More Malaysians must be concerned  that Malaysia has taken a wrong turn in nation-building  in the last half-a-century and want to take corrective action to prevent a Second Malaysian Diaspora by  fulfilling its destiny to become a world-class great nation with Malaysian First mind-set and commitment

(Versi BM)

I have been recommending five books for reading by all MPs and Malaysians, not to agree or disagree with what is written in these books, but to understand how Malaysia took a wrong turn in nation-building in the last half-a-century and must take corrective action to prevent a Second Malaysian Diaspora by fulfilling Malaysia’s destiny to become a world-class great nation with Malaysian First mindset and commitment.

These five books are:

1. What’s In A Name – Nazir Razak

2. Capturing Hope – Mahathir Mohamad

3. Final Reckoning – Romen Bose

4. Paradise Lost – Dennis Ignatius

5. My Story: Justice in the Wilderness – Tommy Thomas

Malaysians have not fully realise the historic significance of the 14th General Election on May 9, 2018 when we ended the political hegemony of UMNO.

Now most people are wiser after the event and claimed they had expected the 14th general election result

If you had asked me on the morning of May 9, 2018, I would say I never expected UMNO to be toppled that day.

According to Roman Bose’ insider account in his book (Tommy Thomas has described Roman Bose as Najib’s spin-doctor), Najib Razak never expected to be thrown out of office that day. In fact, up to the end of polling, Najib was expecting a restoration of UMNO’s political hegemony by winning two-thirds majority in Parliament that day.

The 14th General Election results produced a new political scenario seeking a new political equilibrium where the voices of the people matter in shaping the destiny of the nation resulting in the turmoil which saw four Prime Ministers in five years.

The lesson for Malaysians is to realise that a political struggle to make Malaysia a world-class great nation is a long and arduous one and require perseverance and stamina for the long haul.

It has taken half-a-century to break UMNO political hegemony.

Will we need another half-a-century before Malaysia’s Centennial in 2063 to become a world- class great nation?

There is much negativity in the land.

As Dennis Ignatius said in his book:

“Given the way things have unfolded in the last few years, there is understandably a great deal of gloom about the future. Many are so disgusted and disillusioned that they want nothing more to do with our politics because they have concluded that the system is hopelessly beyond repair, that nothing will change no matter who they vote for. Not a few have suggested to me that our nation is now in a downward spiral that cannot be reversed; other talk about leaving. Time and time again, as I took straw polls at social gatherings and meetings, the majority shook their heads in despair when asked about the future. It is not hard to understand their despair.

“But our past doesn’t have to define our future. The future is what we make of it, it is not written in stone. It will be determined by the choices we make and the decisions we take going forward. Anything is possible; GE14 proved that. Looking ahead, I see both harbingers of hope and auguries of despair. How these eventually play out and to what degree will, I think, determine what our future will look like.” (p.298)

Malaysia needs a reset to become a world-class great nation and to use Bapa Malaysia Tunku Abdul Rahman’s words, “a haven of peace, harmony and happiness” and “a beacon of light in a difficult and distracted world”.

There is no reason why we cannot achieve this vision of Malaysia as a world-class great country as Malaysia is at the confluence of four great civilisations – Malay/Islamic, Chinese, Indian and Western – if we can leverage on the best values and virtues of these four great civilisations.

If Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or region, cannot distinguish between what is right and what is wrong, it is not only a failure of the national education system and nation building for the past half-a-century, there could be no future for Malaysia.

Recently, Malaysians underwent great tests – the two-year Covid-19 pandemic, the “once-in-a-century” floods disaster and the worst crisis of confidence of the country’s anti-corruption agency, the MACC – and these three tests showed that Malaysians can differentiate right from wrong and that Malaysia’s future is not a lost cause.

More Malaysians must be in the forefront to demand reforms to bring about an united and inclusive citizenry, regardless of race, religion or region; a free press, an independent judiciary, a vibrant Parliament, a competent civil service and an accountable police force.

Malaysians must be in forefront to mobilise Malaysians to spearhead the reset of national policies in the next half-a-century to bring about such institutional reforms so that Malaysia can be a world-class great nation.

We must not give in to hopelessness, dejection or despair. We have suffered great setbacks but we have achieved great strides.

Under the Merdeka compact 1957 and Malaysia Agreement 1963, Malaysia has only a future as a multi-racial, multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-cultural nation and not as a Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan or Dayak land or as a Muslim, Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Sikhist or Taoist country.

That is why there is the provision in the Malaysian Constitution that any Malaysian can be a Prime Minster of Malaysia, and the post is not exclusively only for a Malay or a Muslim.

There is of course the political reality, and even in the United States, it has taken more than 200 years for a black man to become the President of the United States and an ethnic Indian to become the Vice President of the United States.

I do not know whether it will take 200 or more years for a non-Malay to become the Prime Minister of Malaysia, but under the Merdeka and Malaysia compacts, any Malaysian can aspire to the highest political office in the land, whatever the political realities of the country.

We must return to the forefront for Malaysians to be Malaysian first, and not Malay first, Chinese first, Indian first, Kadazan first or Dayak first.

For half-a-century, we have been in decline, overtaken by countries like Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore and Vietnam.

We must be in the forefront that Malaysia buck up and cease to be a mediocre country, or countries like Indonesia and Philippines will overtake us in the coming decades.

We must understand the significance of the confidence-supply-reform (CSR) Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Prime Minister Ismail Sabri and the four Pakatan Harapan leaders on Sept. 13, 2021.

Critics have accused Pakatan Harapan leaders for ceasing to be Opposition leaders, that they have been co-opted by the government, saying that there was no CSR MoU for the past half-a-century.

They failed to realise that it is the historic decision of the 14th General Election which ended the UMNO political hegemony which produced conditions for the CSR MoU, as in the past half-a-century.

It was because Ismail Sabri was the weakest Prime Minister in the nation’s history that produced the conditions that made the CSR MoU possible.

Six conditions were among the factors which made the CSR MoU possible and necessary:

1. The end of UMNO political hegemony on May 9, 2018 where no single political party enjoys a simple majority of Parliament and which created a situation where CSR MOU was feasible. The MOU was unheard-of in the past six decades because UMNO exercised political hegemony.

2. The MoU does not provide for the political advancement of any PH political leader and the CSR MoU is an open document without any secret clauses. Any claim that the CSR MoU has secret clauses is completely baseless.

3. We stopped the PH’s numbers of parliamentarians being used in the “Game of Thrones” of Government parties in the conspiracy to be Prime Minister, as whatever the combination and permutation, Anwar Ibrahim would not be named Prime Minister whether by PN or BN.

4. The CSR MOU was to unite the efforts of all Malaysians to end the exponential increase of Covid-19 cases and deaths. There were 24,599 Covid-19 cases and 393 fatalities on August 26, 2021, five days after Ismail Sabri was sworn in as the ninth Prime Minister of Malaysia, If this exponential daily increase of Covid-19 cases and deaths had not been stopped, we might have cumulative totals of five to 10 million Covid-19 cases and 100,000 – 200,000 Covid-19 deaths at the end of 2021, instead of 2.75 million Covid-19 cases and 31,500 Covid-19 deaths.

5. Pakatan Harapan insisted that the PN government allocate RM45 billion to help Malaysians affected by the Covid-19 pandemic.

6. A minimal political consensus for the start of institutional reforms in the country.

But we must not be the slaves of CSR MoU. If Ismail Sabri crossed “red lines” violating what is most decent and honest, then PR leaders must review the CSR MoU.

It is also important that Malaysians understand that the 22-month Pakatan Harapan government was not an unmitigated failure or disaster.

There is legitimate reasons to be unhappy with the pace of institutional reform or the rate of implementation of the election pledges, for I myself am not happy with the 22-month Pakatan Harapan government for I believe it could have done better.

But it is impossible for any government to fulfil an election manifesto meant for five years or 60 months in 22 months as the PH government was toppled by undemocratic, unconstitutional and illegitimate means by the Sheraton Move conspiracy in 22 months.

I met Mahathir in mid-2019 and expressed my concern about the rate of fulfilling the PH election manifesto. I had intended to meet the Prime Minister after the mid-term of the PH government but the PH government was toppled after 22 months.

The PH mandate to fulfil the election manifesto was for five years. If in the first half of the term, the implementation of the election manifesto was slow because of resistance, opposition or even sabotage, this could be remedied in the second half of the five-year term by an acceleration to implement the election pledges. But this was rendered impossible when the PH government was toppled in 22 months.

(Speech by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang at the launching of Kee Thuan Chye’s “Lim Kit Siang: Malaysian First” in Ipoh at Symphony Suites, Ipoh on Friday, 14th January 2022)

Lebih ramai rakyat Malaysia perlu bimbang mengenai arah hala tuju pembinaan negara bangsa dalam setengah abad yang lepas dan perlu beriltizam untuk mengambil tindakan untuk mengelakkan berlakunya Diaspora Malaysia Kedua dengan memenuhi takdir negara untuk menjadi sebuah negara hebat bertaraf dunia dengan pemikiran dan komitmen untuk Utamakan Malaysia

Saya telah mengesyorkan lima buku untuk bacaan semua Ahli-ahli Parlimen dan rakyat Malaysia, bukannya untuk bersetuju atau tidak bersetuju dengan penulisan di dalam buku-buku ini, tetapi untuk memahami bagaimana Malaysia telah mengambil langkah yang salah dalam usaha pembinaan negara bangsa dalam setengah abad yang lepas dan kita semua kini perlu mengambil tindakan untuk memperbetulkan kesilapan ini bagi mengelakkan berlakunya Diaspora Malaysia Kedua dengan memenuhi takdir negara untuk menjadi sebuah negara hebat bertaraf dunia dengan pemikiran dan komitmen untuk Utamakan Malaysia.

