assembly.

“We are therefore deeply puzzled by Lim’s purpose in suggesting a ‘merger’ between the DAP and a party like SNAP.

“It is Sarawak PKR’s considered opinion that such proposals should be thoroughly discussed behind closed doors.

“This would ensure that all component parties of PR fully understand and endorse the objectives of such a possible merger; which ultimately must strengthen the coalition,” he said.

Without discussion, Baru added, such a merger would confuse PKR and DAP members as both parties had stood shoulder-to-shoulder during the polls to campaign against both BN and SNAP.

He added that such mergers by any partner in PR should be made to enhance diversity and reflect the multi-ethnic politics promoted by the pact instead of deepening any existing cleavages.

As an alternative, Baru suggested that SNAP dissolve  and allow members to join other parties.

“In this way, we believe that SNAP cannot ever be made use of as a vehicle to further undermine the stable coherence of PR in the years to come,” he said.

Baru was commenting on a suggestion by Lim on Tuesday calling for a merger between DAP and SNAP to accelerate the Dayak “political awakening” and capitalise on the swing of votes from the local communities in support of the PR.

Speaking to The Malaysian Insider today, SNAP president Edwin Dundang said the party was elated at being “wooed” by political parties from both BN and PR, citing PR’s DAP and BN’s Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) and Umno as examples.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 21 April 2011, 7:06 pm and is filed under
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MCA leadership showing itself even more irrelevant after its  ignominious rejection by voters in Sarawak state elections

The MCA leadership is showing itself to be even more irrelevant after its ignominious rejection by the Sarawak voters in the Sarawak state elections on Saturday.

MCA President Datuk Seri Dr. Chua Soi had gone to Sarawak as Barisan Nasional paramount Chinese leader and other MCA Ministers and  leaders as “heroes” and “saviours” of  SUPP but they all returned as pygmies.

One of the biggest mistakes made by SUPP in the recent Sarawak state elections was to expect the MCA and Gerakan leaders to save them, when SUPP leaders should have realized that these very MCA/Gerakan leaders could not save themselves or their own political parties!

This is the reason for the recent  extraordinary MCA political gyrations with the MCA President egging on SUPP to boycott the Sarawak state cabinet while a MCA Vice President called on Tan Sri Abdul Taib to quit as Sarawak Chief Minister as he has lost the support of the Chinese community in the state.

All very correct and proper – except they reek of political hypocrisy and raised a mountain of questions, such as what the four MCA Ministers and seven Deputy Ministers are doing in the Federal Cabinet; why Chua did not review MCA’s earlier unprincipled decision in 2008 to be part of government when he took over as MCA President but instead was more interested to get his son appointed as Deputy Minister and elevate his confidantes in government through the Senate backdoor; and whether the MCA leadership would dare to  tell Najib to resign as PM as it is asking Taib to quit as Chief Minister?

But the most shocking, irresponsible and despicable MCA gyration occurred when the MCA leadership accused the DAP of “inciting racial sentiment among the Chinese to secure its historic victory” in the Sarawak state elections.

The MCA leadership just does not understand the nature and dynamics of the  political awakening in Sarawak – that Sarawakians voted for Pakatan Rakyat in the 15 seats won by the DAP and PKR as well as in the other constitiuencies not as Chinese,  Dayaks, Malays or  Melanaus but for change, justice; equality; clean, honest and accountable government; and an end to the rampant corruption, land grabs and gross abuses of power.

Sarawak voters are pioneers in the new politics based on issues of justice, equality and integrity rising above race and religion; while the MCA leaders are still mired in the politics of race and money which will despatch them to political oblivion.

But what is most shocking and deplorable – at best the insensitivity and at worst the complicity of the MCA leadership with  Utusan Malaysia, helping it to stoke the rabid extremism of Umno’s official organ in its unceasing campaign against Najib’s 1Malaysia policy, particularly in its anti-national “1Melayu, 1Bumi” call.

Time has come  for the MCA leaders to end their political gyrations and acrobatics since their hapless Sarawak outing and declare whether they are prepared to join forces with DAP and Pakatan Rakyat to tell Utusan and Umno in no uncertain terms that the “1Melayu, 1Bumi” call is totally contradictory and against the 1Malaysia policy propounded by the Prime Minister – that we are in 2011 and must look into the future and not in 1946 only looking back into the past!

