Time to move on into the uncharted political waters

This morning I visited Taman Cempaka market and the Pasir Puteh market together with the  three elected DAP Assemblymen in Ipoh Timur parliamentary constituency – Su Keong  Siong (Pasir Pinji), Wong Kah Woh (Canning) and  Ong Boon Piow (Tebing Tinggi) –  to thank the  Ipoh Timor voters for their great support in the March 8 general election returning me as MP with a humbling majority of 21,942 votes as well as securing a DAP victory in all the three constituent assembly seats of Pasir Pinji, Canning and Tebing Tinggi with impressive majorities of 6,339, 5,666 and 2,515 respectively.

Earlier, three days ago, I had visited the Kampong Simee and Pasir Pinji markets in my thank-the-voters rounds.

In my rounds today, I received mixed reactions to the proposed DAP-PKR-PAS Perak State coalition government headed by a PAS Mentri Besar, details of which were finalized two nights ago with regard to the 6-3-2 allocation of Exco seats  respectively for DAP, PKR and PAS and awaiting the holding of the swearing-in ceremony.

The mixed reactions could be  divided into the following categories:

•	Support;

•	Conditional support with concerns about Islamisation undermining the constitutional rights of Malaysians;

•	Outright opposition, regarding the DAP-PKR-PAS coalition government with a PAS MB as a betrayal of the DAP’s general election mandate.

I was asked how DAP’s support for a DAP-PKR-PAS coalition government headed by a PAS MB could square with my repeated assurances in ceramahs during the campaign trail that the DAP had no relationship or understanding with the PAS for the 2008 general election.

I was speaking the truth in the election ceramahs. Up till March 8, 2008, DAP had no relationship or links of any nature with PAS in connection with the general election, as our relationship was only  with PKR.

The  2008 general election had produced a new political landscape which forced the DAP to immediately review the political situation, as the March 8 “political tsunami” had not only swept away the unbroken Barisan Nasional two-thirds parliamentary majority, it also swept away the Barisan Nasional in four  states, namely Penang, Kedah, Perak and  Selangor, and crushed UMNO  attempt to recapture Kelantan.

In two states, however, Perak and Selangor, the voters had created a result which forced the three opposition parties, DAP, PKR and PAS to co-operate to form an alternative government as no two political parties would have sufficient majority to rule.

In Perak, DAP won 18, PKR 7 and PAS 6 seats out of a total of a 59-strong Assembly  while in Selangor, PKR won 15, DAP 13 and PAS 8 seats out of a total of 56-strong Assembly.

The March 8 political tsunami was historic and unprecedented. It saw voters transcending race and religion when casting their vote, with Malay, Chinese and Indian voters casting their vote for “Change” regardless of race and religion – which is the first time in the history of  Malaysian general election, making this the most memorable phenomenon and event marking the 50th anniversary of Merdeka.

As a result, the Opposition in Peninsular Malaysia is collectively more multi-racial, multi-religious and inclusive than the Barisan Nasional, having more Chinese and Indian MPs apart from having a strong representation of Malay MPs.

In a matter of hours between the end of polling at 5 pm on March 8  and the announcement of the election results by midnight, a new political landscape had replaced the old – with all political parties having to come to terms with  new political realities.

Mistakes were made by political parties adapting  to the sweeping changes caused by the March 8 political tsunami.

For the DAP, we have to address the changes from one of no relationship or link with PAS up till end of polling at 5 pm on March 8 to one where DAP  had to decide on some form of co-operation with PAS without sacrificing our principles and policies as a direct consequence  of the general election results of the people’s desire for change at both the national and state levels – particularly for the two states of Perak and Selangor.

DAP was unfairly and falsely accused of being anti-Malay and anti-Islam when DAP had reservations about a PAS Mentri Besar for the Perak DAP-PKR-PAS coalition government – which was  completely baseless as DAP had supported a Malay State Assemblyman from PKR to be the Perak MB.

It is most regrettable that there are comments on my blog as well as writings by commentators misreading or deliberately distorting my very brief and straightforward comments on the Perak coalition government issue.

That PAS is the smallest of the three-party coalition government, with 6 seats as compared to DAP’s 18 and PKR’s 7, is one important factor for the DAP’s initial opposition to a PAS MB for Perak.

Another is concern about PAS’ Islamic State and hudud law  policies, which are  also among  the key concerns of those in the latter two categories who give conditional support and those who oppose the idea of a DAP-PKR-PAS coalition government.

DAP leaders and members have to be fully aware of these concerns.  Whether a DAP-PKR-PAS Perak coalition government with PAS MB succeeds or not will depend on its  performance and record to demonstrate (i) that the welfare and livelihood of the people of Perak is better safeguarded and promoted than under previous Barisan Nasional state governments; and (ii) that no further Islamisation policies are introduced to the detriment of the constitutional rights of all Malaysians, regardless of race or religion.