Lima buku ini adalah

1. What’s In A Name – Nazir Razak

2. Capturing Hope – Mahathir Mohamad

3. Final Reckoning – Romen Bose

4. Paradise Lost – Dennis Ignatius

5. My Story: Justice in the Wilderness – Tommy Thomas

Rakyat Malaysia masih belum betul-betul mendalami kepentingan bersejarah Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 pada 9 Mei 2018, di mana kita telah menamatkan hegemoni politik UMNO.

Kini, hampir semua orang telah tersedar selepas kejadian ini dan mendakwa yang mereka memang telah menjangkakan keputusan PRU-14 ini.

Sekiranya anda bertanya kepada saya pada pagi 9 Mei 2018, saya akan katakan yang saya tidak jangka yang UMNO akan ditumbangkan pada hari tersebut.

Menurut catatan Romen Bose dalam bukunya (Tommy Thomas pernah menggambarkan Romen Bose sebagai pakar propaganda Najib), Najib Razak tidak menjangkakan yang beliau akan ditumbangkan pada hari itu. Malah, sehingga tamat waktu mengundi, Najib menjangkakan pemulihan hegemoni UMNO dengan memenangi majoriti dua pertiga di Parlimen.

Keputusan Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 menghasilkan senario politik baharu – yang masih sedang cuba mencari titik keseimbangan politik baharu di mana suara rakyat diberikan kepentingan dalam membentuk masa hadapan negara – yang telah menyaksikan empat orang Perdana Menteri bersilih ganti dalam tempoh lima tahun.

Pengajarannya untuk rakyat Malaysia adalah untuk menyedari yang perjuangan politik untuk menjadikan Malaysia negara hebat bertaraf dunia ini adalah satu perjuangan jangka panjang yang penuh dengan cabaran dan memerlukan kecekalan.

Kita mengambil masa selama setengah abad untuk memecahkan hegemoni politik UMNO.

Adakah kita memerlukan setengah abad lagi sebelum Ulang Tahun Malaysia yang ke-100 pada 2063 untuk menjadi sebuah negara hebat bertaraf dunia?

Terdapat banyak perkara negatif di dalam negara.

Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Dennis Ignatius di dalam bukunya:

“Melihat banyak peristiwa yang tersingkap dalam beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini, dapat difahami jika masa depan negara tampak suram. Ramai yang sangat meluat dan kecewa sehinggakan mereka tidak mahu ada kaitan lagi dengan politik kerana mereka telah membuat kesimpulan bahawa sistem itu tidak dapat dibaiki, tiada apa yang akan berubah tidak kira siapa yang mereka undi. Tidak sedikit yang mencadangkan kepada saya bahawa negara kita kini berada di ambang keruntuhan yang tidak mampu untuk diselamatkan; ada juga yang berkira-kira untuk meninggalkan negara ini. Berkali-kali, semasa saya mengajukan soalan kepada orang ramai tentang soal masa depan negara dalam pelbagai perhimpunan sosial dan mesyuarat, majoriti daripada mereka menggelengkan kepala mereka, menunjukkan rasa putus. Tidak sukar untuk memahami rasa putus asa yang dialami mereka.

“Tetapi masa lalu kita tidak semestinya akan mencorakkan masa depan kita. Kitalah yang mencorakkan masa depan, ia bukanlah sesuatu yang tidak boleh diubah. Ia akan ditentukan oleh pilihan yang kita buat dan keputusan yang kita ambil pada masa hadapan. Semua itu mampu untuk dilaksanakan; PRU14 membuktikannya. Melihat ke hadapan, saya melihat adanya harapan dan kekecewaan. Bagaimana ini akhirnya akan tersingkap, saya fikir, akan menentukan rupa masa depan kita.” (hlm.298)

Malaysia memerlukan penetapan semula untuk menjadi sebuah negara hebat bertaraf dunia, seperti yang dikatakan oleh Bapa Malaysia, Tunku Abdul Rahman, untuk menjadi sebuah “tempat kedamaian, harmoni, dan kegembiraan” dan “menjadi sinar cahaya dalam dunia yang kelam dan terganggu”.

Tidak ada sebab mengapa kita tidak dapat mencapai wawasan ini kerana Malaysia berada pada pertemuan empat tamadun besar – Melayu/Islam, Cina, India dan Barat – dan kita boleh mencapai matlamat ini dengan memanfaatkan nilai-nilai terbaik dari empat tamadun besar ini.

Jika rakyat Malaysia, tanpa mengira kaum, agama atau wilayah, tidak dapat membezakan antara yang betul dan yang salah, ia bukan sahaja menjadi kegagalan sistem pendidikan negara dan pembinaan negara sejak setengah abad yang lalu, lebih teruk lagi – gelap masa depan Malaysia.

Baru-baru ini, rakyat Malaysia berhadapan dengan ujian yang hebat – pandemik Covid-19 selama dua tahun, bencana banjir “setahun dalam seabad”, dan krisis kepercayaan terburuk dalam agensi pencegahan rasuah negara, SPRM – dan ketiga-tiga ujian ini menunjukkan yang rakyat Malaysia mampu membezakan di antara perkara yang betul dan salah.

Lebih ramai rakyat Malaysia perlu berada di barisan hadapan untuk menggerakkan rakyat untuk menuntut usaha menetapkan semula dasar-dasar negara dalam setengah abad yang akan datang untuk membawa reformasi institusi supaya negara kita boleh menjadi sebuah negara hebat yang bertaraf dunia.

Kita tidak boleh berputus asa. Kita telah dibebankan dengan sekatan yang berat tetapi pada masa yang sama kita juga telah berjaya mencapai beberapa kejayaan.

Di bawah perjanjian Merdeka 1957 dan Perjanjian Malaysia 1963, Malaysia hanya mempunyai masa hadapan sebagai sebuah negara dengan masyarakat berbilang kaum, bahasa, agama, dan budaya, dan bukannya sebagai sebuah negara Melayu, Cina, India, Kadazan, atau Dayak, atau sebagai sebuah negara Islam, Buddha, Kristian, Hindu, Sikh, atau Tao.

Itulah sebabnya terdapat peruntukan dalam Perlembagaan Malaysia bahawa mana-mana rakyat Malaysia boleh menjadi Perdana Menteri Malaysia, dan jawatan itu bukan semata-mata untuk orang Melayu atau Islam.

Sudah tentu realiti politik masih berbeza, malah di Amerika Syarikat, negara tersebut telah mengambil masa lebih dari 200 tahun untuk melantik seorang lelaki kulit hitam menjadi Presiden Amerika Syarikat dan seorang wanita etnik India untuk menjadi Naib Presiden Amerika Syarikat.

Saya tidak pasti sama ada negara ini akan mengambil masa 200 tahun atau lebih untuk seorang bukan Melayu menjadi Perdana Menteri Malaysia, tetapi perjanjian Merdeka dan Malaysia menetapkan bahawa mana-mana rakyat Malaysia boleh bercita-cita untuk menjawat jawatan politik tertinggi di negara ini, walau apa pun bentuk realiti politiknya.

Kita mesti kembali ke barisan hadapan supaya rakyat Malaysia melihat diri mereka sebagai rakyat Malaysia dahulu, sebelum identiti lain mereka, baik Melayu, Cina, India, Kadazan, atau Iban.

Selama setengah abad, kita telah mengalami kemerosotan, ditewaskan oleh negara seperti Taiwan, Korea Selatan, Singapura dan Vietnam.

Kita mesti berada di barisan hadapan dengan kepercayaan bahawa Malaysia akan bangkit dan tidak lagi menjadi negara biasa-biasa, jika tidak negara seperti Indonesia dan Filipina akan mengatasi kita dalam dekad yang akan datang.

Kita perlu memahami kepentingan Memorandum Persefahaman (MoU) keyakinan-pembekalan-pembaharuan (CSR) yang ditandatangani antara Perdana Menteri Ismail Sabri dan empat pemimpin Pakatan Harapan pada 13 September 2021.

Pengkritik telah menuduh pemimpin Pakatan Harapan tidak lagi menjadi pemimpin Pembangkang, bahawa mereka telah diserap ke dalam kerajaan, sambil membangkitkan bahawa tidak wujud sebarang MoU CSR sejak setengah abad yang lalu.

Mereka gagal menyedari bahawa keputusan bersejarah Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-14 yang menamatkan hegemoni politik UMNO lah yang telah mewujudkan situasi di mana MOU CSR diperlukan.

Ini kerana Ismail Sabri adalah Perdana Menteri paling lemah dalam sejarah negara sehingga mewujudkan situasi di mana MoU CSR amat diperlukan oleh kerajaan.

Enam peristiwa yang membolehkan MoU CSR itu wujud dan diperlukan:

1. Berakhirnya hegemoni politik UMNO pada 9 Mei 2018 dan tidak ada mana-mana parti yang mempunyai majoriti mudah di Parlimen, wujudlah satu situasi di mana MOU CSR ini diperlukan. MOU ini merupakan satu perkara yang tidak pernah didengari sebelum ini dalam enam dekad sejarah negara kerana hegemoni politik UMNO.

2. MOU ini tidak membantu memajukan kerjaya politik mana-mana pemimpin PH dan MOU CSR ini sendiri adalah satu dokumen terbuka tanpa sebarang klausa rahsia. Sebarang dakwaan yang mengatakan MOU CSR ini mempunyai klausa rahsia adalah tuduhan tidak berasas dan mendedahkan mana-mana orang yang membuat pertuduhan seperti itu kepada tuduhan sebagai seorang penipu yang tidak menghormati kebenaran.

3. Kita berjaya menghentikan angka-angka Ahli Parlimen PH di Parlimen daripada digunakan dalam “Perebutan Kuasa” parti-parti kerajaan untuk menjadi Perdana Menteri kerana tidak kiralah apa pun kombinasinya, PN atau BN tidak akan sama sekali menamakan Anwar Ibrahim sebagai Perdana Menteri.