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 21 April 2011, 5:08 pm and is filed under
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SIASATAN VIDEO SEKS 2011 – PERSAMAAN DAN PERBEZAAN DENGAN VIDEO SEKS PERTAMA 1999

(Latest Open Letter by Datuk Mat Zain Ibrahim, former KL CID Chief to the Inspector-General of Police)

Mat Zain Ibrahim

18hb.April 2011

Kepada;

YDH Tan Sri Haji Ismail Hj.Omar,

Ketua Polis Negara,

Polis Di-Raja Malaysia,                                 Melalui:Email dan Dengan Tangan

Bukit Aman,

50560 Kuala Lumpur,

Email:
[email protected]

YDH Tan Sri,

SIASATAN VIDEO SEKS 2011-

PERSAMAAN DAN PERBEZAAN DENGAN VIDEO SEKS PERTAMA 1999.

1.	Sepertimana juga sebilangan besar rakyat,saya turut mengikuti perkembangan penyiasatan Polis berkaitan isu video seks menerusi MSM dan juga media alternatif yang akan masuk minggu ke-empat.Berdasarkan kepada komen-komen mereka yang berpeluang membuatnya,menampakkan ramai yang mempersoalkan hala tuju penyiasatan Polis. Malah ramai yang membantah secara lantang pendirian Polis yang dikatakan jelas kelihatan berat sebelah terhadap satu pihak yang bertelagah dalam isu ini.

2.	Saya jemput Tan Sri merujuk kepada Surat Terbuka saya bertarikh 28 March 2011 yang kemudiannya dibahaskan diParlimen.Saya mengekalkan dan mengulangi kenyataan-kenyataan saya dalam Surat Terbuka tersebut,serta mengambil kandungannya sebagai sebahagian dan lanjutan kepada surat ini.Saya mengekalkan pendirian saya bahawa isu video lucah ini adalah merupakan pertembungan peribadi antara Rahim Thamby Chik dan Anwar Ibrahim.

3.	Saya yakin Polis mampu mengambil pendirian yang professional dan berkecuali menangani siasatan ini,serta memberikan pendengaran yang adil kepada kedua- dua belah pihak,sambil memberikan mereka “gelanggang yang samarata”(level playing field),untuk membuktikan kebenaran masing-masing.

4.	Bukan menjadi hasrat saya mencampuri siasatan Polis,namun begitu sebagai seorang pesara Polis yang berpeluang menangani isu-isu yang berkaitan dengan Anwar dan Rahim serta beberapa kenamaan lain ketika dalam perhidmatan,saya rasa terpanggil untuk mendedahkan maklumat-maklumat yang saya percaya dapat membantu siasatan.

4.1.	Saya dapati ada beberapa perkara mustahak yang ada hubungkait dengan siasatan isu video lucah ini,tetapi tidak diumumkan kepada rakyat yang boleh mengelirukan persepsi mereka.Saya berharap ketinggalan ini adalah disebabkan Polis terlepas pandang dan bukannya dengan sengaja atau curang menyembunyikan fakta-fakta mustahak demikian.

VIDEO SEKS PERTAMA 1999.

5.	Saya percaya sebilangan besar rakyat malahan warga Polis sendiri tidak sedar dan mungkin akan terkejut bila mengetahui keujudan Video Seks Pertama yang kononnya  dikatakan melibatkan Anwar juga,yang diedarkan dalam tahun 1999.Pengedaran video seks ini disekitar Bandaraya Kuala Lumpur berlaku pada 24 dan 25 November 1999 beberapa hari sebelum Pilihanraya Umum ke-10 yang diadakan pada 29 November 1999.

5.1.	Terdapat dua video seks yang diedarkan serentak. Iaitu satu berjudul “Siapa Anwar” manakala yang satu lagi berjudul “Skandal Seks Mat Sabu”  (merujuk kepada Mohamed Sabu seorang pemimpin PAS).Bagi maksud eksesais ini saya akan ketepikan video Skandal Seks Mat Sabu, memandangkan isu beliau tidak berkaitan dengan penyiasatan yang sedang berjalan sekarang.

