The limits of democracy and individualism

by
Dr. Azly Rahman

(Part 3 of the speech to Malaysian and Indonesian Muslim students of North America and Canada, Washington DC,  December 2007.)

I begin with two familiar quotes:

“A life unexamined is not worth living,” said Socrates.

“Work hard as if you are to live forever, devote your beingness to the Creator as if you are to die tomorrow,” goes a saying attributed to Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him)

In this third part of our discussion, we will talk about the world within and this relates to the limits of democracy and individualism. I use the word “personacracy” or “deeply personal democracy” to describe what is it that we need to know about ourselves in order to navigate through the politics of representation of the modern world and signs and symbols of the postmodern environment we inhabit. We need, as an American social critic Frederic Jameson called a “cartography of the self” or a GPS system of our inner and outer world to function in this environment.

But first, what does being and “individual” mean? Let me offer a perspective that you can build upon. I need you to listen carefully to the concepts. They might make sense.

Individualism

How limiting can the term “individualist” mean if it hovers merely within the realm of one’s beingness in relation to this world wherein information is mistaken for knowledge and propaganda for truth within the assumption that what we know can merely be grasped by the senses five?

If one’s entire beingness and becomingness is shackled by it being shaped by the apparatuses of the modern state, as the Italian thinker Antonio Gramsci once said, and if one’s understanding of the world is merely a mimic of what politics, culture and scientism has dictated, then the word “individualism” is but a term coined so that the personhood in each and every one of us becomes an object to be studied through the process of Othering. Within this delimiting and shackling context then, I must name myself less as an individual and more as a “personacrat.”

My personacratic self primarily aims at understanding first and foremost my inner world with its attendant beauty and self-government, evolving personhood, destroying of paradigms and perpetual awareness of the supraconsciousness of what lies within. I am a personacrat derived from a conceptual meadow I coin as “personacracy”; a government (kratos) of the self, by the self, for the self.

I reject all forms of democracy; the illusionary system of government which has lost its meaning since it was first conceptualised. Personacracy allows me to be in this world of illusion, of Maya, but not be and become part of it. I am thus in this world but not of this world.

Personacracy

The government I have created in my wakefulness entails me to mediate between the I and the Thou-ness of the scheme of things. I conjure Existence as the highest ideal, going beyond merely thinking therefore I exist, rather believing that I exist within a universe of Existence. I persist to exist within this encapsulated notion called mind and body and persist to believe that when this body rots, death becomes the beginning of perpetual existence. I am eternal within this form and shape of beingness, until eternity calls upon me to be me with Nature and to be a witness to the Truth I have longed to meet.

I am truth within a Truth of greater magnitude. I am one and indivisible within a greater design of Oneness and Indivisibility. I utilize my senses five with guidance from my Inner Self in turn guided by a counter-balancing self within. And within these faculties and the political organs within, my entire personhood is a government in itself to be ethnically mastered and maneuvered through the oceans of mercy I call the world outside.

I am thus as such, closer to my Self than my jugular vein! In what ways then, am I not individualistic? Here are a few: I once wept when I had no shoes, until I saw a man with no feet; I once believed that man can rise to become Superman, until I sank deeper within myself to become a vicegerent of the Supreme Spirit; I once believed that life is to be lived until I heard one say the life unexamined is not worth living; I once believed that we live once and then die, until I discovered that death to me comes by every nightfall and I live a new life by every break of day; I once heard of a distant heaven and hell, until I name them so as I can be in them; I once let time pass, until I became it and gave what it asked for; I once thought loneliness is bliss until I began to desire of its unspeakable beauty; I once asked who should govern and why must I be governed until I found the ways to govern those within me who longed to be governed; I once marveled at creation, destruction and sustenance until I found that I am all in one Creator, Destroyer and Sustainer.

I am this world within and the world without but not with it. Because if I am part of it, I will be apart from the Thou I longed to be part of! I am a traveler passing through time. In my journey I have met mice and men, savages and savants, politicians and philosophers, economists and eco-feminists.

In my journey I have met Marx, Nietzsche, Sartre, Foucault, Al Ghazalli and Al Arabi, and philosophers beyond the type of individualism I have been told to mimic. I am taking to the road not taken, for it should make a difference and as I pass through, I kept looking at open windows lest I be oblivious of what this world may teach.

Life and death

And as I pass through I become more subdued in my anger of what has wrought this world and made men wretched of the earth as I know that this journey is an arduous one; one which begins with a web of guess but will end at a point of certainty.

And at the moment of death, the end of the road, I am meeting a self of whom I am familiar with, who I once met before this journey begins. I create the rock I choose to roll so that one should imagine me happy. I can soar among eagles and dwell among sparrows.

Life, to me is not an end game but a journey towards Light, which has neither a beginning nor an end. And hence, why am I not an individual and democrat?

Because the world is too much for me. If all the world’s a stage, I insist not being a mere player but to create one for myself so that I can, in the end hold it like a crystal ball – the world and the stage and its players in all. Is there not beauty in personacracy, than in democracy?

I believe, therefore I am a personacrat!

I hope you have questions on this part of the lecture and I hope you will be able to understand a perspective of the self better.

In the last part I shall talk about your role as students, by way of learning from your environment, by naming it, and transforming it when the time for change requires you to do so.

[Part 4 will follow]

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 17 January 2008, 6:09 am and is filed under
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Will Keng Yaik redeem his political sins in his last few weeks in Cabinet?

Gerakan Minister for Energy, Water and Communications, Datuk Seri Lim Keng Yaik, with over two decades as Federal  Minister, must bear responsibility together with the MIC President and sole Indian Cabinet Minister  for over 28 years,  Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu for the marginalization of the Malaysian Indians into a new underclass.

Keng Yaik should redeem his “political sins” in his last few weeks in Cabinet before the dissolution of Parliament in the next six weeks  by speaking up for the Indians instead of undermining their cause for justice.

The least Keng Yaik should do is to defend the Gerakan Youth vice chief S. Paranjothy who had said  that the 30,000 Indians had taken part in the November 25 Hindraf demonstration in Kuala Lumpur “to express their frustrations and anger” because the community has been “marginalized, oppressed and ignored”.

Keng Yaik  should tell the the Umno Youth leader, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein that Paranjothy had  neither committed any  wrong nor indiscipline   in speaking the truth and blaming Hishammuddin and the Deputy UMNO Youth Leader Khairy Jamaluddin for racial posturing and inciting racial sentiments among Malays to gain political mileage – citing against the former the keris-wielding episodes and against the latter his berating of the Indian news vendors when the UMNO presidential address of Prime Minister and UMNO President, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi was not carried in the press the next day as UMNO general assembly fell on Deepavali, with the next day an annual press holiday.

Paranjothy had described the Indians as “fourth-class citizens” who form the most neglected group in economic terms, as shown by key performance indicators such as tertiary education.

Paranjothy also criticized the government’s hard-line stance against public demonstrations, hitting out at the government for practising double-standards in the issuance of police permits vis-à-vis  Barisan Nasional Youth and Umno Youth.

Gerakan President Tan Sri Dr. Koh Tsu Koon dared not defend and champion Paranjothy’s right to speak the truth about the long-standing marginalization of the Malaysian Indians in the country,  buckling quickly under Hishammuddin’s pressure and ultimatum of a break of ties by Umno Youth and Barisan Nasional with Gerakan if the new Gerakan chief was unable to give a reply or his explanation was unsatisfactory with regard to Paranjothy’s statement.

Tsu Koon’s immediate response was to dissociate himself from  Paranjothy and referring  him to the Gerakan disciplinary committee for disciplinary action to be taken – when Paranjothy should be commended as the only Barisan Nasional official to speak up for the marginalized Indians, something even the MIC President had failed to do.

Is Keng Yaik, as the Gerakan elder, prepared to do what Tsu Koon dared not do – to defend and champion Paranjothy’s right to speak the truth and to tell Hishammuddin to end his bully ways as Umno Youth leader against other Barisan Nasional parties and leaders?

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 17 January 2008, 10:43 am and is filed under
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I will be in Keningau this evening

THURSDAY- 17TH JANUARY 2008 – KIT SIANG TO VISIT KENINGAU TOMORROW

Kit Siang to visit Keningau tomorrow

KENINGAU:

Opposition leader and Democratic Action Party (DAP) National Adviser Lim Kit Siang will visit Keningau on Friday to hear the problems of the people, especially from this district.

Lim will be accompanied by State DAP coordinating chief Teresa Kok, Interior DAP chief Paul Kadau said on Tuesday.

He said Lim is expected to meet the people at Juta Hotel about 7pm.

Paul disclosed that all the DAP machineries in the interior are ready for the coming general election.

“I have set up nine election centres in this district to assist me in the campaigns,” he said.

Paul said DAP would not face any problem because all preparations were going smoothly and the people’s support was very encouraging.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 18 January 2008, 7:50 am and is filed under
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Lingam tape RCI – Mahathir evasive, forgetful and irresponsible

Former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad was a poor witness  yesterday at the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Lingam videotape scandal.

He was evasive, uncharacteristically forgetful as to be prone to sudden bouts of amnesia on certain  crucial events which Mahathir had never been known to suffer from and broke his word that he would respond to all questions to the best of his ability.

Most of the time, Mahathir was evading questions to the best of his ability, including his resort to “prerogative” to refuse to answer questions for the reasons why he rejected the recommendation of the then Chief Justice Tun Dzaiddin Abdullah in 2002 for the appointment of the late Tan Sri Abdul Malek Ahmad as Chief Judge of Malaya, favouring instead of Ahmad  Fairuz  Sheikh Abdul Halim.