4. MOU CSR ini adalah usaha untuk menyatukan rakyat Malaysia untuk menghentikan peningkatan mendadak jangkitan dan kematian akibat Covid-19. Terdapat 24,599 kes dan 393 kematian pada 26 Ogos 2021, lima hari selepas Ismail Sabri mengangkat sumpah sebagai Perdana Menteri. Sekiranya trend ini berterusan, kita mungkin akan mencapai sejumlah lima ke 10 juta kes Covid-19 terkumpul dan 100,000 – 200,000 kematian akibat Covid-19 menjelang 31 Disember, dan bukannya 2.75 juta kes dan 31,500 kematian yang dicatatkan.

5. Pakatan Harapan mengesa kerajaan PN memperuntukkan RM45 bilion untuk membantu rakyat Malaysia yang terjejas akibat pandemik Covid-19.

6. Konsensus politik yang minimum untuk permulaan reformasi institusi di negara ini.

Tetapi kita tidak boleh menjadi hamba MoU CSR. Jika Ismail Sabri melanggar perjanjian itu, maka pemimpin Pakatan Harapan mesti menyemak semula MoU CSR itu.

Penting juga untuk rakyat Malaysia sedar bahawa kerajaan Pakatan Harapan selama 22 bulan bukanlah suatu kegagalan atau bencana yang tidak dapat dielakkan.

Terdapat sebab yang sah untuk berasa tidak berpuas hati dengan kelajuan pelaksanaan reformasi institusi atau kelajuan pelaksanaan ikrar pilihan raya, kerana saya sendiri tidak berpuas hati dengan kerajaan Pakatan Harapan selama 22 bulan kerana saya percaya ia boleh dilakukan dengan lebih baik.

Tetapi adalah mustahil bagi mana-mana kerajaan untuk memenuhi manifesto pilihan raya dalam tempoh lima tahun atau 60 bulan atau dalam 22 bulan kerana kerajaan PH telah digulingkan dengan cara yang tidak demokratik, tidak berperlembagaan dan tidak sah oleh konspirasi Langkah Sheraton.

Saya bertemu Mahathir pada pertengahan 2019 dan menyatakan kebimbangan saya tentang kelajuan dalam memenuhi manifesto pilihan raya PH. Saya berhasrat untuk bertemu dengan Perdana Menteri selepas tempoh setengah penggal kerajaan PH, namun kerajaan PH telah ditumbangkan terlebih dahulu hanya selepas 22 bulan.

Mandat PH untuk memenuhi janji-janji manifesto ini adalah lima tahun. Sekiranya dalam setengah penggal yang pertama, pelaksanaan janji-janji ini perlahan, untuk apa-apa sebab sekalipun, perkara ini boleh ditambah baik dalam setengah penggal kedua dengan mempercepatkan pelaksanaannya. Tetapi perkara ini kini mustahil selepas kerajaan PH ditumbangkan selepas 22 bulan mentadbir.

(Ucapan Ahli Parlimen DAP Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang di Majlis Pelancaran buku “Lim Kit Siang: Malaysian First” oleh Kee Thuan Chye di Symphony Suites, Ipoh, pada hari Jumaat, 14 Januari 2022)

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Sarawak DAP should find out the reasons for the poor performance in the Sarawak State general election but  focus on preparing  forthcoming 15th General Election which should be held this year

Sarawak DAP did poorly in the Sarawak  state general election held last month.

I am disappointed with the results of the Sarawak state general elections as apart from Pandungan and Pending, I had expected DAP to win Kota Sentosa, Bukit Assek, Pelawan, Tanjong Batu and Pujut.

The Sarawak DAP should find out the reasons for the poor performance and the serious setback  in the Sarawak state general election but even more important,  focus on preparing for the forthcoming 15th  General Election in Malaysia which should be held this year.

There are people who say that a new dawn has come to Sarawak with the passage of the 2021 Constitution Amendment Bill by the Dewan Rakyat four days before the Sarawak state general election, undoing the injustices of the 1976 Constitution Amendment Act which reduced Sarawak to one of the 13 Malaysian states when it was one of the three entities with Sabah and Malaya which formed Malaysia in 1963.

I do not agree. We want a new dawn for Sarawak, but a new dawn for Sarawak has not arrived yet. It is a work-in-progress. What happened in Parliament is only the first step to bring about a new dawn for Sarawak, after half-a-century of nightfall!

More will have to be done before the arrival of a new dawn in Sarawak.

Firstly, there cannot be a new dawn for Sarawak if there is there no new dawn for Malaysia.

When can a new dawn in Malaysia happen? Not in one or two years, even one or two decades, probably in more than three decades when we practise “Malaysian First” policy for the whole country, and “Sarawak First” policy for Sarawak!

I would like to call the political battle from 1957 – 2018 as “Battle One” which ended UMNO political hegemony which had turned Malaysia into a kleptocratic state.

“Battle Two” will be from 2018 to 2063 for  Sarawak to have a new dawn and for Malaysia to become a world-class great nation by Malaysia’s 100th birthday anniversary in 2063.

The Sarawak general election on Dec. 18, 2021 is the opening shot for this Battle Two for Malaysia and Sarawak to become world-class entities.

I will not be around to see the outcome of “Battle of Malaysia II” in 2063, but I call on the youths of Sarawak to stand up and help lead the youths of Malaysia to ensure that the country can become a world-class great nation to ensure Sarawak can have a new dawn because Malaysia has got a new dawn!

Ever since the establishment of DAP in Sarawak in 1978 by the setting up of branches in Sarikei, Sibu and Kuching, Sarawak DAP has been waging a long-term struggle on two fronts – firstly to create a world-class Sarawak and secondly, to create a world-class Malaysia.

We met with earlier success in 1982 to send two Members of Parliament, representing Kuching and Sibu, to Parliament, but DAP Sarawak had to struggle for 18 years  from 1978 to 1996 to get elected into the Sarawak State Assembly but the two objectives to create a world-class Sarawak and a world-class Malaysia are unfinished businesses.

There is considerable disappointment and unhappiness among the people with the 22-month Pakatan Harapan government, because the hopes and expectations were very high over the unprecedented success in toppling the seemingly invincible UMNO government of half-a-century.

But it is unfair to judge the Pakatan Harapan government in 22 months when it had been given a mandate for five years to implement its election manifesto.

I myself am not happy with the performance of the 22-month Pakatan Harapan government as I believe that more could be done.

But the Pakatan Harapan was denied the opportunity to fulfil its election pledges – as the PH government could accelerate the fulfilment of the election pledges in the second half of its term if it had been slow in the first half-term.

Furthermore, it was not a DAP government alone, but a coalition of four political parties. It takes time to convince the other three political parties of the importance of implementing the Pakatan Harapan election pledges.

On top of that, there was sabotage and treachery within the Pakatan Harapan ranks which culminated in the Sheraton Move conspiracy in February 2020 which undemocratically and unconstitutionally toppled the popularly-elected PH government.

I can understand the frustrations and disappointments of the people that the Pakatan Harapan did not do more in the 22 months in power before it was undemocratically toppled.

But I disagree with those who suggest that the DAP should break away from the Pakatan Harapan Government without trying to make it work. We must persevere in our struggle to make a better Malaysia and a better Sarawak – not for our own sake, but for the sake of our children and children’s children.

This is why I had declined three times the offer of titles to me, for we are in politics not for the sake of ourselves but for a better future for our children and children’s children.

But we have made great progress although we have also suffered great setbacks.

Malaysians have not fully realised the historic significance of the 14th General Election on May 9, 2018 when we ended the political hegemony of UMNO.

Now most people are wiser after the event and claimed they had expected the 14th general election result.

If you had asked me on the morning of May 9, 2018, I would say I never expected UMNO to be toppled that day.

According to Roman Bose’ insider account in his book (Tommy Thomas has described Roman Bose as Najib’s spin-doctor), Najib Razak never expected to be thrown out of office that day. In fact, up to the end of polling, Najib was expecting a restoration of UMNO’s political hegemony by winning two-thirds majority in Parliament that day.

The 14th General Election results produced a new political scenario seeking a new political equilibrium where the voices of the people matter in shaping the destiny of the nation resulting in the turmoil which saw four Prime Ministers in five years.

The lesson for Malaysians is to realise that a political struggle to make  Sarawak and Malaysia world-class great entities  is a long and arduous one and require perseverance and stamina for the long haul.

It has taken half-a-century to break UMNO political hegemony.

Will we need another half-a-century before Malaysia’s Centennial in 2063 for Sarawak and Malaysia to become world- class great entities?

Sarawakians together with like-minded Malaysians must be in forefront to mobilise Malaysians to spearhead the reset of national policies in the next half-a-century to bring about such institutional reforms so that Malaysia can be a world-class great nation.

We must not give in to hopelessness, dejection or despair. We have suffered great setbacks but we have achieved great strides.

Under the Merdeka compact 1957 and Malaysia Agreement 1963, Malaysia has only a future as a multi-racial, multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-cultural nation and not as a Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan or Dayak land or as a Muslim, Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Sikhist or Taoist country.

That is why there is the provision in the Malaysian Constitution that any Malaysian can be a Prime Minster of Malaysia, and the post is not exclusively only for a Malay or a Muslim.

There is of course the political reality, and even in the United States, it has taken more than 200 years for a black man to become the President of the United States and an ethnic Indian to become the Vice President of the United States.

I do not know whether it will take 200 or more years for a non-Malay to become the Prime Minister of Malaysia, but under the Merdeka and Malaysia compacts, any Malaysian can aspire to the highest political office in the land, whatever the political realities of the country.