5.2.	Beberapa ramai orang awam dari sekitar Kuala Lumpur yang menemui video-video ini yang dikatakan ditinggalkan dihadapan rumah atau pejabat atau lain-lain premis,tampil membuat laporan masing-masing dan menyerahkan video-video berkenaan kepada Polis.Antara mereka adalah seorang Encik Mohd.Zainuddin Arman dan seorang Encik Onn Abu Bakar.Antara report Polis yang berkaitan ialah Ceras Rpt No:19068/99 dan Sungai Besi Rpt No:5894/99 bertarikh 25.11.1999.Jabatan Siasatan Jenayah Kuala Lumpur telah membuka satu kertas siasatan berkaitan kes ini dengan kesemua laporan-laporan yang diterima di-“cross refer” kepada laporan Pertama seperti yang lazimnya.KJSJ Kuala Lumpur ada membuat kenyataan akhbar mengesahkan menerima laporan-laporan dan video-video tersebut, serta memperakukan yang kes berkenaan sedang dalam siasatan Polis.

5.3.	Saya sendiri telah melihat video-video tersebut sekurang-kurangnya dua kali. Pertama kali adalah bersama dengan beberapa Pegawai Kanan JSJ Kuala Lumpur bagi menentukan klasifikasi penyiasatan yang betul.Kali kedua bersama mantan Datuk Bandar Kuala Lumpur ketika itu, dipejabat KJSJ setelah YBhg.Tan Sri Datuk Bandar terbaca berita mengenai edaran video ini diakhbar.Setakat yang saya masih ingat, antara kandungan Video Seks Pertama 1999 ini,terdapat juga rakaman perbualan telefon antara seorang lelaki yang dikatakan Anwar dengan seorang teman wanitanya.

5.4.	Penyiasatan JSJ Kuala Lumpur berjaya mengesan dan mengenalpasti “sumber” Video Seks Pertama 1999.Bagaimanapun gagal untuk mengenalpasti orang atau orang-orang yang bertanggungjawab dengan pengedarannya kepada umum. Namun begitu pengedarannya dipercayai bermotifkan politik bersandarkan ianya dibuat beberapa hari sahaja sebelum Pilihanraya Umum ke-10.Sepanjang yang saya ingat tidak ada pihak yang mengaku bertanggung jawab mengedarkan video seks berkenaan.

5.5.	Selain itu,tidak dapat disahkan sama ada pengadu-pengadu yang tampil membuat report mengenai penemuan Video Seks Pertama ini, telah membuat salinan untuk simpanan mereka  sendiri atau sebaliknya,sebelum menyerahkan kepada Polis.Beberapa orang pengadu dikenalpasti sebagai ahli Parti Keadilan.

VIDEO SEKS KEDUA 2011.

6.	Memandangkan Kumpulan yang menggelar diri mereka Datuk T,terdiri daripada Rahim,Shuib dan Eskay telah membuat pengakuan secara terbuka dan mengambil tanggung jawab diatas penemuan dan penayangan video lucah (akan dirujuk sebagai Video Seks Kedua 2011) kepada beberapa ramai pemberita di-Carcosa Seri Negara pada 21 March 2011,maka beberapa perbandingan dan persoalan boleh ditimbulkan berkaitan kedua-dua video seks ini.Saya berpendapat penyiasatan lanjut berkaitan Video Seks Kedua 2011 wajib mengambilkira keujudan dan keadaan berkaitan Video Seks Pertama 1999.Terdapat “nexus” antara kedua Video Seks ini.

Antara persoalannya adalah seperti berikut:-

6.1.	Adakah Video Seks Pertama  itu juga tulen sepertimana Video Seks Kedua yang ketulenannya telah diistiharkan secara rasmi.

6.2.	Adakah kandungan adegan-adegan dalam Video Seks Pertama, sama ada sepenuhnya atau sebahagian daripadanya terdapat juga dalam Video Seks Kedua.

6.3.	Adakah identity lelaki dalam Video Seks Kedua yang Polis telah istiharkan boleh dikenalpasti secara positif itu, lelaki yang sama dalam Video Seks Pertama.

6.4.	Adakah rakaman suara lelaki dalam Video Seks Pertama itu milik lelaki yang dikatakan boleh dikenalpasti dalam Video Seks Kedua.

6.5.	Adakah rakaman suara wanita dalam Video Seks Pertama itu milik wanita yang dikatakan telah dikenalpasti dalam Video Seks Kedua .