Mahathir was downright wrong and irresponsible in pleading prerogative to refuse to answer questions why the recommendation of a Chief Justice who was most familiar with the best qualities of his brother judges was rejected.

While the prerogative of the Prime Minister under the Constitution to decide on who should be recommended for appointment to the various high judicial offices in the country is not challenged or doubted, it is wrong to equate of prerogative of a Prime Minister in a democratic system of government with the royal prerogative of divine rule.

This is because the prerogative of a Prime Minister in an elected system of government, while assuring the Prime Minister as having  the final say in the decision-making, does not give the Prime Minister the immunity to disregard accountability, transparency and integrity in the exercise of the prerogative.

This is my second disappointment with the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Lingam Tape scandal.  Two days ago, I asked why the Royal Commission of Inquiry had not subpoenaed V. K. Lingam to be the first witness to ascertain from him whether he conceded the authenticity of the 14-minute tape, especially as he has authorized his lawyer to say that the person in the tape looked and sounded like him

Why was Lingam allowed to run the Royal Commission of Inquiry around in circles on the authenticity of the tape when this should be the first issue to be disposed off, with Lingam in the witness box, one way or another?

My second disappointment is that the Royal Commission of Inquiry yesterday allowed the  former Prime Minister to get away so easily, when Mahathir should have been held to proper  responsibility and accountability for a dark chapter in the nation’s judicial history.

Many Malaysians get the impression that the Royal Commission of Inquiry members treated Mahathir with “kid’s gloves” as they were in awe and even in some fear of the longest-serving Prime Minister in the country.

The proceedings of the first four days of the Royal Commission of Inquiry do not inspire confidence that it could play a seminal role to restore national and international confidence in the independence, integrity and quality of the Malaysian judiciary.

(Media Conference Statement at Kota Kinabalu Airport on Friday, 18th January 2008 at 1.30 pm)

                This entry was posted on Friday, 18 January 2008, 1:15 pm and is filed under
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Time for new Education Minister if Hishammuddin cannot free national schools from the clutches of Little Mullah Napoleons (LMN)

A parent of a student in SMK Taman Selesa Jaya, Skudai, Johore has emailed his complaint of a new school ruling by the head master and discipline teacher banning the bringing of non-halal food to school.

This is put in black-and-white in the School Regulation 3.15 on
“Makan dan minum”
 which stipulates:

“c. Makanan yang tidak halal tidak dibenarkan dibawa masuk ke kawasan sekolah.”

This is repeated and  elaborated  in Regulation 7.9 on
“Barang-Barang Larangan”
 which states:

“7.9  Gula-gula, chewing gum, makanan ‘junk food’, makanan tidak halal.”

In his email, the parent was upset about one categorization of “serious offences” in breach of school discipline, viz. Item No. 28 which states
“Menganjurkan atau membabitkan dalam acara kebudayaan tanpa kebenaran pihak sekolah, PPD, JPNJ dan Kementerian Pendidkan Malaysia”
, causing him to ask: “I don’t understand why cultural activities outside of school is their concern.  Soon going to church or celebrating Deepavali will need the same approval, or for that matter CNY.”

The School Regulation also prescribes the  dress code for visitors to the school, viz:

“9.2  Pakaian pelawat, ibubapa mestilah kemas dan menutup aurat (tidak boleh berseluar pendek).  Pihak sekolah boleh tidak melayan pelawat atau ibubapa yang tidak mengikuti/menendahkan peraturan tersebut.”

Malaysiakini columnist
Helen Ang
 has coined the term “Little Mullah Napoleons” (LMN) to describe the little bureaucrats who are taking upon themselves to micro-manage how Malaysians dress – and this dress regulation for  visitors to SMK Taman Selesa Jaya Skudai, Johor qualify  its headmaster Haji Masdar bin Abu and discipline teacher Haris bin Ismail to join the rolls of Helen Ang’s LMNs.

In his last year as Prime Minister, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad was quite outspoken in expressing his concern at the failure of national schools as instruments of nation-building and national unity.

He openly admitted that there had been two hijackings of the national education system from its original objective to cater to all races in Malaysia, alienating non-Muslims as in denying the right of the Chinese and Indians to learn their own languages and introducing Islamic practices in the school system which “puts off the non-Malays”, with boys forbidden from wearing shorts, even for playing games, and “even games are discouraged”, when “before, we had no problems with girls wearing skirts and boys wearing shorts, especially for games”.

When Abdullah became Prime Minister, he pledged to carry out Mahathir’s “unfinished business” to end such extremism and intolerance by the school bureaucrats  so that the national schools will become the school of choice of all Malaysians regardless of race.  In fact,  this became one of the pledges of the Barisan Nasional general election manifesto in 2004.

Four years have passed and there is an even longer catalogue of instances of hijacking of the national education system from its original objective to cater to all races in Malaysia with the rise of more LMNs as principals and discipline masters, as highlighted by the recent spate of school incidents whether over the compulsory wear of songkok for school prefects in
Maktab Sultan Abu Bakar (formerly English College) Johore Baru
 (since withdrawn) , the sheaf of insensitivities of the
SMK BUD4 Principlal
 or this latest incident.

It is time to have a new Education Minister if Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein is such a dismal failure to honour the Barisan Nasional election pledge to liberate the national education system from the clutches of LMNs to ensure that the national schools  become the school of choice of all Malaysians regardless of race or religion.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 18 January 2008, 6:56 am and is filed under
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DAP KDM Kota Kinabalu Declaration Jan 2008

THE DAP KDM DECLARATION

KOTA KINABALU, SABAH

January 19, 2008

We, the people of Kadazan-Dusun-Murut (KDM) of Sabah, at a DAP Sabah KDM Convention in Kota Kinabalu on January 19, 2008 hereby CALL for:

*AN ALL-OUT COMMITMENT by the people of Sabah and Malaysia to end and eradicate the underclass status of the Kadazan-Dusun-Murut (KDM) people in Sabah and Malaysia as a result of Barisan Nasional administration and policies and to restore to the KDM community an equal and rightful place in Sabah and Malaysia.

Towards this end, the following KDM Declaration is dedicated:-

PREAMBLE

In 1994 state general election 14 years ago, Barisan Nasional promised a “Sabah Baru” with the following highlights:

•	To reduce poverty level in Sabah from 33 per cent to zero in the year 2,000;

•	To eliminate illiteracy to zero in the year 2,000; and

•	To eradicate corruption in Sabah;

•	To give every Sabahan a house by the year 2,000; and

•	To resolve the problem of illegal immigrants in Sabah.

Every one of these “Sabah Baru” pledges have been broken and dishonoured, with the KDM community suffering even worse political, economic, educational, social, cultural and religious marginalization to the extent that a 11-year-old Std. V Dusun pupil Donny John Dion committed suicide and hanged himself at home in Kampung Suangon in  Papar parliamentary constituency because of abject poverty and marginalization of the KDM community.

END POLITICAL MARGINALISATION

When Umno entered Sabah, it promised equal political partnership and power-sharing in the state with the rotation of post of Chief Minister among the three major communities under a Barisan Nasional state government.

The new underclass status of the KDM is most apparent in the dishonouring of this power-sharing pledge, as in the past 14 years, the post of the Chief Minister had been held by a KDM for only a short period of nine months!

Can a KDM ever become a Sabah Chief Minister again?

WE CONDEMN THE BN GOVERNMENT FOR THE “DIVIDE AND RULE TACTIC” that split the KDM community politically.

WE DEMAND:

•	LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTION to restore to the KDM community grass-roots democracy and a fair and full participation in local government administration to end the abuses of local government political appointment system; and

•	MORE SENIOR POSTS  in the Federal Government Departments in Sabah.

END ECONOMIC AND DEVELOPMENT MARGINALISATION

WE CONDEMN THE BN GOVERNMENT FOR ITS FAILURE TO BRING ABOUT POSITIVE ECONOMIC GROWTH, TO ERADICATE POVERTY, and most of all to uplift the living standard and well being of the KDM in the rural districts.

WE DEMAND  THE GOVERNMENT:

•	TO OPEN UP IDLE STATE LAND & YAYASAN SABAH LAND BANK FOR AGRICULTURE TO BENEFIT THE KDM COMMUNITY IN THE RURAL DISTRICTS and provide financial, skill training, and all the required assistance.

•	TO PAY SPECIAL ATTENTION TO THE BASIC NEEDS OF THE KDM RURAL CHILDREN in their schools, infrastructure facilities, scholarship, health, and financial hardship.

END ETHNIC, CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS MARGINALISATION

WE STRONGLY CONDEMN the statement made by the Malacca Chief Minister Datuk Seri Ali Rustam that  “IT IS EASY TO BECOME MALAY” in showing utter insensitivity and disrespect to the  KDM identity.

WE DEMAND that the  Constitutional rights and guarantees on freedom of religion be fully honoured and respected with an end to the host of recent violations restricting and curtailing  the fundamental liberties on freedom of religion guaranteed in the Constitution and the 20 Points on Sabah’s formation of Malaysia 44 years ago.

EMPHASIS must be given by the government to accord fair and equitable attention for the development of the KDM religion and beliefs in Sabah.

END CITIZENSHIP MARGINALISATION

WE CONDEMN THE BN FOR FAILURE TO RESOLVE THE LONG STANDING PROBLEM WITH THE ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS, WORKERS AND REFUGEES presence in Sabah which directly affect the livelihood and citizenship status of the KDM community.

WE OPPOSE the BN for granting THE REFUGEES HOLDING IMM13 and ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS with PERMANENT RESIDENT STATUS (PR), and we DEMAND THE IMM13 to BE ABOLISHED, and BE DEPORTED.