This is  problem not confined to Malaysia.  In Sarawak, for instance, can a Dayak  be  Sarawak Chief Minister again,  and when?

We must return to the forefront for Malaysians to be Malaysian first, and not Malay first, Chinese first, Indian first, Kadazan first or Dayak first.

For half-a-century, we have been in decline, overtaken by countries like Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore and Vietnam.

We must be in the forefront that Malaysia buck up and cease to be a mediocre country or countries like Indonesia and Philippines will overtake us in the coming decades.

There is insufficient understanding of  the historic  significance of the confidence-supply-reform (CSR) Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Prime Minister Ismail Sabri and the four Pakatan Harapan leaders on Sept. 13, 2021.

Critics have accused Pakatan Harapan leaders for ceasing to be Opposition leaders, that they have been co-opted by the government, saying that there was no CSR MoU for the past half-a-century.

Nothing could be further from the truth.

They failed to realise that it is the historic decision of the 14th General Election which ended the UMNO political hegemony which produced conditions for the CSR MoU, as in the past half-a-century UMNO was too strong and hegemonic to want to have a MoU.

It was because Ismail Sabri is the weakest Prime Minister in the nation’s history that produced the conditions that made the CSR MoU possible.

I agree with academician Edmund Terence Gomez that the Parliamentary  Special Select Committee (PSCC) on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Office should open its proceedings on Wedn3esday to the public and media as it Is important to ensure that there is no attempt to cover up by ensuring the right questions are asked in the Azam Baki conflict-of-interest case.

But I doubt this is possible as the Dewan Rakyat Standing Orders have not been amended to allow it  and this is one of the missed opportunities of the 22-month Pakatan Harapan government.

Before 2018, MPs can articulate but cannot implement but after 2018 and 2020, there is a possibility to put these parliamentary reforms into practice as suggested by the CSR MoU.

But I fully agree that we must not  be the slaves of CSR MoU. If Ismail Sabri crossed “red lines” violating what is most decent and honest, then PH leaders must review the CSR MoU.

I understand there is one provision in the CSR MoU which the Ismail Sabri government wants to renege. If so, then I agree that  there is no purpose in continuing with the CSR MoU.

(Speech by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang at the 2022 DAP Sarawak Sfate Covention in Kuching on Sunday, 16th January 2022)

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 16 January 2022, 10:59 am and is filed under
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Malaysia would have performed better in fighting the Covid-19 pandemic if an emergency had not been declared on January 11 last year

(Versi BM)

I am shocked that the former Prime Minister, Muhyddin Yassin, is still trying to justify the declaration of Emergency on January 11, 2021 which completely undermined parliamentary oversight of the government in fighting the Covid-19 pandemic until the month of August and made Malaysia one of the worst performing nations in the world in the two-year battle with the Covid-19 pandemic.

Muhyiddin attempted to justify the declaration of Emergency on January 11, 2021 in an interview with Abu Dhabi-based newspaper, The National, where he claimed that the additional powers were important to fight the Covid-19 pandemic.

If so, can Muhyiddin explain why we have not reverted to pre-Emergency days after more than a year from the declaration of emergency?

On January 11, 2021, when emergency was declared to fight the Covid-19 pandemic, there were 2,232 daily new Covid-19 cases and four Covid-19 deaths but yesterday, we have more daily new Covid-19 cases and Covid-19 deaths – 3,010 daily new Covid-19 cases and 12 Covid-19 deaths.

On August 1, 2021, the last day of the Covid-19 Emergency, daily new Covid-19 cases rose to 17,150 cases, an increase more than eight times, and daily Covid-19 deaths increased to 160 deaths, an increase of forty-times, from the day the Emergency was declared.

What type of an Emergency to fight to Covid-19 pandemic was this?

Going by Muhyiddin’s illogic, there was a much stronger case for continuing the emergency.

Why didn’t Muhyiddin resign when he was unable to prolong the fake Emergency?

Malaysia would have performed better in fighting the Covid-19 pandemic if an emergency had not been declared on January 11 last year.

May be the Parliamentary Special Select Committee on Health, Science and Innovation can investigate and report to Parliament on how the declaration of Emergency on January 11, 2021 had undermined the country’s war against the Covid-19 pandemic in the last one year.

(Media Statement by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang in Gelang Patah on Monday, January 17, 2022)

Malaysia boleh mencatatkan prestasi melawan Covid-19 yang lebih baik tanpa pengisytiharan darurat pada 11 Januari 2021 tahun lepas

Saya terkejut dengan kenyataan bekas Perdana Menteri, Muhyiddin Yassin, yang masih cuba untuk mempertahankan keputusan beliau untuk mengisytiharkan darurat pada 11 Januari 2021. Tindakan ini telah menyekat semak imbang Parlimen terhadap tindakan kerajaan sehingga bulan Ogos yang akhirnya menjadikan Malaysia salah satu negara dengan prestasi terburuk dalam mengendalikan wabak Covid-19 dalam dua tahun yang lepas.

Muhyiddin cuba mempertahankan keputusan beliau ini dalam satu wawancara dengan sebuah akhbar dari Abu Dhabi, The National, di mana beliau mendakwa kuasa-kuasa tambahan daripada darurat tersebut diperlukan untuk mengawal penularan wabak Covid-19.

Sekiranya benar begitu, bolehkah Muhyiddin jelaskan mengapa kita tidak kembali ke paras kes Covid-19 seperti sebelum darurat diisytiharkan selepas setahun kemudian?

Pada 11 Januari 2021, semasa darurat diisytiharkan untuk melawan wabak Covid-19, terdapat 2,322 kes baharu dan empat kematian akibat Covid-19, tetapi semalam, kita mempunyai lebih banyak kes dan kematian – 3,010 kes dengan 12 kematian akibat Covid-19.

Pada 1 Ogos 2021, hari terakhir darurat Covid-19, kadar kes harian telah meningkat sehingga ke 17,150 kes dengan 160 kematian akibat Covid-19, peningkatan kes harian sebanyak lapan kali ganda dan peningkatan kematian empat puluh kali ganda berbanding dengan sebelum darurat.

Apa jenis darurat untuk melawan Covid-19 jika ini hasilnya?

Mengikut logik Muhyiddin, ada kes yang kuat untuk darurat diteruskan lagi.

Mengapa Muhyiddin tidak meletak jawatan apabila beliau gagal melanjutkan darurat palsu ini?

Malaysia boleh menunjukkan prestasi yang lebih baik dalam memerangi Covid-19 sekiranya darurat tidak diisytiharkan pada 11 Januari tahun lepas.

Mungkin Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Parlimen Kesihatan, Sains dan Inovasi boleh menyiasat dan melaporkan kepada Parlimen tentang bagaimana pengisytiharan Darurat pada 11 Januari 2021 telah menjejaskan perang negara menentang pandemik Covid-19 dalam tempoh setahun yang lalu.

(Kenyataan Media oleh Ahli Parlimen DAP Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang di Gelang Patah pada hari Isnin, 17 Januari 2022)

                This entry was posted on Monday, 17 January 2022, 11:17 am and is filed under
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Prime Minister Ismail Sabri should not allow a parliamentary paralysis and  schedule Thursday 27th January for  Special Parliament to discuss  Azam-gate

(Versi BM)

The Prime Minister, Ismail Sabri should not allow a parliamentary paralysis and schedule Thursday 27th January for a Special Parliament to discuss Azam-gate as Parliament cannot allow anyone, even if he is the MACC Chief Commissioner, to hold it to ransom from deciding important national questions.

Many issues on Azam-gate happened today.

First, the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) Chairman Wong Kah Woh rightly challenged the position of the Speaker, Azahar Azizan Harun that the Parliamentary Special Select Committee on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department cannot be open to the public and the media under the Dewan Rakyat Standing Orders except on one point. Then the MP for Teluk Intan, Nga Kor Ming, submitted an emergency motion to Parliament to debate Azam-gate.

But most shockingly was the news of the postponement of the Wednesday meeting of the PSCC on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department on Azamgate, because Azam Baki has objected to the PSCC meeting as he had filed a defamation suit which might be considered by the courts, and that he was already investigated by the Securities Commission and the MACC Complaints Committee.

This is most shocking as we are seeing a Parliamentary paralysis first time in the nation’s history.

Azam should appear before the PSCC to clear himself of conflict-of-interest allegations. What is he afraid of?

The PSCC proceedings should be open to the public and the media, but this can only be done when the Speaker at the Special Parliament on January 20 asked for the approval of Parliament.

The ball is now in the court of Ismail Sabri.

Is he going to allow the MACC Chief Commissioner to hold Parliament and the country to ransom – sparking a Parliamentary paralysis and plunging the country into the worst confidence crisis about the country’s anti-corruption efforts.

Is Malaysia condemned to become a kleptocracy?

Azahar became Speaker to block parliamentary reforms. Now that the Prime Minister who appointed him is no more Prime Minister, he should seize the opportunity to be a reform Speaker instead of blocking reforms.

(Media Statement (2) by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang in Gelang Patah on Monday, 17th January 2022)

Perdana Menteri Ismail Sabri tidak boleh membiarkan Parlimen terus lumpuh, sebaliknya perlu menjadualkan sidang Parlimen Khas pada hari Khamis, 27 Januari untuk membincangkan isu konflik kepentingan Azam Baki

Perdana Menteri Ismail Sabri tidak boleh membiarkan Parlimen terus lumpuh, sebaliknya perlu menjadualkan sidang Parlimen Khas pada hari Khamis, 27 Januari untuk membincangkan isu konflik kepentingan Azam Baki, kerana tidak ada sesiapa pun, termasuklah Ketua Pesuruhjaya Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) yang boleh menyekat Parlimen daripada membuat keputusan mengenai perkara-perkara yang berkepentingan terhadap negara.