6.7.	Adakah lokasi pengambaran Video Seks Pertama itu sama dengan lokasi pengambaran Video Seks Kedua.

6.8.	Adakah Rahim,Shuib dan Eskay terlibat atau mempunyai apa-apa peranan dalam pembikinan atau pengedaran Video Seks Pertama 1999, memandangkan ketiga-tiga mereka dilaporkan telah mengenali dan mempunyai sesuatu hubungan dengan Anwar.Lebih-lebih lagi Rahim yang dipercayai mempunyai sebab untuk menyimpan dendam terhadap Anwar oleh kerana Anwar telah membuat laporan Polis membabitkan salahlaku jenayah dan perbuatan rasuah Rahim bersabit Tun.H.S.Lee Rpt:22517/99 pada 20.8.1999.Iaitu lebih kurang 3 bulan sebelum Video Seks Pertama diedarkan kepada umum pada 24/25 November 1999.

7.	Selain daripada laporan Polis melibatkan Rahim,Anwar juga telah membuat 3 laporan berasingan melibatkan beberapa orang kenamaan lain beberapa bulan sebelum pengedaran Video Seks Pertama itu,seperti berikut;

7.1.	Dang Wang Rpt:20255/99 bertarikh 9.7.1999.Laporan ini mendakwa Perdana Menteri,Peguam Negara dan Gani Patail telah menyalahgunakan kuasa kerana tidak mengambil sebarang tindakan undang-undang terhadap Datuk Seri Rafidah Aziz,atas sifat Menteri MITI, telah dengan secara rasuah memberikan saham kepada menantunya.

7.2.	Tun H.S.Lee Rpt:19625/99 bertarikh 21.7.1999.Laporan ini mendakwa Perdana Menteri menyalahgunakan kuasanya dengan menghalang tindakan undang-undang terhadap Tan Sri Eric Chia (mendiang), yang telah dikatakan melakukan penyelewengan dan rasuah menyebabkan Kumpulan Perwaja mengalami kerugian RM 2.7 billion.

7.3.	Tun H.S.Lee Rpt:20455/99 bertarikh 30.7.1999.Laporan ini mendakwa Perdana Menteri menyalahgunakan kuasa dengan melindungi perbuatan rasuah Tun Daim Zainuddin.Dalam laporan ini juga Anwar membuat dakwaan khusus terhadap Tun Daim yang dikatakan telah mengumpul harta peribadi secara rasuah bernilai ratusan juta ringgit.Anwar turut menyertakan tiga surat perakuan oleh individu berlainan selaku penyimpan dan pemegang amanah harta bagi pihak Tun Daim.Mereka yang dimaksudkan ialah;Tan Sri Abdul Halim Saad sebagai pemegang amanah saham-saham dalam Syarikat Senarai Awam bernilai lebih kurang RM 150 juta.Tan Sri Wan Azmi Wan Hamzah sebagai pemegang tunai berjumlah RM 150 juta.dan Tan Sri Tajuddin Ramli sebagai pemegang tunai RM 70 juta.

8.	KJSJ Kuala Lumpur memberi perhatian kepada laporan-laporan yang dibuat oleh Anwar seperti diatas memandangkan dokumen-dokumen bukti yang Anwar kemukakan dengan tiap satu laporan beliau,telah diperolehinya ketika beliau masih memegang jawatan dalam Kerajaan sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri.Laporan-laporan beliau diterima sebagai dibuat oleh seorang mantan Timbalan PM dan bukan sebagai seorang individu bernama “Anwar”.

8.1.	Sama ada pendedahan yang beliau buat seperti diatas telah menyebabkan individu-individu terlibat atau orang-orang sekeliling mereka marah dan menyimpan dendam terhadap Anwar tidak diketahui tetapi tidak boleh diketepikan.

SUMPAH PALSU RAHIM BUAT KEPADA PERDANA MENTERI.

9.	Satu diantara 4 kesalahan jenayah yang pihak BPR dan Jabatan Peguam Negara sahkan mempunyai keterangan “prima-facie” terhadap Rahim ialah; kerana membuat satu Akuan Statutori Palsu (atau dalam bahasa yang mudah;”Angkat Sumpah Palsu”), suatu kesalahan yang boleh dihukum dibawah Seksyen 193 Kanun Keseksaan yang boleh dihukum penjara 7 tahun jika disabitkan kesalahannya.Akuan palsu ini dikatakan dibuat kepada Perdana Menteri dan di-Jabatan Perdana Menteri ketika itu.