WE STRONGLY OPPOSE SPR for allowing the use of the “Blue IC” (dubious identity) to vote in the election which had been declared invalid by JPN.

END SOCIAL MARGINALINATION

WE CONDEMN THE MUSHROOMING OF ILLEGAL IMMIGRANT SQUATTERS COLONIES which are the ROOT CAUSE  OF ALL SOCIAL ILLS and CRIMES in Sabah and DEMAND THESE ILLEGAL SQUATTERS TO BE DEMOLISHED.

WE CONDEMN THE INHUMANE TREATMENT (torching and chasing out) by the BN Government IN SABAH in dealing with the land issues involving THE LOCAL KDM LIVING IN THEIR ANCESTROUS GROUND.

WE CONDEMN the BN Government FOR RELOCATING OUTSIDERS OF OTHER RACES, BELIEFS, AND CULTURES INTO TRADITIONAL KDM KAMPONGS (eg. Kampung Maang).

WE THE  KDM IN DAP HEREBY MAKE  THE SOLEMN PLEDGE TO PERSEVERE IN THE RIGHTFUL AND JUST CAUSE TO to end and eradicate the underclass status of the Kadazan-Dusun-Murut (KDM) people in Sabah and Malaysia and to restore to the KDM community an equal and rightful place in Sabah and Malaysia.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 19 January 2008, 5:38 pm and is filed under
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Lingam tape RCI competition for “I cannot remember” – Mahathir 14 times, Eusoff Chin 18 times in mid-testimony

The first five days of the public hearings of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Lingam Videotape should have been the first step to restore national pride and confidence in the excellence and integrity of national institutions, in particular the independence, integrity and quality of the judiciary which in the past 19 years had plunged from international esteem to become a global laughing stock.

However, this was not to be, and the first five days of the Royal  Commission hearings were painful days for national pride and honour.

It had been a sad and  a great ordeal to all Malaysians to see top national leaders like the longest-serving Prime Minister for 22 years, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and former Chief justice, Tun Eusuff Chin competing with each other in selective amnesia at the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Lingam Tape.

A quick count showed that Mahathir said “I cannot remember” or its equivalent 14 times during his 90-minute  testimony before the Royal Commission on Wednesday while Eusuff Chin said “I cannot remember” or its equivalent 18 times in his half-testimony yesterday – with the former Chief Justice testimony adjourned to next week to allow him to seek legal representation and engage legal counsel!

Malaysians still do not believe that Mahathir has become so forgetful that he had to invoke the “I cannot remember” mantra 14 times in his short testimony especially as Mahathir is still famed for his poem, Melayu Muda Lupa. Is Mahathir proving himself right with his sudden forgetfulness?

As a commentator on my blog has pointed out, the Malaysian public is aghast as Mahathir’s testimony because of the public perception that Mahathir has an elephant memory (that an elephant never forgets), especially as Mahathir has a reputation for remembering details others could scantly recall as illustrated by his mastery to recall effortlessly details of Rafidah Aziz’s excesses in the AP scandal without any prodding.

Questions have legitimately been raised that  as Mahathir is still very   active in public life, who continues to speak on domestic and international circuits and highly respected for his analytical skills, how could his many lapses in memory in his appearance before the Royal Commission of Inquiry be credible and convincing?

Furthermore, Tun M is reputedly writing his memoirs presently which may take volumes. This is no task for a man with an amnesiac memory.

Before these and many other questions are answered, Malaysians were presented with another spectacle of a “pillar” of Malaysian society also subject to protracted bouts of memory loss, out-forgetting  Mahathir when the former Chief Justice was only half-way through his testimony.

Apart from his very questionable memory lapses, some of the things that he said raises question whether Eusoff Chin should have been appointed the  highest judicial officer of the country in the previous decade.

It must be a one-in-a-billion case of  coincidence for  Eusoff Chin when he was Chief Justice and senior lawyer V.K. Lingam and their families to get into the same flight from Singapore to Auckland, and then from Auckland to Christchurch, and to visit the same places in Auckland and Christchurch as well as return on the same flight.

Yesterday, Eusoff Chin said he “bumped” into Lingam in Singapore but in 2000, the former Chief Justice was on public record as saying that he had “bumped” into Lingam “on the way to a NZ zoo”.  Why the contradiction?

The Star report on Eusuff’s testimony at the Royal Commission of Inquiry yesterday,
 “
’Normal to take pix with me’”
 said in para 3:

According to a 2000 news article tendered yesterday, the former Chief Justice had also reportedly said: “When the man puts his hand on your shoulder, you can’t simply shove it aside.”

However, anyone  looking at the photograph of Eusuff holidaying in New Zealand with Lingam (front page New Straits Times) will see that it was Eusoff who put his hand on Lingam’s shoulder instead of the other way round.

A lot of reputations are being destroyed at the Royal Commission of Inquiry public hearings, not by any probing questions by the commissioners or the lawyers, but by the missteps and refusal to come clean and true by the important witnesses.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 19 January 2008, 5:24 pm and is filed under
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Malaysia First Family and new grandson Jibreil Ali Jamaluddin

by
Dr Chen Man Hin

The first family is truly representative of a multiracial Malaysia which has Malay, Chinese, Indian and Indigenous communities.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has ancestors hailing from the MidEast of Arabic origin

His daughter , Nori Abdullah was born of a Japanese mother. His son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin comes from a Malay ancestry. The new grandson, Jibreil Ali Jamaluddin, can be said to have ancestors hailing from Malaysia, Arabia and Japan. The blood coursing through his veins is a mixture of Malay, Arabic and Han ancestors. He is typical of the young Malaysian, who because of mixed marriages among the different races, is/ multiracial /a rooted Malaysian

From the genetic point of view, the true Malaysian is a Bangsa Malaysia.

Other terms like bumiputras or ketuanan Melayu has no genetic basis, but are the creation of misleading politicians.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 19 January 2008, 7:10 pm and is filed under
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Abdullah – declare Wednesday January 23 as first Thaipusam national public holiday

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi should immediately declare Wednesday, January 23, 2008 as the first Thaipusam national public holiday instead of just thinking about it.

Abdullah told a Ponggal Festival event at Bukit Bintang last night  that he would consider declaring Thaipusam a national public holiday.

In the past decades, both inside and outside Parliament, DAP has been calling for Thaipusam to be declared a public holiday and not just a state holiday in Penang, Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Johor.

As there is nothing more to consider, Abdullah should immediately announce Wednesday as the first Thaipusam public holiday so that Thaipusam could be celebrated by all Malaysians throughout the country beginning on January 23, 2008.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 20 January 2008, 3:38 pm and is filed under
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DAP KDM Declaration – let KDM not end up as outsiders  in the land of their ancestors

The launching of the DAP KDM (Kadazan-Dusun-Murut) Declaration at the DAP KDM convention today is a historic moment in the political history of Sabah and Malaysia as it represents a stirring call for justice for the Kadazan-Dusun-Murut community  to ensure that 44 years after the 20-Point Agreement on Sabah’s formation of Malaysia, the largest community in the state  does not end up at the bottom of the heap as to become “outsiders” in their own land!

I am very impressed by the seriousness, fervour and sense of mission of the DAP KDM leaders who took the initiative to formulate this historic KDM Declaration, as is evident by the commitment and sense of mission demonstrated  by the five presenters at the convention on the plight and promises facing the KDM community  and which formed the basis of the  DAP KDM Declaration, viz:

1.
The Kadazan-Dusun-Murut (KDM) Crisis
– Pastor Jeffrey Kumin (DAP Karambunai branch chairman)

2.
Squatter colonies of illegal immigrants and Sabah land problems
 – Steven Jimbangan (DAP Kepayan branch chairman)

3.
Kadazan-Dusun-Murut (KDM) Unity
–  Paul Kadau (DAP Interior leader)

4.
Poverty and Education in Sabah
– Justin Sabran (DAP Kuamut branch chairman)

5.
Impact of illegal immigrant presence  to Kadzan-Dusun-Muruts (KDM)
 –  Edward Mujie (DAP Tamparuli branch chairman)

The DAP KDM Declaration in a most dramatic and eloquent manner highlights the grave  problem of the  political, economic, educational, social, cultural and religious marginalization of the KDM community when it posed the question, “Can a KDM ever become a Sabah Chief Minister again?”

This is a question which every KDM, nay every Sabahan and  every  Malaysian, should ask as its brings to the forefront the grave problem of the marginalization of the KDM community as to become the new underclass in Sabah and Malaysia.

In the first three decades of Sabah’s nationhood in Malaysia from 1963-1993, anyone posing the question “Can a KDM ever become a Sabah Chief Minister’, would be regarded  askance as someone who is not only  politically uninformed but with questionable intellectual capabilities.

Today, it is those who think such a question utterly irrelevant who will be regarded as politically uninformed or even intellectually handicapped!

What is the reason for such a sea-change in the Sabah political landscape in a matter of 15 years when what was once held  as virtually as a birthright is regarded by many as “lost for good” as to be irrecoverable?

When Sabah helped form Malaysia in 1963, the first Sabah Chief Minister was a KDM – Donald Stephens/Tun Fuad Stephens, who held the post for a year, returning briefly as Sabah Chief Minister for 44 days until the tragic “666” helicopter crash on June 6, 1976 which wiped out the multi-ethnic Sabah leadership of Fuad Stephens, Peter Mojuntin, Chong Tian Vun and Salleh Sulong, and forever changed the course of Sabah history.

The next KDM Sabah Chief Minister is Datuk Seri Joseph Pairin Kitingan who held the post for nine years from 1985 to 1994.