Banyak isu mengenai konflik kepentingan Azam Baki yang berlaku hari ini.

Pertama, Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Kira-kira Wang Negara (PAC) Wong Kah Woh mencabar pendirian Speaker, Azhar Azizan Harun bahawa sidang Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Parlimen mengenai Agensi di bawah Jabatan Perdana Menteri tidak boleh dibuka kepada umum dan media menurut peruntukan Peraturan Mesyuarat Dewan Rakyat. Kemudian Ahli Parlimen Teluk Intan, Nga Kor Ming, mengemukakan usul tergempar kepada Parlimen untuk membahaskan isu mengenai Azam Baki ini.

Tetapi yang paling mengejutkan ialah berita penangguhan sidang Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Agensi di bawah Jabatan Perdana Menteri yang dijadualkan untuk menyiasat isu mengenai Azam Baki pada hari Rabu ini. Sidang mesyuarat ini ditangguh selepas bantahan Azam Baki atas alasan beliau telah memfailkan saman fitnah yang mungkin dipertimbangkan oleh mahkamah, dan bahawa beliau telah pun disiasat oleh Suruhanjaya Sekuriti dan Jawatankuasa Aduan SPRM.

Perkara ini amatlah mengejutkan kerana kita sedang melihat Parlimen dilumpuhkan buat pertama kali dalam sejarah negara.

Azam perlu hadir di hadapan Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas untuk membersihkan namanya daripada dakwaan konflik kepentingan. Apa yang dia takut?

Prosiding Jawatankuasa ini sepatutnya dibuka kepada orang ramai dan media, tetapi perkara ini hanya boleh dilakukan apabila Speaker dalam sidang Parlimen Khas pada 20 Januari ini mendapat kelulusan Dewan untuk berbuat demikian.

Kini tanggungjawab berada dalam tangan Perdana Menteri.

Adakah beliau akan membiarkan Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM terus menyekat Parlimen – mencetuskan kelumpuhan Parlimen dan menjunamkan negara ke dalam suatu krisis kepercayaan yang amat teruk dalam usaha pencegahan rasuah negara.

Adakah Malaysia memang telah disumpah menjadi sebuah kleptokrasi?

Azhar dilantik menjadi Speaker sebagai penyekat reformasi Parlimen. Kini Perdana Menteri yang melantiknya tidak lagi menjadi Perdana Menteri, beliau harus merebut peluang menjadi Speaker reformasi dan bukannya terus menjadi penyekat reformasi.

(Kenyataan Media (2) oleh Ahli Parlimen DAP Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang di Gelang Patah pada hari Isnin, 17 Januari 2022)

                This entry was posted on Monday, 17 January 2022, 4:31 pm and is filed under
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The third DAP wave in  Sarawak

(Versi BM)

The new Sarawak state committee elected yesterday will be responsible for launching the third DAP wave in Sarawak for a better Sarawak and a better Malaysia.

The first DAP wave in Sarawak which started under the founding Sarawak DAP Chairman Chong Siew Chiang took 18 years from 1978 to 1996, and finally, achieved the breakthrough of having three Sarawak State Assemblymen elected into the Sarawak State Assembly – Wong Ho Leng (Bukit Assek), Wong Sing Nang (Pelawan) and Wong Sing Ai (Kidurong).

Sarawak DAP’s battle for parliamentary representation was not so arduous as two MPs in Kuching (Sim Kuang Yang) and Sibu (Ling Sie Ming) were elected in 1982.

The Second DAP wave from 1996 to 2021, which took 25 years, saw the DAP winning 12 State Assembly seats in the 10th Sarawak state general election in 2011 under the leadership of Wong Ho Leng.

It ended with the rather poor performance of DAP Sarawak in the 12th Sarawak general election in 2021 where two Sarawak state assembly persons were elected – Chong Chieng Jen (Padungan) and Violet Yong (Pending).

The first DAP Sarawak wave started from zero, the second DAP wave started from three and the third DAP wave will start from two. What is the height of achievement that the third DAP Sarawak wave is capable of – whether it could form the Sarawak state government or part of it?

This is the challenge of the third DAP wave in Sarawak under the leadership of Chong Cheng Jen.

I was disappointed with by the results of the Sarawak state general election last month as apart from Pandungan and Pending, I had expected DAP to win Kota Sentosa, Bukit Assek, Pelawan, Tanjong Batu and Pujut.

I can understand the frustrations and disappointments of the people that the Pakatan Harapan Federal Government did not do more in the 22 months in power before it was undemocratically toppled.

But I disagree with those who suggested that the DAP should break away from the Pakatan Harapan Government without trying to make it work.

We must persevere in our struggle to make a better Malaysia and a better Sarawak – not for our own sake, but for the sake of our children and children’s children.

We have made great progress although we have also suffered great setbacks.

Malaysians have not fully realised the historic significance of the 14th General Election on May 9, 2018 when we ended the political hegemony of UMNO.

Now most people are wiser after the event and claimed they had expected the 14th general election result.

If you had asked me on the morning of May 9, 2018, I would say I never expected UMNO to be toppled that day.

According to Roman Bose’ insider account in his book (Tommy Thomas has described Roman Bose as Najib’s spin-doctor), Najib Razak never expected to be thrown out of office that day. In fact, up to the end of polling, Najib was expecting a restoration of UMNO’s political hegemony by winning two-thirds majority in Parliament that day.

The 14th General Election results produced a new political scenario seeking a new political equilibrium where the voices of the people matter in shaping the destiny of the nation resulting in the turmoil which saw four Prime Ministers in five years.

The lesson for Malaysians is to realise that a political struggle to make Sarawak and Malaysia world-class great entities is a long and arduous one and require perseverance and stamina for the long haul.

It has taken half-a-century to break UMNO political hegemony.

Will we need another half-a-century before Malaysia’s Centennial in 2063 for Sarawak and Malaysia to become world- class great entities?

Sarawakians together with like-minded Malaysians must be in forefront to mobilise Malaysians to spearhead the reset of national policies in the next half-a-century to bring about institutional reforms so that Malaysia can be a world-class great nation.

There cannot be a new dawn for Sarawak if there is there no new dawn for Malaysia.

When can a new dawn in Malaysia happen? Not in one or two years, even one or two decades, probably in more than three decades when we practise “Malaysian First” policy for the whole country, and “Sarawak First” policy for Sarawak!

I would like to call the political battle from 1957 – 2018 as “Battle One” which ended UMNO political hegemony which had turned Malaysia into a kleptocratic state.

“Battle Two” will be from 2018 to 2063 for Sarawak to have a new dawn and for Malaysia to become a world-class great nation by Malaysia’s 100th birthday anniversary in 2063.

The Sarawak general election on Dec. 18, 2021 is the opening shot for this Battle Two for Malaysia and Sarawak to become world-class entities.

I will not be around to see the outcome of “Battle of Malaysia II” in 2063, but I call on the youths of Sarawak to stand up and help lead the youths of Malaysia to ensure that the country can become a world-class great nation to ensure Sarawak can have a new dawn because Malaysia has got a new dawn!

(Media Statement by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang in Kuching on Monday, January 17, 2022)

Gelombang ketiga DAP di Sarawak

Jawatankuasa negeri Sarawak baharu yang dipilih semalam akan bertanggungjawab untuk melancarkan gelombang ketiga DAP di Sarawak untuk berjuang demi sebuah Sarawak yang lebih baik dan Malaysia yang lebih baik.

Gelombang pertama DAP di Sarawak bermula di bawah pimpinan pengasas Pengerusi DAP Sarawak, Chong Siew Chiang, mengambil masa 18 tahun dari 1978 hingga 1996, dan akhirnya, mencapai kejayaan apabila tiga pemimpin parti diundi menjadi Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri Sarawak – Wong Ho Leng (Bukit Assek ), Wong Sing Nang (Pelawan) dan Wong Sing Ai (Kidurong).

Perjuangan DAP Sarawak untuk menghantar wakil di parlimen tidak begitu sukar kerana dua Ahli Parlimen Kuching (Sim Kuang Yang) dan Sibu (Ling Sie Ming) telah dipilih pada 1982.

Gelombang Kedua DAP dari 1996 hingga 2021, yang mengambil masa 25 tahun, menyaksikan DAP memenangi 12 kerusi Dewan Undangan Negeri dalam pilihan raya umum negeri Sarawak ke-10 pada 2011 di bawah pimpinan Wong Ho Leng.

Ia berakhir dengan prestasi DAP Sarawak yang agak teruk pada pilihan raya umum Sarawak ke-12 pada 2021 di mana dua pemimpin parti telah dipilih untuk menjadi ADUN Sarawak – Chong Chieng Jen (Padungan) dan Violet Yong (Pending).

Gelombang pertama DAP Sarawak bermula dari sifar, gelombang kedua DAP bermula dari tiga dan gelombang ketiga DAP akan bermula dari dua. Apakah pencapaian yang mampu dikecapi oleh gelombang ketiga DAP Sarawak – sama ada ia boleh membentuk kerajaan negeri Sarawak atau menjadi sebahagian daripadanya?

Inilah cabaran gelombang ketiga DAP di Sarawak di bawah pimpinan Chong Chieng Jen.

Saya kecewa dengan keputusan pilihan raya umum negeri Sarawak bulan lepas kerana selain Pandungan dan Pending, saya telah menjangkakan DAP akan memenangi Kota Sentosa, Bukit Assek, Pelawan, Tanjong Batu dan Pujut.

Saya dapat memahami kekecewaan rakyat kerana Kerajaan Persekutuan Pakatan Harapan tidak melakukan lebih banyak dalam tempoh 22 bulan mentadbir sebelum ia digulingkan secara tidak demokratik.

Tetapi saya tidak bersetuju dengan mereka yang mencadangkan bahawa DAP harus keluar daripada Kerajaan Pakatan Harapan tanpa cuba berusaha menjayakannya dahulu.