9.1.	Persoalan yang boleh ditimbulkan dalam situasi ini adalah; sama ada keterangan Rahim dalam siasatan Video Seks Kedua, boleh diterima pakai sepenuhnya, memandangkan Rahim telah sanggup sehingga mengangkat sumpah palsu kepada Perdana Menteri dan Kerajaan untuk menyembunyikan kesalahan-kesalahan jenayah yang beliau telah lakukan seperti yang dilaporkan oleh BPR sedemikian itu.Jika demikian,kesanggupan Rahim memberi kesaksian palsu dalam siasatan Video Seks Kedua tidak boleh diperkecilkan.

9.2.	Walaubagaimanapun saya berpendapat “benefit of the doubts” wajar diberi kepada Rahim berkaitan penglibatannya dalam Video Seks Kedua.Saya sarankan siasatan wajar dijalankan sama ada Rahim telah dihasut,dipaksa atau diugut untuk mendapatkan apa-apa keterangan dengan apa cara sekalipun untuk mensabitkan sesuatu kesalahan jenayah terhadap Anwar;sebagai balasan Peguam Negara kepada Rahim yang tidak dituduh atas beberapa kesalahan salahguna kuasa,rasuah dan membuat akuan statutory palsu.

9.3.	Kemungkinan ini tidak boleh diketepikan begitu sahaja.Ini memandangkan Peguam Negara,Gani Patail antara 26.10.1998 hingga 21.12.1998 telah dengan cara yang menyalahi undang-undang mendapatkan seorang Dr.Abdul Rahman Yusof menyediakan tiga laporan perubatan palsu terhadap Anwar dalam siasatan kes mata-lebam.Dipercayai sebagai balasannya, Dr.Rahman tidak dikenakan apa apa pertuduhan oleh Gani Patail dalam kes ugutan jenayah terhadap Dr.Rahman.Salahlaku jenayah Gani Patail sedemikian itu beserta dengan bukti-bukti yang tidak disangkal adalah dalam pengetahuan persendirian YAB Perdana Menteri sejak dua-setengah tahun yang lalu.

JAM TANGAN OMEGA

10.	Pada pendapat saya,sekiranya penyiasatan kes Video Seks Kedua ini dikekalkan dibawah Seksyen 292 Kanun Keseksaan semata-mata,maka penyiasatan lanjut untuk mengesan pemilik Jam Tangan Omega tersebut adalah tidak relevan serta melampaui keperluan “ingredients” yang wajib dibuktikan dibawah Seksyen 292 KK tersebut.

10.1.	Dengan itu izinkan saya menyarankan supaya Pegawai Penyiasat kes melebarkan klasifikasi penyiasatan kepada Seksyen 192 Kanun Keseksaan iaitu,mereka keterangan palsu.Saya sarankan supaya Pegawai Penyiasat memfokuskan perhatian kepada misalan-misalan yang sedia ujud sekian lama,sepertimana diperturunkan dibawah.

Seksyen 192 Kanun Keseksaan.

Misalan-Misalan.

(a)A memasukkan barang-barang kedalam sebuah peti kepunyaan Z,dengan niat supaya barang-barang itu boleh dijumpai dalam peti itu,dan supaya keadaan ini boleh menyebabkan Z disabitkan atas kesalahan mencuri.A telah mereka keterangan palsu.

(English version)

(a)A puts jewels into a box belonging to Z,with the intention that they may be found in that box,and that this circumstance may cause Z to be convicted of theft.A has fabricated false evidence.

10.2.	Berdasarkan kenyataan Eskay sendiri kepada media cara bagaimana Jam Tangan Omega tersebut sampai ketangan beliau,serta mengambil kira hubungan akrab beliau dengan Anwar, serta motif Eskay mendedahkan video seks berkenaan, tidak keterlaluan untuk saya berpendapat bahawa misalan (a) dalam Seksyen 192 Kanun Keseksaan tersebut, mungkin adalah relevan.

10.3.	Pada pendapat saya beban bukti yang jam Omega tersebut tidak diperlakukan sepertimana misalan yang tersebut diatas kini terletak dibahu Eskay dan bukan pemilik berdaftar jam Omega tersebut.

10.4.	Berdasarkan kepada keadaan yang mengelilingi Video Seks Kedua ini,saya berpendapat bahawa terdapat kewajaran untuk melebarkan siasatan meliputi pembuktian kes dibawah Seksyen 192 Kanun Keseksaan.Ini sebagai peringatan kepada orang ramai akan betapa seriousnya perbuatan mereka keterangan palsu dan kesan jangka panjangnya terhadap Sistem Keadilan Jenayah kita.