This works out to a KDM being Sabah Chief Minister for less than 11 years  in the 44-year history of Sabah in Malaysia, i.e. less than 25% – which is clearly a poor reflection of the proper place that should be occupied by the KDM community in Sabah politics as it was the largest ethnic community in 1963.

In the 1994 Sabah state general election, Barisan Nasional promised a “Sabah Baru” to the people of Sabah, including equal political partnership and power-sharing in the state with the rotation of post of Chief Minister among the three major communities under a Barisan Nasional state government.

What is the record of this “equal political partnership and power-sharing” in the past 14 years of Barisan Nasional rule in Sabah?

In the past 14 years of Barisan Nasional rule, the post of Sabah Chief Minister was held by bumiputras for 10 years or 71% of the period and non-bumiputras (Chinese) for four years or 28%.  If the bumiputra Chief Ministership for the period is further examined, it will break down to nine years or 65% of the 14-year BN rule  for Muslim bumiputras and nine months  or six per cent for non-Muslim bumiputras (Tan Sri Bernard Dompok).

If anyone should challenge or doubt the statement that the Kadazan-Dusun-Murut community have been marginalized and  become a new underclass, the history of the Sabah Chief Ministership whether of the past 14 years under Barisan Nasional rule or of the past 44 years in the history of Sabah in Malaysia would be an irrebuttable response.

The  grave problem of the KDM marginalization in Sabah after nearly half-a-century of nationhood in Malaysia can  be illustrated by a catalogue of grim statistics. Suffice here for me to refer to two such grim statistics, viz:

•	Under the Ninth Malaysia Plan, Sabah has the worst poverty incidence of all states in Malaysia, higher than Kelantan and Terengganu, with hard-core poverty incidence at 6.5% as compared to Terengganu 4.4% and Kedah and Kelantan 1.3%.  Among the poor and hard-core poor, the KDM occupy the bottom of the heap.

•	In 1963, Sabah’s population was 454,421. This has jumped more than seven-fold to 3.2 million  in 2005 primarily because of the uncontrolled influx of illegal immigrants who have become citizens and voters through false identity cards – to the extent that it is believed that foreigners have outnumbered local Sabahans in the state. No wonder the KDM regard themselves as having become strangers in the land of their ancestors.

The DAP KDM Declaration a stirring call for justice for the KDM community  to ensure that 44 years after the 20-Point Agreement on Sabah’s formation of   Malaysia, the largest community in the state  does not end up at the bottom of the heap as to become “outsiders” in their own land.

Sabahans and Malaysians must be reminded of the fundamental principles on which Malaysia was founded – the 1957 Merdeka “social contract”  when Malaya achieved independence and the 20 Points Agreement when Sabah, together with Sarawak and Singapore, joined Malaya to form the new Federation of Malaysia in 1963.

Many who talk about the 20 Points do not know what they contain. Let us harken back to the 20 Points, starting with the first of the 20 Points, viz:

Point 1: Religion

While there was no objection to Islam being the national religion of Malaysia there should be no State religion in North Borneo, and the provisions relating to Islam in the present Constitution of Malaya should not apply to North Borneo.

If Point One  of the Twenty-Points had been strictly and scrupulously observed, Sabahan and Malaysians would have been spared the many divisive issues which had polarized Sabahans and Malaysians – such as the  confiscation of printed materials for Christians in Sabah because of the unconstitutional ban of the use of the   word “Allah” by non-Muslims or the half-way stop-work order for the construction of the world’s tallest RM5 million Mazu statue in Kudat because of a fatwa by the Sabah mufti that it is haram in Islam  to construct the Mazu statue.

The DAP KDM Declaration to restore justice to the KDM community is part of the larger Malaysian battle for justice for all marginalized communities and groups for an equal and rightful place under the Malaysian sun and deserves the support of all Malaysians regardless of race, religion, territory or political beliefs.

(Speech when launching the  DAP Kadazan-Dusun-Murut (KDM) Declaration at a DAP KDM convention at Ruby Hotel, Kota Kinabalu on Saturday, 19th January 2008)

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 20 January 2008, 10:30 am and is filed under
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Three questions for Abdullah when he launches Sabah Development Corridor on Jan 29

Sabah Chief Minister, Datuk Seri Musa Aman  was full of hype yesterday about the Sabah Development Corridor (SDC)  to be launched by the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi on January 29.

Musa claimed that the SDC, which is to span an 18-year period from 2008 to 2025, is “special” and different  from other regional corridor developments in the country in that it would extend to the whole of Sabah instead of  being confined to only one area.

Musa has however not explained why the Sabah SDC  is the last “corridor”  to be announced and launched by the Prime Minister, when it should be the first as Sabah has the worst poverty rate in the whole country.

This is one of the three questions Abdullah should answer when he comes to Sabah on January 29 to launch the SDC, viz:

How the SDC will eradicate poverty in Sabah, which is the worst of all states in the country. In the 1994 Sabah state general election manifesto, Barisan Nasional promised a “Sabah Baru” to reduce the poverty level in Sabah from 33 per cent in 1994 to zero in the year 2000.

Although Barisan Nasional has been in power in Sabah  since 1994, there was not only no reduction of Sabah poverty rate to zero in 2000, it registered the highest incidence of poverty rate of 23%  after 10 years in 2004 – much higher than the two other poverty-stricken states of Terengganu (15.4%) and Kelantan (10.6%).

Sabah also leads the states in 2004  in the notoriety table of having the worst hard-core poverty at 6.5% as compared to the next three states with the highest incidence, i.e. Terengganu  4.4% and Kedah and Kelantan 1.3%.

The second question Abdullah should answer on January 29 is how the SDC will end the marginalization of the KDM community as the new underclass in Sabah.

Thirdly, how the SDC will uplift the development of Sandakan to be at par with other growth centres.

At present the Sabah Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Minister both come from Sandakan. But what is the use of having a Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Minister when Sandakan continues its economic slide as compared to other regions in the state, losing out to Kota Kinabalu, Tawau and Lahad Datuk.

For over a decade, there has been an out-migration of the people of Sandakan to Kota Kinabalu, Lahad Datuk, Tawau and the other regions  in Sabah to find a living because of the economic decline in Sandakan.

Let Abdullah address these three questions when he launches the SDC on January 29.

(Media Conference Statement 2 in Sandakan on  Sunday, 20th January 2008)

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 20 January 2008, 7:02 pm and is filed under
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Abdullah should emulate Tunku and take 2 months leave as PM in his nation-wide tour as BN Chairman

When he became Prime Minister more than four years ago, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi pledged that integrity and good governance would be the hallmarks of his premiership and towards this end he also launched the National Integrity Plan.

This is the time for Abdullah to set an example of integrity and good governance and I call on him to emulate Bapa Malaysia and the first Malaysian Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman by taking leave as Prime Minister for two months for him to go on a nationwide tour as Chairman of Barisan Nasional to prepare the 14-party coalition for the 12th general election.

The mainstream media have reported that after his return from Spain, Abdullah “kicked off his second nationwide tour  in what many coalition members believe is the prelude to a soon to be called general election”.
(New Sunday Times 20.1.08)

Abdullah should set an example of understanding and respecting the important distinction between government and party, as it is  the abject failure of  Barisan Nasional Ministers and leaders to appreciate and uphold this  important distinction which is the root cause of the rampant corruption, abuses of power and rank lawlessness in the country.

As Prime Minister, Abdullah has no business to conduct any nation-wide tour to galvanise the 14-party Barisan Nasional to prepare for the next general election expected within 50 days.  When he goes around the country to rally and mobilize Umno and the other Barisan Nasional component parties to shape up for the 12th general election, he is  acting in his capacity as Chairman of Barisan Nasional which is completely different  and separate from the office  of Prime Minister.

As Abdullah wants integrity and good governance to be the hallmarks of his premiership, he should emulate the precedent set by Tunku Abdul Rahman who took two months leave as Prime Minister before the 1964 general election to go round the country to prepare the Alliance for the polls – with Tun Razak as the Acting Prime Minister during Tunku’s leave of absence.

Abdullah should do the same which will demonstrate his seriousness about integrity and good governance.

(Media Conference Statement  in Tawau on Monday, 21st  January 2008)

                This entry was posted on Monday, 21 January 2008, 4:34 pm and is filed under
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Pak Lah’s announcement of Thaipusam as public holiday – Thousand pities

Thousand pities that Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s announcement yesterday of Thaipusam as a public holiday is seen as highly opportunistic and self-serving to  salvage Samy Vellu’s political life and Barisan Nasional’s political fortunes  in the coming polls than the start of a serious and genuine national commitment to end the  long-standing marginalization of Malaysian Indians as the new underclass in the country.

Although the Prime Minister had said at his Ponggol speech in Bukit Bintang on Saturday that he would consider the call to make Thaipusam a public holiday, it was clear that he had decided to use the “Thaipusam a public holiday” as a gambit to restore the political stocks of Samy Vellu and the Barisan Nasional among the two million Malaysian Indians, which was why there was the front-page story in the Star on Friday  “PM to hold BN council meeting on polls” which reported: “On Sunday, Abdullah will meet 20,000 MIC members and supporters at the Cheras Badminton Stadium where he is expected to make a major announcement.”

No wonder one widespread comment and reaction to Abdullah’s announcement is that the Hindraf had been achieve in one rally on Nov. 25 what Samy Vellu had failed to do in more than 28 years as MIC President and sole Indian Cabinet Minister.