Kita mesti tabah dalam perjuangan kita untuk menjadikan Malaysia yang lebih baik dan Sarawak yang lebih baik – bukan untuk kepentingan kita sendiri, tetapi demi anak-anak kita dan cucu-cucu kita.

Kita telah mencapai kemajuan yang besar walaupun kita juga mengalami kemunduran yang besar.

Rakyat Malaysia belum menyedari sepenuhnya kepentingan bersejarah Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 pada 9 Mei 2018 apabila kita menamatkan hegemoni politik UMNO.

Kini kebanyakan orang lebih bijak selepas peristiwa itu dan mendakwa mereka telah menjangkakan keputusan pilihan raya umum ke-14.

Jika anda bertanya kepada saya pada pagi 9 Mei 2018, saya akan katakan yang saya tidak pernah menyangka UMNO akan ditumbangkan pada hari itu.

Menurut sumber dalaman Roman Bose dalam bukunya (Tommy Thomas pernah menggambarkan Romen Bose sebagai pakar propaganda Najib), Najib Razak tidak pernah menjangka akan disingkirkan daripada jawatan perdana menteri pada hari itu. Malah, sehingga akhir hari pengundian, Najib menjangkakan hegemoni politik UMNO pulih dengan parti itu memenangi majoriti dua pertiga di Parlimen.

Keputusan Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 menghasilkan senario politik baharu – yang masih sedang cuba mencari titik keseimbangan politik baharu di mana suara rakyat diberikan kepentingan dalam membentuk masa hadapan negara – yang telah menyaksikan empat orang Perdana Menteri bersilih ganti dalam tempoh lima tahun.

Pengajarannya untuk rakyat Malaysia adalah untuk menyedari yang perjuangan politik untuk menjadikan Malaysia negara hebat bertaraf dunia ini adalah satu perjuangan jangka panjang yang penuh dengan cabaran dan memerlukan kecekalan.

Setengah abad diperlukan untuk memecahkan hegemoni politik UMNO.

Adakah kita memerlukan setengah abad lagi sebelum Ulang Tahun Malaysia yang ke-100 pada 2063 untuk menjadi sebuah negara hebat bertaraf dunia?

Rakyat Sarawak bersama-sama rakyat Malaysia yang berfikiran serupa mesti berada di barisan hadapan untuk menggerakkan rakyat Malaysia untuk menerajui penetapan semula dasar negara dalam setengah abad akan datang untuk membawa pembaharuan institusi supaya Malaysia boleh menjadi negara hebat bertaraf dunia.

Tidak mungkin ada fajar baharu untuk Sarawak jika tidak ada fajar baharu untuk Malaysia.

Bilakah fajar baharu di Malaysia boleh berlaku? Tidak dalam satu atau dua tahun, malah bukan juga dalam satu atau dua dekad, mungkin dalam lebih tiga dekad apabila kita mengamalkan dasar “Malaysian First” untuk seluruh negara, dan dasar “Sarawak First” untuk Sarawak!

Saya ingin menyifatkan pertempuran politik dari 1957 – 2018 sebagai “Pertempuran Pertama” yang menamatkan hegemoni politik UMNO yang telah menjadikan Malaysia sebuah negara kleptokrasi.

“Pertempuran Kedua” adalah dari 2018 hingga 2063 untuk Sarawak mendapat fajar baharu dan untuk Malaysia menjadi negara hebat bertaraf dunia menjelang ulang tahun ke-100 Malaysia pada 2063.

Pilihan raya umum Sarawak pada 18 Dis. 2021 adalah paluan pembukaan untuk Pertempuran Kedua ini untuk Malaysia dan Sarawak menjadi entiti bertaraf dunia.

Saya tidak akan berada di sini untuk melihat keputusan “Pertempuran Malaysia Kedua” pada tahun 2063, tetapi saya menyeru para belia Sarawak untuk bangkit dan membantu memimpin belia Malaysia bagi memastikan negara kita dapat menjadi sebuah negara hebat bertaraf dunia dan untuk memastikan Sarawak mendapat sinar fajar baharu kerana Malaysia juga turut mendapat sinar fajar baharu.

(Kenyataan Media oleh Ahli Parlimen DAP Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang di Kuching pada Isnin, 17 Januari 2022)

                This entry was posted on Monday, 17 January 2022, 7:47 am and is filed under
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Azam-gate may lead to 15th General Election to be held after the Chinese New Year  – and not just Johore state general election

There is much speculation as to whether Johore state general election will be held after the Chinese New Year.

The possibility of a Johore state general election being held after the Chinese New Year cannot be ruled out as it is an open secret that after the Malacca and Sarawak state general elections, UMNO leaders are pressing for the 15th General Election to be held as early as possible  and a Johore state general election will be a  form of pressure by the UMNO leaders on Prime Minister Ismail Sabri to dissolve Parliament as soon as possible to hold the 15th General Election.

However, political events in Malaysia are developing very fast, and from the happenings today, the pressures on Ismail Sabri for early 15th General Election are mounting and the possibility of the 15th General Election, and not just Johore state general election, being held after the Chinese New Year cannot be ruled out.

There were many developments  today over the serious conflict-of-interest allegations against the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) Chief Commissioner, Azam Baki.

Firstly, the Parliamentary Public Accounts  Committee (PAC) Chairman Wong Kah Woh  rightly challenged the position of the Speaker, Azahar Azizan Harun that the Parliamentary Special Select Committee (PSSC) on Agencies  under the Prime Minister’s Department  cannot be open to the public and the media under the Dewan Rakyat Standing Orders except on one point.

Then the MP for Teluk Intan, Nga Kor Ming,  submitted an emergency motion to Parliament to debate Azam-gate.

But most shockingly was the latest news of the postponement of the Wednesday meeting of the PSCC on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department on Azamgate, because Azam Baki  objected to the PSCC meeting as he had filed a defamation suit which might be considered by the courts and that he was already investigated by the Securities Commission and the MACC Complaints Committee.

These developments seem to have led to a parliamentary paralysis on the Azam-gate issue.

Such a parliamentary paralysis will be another example of the long list of impotence of Ismail Sabri since he became the ninth  Prime Minister of Malaysia five months ago – such as the inability to return to pre-Emergency days before January 11, 2021 in the Covid-19 pandemic and the recent “once-in-a-century” floods disasters in Malaysia;

The Azam-gate will weaken Ismail Sabri’s  already weak position as Prime Minister considerably and intensify the pressures from the UMNO leaders for the 15th General Election to be held immediately.

Parliament is to meet on Thursday  (January 20) in a Special Session on the floods disaster. It will be a great shame and gross negligence  if there is Parliamentary  paralysis on the Azam-gate and Parliament cannot debate the issue.

I have suggested three ways out of the quandary to avoid a parliamentary paralysis on Azam-gate:

Firstly, the Speaker should seek the consent of Parliament at the Special Parliament on January 20 for all Parliamentary Select Committees to hold their meetings in public and in the presence of the media; to show that Parliament is not a secret conclave but represents open, accountable  and transparent governance in the highest legislative council in the land;

Secondly, armed with the authority to hold public meetings in the presence of the media the PSCC on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department should meet urgently, preferably by Monday on 24th January 2022 for Azam Baki to clear himself of the conflict-of-interest allegations; and

Thirdly, hold a Special Session of Parliament on Thursday 27th January 2022 to decide on the Report of the PSCC on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department on the Azam-gate issue.

The ball is now in Ismail Sabri’s court – will there be a parliamentary paralysis under him as Prime Minister?

(Speech by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang at a DAP Chinese New Year gathering in Skudai on Monday, January 17, 2022)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 18 January 2022, 7:12 am and is filed under
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If Azam is not prepared to appear before the Parliamentary Select Committee in January itself to clear himself of the conflict-of-interest allegations, a motion should be moved when Parliament meets on Feb. 28 to remove him as MACC Chief Commissioner

If Azam Bani is not prepared to appear before the Parliamentary Select Committee in January itself, he should resign or go on leave immediately because he could not be an example of integrity in public service.

Parliament enacted the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission  (MACC) 2009 with two specific objectives: firstly, to promote the integrity and accountability of public and private sector administration by constituting an independent and accountable anti-corruption body; and secondly,  to educate public authorities, public officials and members of the public about corruption and its detrimental effects on public and private sector administration and on the community.

If the MACC Chief Commissioner cannot be a public example of integrity  and accountability in the public service, then the basic purpose of the MACC Act is being defeated.

When Parliament debated the MACC Bill in 2009, the last thing Members of Parliament expected was that the chief threat to legitimacy and credibility of the MACC would come from the MACC Chief Commissioner himself!

We seem to be in the tragic situation of  having a fox guarding the hen house.

This is why Azam should resign or go on leave immediately unless he is prepared to appear before the Parliamentary Select Committee to clear himself of the serious conflict-of-interest allegations.

That Azam has filed a defamation suit does not preclude the Parliamentary Special Select Committee on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department from conducting a hearing on Azam’s integrity and accountability  because the court and the parliamentary proceedings deal with different questions- the former on whether he had been defamed and the latter on whether he has the integrity and accountability  to lead the MACC.

In fact, Azam should withdraw his defamation suit as his legal action against a whistleblower is a major negative point against him for having the integrity and accountability to lead the MACC.

Is Azam aware that in refusing to appear before the Parliamentary Select Committee, he will get the infamy of being the worst head of the anti-corruption agency in Malaysia’s history?

The Public Accounts Committee Chairman Wong Kah Woh is right that the  Parliamentary Special Select Committees should be held publicly and in the presence of the media – as is the practice all over the world in countries which cherish the objectives of open government, accountability and transparency.