PENYELESAIAN ISU “ONCE AND FOR ALL”

11.	Ada kalanya kita harus berani melakukan sesuatu yang luar biasa untuk menyelesaikan sesuatu masaalah “once and for all”.Asalkan tindakan-tindakan yang diambil tidak menyalahi undang-undang Negara dan Hukum Syariah atau melanggar paraturan moral.Sekiranya kita tersesat jalan, tidak salah kita berpatah balik kepangkalnya untuk mencari jalan yang betul.

11.1.	Selama lebih 12 tahun pemikiran rakyat telah bergelumang dan diracuni serta dicemari dengan isu-isu yang berkisar dengan seks luar nikah dan seks luar tabii,seolah-olah tidak ada perkara yang lebih penting daripada itu untuk rakyat fikirkan.Malahan pemain-pemain utama yang terlibat dalam kekalutan ini juga berkisar diantara beberapa individu sahaja yang nama-nama mereka hampir kesemuanya terdapat dalam surat kecil ini.

11.2.	Sebelum kita tersasar lebih jauh,tidak salah untuk kita dibawa berpatah balik kepangkal jalan, untuk meneliti semula peristiwa lampau bagi mencari penyelesaian yang ideal dan membuat keputusan siapa yang benar dan siapa yang patut dipersalahkan kerana telah menyebabkan kegusaran dan kekeliruan dikalangan rakyat.Saya mencadangkan tindakan-tindakan berikut;

TAYANGKAN VIDEO SEKS PERTAMA 1999 KEPADA UMUM.

12.	Saya menjangka akan dikecam membuat cadangan ini.Percayalah,saya yang menyelia penyiasatan kes ini dan ingatan saya masih segar akan apa yang terkandung dalam video tersebut.Video tersebut tidak mengandungi adegan- adegan seksual seperti dalam “blue film” yang mungkin sesetengah orang harapkan.Kandungan keseluruhannya pada pendapat saya tidak tergulung sebagai bahan lucah sepertimana tafsiran dalam Seksyen 292 Kanun Keseksaan.Tayangannya kepada umum juga pada pendapat saya tidak menyalahi mana-mana undang-undang Am atau Syariah.

12.1.	Sepanjang yang saya ingat, kandungan Video yang dibertajuk “Siapa Anwar” lebih berbentuk documentary yang menggambarkan kisah hidup seksual Anwar.Video ini juga mendedahkan gambar-gambar lokasi/bilik hotel dimana Anwar dikatakan sering kunjungi untuk melakukan aktibiti seks luar nikah atau luar tabii beliau.Turut dimuatkan dalam video ini adalah rakaman perbualan telefon antara seorang lelaki yang dikatakan Anwar dengan teman wanitanya dan bercakap mengenai seks.Video ini disunting sedemikian rupa yang sesuai digunakan untuk meyakinkan penuntun bahawa Anwar adalah seorang yang tidak bermoral dan tidak layak dan sesuai untuk menjadi pemimpin, lebih-lebih lagi kepada Masyarakat  Melayu yang beragama Islam.

12.2.	Saya yakin selepas rakyat diberi peluang menuntun video ini,khasnya orang-orang Melayu, mereka boleh membuat keputusan masing-masing, sama ada Anwar benar-benar seorang yang tidak mempunyai moral untuk layak menjadi pemimpin dan Perdana Menteri seperti yang cuba digambarkan, ataupun video tersebut telah direkacipta oleh musuh-musuh peribadi dan politik Anwar bertujuan memfitnah dan membunuh karier politik beliau,ataupun kerana membalas dendam akibat pendedahan Anwar berkaitan dengan penyalahgunaan kuasa dan rasuah pemimpim-pemimpin tertentu sepertimana yang disebutkan dalam perenggan 6.8 dan 7 diatas.Sekiranya anggapan yang terkemudian ini yang betul,maka tindakan undang-undang yang setimpal terhadap individu yang melakukan jenayah tersebut hendaklah dilaksanakan tanpa lengah lagi without fear or favour.

PENUTUP.

13.	Lebih cepat kita menyelesaikan isu ini,lebih baik untuk rakyat jelata.Selamat maju jaya dan selamat sejahtera.

Yang benar,

(Mat Zain Ibrahim)

18 April 2011

Sk.

SUPM (untuk makluman KPN dan T/KPN)

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 21 April 2011, 11:30 am and is filed under
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