I do not completely fault Abdullah for trying get political, general election and voter mileage over the “Thaipusam as public holiday” gambit, as this has become too ingrained in  the Barisan Nasional political culture where people’s legitimate demands and aspirations are only  given some consideration when there is a general election around the corner or a by-election in tow.

In fact, this is the time for Malaysians, regardless of race, religion, culture, language, group, NGO or even individual to reiterate their various outstanding demands and aspirations for the next 50 days before the holding of the 12th general election is the best window of opportunity for their voice and demands to be heard and heeded by the Barisan Nasional Governmentg.  Sad but true!

Abdullah had promised to be different when he became Prime Minister with his refreshing call four years ago to Malaysians “to work with me and not for me” – but he has proven to be a great disappointment as he is  no different from other politicos in the Barisan Nasional in the past four years.

However, Abdullah and his political advisers, particularly the Putrajaya Fourth-storey boys and Samy Vellu, must be faulted for their  cynical belief that the “Thaipusam as public holiday” gambit is sufficient to assuage and address the deep and widespread national grievances of the Malaysian Indians at their long-standing political, economic, educational, social, cultural and religious marginalization as to become a new underclass in Malaysia.

Even the announcement of Thaipusam as a public holiday fell far short of expectation – for Abdullah only announced  Thaipusam as public holiday for Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya Federal Territories when he had raised hopes that Thaipusam would become a national public holiday.

Abdullah’s “Thaipusam as public holiday for FT and Putrajaya” is too little and too late as it failed to meet the minimal kick-off  needed to address the long-standing marginalization of the Indians in Malaysia as to become the new underclass in the country, which I had spelt out in a media conference in Parliament on 4th December 2007, viz:

•	End the Barisan Nasional denial syndrome and openly acknowledge the fact and reality of the crisis of long-standing marginalization of the Malaysian Indians as to become a new underclass in the country;

•	Establishment of a Cabinet Task Force headed by the Prime Minister himself on a New Deal to end the marginalization of Indians and all marginalized groups;

•	Conversion of all the partially-aided Tamil primary schools into fully-aided schools;

•	An immediate RM500 million allocation to upgrade the facilities and standards of Tamil primary schools; and

•	A one-year moratorium for an end  to all demolition of Hindu temples and all places of worship in all states in the country.

It is not too late for Abdullah and Samy Vellu to make amends in the next 48 hours  in time for Thaipusam on Wednesday.

Both Abdullah and Samy Vellu should  both openly admit   the long-standing political, economic, educational, social, cultural and religious marginalization of the Malaysian Indians, announce a New Deal to ensure that Malaysians Indians enjoy an equal and rightful place under the Malaysian sun as well as the immediate and unconditional release of the five Hindraf leaders and activists under the Internal Security Act.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 21 January 2008, 10:49 am and is filed under
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Zero poverty in Sabah – “Sabah Baru”, “Sabah Development Corridor” and Pak Lah’s high-powered committee

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
announced
 yesterday that a high-powered Cabinet sub-committee will be set up to carry out the government’s efforts to eradicate hardcore poverty among all races by 2010.

When Abdullah comes to Sabah next Tuesday (January 29) to launch the Sabah Development Corridor (SDC), he should explain to Sabahans what this high-powered committee means to Sabah.

This is because 14 years ago, in its manifesto to capture Sabah state power from PBS, the Barisan Nasional pledged to create   a “New Sabah” and promised, among other things, to reduce the poverty level in Sabah from 33 per cent in 1994 to zero in the year 2000.

However, this promise of zero poverty in Sabah by the year 2,000 was never fulfilled. According to the Ninth Malaysia Plan, the incidence of poverty in Sabah in 2004 was the highest of all states in Malaysia at 23 per cent, nowhere near zero incidence and higher than Terengganu (15.4%) and Kelantan (10.6%).

Sabah had  also the worst incidence of hard-core poverty in 2004  at 6.5% as compared the next three states with high incidence, i.e. Terengganu 4.4% and  Kedah and Kelantan 1.3%.

Now, eight years after its failure to honour its pledge to reduce poverty in Sabah to zero in 2000, the Prime Minister is talking about eradicating hard core poverty by 2010.

When will the Barisan Nasional honour its 1994 Sabah state general election pledge to reduce poverty to zero in the state?  Will the Sabah Development Corridor take over the 1994 Barisan Nasional broken pledge to achieve zero poverty rate in Sabah by 2000 with a new deadline for zero poverty in Sabah?

Will Abdullah be able to announce the  new date for the reduction of poverty to zero in Sabah when he launches the SDC next Tuesday?

(Media Conference Statement 2 in Tawau on Monday, 21st  January 2008)

                This entry was posted on Monday, 21 January 2008, 5:31 pm and is filed under
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Challenge to Sabah DCM for night-tour of Sandakan ghost-town (his 3-term constituency)

This morning I was in Sandakan where I had issued a challenge to the Sabah Deputy Chief Minister Datuk Raymond Tan Shu Kiah to a night-tour of Sandakan as he had disputed  my statement that Sandakan is a ghost town after dusk.

I had given Tan 48 hours to respond to my challenge and if he dares to accept, we can then fix a date for a joint  night-tour of Sandakan to establish whether Sandakan  becomes a ghost town  as soon as the sun goes down, with the local people of Sandakan deserting the town centre for the safety of their homes or to the outskirts of Sandakan from the  third mile.

I am very shocked that Tan, who is a three-term  State Assemblyman for Sandakan, representing Tanjung Papat, should challenge my statement that Sandakan is a ghost town after dusk – as this is not a recent phenomenon but is the sad fact about Sandakan for over two decades,  covering  the entire period that Tan had been elected representative for Tanjong Papat.

What did Tan  do in his  15 years as Sabah State Assemblyman for the area, with two terms as Cabinet Minister and now as Deputy Chief Minister, to revive Sandakan to its past vibrant and flourishing glory as “Little Hong Kong”?

Instead of restoring the  night-life of Sandakan so that it does not become a ghost town  after dusk, the “ghost town”  problem  has spread  its tentacles outwards to cover an increasing stretch of real property which is  now  some three miles  from the town centre.

Tan should have thanked me for highlighting the problem of Sandakan and used  his present position as Deputy Chief Minister to get the Federal and Sabah State governments to  launch a programme to revive Sandakan after dusk and give Sandakan as “Little Hong Kong” a second life – and not try to deny the undeniable of Sandakan as a ghost-town after dusk for over two decades.

I await  Tan’s response to my challenge for a joint night tour of the ghost-town of Sandakan after dusk.

(Speech 3 at  DAP ceramah in Tawau on Monday, 21st January 2008 at 9 pm)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 22 January 2008, 4:35 pm and is filed under
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Mr. Vacuum Cleaner, Sabah and Sabah Development Corridor

Many legitimate questions have been raised about the Sabah Development Corridor (SDC)  to be launched by the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi  at the Sepanggar Bay container port, 35 km from Kota Kinabalu, next Tuesday, including:

•	Why the SDC is the last “corridor” to be announced and launched by the Prime Minister when it should be the first as Sabah has the worst poverty rate in the whole country.

•	How the SDC will eradicate poverty in Sabah, which is the worst of all states in the country, with an incidence of poverty of 23% in 2004, much higher than the two other poverty-stricken states of Terengganu (15.4%) and Kelantan (10.6%). Sabah has also  the worst hard-core poverty  rate at 6.5% as compared to the next three states with the highest incidence, i.e. Terengganu 4.4% and Kedah and Kelantan 1.3%.

•	How the SDC will end the long-standing socio-economic marginalization of the Kadazan-Dusun-Murut (KDM) community as the new underclass in Sabah.

•	Whether it is possible for Malaysia to implement five “development corridors” simultaneously or is the “corridor” concept more hype than reality.

A poster raised a pertinent question on my blog on the SDC when he said the Barisan Nasional is  “simply trying to hoodwink the rakyat into throwing support for the BN”.

He said that declaring a “corridor” would usually mean that such a “corridor” or region is the focus of intensive development efforts. However the Sabah Chief Minister, Datuk Seri Musa Aman has announced that the SDC will cover the whole state of Sabah and not just confined to certain areas – making nonsense of the  “corridor” concept!

As this poster asked – “Corridors lead from one room to another. Can your entire house be all corridors?”

However, there is an even greater concern about the SDC, whether it will  just end up as a “corridor for corruption” in Sabah.

When Abdullah became Prime Minister four years ago, he pledged to clean up graft and corruption in the country. This, however, had been one of the greatest failures of the Abdullah premiership, which is reflected by Malaysia’s worsening position in the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index from No. 37 in 2003  to 43 in 2007.

Corruption in Malaysia has become more rampant and blatant in the past four years with Sabah leading all the other states not only in having the worst poverty rate but also the most serious corruption problem.

Instead of a clean-up of corruption in the state, Sabahans talk about a “Mr. Vaccuum Cleaner” who plunges Sabah into as new dark age in corruption.

When he comes to Sabah next Tuesday, Abdullah should announce  concrete safeguards to assure Sabahans and Malaysians that the SDC will not  end up as a “corridor for mega corruption” in Sabah

(Speech at  DAP ceramah in Tawau on Monday, 21st January 2008 at 9 pm)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 22 January 2008, 8:32 am and is filed under
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RCI on Lingam Tape:  Boys Sent To Do The Job of Men

by
M. Bakri Musa

Regardless of the outcome of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on the “Lingam Videotape,” these public hearings have already given us a rare and instructive glimpse on the inner workings of our government at the highest levels, and of the caliber of individuals in such positions.

            This is also clearly demonstrated by the commissioners themselves.  Their individual impressive credentials notwithstanding, they are merely boys sent to do the job of men.