The Speaker, Azhar Azizan Harun, should enable this at the Special Session of Parliament on Thursday so that all parliamentary select committees could hold their hearings in public and in the presence of media after this Thursday.

I am very disappointed with the reasons which the Speaker had given to justify the practice of the parliamentary select committees continuing their closed-door proceedings, that it was to preserve the integrity of such proceedings and to ensure complete cooperation from everyone involved.

This is not the thinking of a reform Speaker and unless Azhar is prepared to change his views, he cannot be a reform Speaker.

Time is running out for Azam Baki.

If Azam is not prepared to appear before the Parliamentary Special Select Committee on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department to clear himself of the conflict-of-interest allegations in January, a motion should be moved in the next Parliamentary meeting starting on Feb. 28, 2022 to remove Azam Baki was MACC Chief Commissioner.

(Media Statement by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang in Kuala Lumpur on Tuesday, January 18, 2022)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 18 January 2022, 5:09 pm and is filed under
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Is Azam Baki living in ‘dreamland”?

Azam Baki has just welcomed the Security Commission statement that it had concluded its enquiry into his shareholding and is unable to conclusively establish that a breach under section 25(4) of the Securities Industry (Central Depositories) Act 1991 (SICDA) and pledging that he will “continue my responsibility as the Chief Commissioner of MACC to fight corruption without fear or favour”.

Is Azam Baki living in dreamland?

Is he unaware that his refusal to appear before the Parliamentary Special Select  Committee (PSCC)  on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department have made Malaysians wonder whether he is fit to be MACC Chief Commissioner “to fight corruption without fear or favour”?

Is he now prepared to appear before the PSCC tomorrow to clear himself of conflict-of-interest allegations?

(Media Comment by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang in Kuala Lumpur on 18th January 2020)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 18 January 2022, 7:04 pm and is filed under
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How many Ministers agree with Azam Baki that the MACC Chief Commissioner has  been declared innocent by the Securities Commission of committing any offence against the law?

(Versi BM)

There is a simple test of comprehension in Malaysia today – how may Ministers agree with Azam Baki that the MACC Chief Commissioner has been declared innocent by the Securities Commission of committing any offence against the law?

If the majority of the Cabinet believes that the Securities Commission had not declared Azam Baki innocent but left the question open and unanswered as the Securities Commission is unable to “conclusively establish that a breach under section 25(4) of the Securities Industry (Central Depositories) Act 1991 (SICDA) had occurred”, then only one option is open: the Cabinet and the least it should do is to ask Azam to go on leave as MACC Chief Commissioner until the question whether he had breached the law had been answered one way or another by other investigative agencies including the Parliamentary Special Select Committee on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department.

Only an imbecile will regard the Securities Commission statement as fully clearing Azam of any breach of the law and a declaration that Azam is therefore innocent.

If the Cabinet does nothing, which means the Cabinet agrees that the Securities Commission statement is a statement declaring Azam is innocent, Malaysians are entitled to regard the present Cabinet comprise Ministers of low intellectual standards and powers of comprehension and is the worst Cabinet in Malaysian history under nine Prime Ministers.

(Media Comment by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang in Kuala Lumpur on January 19, 2022)

Berapa ramai Menteri yang bersetuju dengan Azam Baki yang beliau telah diisytiharkan tidak bersalah untuk apa-apa kesalahan oleh Suruhanjaya Sekuriti?

Ada satu ujian pemahaman yang ringkas di Malaysia hari ini – berapa ramaikah Menteri yang bersetuju dengan Azam Baki yang beliau telah diisytiharkan tidak bersalah untuk apa-apa kesalahan oleh Suruhanjaya Sekuriti (SC)?

Sekiranya majoriti ahli Jemaah Menteri percaya yang SC tidak mengisytiharkan Azam Baki tidak bersalah, sebaliknya meninggalkan persoalan ini tergantung dan tidak dijawab memandangkan SC gagal “untuk menentukan dengan kepastian sama ada pelanggaran Seksyen 25(4) Akta Perindustrian Sekuriti (Depositori Pusat) 1991 (SICDA) telah berlaku”, maka hanya ada satu pilihan untuk mereka: Jemaah Menteri perlu meminta Azam untuk bercuti daripada jawatan Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM sehinggalah persoalan mengenai sama ada beliau telah melanggar undang-undang ini dapat disiasat oleh badan lain, termasuklah oleh Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Parlimen Agensi di bawah Jabatan Perdana Menteri.

Hanya seorang yang dungu sahaja yang akan melihat kenyataan SC sebagai melepaskan Azam daripada sebarang kesalahan undang-undang dan merupakan satu pengisytiharan Azam tidak bersalah.

Sekiranya Kabinet tidak berbuat apa-apa, perkara ini bermakna Kabinet bersetuju dengan pemikiran yang mengatakan kenyataan SC telah membebaskan Azam sebagai tidak bersalah, rakyat Malaysia berhak untuk menganggap Jemaah Menteri sedia ada ini terdiri daripada menteri-menteri dengan standard intelek yang rendah dan tidak mempunyai bakat pemahaman dan juga merupakan kabinet terburuk dalam sejarah negara di bawah sembilan orang Perdana Menteri sebelum ini.

(Komen media Ahli Parlimen DAP Iskandar Puteri, Lim Kit Siang di Kuala Lumpur pada 19 Januari 2022)

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 19 January 2022, 8:36 am and is filed under
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Will  the superpaid Ministers be like the proverbial three monkeys – ears that hear not, eyes that see not and mouths that speak not – at the  jumbo-sized Cabinet meeting today on the Azam-gate?

(Versi BM)

Has the Securities Commission made history by ending an investigation which will spark a thousand other investigations?

In declaring that the Securities Commission (SC) “is unable to conclusively establish that a breach under Section 25(4) of the Securities Industry (Central Depositories) Act 1991 (SICDA) has occurred” with regard to the shareholding case of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) Chief Commissioner Azam Baki, the Securities Commission has left open the question under what circumstances the SC will be able to “conclusively establish” whether SICDA has been breached or not.

The Malaysian people are entitled to know why the SC is unable to “conclusively establish” whether SICDA has occurred in the Azam Baki’s case.

The SC statement is both unsatisfactory and unconvincing.

The SC has not fully cleared the MACC Chief Commissioner of any wrongdoing under SICDA and has therefore undermined the authority, legitimacy and credibility of Azam Baki as MACC Chief Commissioner, as he has failed to be a public example of integrity and accountability as required by the MACC Act 2009.

As MACC Chief Commissioner, Azam has failed to be “whiter than white”, and unless he can so acquit himself immediately, he should resign or go on leave until he can present a “whiter than white” integrity and accountability.

The executive director of Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4), Cynthia Gabriel, has urged the SC to explain how it could not “conclusively establish” if Azam broke the law over the ownership of shares by making public the SC inquiry findings.

She said: “This vindicates further our position from the onset that only a full and independent probe will suffice, as it will also establish any potential breach of the public servant asset declaration laws and circulars as well as reveal the source of funds.”

Lawyer and legislator Sivarasa Rasiah has asked the police to probe Azam after the Securities Commission concluded that it had not been able to determine if there was a breach of share trading rules.

Sivarasa said the police probe must include checks into bank accounts, bank statements and “who gave money to the remisier”.

DAP Secretary-General and MP for Bagan, Lim Guan Eng, has questioned how SC could perform its statutory duty if the SC can’t establish that Azam had breached Section 25(4) of SICDA when Azam had openly and publicly admitted that he had allowed his brother to conduct proxy share trading?

Today, we have another question – whether the super-paid Ministers in the jumbo-sized Cabinet will act like the proverbial three monkeys – ears that hear not, eyes that see not and mouths that speak not – at its meeting today on the Azam-gate?

Will the Cabinet initiate contempt proceedings against Azam in Parliament tomorrow for his refusal to appear before the Parliamentary Special Select Committee on Agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department to clear himself of the conflict-of-interest allegations?

Will it take prompt and effective action to end the worst crisis of confidence in the anti-corruption agency in the nation’s history – caused by none other than the agency’s No. 1 officer who is not prepared to be an exemplary public example of integrity and accountability in the public service?

Is the Cabinet aware of the new infamy Malaysia will suffer internationally as a result of this MACC scandal caused by the MACC Chief Commissioner?

Has the Prime Minister Ismail Sabri a stand on the Azam-gate and if so, what is it?

What has his predecessor, Muhyiddin Yassin, got to say on the Azam-gate?

It will be interesting to know the stand of the four Prime Ministers in Malaysia in the last four years on Azam-gate!

(Media Statement by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang in Kuala Lumpur on Wednesday, January 19, 2022)

Adakah para menteri yang terlebih dibayar semua akan berpura-pura mempunyai telinga yang tidak mendengar, mata yang tidak melihat, dan mulut yang tidak bersuara dalam mesyuarat Kabinet gergasi hari ini mengenai isu Azam?

Adakah Suruhanjaya Sekuriti telah mencipta sejarah dengan menamatkan sebuah penyiasatan yang akan menimbulkan beribu lagi penyiasatan?

Semasa mengisytiharkan yang Suruhanjaya Sekuriti (SC) “tidak berjaya untuk menentukan dengan kepastikan bahawa satu pelanggaran undang-undang di bawah Seksyen 25(4) Akta Perindustrian Sekuriti (Depositori Pusat) 1991 (SICDA) telah berlaku” mengenai kes pegangan saham Ketua Pesuruhjaya Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM), Azam Baki, SC telah meninggalkan tanda tanya mengenai di bawah keadaan bagaimanakah yang SC dapat “menentukan dengan kepastian” sama ada berlaku pelanggaran SICDA atau tidak.

Rakyat Malaysia berhak untuk tahu mengapa SC gagal untuk “menentukan dengan kepastian” sama ada pelanggaran peruntukan SICDA telah berlaku dalam kes Azam Baki ini.

Kenyataan SC amatlah tidak memuaskan dan tidak meyakinkan.

SC belum lagi membersihkan nama Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM daripada apa-apa salah laku di bawah SICDA dan oleh itu telah merendahkan autoriti, keabsahan, dan kredibiliti Azam Baki sebagai Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM, memandangkan beliau masih gagal untuk menjadi tauladan integriti dan akauntabiliti seperti yang diperlukan dalam Akta SPRM 2009.

Sebagai Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM, Azam telah gagal untuk menjadi “lebih bersih daripada bersih”, dan melainkan beliau dapat menjelaskan perkara ini dengan segera, beliau perlu meletakkan jawatan atau bercuti sehingga kes ini dapat dijelaskan secara memuaskan.

Pengarah Eksekutif Pusat Melawan Rasuah dan Kronisme (C4), Cynthia Gabriel, telah menggesa SC untuk menjelaskan bagaimana badan tersebut “gagal untuk menentukan” sama ada Azam telah melanggar peruntukan undang-undang mengenai pemilikan sahamnya dengan menerbitkan kepada orang awam dapatan siasatan SC.

Beliau mengatakan: “Perkara ini mengukuhkan kepercayaan kami sejak dari awal lagi yang bahawa hanya sebuah siasatan menyeluruh yang bebas sahaja yang akan mampu memberikan gambaran sebenar, kerana hanya siasatan sebegini sahaja yang boleh mendedahkan sebarang pelanggaran undang-undang atau pekeliling deklarasi aset pegawai perkhidmatan awam dan juga untuk menentukan sumber dana yang digunakan.”

Peguam dan wakil rakyat, Sivarasa Rasiah, telah meminta pihak Polis untuk menyiasat Azam selepas SC memutuskan yang badan tersebut gagal untuk menentukan sama ada terdapat pelanggaran undang-undang perdagangan saham.

Sivarasa mengatakan yang siasatan polis perlulah melibatkan semakan ke akaun bank, penyata bank, dan juga “siapa yang memberikan wang kepada remisier”.

Setiausaha Agung DAP merangkap Ahli Parlimen Bagan, Lim Guan Eng, telah mempersoalkan bagaimana SC mampu untuk menjalankan tanggungjawab statutorinya sekiranya SC tidak mampu untuk menyiasat dengan kepastian sama ada Azam telah melanggar peruntukan Seksyen 25(4) SICDA sedangkan Azam telah mengaku secara terbuka yang beliau membenarkan adiknya berdagang saham menggunakan akaunnya?

Hari ini, kita berhadapan dengan satu lagi persoalan – sama ada para menteri yang terlebih dibayar semua akan berpura-pura mempunyai telinga yang tidak mendengar, mata yang tidak melihat, dan mulut yang tidak bersuara dalam mesyuarat Kabinet gergasi hari ini mengenai isu Azam?

Adakah Jemaah Menteri akan membawa usul menghina Parlimen terhadap Azam di Parlimen esok atas keengganan beliau untuk hadir di hadapan Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Agensi di bawah Jabatan Perdana Menteri untuk membersihkan dakwaan yang dibuat terhadap beliau?

Adakah Kabinet akan mengambil tindakan yang pantas dan berkesan untuk menamatkan krisis keyakinan yang terburuk dalam sejarah agensi pencegahan rasuah negara – yang disebabkan oleh pegawai Nombor 1 agensi tersebut yang tidak bersedia untuk menjadi tauladan baik integriti dan akauntabiliti dalam perkhidmatan awam?

Adakah Kabinet sedar mengenai kerosakan terhadap maruah negara yang disebabkan oleh skandal SPRM oleh Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM ini?

Adakah Perdana Menteri Ismail Sabri mempunyai pendapat mengenai perkara ini, sekiranya ya, apakah pendapat beliau?

Apakah pula pendapat bekas Perdana Menteri, Muhyiddin Yassin mengenai perkara ini?

Menarik untuk kita dapatkan pendapat empat orang bekas Perdana Menteri negara dalam empat tahun yang lepas mengenai isu ini!

(Kenyataan Media oleh Ahli Parlimen DAP Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang di Kuala Lumpur pada hari Rabu, 19 Januari 2022)

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 19 January 2022, 7:54 am and is filed under
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Ismail Sabri is the most slow-witted Prime Minister and surrounded by the worst advisers in the nation’s history but is he seriously suggesting that Azam is presently the best example of integrity and accountability in the public service?

(Versi BM)

After I sat through the Prime Minister Ismail Sabri’s presentation of the recent floods disasters in the Special Session of Parliament this morning, I was seized by two thoughts:

Firstly, complete absence of reference to “climate change” as an important factor in the recent “once-in-a-century” floods disasters, which was one of the two factors which caused them – the other being man-made conditions like corruption, abuses of power and sheer incompetence pre-and-post the floods disasters.

Secondly, we have the ninth Prime Minister who is always several steps behind events, when he should be more prescient, more proactive and on top of events than reactive to or trodden by events.

Ismail Sabri should be making a Ministerial Statement in Parliament at the height of the floods disasters on Dec. 20, but he failed to do although Parliament was still in session. Today he should be leading with a Ministerial statement in a Special Parliament on how the Government is resolving the worst crisis of confidence on the anti-corruption agency in the nation’s history, as the MACC Chief Commissioner Azam Baki has lost all authority, credibility and legitimacy to be the leader of MACC.

If the Prime Minister will conduct an opinion poll, he will get confirmation that this is so.

By asking Malaysians to accept the decision of the Securities Commission’s decision on Azam, Ismail wants Malaysians to be like the Cabinet Ministers to be like the proverbial three monkeys who have eyes that see not, ears that hear not and mouths that speak not.

To Ismail, let me say that this is not the Malaysia we want to have – as we want to see the end of kleptocracy and kakistocracy in Malaysia.

Ismail Sabri is the most slow-witted Prime Minister and surrounded by the worst advisers in the nation’s history, but is he seriously suggesting that Azam is presently the best example of integrity and accountability in the public service?

Ismail Sabri should ask Azam to resign or go on leave and appoint a Royal Commission of Inquiry to investigate into MACC and the Securities Commission with regard to Azam’s case.

Alternatively, he should convene a Special Parliament next week to decide on whether Azam is fit to continue as MACC Chief Commissioner.

(Media Statement (2) by DAP MP for Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang in Kuala Lumpur on Thursday, 20th January 2022)

Ismail Sabri adalah Perdana Menteri yang paling lembab dan dikelilingi oleh penasihat terburuk dalam sejarah negara tetapi adakah beliau serius dalam mengatakan bahawa Azam pada masa ini adalah contoh terbaik integriti dan akauntabiliti dalam perkhidmatan awam?

Selepas saya mendengar pembentangan Perdana Menteri Ismail Sabri mengenai bencana banjir dalam Sidang Khas Parlimen pagi ini, saya terfikir dua perkara:

Pertama, ketiadaan rujukan terhadap sama sekali “perubahan iklim” sebagai faktor penting dalam bencana banjir yang berlaku “sekali dalam satu abad” baru-baru ini, yang merupakan salah satu daripada dua faktor yang menyumbang kepada bencana berkenaan – yang lain adalah kerana perbuatan manusia seperti rasuah, penyalahgunaan kuasa dan ketidakcekapan sebelum dan selepas bencana banjir.

Kedua, kita mempunyai Perdana Menteri kesembilan yang gagal, sedangkan beliau sepatutnya lebih teliti, lebih proaktif dan mampu mengawal tindakan untuk segala bencana atau isu yang berbangkit.

Ismail Sabri sepatutnya membuat Kenyataan Menteri di Parlimen semasa kemuncak bencana banjir pada 20 Disember, tetapi beliau gagal berbuat demikian walaupun Parlimen masih bersidang ketika itu. Hari ini beliau sepatutnya mengeluarkan Kenyataan Menteri di Sidang Khas Parlimen tentang bagaimana Kerajaan akan menyelesaikan krisis keyakinan terburuk terhadap agensi anti rasuah dalam sejarah negara, kerana Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM Azam Baki telah kehilangan semua kredibiliti dan legitimasi sebagai seorang ketua kepada SPRM.

Jika Perdana Menteri akan menjalankan tinjauan pendapat, beliau akan mendapat pengesahan bahawa perkara ini adalah benar.

Dengan meminta rakyat Malaysia menerima keputusan Suruhanjaya Sekuriti mengenai Azam, Ismail mahu rakyat Malaysia menjadi seperti Menteri Kabinet yang dilihat seolah-olah menyerupai kisah tiga monyet yang mempunyai mata tetapi tidak melihat, mempunyai telinga tetapi tidak mendengar dan mempunyai mulut tetapi tidak bercakap.

Kepada Ismail, izinkan saya katakan bahawa ini bukan Malaysia yang kita mahukan – kita mahu melihat kleptokrasi dan kakistokrasi terhapus dari Malaysia.

Ismail Sabri adalah Perdana Menteri yang paling lembab dan dikelilingi oleh penasihat terburuk dalam sejarah negara, tetapi adakah beliau serius apabila beliau fikir bahawa Azam pada masa ini adalah contoh terbaik integriti dan akauntabiliti dalam perkhidmatan awam?

Ismail Sabri sepatutnya meminta Azam meletak jawatan atau bercuti dan melantik Suruhanjaya Siasatan Diraja untuk menyiasat SPRM dan Suruhanjaya Sekuriti berhubung kes Azam.

Sebagai alternatif, beliau perlu mengadakan Sidang Khas Parlimen minggu depan untuk memutuskan sama ada Azam layak untuk terus menjadi Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM.

(Kenyataan Media (2) oleh Ahli Parlimen DAP Iskandar Puteri Lim Kit Siang di Kuala Lumpur pada hari Khamis, 20 Januari 2022)

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