            In forcing Prime Minister Abdullah to convene this Royal Commission, Anwar Ibrahim has done a great service to the nation.  Malaysia owes a huge debt of gratitude to him, as well as to the son of businessman Loh Mui Fah for having the foresight to tape that infamous conversation in the first place, and to the anonymous individual who subsequently gave that tape to Anwar.

            The alternative media, in particular Malaysiakini and Malaysia Today, together with various bloggers and members of non-governmental entities, helped ensure that the evolving scandal was not conveniently ignored by the government.  The mainstream media were, as usual, irrelevant.  They not only missed this most important story but tried initially to dismiss it.

Third World Proceedings

Not being physically present, I missed important details of the dynamics of the hearings, such as the demeanors and body language of the various participants.  I have to rely on the alternative media, the various blogs, and personal communications from individuals present at the hearings.

            A few years back I was a spectator at a medical malpractice trial in the brand new courthouse in Malacca.  The judge and lawyers looked impressive; the lawyers solemn in their black gowns, the judge wise if not owlish in his robe and wig.  Unlike the Malaysian courtrooms of yore, this one was mercifully air-conditioned.

            Alas only the appearance was First World.  Once the trial proceeded, the Third World mentality and culture oozed out.  There was no court recorder or computers or overhead projectors.  Consequently the judge was reduced to scribbling furiously, barely paying attention to the witnesses and lawyers.  No wonder Malaysian judges are notorious for their delinquent written judgments; they are busy being secretaries!  With no overhead projectors, valuable court time was wasted circulating important documents and exhibits.

            This Commission of Inquiry apparently is no different.

            In an inquiry of intense national interest, I would have expected the proceedings to be videotaped, and if not broadcasted live then at least posted on the website.  Certainly the transcripts should be.  Alas the Commission does not even have its own website.

Poor Staff Work

The Commission’s poor staff work was evident.  The commissioners and lawyers relied too much on official documents and mainstream media reports.  In questioning former Chief Justice Eusoff Chin no one bothered to present the damning evidence garnered through the investigative reporting of Malaysiakini.

            If the Commission were a nefarious attempt to embarrass former Prime Minister Mahathir, then that too was a bumbling failure.  The questioners were easily flummoxed by Tun’s repeated “I-do-not-recall” responses.  They were either intimidated by Tun or simply incompetent.  The Tun easily dismissed them, and with a smile to boot.  They could not elicit anything substantive from him.  Those commissioners forget that no one is obligated to make their work easier.

            The Tun reduced DPP Nordin Hassan to a bumbling first year law student in a moot court.  Nordin would have gained more if he had asked general questions on the Tun’s philosophy and mode of filling senior appointments instead of trying to force him to recall obscure details.  If nothing else such queries would reveal how we ended up with a sleepy head like Abdullah Badawi as Prime Minister.  It is really naïve for the prosecutor to think that Mahathir could recall (or try hard to) specific letters written six or seven years ago.

            The omissions are equally revealing.  There was for example, no criminal investigation to the leaked official letters.

            There are a few illuminating moments related to the proceedings.  The Star dutifully published a photograph of seven members of the Malaysian Youth Secretariat carrying placards mocking Mahathir for his repeated memory lapses.  This is the paper that did not see fit to print pictures of the recent massive Bersih and Hindraf rallies.  What do you expect from editors who are only too eager to receive directives from the government?

Naïve Inquiry

It is an axiom among savvy lawyers never to ask witnesses questions you do not know or anticipate the answers.  This requires doing your legwork thoroughly.  If you anticipate “I do not recall” responses, you should avoid asking specific details and instead relate some favorable events the witness might have done or said at the material time.  He would then be more likely if not eager to recall the details.  Only after that would you sneak in questions about the details of the specific material item.  The witness would then appear sneaky if he or she were to claim loss of memory.

            The commission has considerable authority including the granting of immunity and prosecuting those who perjure themselves (give false testimony).  It should use that power to depose (get sworn statements) minor witnesses like Lingam’s brother and secretary, as well as the secretaries to Tun Mahathir and Eusoff Chin well ahead of the public hearings.  In calling star witnesses like Eusoff China and Tun Mahathir prematurely, the Commission committed a major strategic blunder.

            The Commission is now halfway through its public hearings.  Like the earlier one on the Police Force, this one too will prove to be an exercise in futility.  Prime Minister Abdullah will, as usual, form yet another committee to “review” the findings, and within a short time, all will again be forgotten.

            Nonetheless we have learned much on how senior governmental positions are filled and the caliber of those appointed.  That should embolden us in cyber world, alternative media and non-governmental organizations to continue holding those in authority accountable.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 22 January 2008, 6:37 am and is filed under
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Will RCI get infamy of being a  “It looks like me, it sounds like me” royal commission?

Senior lawyer V.K. Lingam has probably coined the quote of the century with his “It looks like me and it sounds like me” statement to the Royal Commission of Inquiry hearing yesterday.

What is even more serious, the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Lingam Tape may  forever be known as a “It looks like me and its sounds like me” Royal Commission unless it can shake off the infamy of being dismissed  as a “cover-up” commission.

After the scandalous  competition between former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and former Chief Justice, Tun Eusuff Chin to out-forget each other in their testimony before the Royal Commission of Inquiry last week, it would be hard-put for anyone to out-scandalise the public  – but Lingam was clearly up to the task in putting the two Tuns in the shade!

Lingam has applied to expunge all evidence tendered at the Royal Commission of Inquiry on the New Zealand holiday in 1994 taken by him and then Chief Justice Eusoff Chin at last week’s  Royal Commission of Inquiry on the ground that they were irrelevant to the scope of the inquiry.

The Royal Commission of Inquiry will decide tomorrow after hearing submissions by  lawyers representing various concerned parties.

Whether Lingam’s application to expunge the evidence on his holidaying with Eusoff Chin in New Zealand in 1994  from the Royal Commission of Inquiry succeeds or otherwise, nothing can expunge Eusoff’s testimony  from public mind and memory, for they are most pertinent to explain  why the state of the judiciary is in such a sorry state, plunging from one crisis of confidence to another about  its independence, integrity and competence in the past 19 years.

Even if Eusoff’s evidence before the Royal Commission of Inquiry is expunged from the Royal Commission proceedings, they cannot be expurgated from the public mind and Eusoff owes the nation a full responsibility to come forward to fully account for his integrity as Chief Justice during the period when he held the highest judicial post in the land.

In his testimony, for instance, Eusoff gave the most ridiculous and  bizarre account of the  chain of coincidences which caused his family and that of Lingam to take the same flight from Singapore to Auckland, from Auckland to Christchurch, from Christchurch to Queenstown and the return trips – as well lodging in the same hotels, visiting the same tourist sites and traveling in the same van!

In his appearance last Friday, when asked whether he stayed in the same hotel as Lingam, Eusoff said: “In Auckland there is only one good hotel.”

I have been informed that even way back in 1994, there were four or five five-star hotels in Auckland.

If Lingam succeeds in expunging  Eusoff’s testimony from the Royal Commission of Inquiry, the Cabinet on Wednesday must institute a full public inquiry to get to the bottom of the scandalous stewardship of the highest judicial post by Eusoff Chin when he was Chief Justice of Malaysia.

(Speech 2 at a DAP ceramah in Tawau on Monday, 21st January 2008 at 9 pm)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 22 January 2008, 9:25 am and is filed under
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DAP-PKR seats talks too slow – must be wrapped up by end-Jan as polls in 40 days

Sin Chew Daily  today reported that Parliament would be dissolved on the eighth day of the Chinese New Year (i.e. 14th February 2008), with Nomination Day immediately after Chap Goh Mei (21st February) and polling on 2nd or 3rd March, 2008.

The probability of the next general election falling in the first weekend of March is very high, which would mean that a new Parliament could be elected within 40 days!

Earlier, speculation of the next general election focused primarily on March 15 or the weekend before it. However the  option of March 15 for the next general election will have to be ruled out if the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is serious about his announcement in Spain last week for the First Alliance of Civilisations Annual Forum that he would be in Senegal in March to hand over the chairmanship of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC).  This is because the OIC Summit is fixed for March 13-14, 2008 for Dakar, Senegal.

With the 12th general election falling right smack during the Chinese New Year, all political parties, leaders and members will have very little time to celebrate Chinese New Year this year, which begins in a fortnight’s time.

I am very disappointed that there had been agonizingly little progress in the DAP-PKR talks for an electoral understanding to ensure a one-to-one contest with the Barisan Nasional, avoiding three-cornered fights which can only benefit the Barisan Nasional in the past two weeks.

Both parties had reached an electoral understanding  on January 7, 2008 on the allocation of parliamentary and state assembly seats in Penang, which was announced in a joint media conference by leaders from both parties in Penang on 9th January 2008.

Leaders of both parties had hoped that the Penang agreement would act as a catalyst for the speedy conclusion of seats negotiations for all states in the country so that all energies and resources could be focused single-mindedly in cutting down the Barisan Nasional behemoth with its 91% parliamentary majority down to size in the next general election.

But this has not been the case, as precious little progress had been achieved in the other states in the past two weeks since the Penang agreement apart from Negri Sembilan.

Even for Negri Sembilan, where the state DAP and PKR announced agreement yesterday to take on the Barisan Nasional in straight fights, the announcement was only confined to the state assembly seats although agreement had earlier been reached by both state leaderships for parliamentary and state assembly contests as well. However, as a result of national PKR intervention, the announcement on DAP-PKR pact in Negri Sembilan was only confined to state assembly seats leaving the parliamentary seats unsettled.

I am particularly disappointed at the agonizingly slow  progress in DAP-PKR seats negotiations for I had stuck my neck out to break the stalemate to ensure that the DAP-PKR electoral agreement for Penang was reached on January 7, although DAP was subsequently accused of compromising its position and yielding to PKR pressures.

Such accusation from Barisan Nasional parties and personalities are to be expected, but there are also PKR claims of this nature, like SMS which immediately made the rounds after the announcement of the DAP-PKR electoral understanding for Penang that it was achieved after public threats by a certain PKR leader.

Perak was meant to be the next state for an electoral agreement to be reached after Penang but the differences between the two state parties seem to be as wide as ever, with even the PKR National Vice President publicly reiterating PKR interest to contest in Ipoh Timur parliamentary seat.

I find such lack of progress most disappointing.  By now, all parties should be making their final plans for the general election battle which will be over in 40 days –  and not still bogged down by seats negotiations.

For instance, PKR should be helping the DAP in its plans to wrest  another three parliamentary seats from the Barisan Nasional in Perak namely Bruas, Taiping and Teluk Intan instead of publicly laying claim to these and other seats which are  the focus of DAP efforts in the coming general election, including Ipoh Timur.

Let me try to resolve the DAP-PKR logjam in the electoral talks in Perak. If Perak PKR leaders are so insistent in wanting to contest in Ipoh Timur, let there be an agreement where a  three-cornered fight is allowed for Ipoh Timur involving DAP:  and PKR provided full agreement on a one-to-one fight against the Barisan Nasional for all other parliamentary and state assembly seats  is immediately reached for Perak.

There is no more time to lose. I will go one step further and call for full conclusion of the DAP-PKR talks on electoral agreement for all states by the end of January, i.e. in a week’s time.

If general election is held by the first weekend of March, there are only some  30 days  left to  fight the 12th general election.

Let 31st January 2008 be the deadline for the conclusion of the electoral talks  between DAP and PKR.  I hope both parties can reach an electoral understanding for a one-to-one contest against the Barisan Nasional in the forthcoming general election, but if we cannot reach agreement, then let this be decided and known instead of dragging it out indefinitely, which will not serve the cause of cutting the Barisan Nasional behemoth down to size in the 12th general election.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 23 January 2008, 12:54 pm and is filed under
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Another example of Malaysian university mediocrity

Educational and in particular university quality and excellence has increasingly become an important indicator not only of a nation’s international competitiveness but its  capacity for  development as a world-class developed nation.

A recent news report in the world of higher education is a sobre and sombre reminder as to how far we have lagged behind in the international stakes for university excellence and development of quality human resources.

Earlier this month, it was
announced
that the  King Abdullah University of Science and Technology, Saudi Arabia’s much anticipated US$10 billion university, has appointed Shih Choon Fong,  a Singaporean as  its first president.

Shih, who is president of the National University of Singapore, will assume the task of creating from scratch what Saudi Arabia hopes will become one of the world’s leading research institutions.

Ali Al-Naimi, Saudi Arabia’s minister of petroleum and mineral resources, who is chairman of the university’s governing board, said that Shih was “the right person” to fulfill the vision for the new institution. The university, known as Kaust, is scheduled to open in September 2009.

Was any Malaysian from the 20-odd public universities in serious running of being scouted in the extensive global search among top academic research leaders  for the top job for the world’s sixth richest university even before it opens, as King Abdullah provided US$10 billion of his own money to start the new institution?

Malaysian educators should have an edge over an Singaporean as both Malaysia and Saudi Arabia are members of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) and the Islam Hadhari concept propagated by the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, but clearly these “affinities” were not enough when it is a test of excellence and meritocracy.

Malaysians would like to hear from the  Prime Minister and the Higher Education Minister, Datuk Mustapha Mohamad as to what they have to say why no Malaysian was  in the running for the top prestigious  job for KAUST and what they propose to do to end the mediocrity of Malaysian universities in the international league of higher education.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 24 January 2008, 8:03 am and is filed under
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BU4 school controversy resolved

Letters

by
Angelia Ong

Just to let you know:

1.
SMK BU4

Hip hip hoorah! You will all be glad that the fiasco at the BU4 school has been resolved. The Headmistress has now conceded to bring back the lion dance, cheerleading squad and other ‘banned activities’. Power to the parents! Fortunately some members of MI4, together with other PIBG members rallied together in a show of force. This new headmistress thought she could push her way around…. not knowing that she is dealing with the super heroes of BU4..

My residents association is very vocal thankfully and now we are continuing our fight to gain our playground/field (which I believe they have been fighting for the last 12 years) and I think a compromise can hopefully be reached.

It’s very sad to see green lungs (seeing the letters in
twosen.com
) of bukit kiara, kota damansara and Sg Buloh being ravaged in the name of development. Parks and playgrounds being shrunk or built on.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 24 January 2008, 3:24 pm and is filed under
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Hindu festival marked by protest in Malaysia

By Thomas Bell in Kuala Lumpur

Telegraph, UK

Last Updated: 5:13pm GMT 23/01/2008

Hindus in Malaysia mortified their flesh with hooks and spears as they delivered a protest against the government which has imprisoned their popular leaders without charge.

With elections in the multi-racial country expected within weeks, ethnic grievances pose a mounting threat to the party that has governed for all of the 50 years since independence.

The annual festival of Thaipusam is big event for Malaysia’s two million ethnic Indians, who make up 7 per cent of the population.

Devotees hang limes and pots of milk from hooks in the flesh of their backs, and pierce their faces with spears, to thank the god Murugan for good fortune or ask him to grant their wishes.

This year the festival was marked by boycotts and hunger strikes.

Indians, who are the poorest of Malaysia’s communities, are angry at government policies that give ethnic Malay Muslims – or “sons of the soil” – preferential access to jobs, loans, education and housing.

Malays make up about 60 per cent of the population and there is also a large Chinese community.

A series of temple demolitions in recent years, and a new policy of refusing visas to temple musicians and sculptors from India, has further angered Hindus.

In November a peaceful rally of about 20 000 Indians was dispersed with tear gas and a water cannon.

The five organisers have been held without charge ever since.

The government says the measures were necessary to avoid ethnic conflict. “I think the government are shaken by it,” said Dr Jeyakumar, who will stand against Samy Vellu, the only Indian cabinet minister and a key government supporter, in the election.

In an attempt to assuage the anger, the government this week bowed to decades old demands and made Thaipusam a national holiday.

But devotees stayed away from the country’s most important temple, accusing its management committee – which is linked to Samy Vellu’s party – of helping to crush November’s protest.

Normally hundreds of thousands pack the Batu Caves complex on the outskirts of the capital Kuala Lumpur, but this year the crowds were thin.

Television news was forced to resort to footage of last year’s event.

“The crowd is the usual crowd. I have come to Thaipusam for 60 years … I am very, very happy,” insisted Mr Vellu.

At the Hindu temple in Ipoh, 120 miles from the capital, opposition leaders launched a hunger strike in solidarity with the five men in jail and made political speeches.

Noisy Tamil music played nearby as devotees in trances, hooks hanging from their backs, staggered towards the shrine.

Such rallies are illegal but a small group of riot police watched from the back and videoed the event without intervening, apparently for fear of inflaming sentiments at a religious occasion.

“This is the year of Indian political awakening,” declared Lim Kit Siang, the leader of the tiny parliamentary opposition.

“The Indians will be king makers in the general election.”

According to him, Indians —who used to be a reliable vote bank for the government- are over 10pc of the electorate in more than 50 parliamentary seats.

But although Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi says he is braced for losses in the election, his government is almost certain to win.

And Dr Jeyakumar is pessimistic of his own chances of entering parliament.

The opposition, he says, is fractured along ethnic lines and vote buying is rife.

“And we believe the election commission have a mandate to make sure most of the ministers win,” he added.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 24 January 2008, 7:57 am and is filed under
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Suharto’s Exit: The End of the Era of Asia’s Strongmen?

By
Farish A. Noor

There are strongmen, and then again there are really strong strongmen. Indonesia’s former President Suharto falls into the latter category and though the man was finally deposed after waves of student demonstrations that rocked Indonesia in May 1998, he remains – despite his ailing health – firmly planted on the map of Indonesian and Southeast Asia’s regional politics til now.

Observers of Indonesian politics have already put their pens to paper and have begun to write the obituary to what has to be one of the most important (if not notorious) and enigmatic of Asia’s leaders of the 20th century. Indeed, so long and extensive was Suharto’s period of rule in Indonesia that the man has been elevated to the level of a national icon, seen as a hero for some and as one of the most brutal dictators the world has ever seen by others. Suharto’s imminent passing marks the end of an era, a period that spanned the second half of the 20th century in the wake of the Second World War and the Cold War the quickly followed suit.

It would not be an exaggeration to say that with the passing of Suharto the age of strongmen-politics will come to an end. Suharto’s own record and personal life story reads as an epic tale of the small man made good, of the poor peasant boy who was at the right place at the right time and consequently was picked by History to play a crucial part in the drama of nations.

Born in 1921 in a humble village in Central Java that was even then teeming with an overcrowded population suffering from illiteracy, poverty and lack of development, he joined the Dutch colonial army just when the star of Dutch colonial rule was waning and the Japanese were about to occupy the country. Suharto’s military career then took off under Japanese military rule where he learned fast enough how men in uniform could run a country and reduce civilian politicians to pen-pushers and redundant rubber stamps. He also earned his stripes by fighting against the Dutch in the independence war of the mid-1940s, and made his name as one of the young nationalist-patriots of his time, very much in the same mould as Aung San, father of the Burma’s Aung San Su Kyi, who was likewise a Japanese-trained military man and nationalist.

But Suharto’s moment only arrived when it became clear that Sukarno’s ailing government and his feeble attempts at introducing what was then termed ‘guided democracy’ had failed in Indonesia. Following the failure of the 1965 coup, Sukarno unleashed the army and senior officers like Suharto (then

commander of KONSTRAD, the Indonesian army’s special forces) on the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The anti-communist purges that followed were the bloodiest massacres in Indonesian history, with anything between half a million to one million people killed in the name of anti-Communism.

What was clear from the time that Suharto really took over power in 1970, however, was that the ‘New Order’ he instituted after Sukarno’s disgraceful downfall was supported, financed, trained and protected by none other than Indonesia’s new strategic ally, the United States of America. Successive American Presidents like Lyndon Johnson, Kennedy, Nixon and Jimmy Carter spoke about human rights and democracy in their struggle to discredit the Soviet Union then, but the same standards were not applied in many an American allied state such as Indonesia, Philippines and South Vietnam. This was the era of Asia’s strongmen: Indonesia’s Suharto, the Philippines’ Ferdinand Marcos and even Vietnam’s Bao Dai were propped up by their friends and allies in Washington and while the struggle against Communism was being fought in the jungles of Southeast Asia, scant regard was paid to the plight of those who were the victims of these military regimes.

The end of the Cold War marked the end of these strongmen, for the game was up and as Eastern Europe was brought into the fold of the Free Market it became less and less palatable for Western heads of states to dine and chat with Asian and African mass-murderers and tyrants. Suharto’s fall in 1998 during the East Asian economic crisis marked the final chapter of a long and

painful history where such great and powerful men were made all the greater (and consequently dangerous) thanks to the weapons and military training given to them and their counterparts at army bases such as Fort Bragg in the

USA.

Today as the Bush Presidency winds down to an abysmal flop and the last futile gestures of appeasement are made by Bush to the leaders of the Arab world, the pitiful story of the rise and fall of Suharto serves as a timely corrective reminder of the mistakes of the 20th century. Sadly as recent developments have shown in places such as Lebanon, many Western governments remain on the look-out for local strongmen whom they can call their loyal

boys and dogsbodies. Yet for all the economic prosperity that Suharto brought to Indonesia in the 1980s, the country remained one of the most unevenly-developed, corrupt and violent in the world. A minority of Indonesians lamented the fall of Suharto in 1998 and were worried about the power vacuum that was created in his absence, but that precisely proves the point that such dictatorial rule only cripples and hobbles a nation in the

long run. Suharto was and remains one of the most historically important figures of Asia in the 20th century, but like all great men he leaves in his trail a long shadow that shrouded the rest of his nation in darkness.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 24 January 2008, 8:38 am and is filed under
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A frustrated government scholar-blogger

Letters

by frustrated scholar

I am writing as a Malaysia JPA (Public Service Department) Scholarship holder.

But, the problem is, I am also an Active Blogger on blogspot.com, touching mainly on socio-political issues.

To be frank, I have been very much careful in my writings by not touching religions and names and by remaining neutral politically.

Yet, my fear is imminent.

My dilemma stems from a recent incident happened to one of my fellow scholar (of batch 2007) from my institution.

She is a blogger herself, and apparently she went ‘over-the-line’ by attacking senior lecturers and institution administration on her blog.

Consequently, her blog attracted attention from both students and administrators and the news went to as far as our sponsor, the JPA.

She faced the institution’s internal disciplinary hearing and was subsequently suspended by the institution late last year and currently, she is pending decisions from the JPA on whether she will continue her scholarship or face termination.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 25 January 2008, 3:22 am and is filed under
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EC violates National Integrity Plan in rejecting “caretaker government” concept

I have received a shocking response from the Election Commission declaring that it does not recognize the concept of caretaker government when Parliament is dissolved to ensure free, fair and clean general election.

The Secretary of the Election Commission Datuk Kamaruzaman bin Mohd Noor in a  letter dated 17th January 2008 but faxed to my office on January 22, 2008 in response to a letter dated 7th January 2008 from Lau Weng San, Secretary to Parliamentary Opposition Leader’s Office asking for the fixing of an appointment between the Election Commission Chairman Tan Sri Abdul Rashid and myself, wrote:

“Sukacita dimaklumkan bahawa dalam kerangka undang-undang pilihan raya Negara kita termasuk Perelembagaan Persekutuan tidak menyatakan adanya ‘Caretaker Government’. Oleh yang demikian, apabila pembubaran Parlimen atau Dewan Undangan Negeri berlaku, maka kerajaan yang memerintah sebelum pembubaran tersebut akan terus menerajui kerajaan sehinggalah sebuah kerajaan baru ditubuhkan selepas keputusan pilihan raya diumumkan secara rasmi oleh Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) Malaysia.

“Adalah dimaklumkan bahawa SPR bukan jabatan atau agensi kerajaan yang bertanggungjawab untuk memberikan tafsiran mengenai sesuatu perkara atau fasal yang terkandung di dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan.  Ini kerana pihak yang lebih layak untuk memberi apa-apa interpretasi mengenai Perlembagaan Persekutuan ialah Jabatan Peguam Negara. Justeru itu, tuan adalah dinasihatkan untuk berhubung terus dengan Jabatan berkenaan jika tuan memerlukan apa-apa interpretasi mengenai sesuatu perkara atau fasal yang menyentuh Perlembagaan Persekutuan.”

The fifth principle of Rukunegara committed the government and every Malaysian to “Good Behaviour and Morality” but Malaysia has never been subjected to a more intense attack of the most brazen disregard and contempt for fundamental decencies of good behaviour, morality  and the principles of good governance  as in recent times – with the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Lingam Tape  in the past two weeks providing the most blatant and flagrant of examples.

But such brazen disregard and contempt for good behaviour, morality and good governance are not just confined to the circus of the Lingam Tape Royal Commission of Inquiry but is to be found in every department of public administration.

The latest example is furnished by the Election Commission with its contemptuous dismissal of the concept of caretaker government when Parliament is dissolved – expected during the Chinese New Year period.

The Election Commission is violating the National Integrity Plan in refusing to recognize the concept of caretaker government when Parliament is dissolved to ensure free, fair and clean general election.

Nobody is asking the Election Commission to interpret the Constitution. The Election Commission is also barking up the wrong tree when it claims that the Constitution is silent on the “caretaker government” concept.

Is the national integrity concept and the National Integrity Plan to be found in the Constitution, and is the Election Commission immune from having to honour and uphold the principles of institutional good behaviour and integrity in the discharge of its constitutional duties to conduct free, fair and clean general election?

Or Will the Election Commission turn around and say that as the Constitution does not say anything about “free, fair and clean election”,  the Election Commission has no constitutional duty to ensure that the next general election  is free, fair and clean, although the Election Commission is going to spend RM200 million, the most expensive general election in the nation’s 50-year history?

The Election Commission is being most irresponsible in   suggesting that a different government would be constituted  to be the  “caretaker government” after dissolution of Parliament.

This is not the case. The Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister and Cabinet Ministers remain the same, with them drawing their salaries and emoluments from the public coffers despite the dissolution of Parliament.

However,  they must be mindful that they are only a “caretaker government” after  the dissolution of Parliament and they should not abuse government positions, machinery, resources and funds for any electioneering purpose for a political party or candidate.

A candidate, who benefits unfairly from any such “unhealthy” and dishonest practices, as campaigning assistance by the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister or Cabinet Minister through the abuse of their government positions or misuse of public funds and resources, should be subject to disqualification – and such penalties also apply to Cabinet Ministers who abused their “caretaker government” role as illustrated by the classic case of the disqualification of Indian Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi who misused the “caretaker government” trust in flying around in government helicopter for party electioneering campaign.

The Election Commission would  have  failed its constitutional duty as well as the National Integrity Plan in rejecting the concept of “caretaker government” after dissolution of Parliament – which is all about honesty, integrity and ethical conduct.

I call on the Election Commission Chairman and Commissioners to convene an emergency meeting to review and rescind the Election Commission’s rejection of the “caretaker government” concept after dissolution of Parliament – for it will be a signal that the next general election could be the dirtiest one in the nation’s history.

In this connection, I call on the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to declare whether he accepts and will honour the “caretaker government” concept when Parliament is dissolved, instructing all Cabinet Ministers not to abuse and misuse government positions, machinery, resources and funds for electionerring purposes so as to maintain a strict and clear distinction between government and party.

It is precisely because the clear and important distinctions between government, party and individual interests have been blurred which is the cause of the rampant corruption and abuses of power  in the country making a total mockery of the National Integrity Plan launched by Abdullah in May 2004.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 25 January 2008, 12:52 pm and is filed under
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Reflect, re-analyse, reconstruct, revolt!

Dr. Azly Rahman

[Final Part (Part 4) of the speech on “Student Idealism”, delivered to Indonesian and Malaysian Muslim students of North America, Washington D C, December 2007.]

We now come to the last part of our speech. If there is a restatement of my thesis statement, it should sound like this:

“Students, you are a beacon of hope. Reflect, reanalyse and revolt. Reclaim your righteous minds, as the African-American actor Denzel Washington said to his students in the movie The Great Debaters. Transform the world inside and outside.”

The hope for change lies in the middle class and in public education, and in you, students of social change. How do we teach ourselves to analyse propaganda, bias, half-truths, and recognise progressive forces, institutions and organisations of change and subsequently align with these forces?

(For reasons best known to WP, cannot post rest of this article, which can be accessed through Azly’s blog provided by the link above. – Admin)

                This entry was posted on Friday, 25 January 2008, 3:01 am and is filed under
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