It is time to move on into the new uncharted Malaysian political waters.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 15 March 2008, 5:38 pm and is filed under
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Now see what happens when you play around with the keris?

By
Farish A. Noor

As the broken remnants of the Barisan Nasional recuperate and recover what is left of their shattered pride, it would be prudent to take a step back and look at some of the factors that have certainly contributed to the dismal showing the BN component parties and the UMNO party in particular.

It is clear to many that this election was, in some ways, a singularly unique event in the same way that the 2004 elections were special. 2004’s election results could be read as a collective sigh of relief on the part of the Malaysian electorate after twenty years of rule under the Mahathir government, which witnessed a host of controversial incidents ranging from the BMF scandal of the early 1980s all the way up to Ops Lalang in 1987. The enormous mandate given to the Badawi government was a sign that the public was thirsting for change and that they were no longer willing to live with the modes of governance and politics that we have all grown sadly accustomed to for lack of a choice…

This time round, the electorate has once again spoken to signal their utter disillusionment after it became painfully evident that none of the reform policies foregrounded by the Badawi team were ever going to come true. Instead this had been an administration long on gimmicks and novelties, but short on substance and delivery. Was it necessary to send a Malaysian astronaut to space on a Russian craft, to make the vain boast that a Malaysian citizen had been there and done that? If this was meant to assuage the anger and frustration of Malaysians who lived in estates and poorly-run low-cost urban housing, it certainly had the opposite effect of driving home the point that this administration was out of touch with reality and totally disconnected with the needs and wants of the people.

But vain boasts notwithstanding, the Badawi government suffered its long-overdue shock due to the vain boasts of some of its leaders and spokesmen. Here is it worth noting the effect that UMNO’s own overheated pyrotechnics had on the sentiments and sensibilities of a significant section of the Malaysian public; namely the non-Malays and non-Muslims of the country. In particular we are referring to the repeated assertion on the part of some hot-headed UMNO leaders who continued to harp on about the notion of Malay dominance in a racially and religiously diverse and plural society.

The abandonment of the MCA, Gerakan and MIC by the Malaysian electorate would suggest that the non-Malay voters have grown fed up with the toothless apologia of the non-Malay leaders and representatives of the BN when faced with the antics of UMNO demagogues and soap-box orators. In particular we will recall the incidents when the leader of UMNO’s Youth Wing Hishamuddin Onn, brandished the keris in public, on stage, and pontificated at some length about Malay pride and the place of the Malays in Malaysia.

The use of the keris as a symbol of racial unity and identity was and is in itself problematic, considering that the keris in Malaysia today is such a politically loaded symbol that is pregnant with meaning and historical connotations. Hishamuddin’s brandishing of the keris did not take place in a historical vacuum, even if the politician had no sense of history (which is unlikely to be the case.)

As we all know, the keris has been transformed into a marker for a particular sort of right-wing ethno-nationalist ideology that serves the agenda of Malay racial and cultural supremacists since 1969 and all the way up to 1987 and beyond. Need we remind the leaders of UMNO that some of them were also present at the Malay nationalists’ rally in Kampung Baru in 1987, when once again the keris was identified with Malay pride as well as the threat of violence? UMNO leaders like Najib Razak were present when their supporters chanted and carried banners with slogans like ‘This keris will drink Chinese blood’.

It is against that specific historical context – that was fully engineered by UMNO, mind you – that Hishamuddin’s raising of the keris on several occasions aroused both the fear and anger of many non-Malays and Malays as well. Was this not an act of provocation, where once again UMNO was brandishing its muscle in defiance of the other communities in the country?

Compounding the problem was the MCA, Gerakan and MIC’s relative impotence and quietism when Hisham gave us this theatrical display of misplaced ethnic pride and muscular nationalism. Despite the plaintive appeals of the leaders of MCA, Gerakan and MIC to desist from such soapbox pyrotechnics, neither Hisham, nor UMNO Youth, nor the Prime Minister himself altered course: UMNO Youth was allowed a free hand to make such outrageous ethnic-communitarian demands at a time when MCA, Gerakan and MIC wished to assert their identity as equal partners of the BN. It seemed almost as if by raising the keris in the way that he did, Hisham was indicating that UMNO Youth was more important than the other non-Malay component parties, and this repeated act of defiance drove in the nails in the coffins of the MCA, Gerakan and MIC respectively.

Crucially the one person who could have said and done something to stop the erosion of the MCA, Gerakan and MIC’s credibility was Prime Minister Badawi; who could simply have pulled the reins on the hot-heats and chest-thumpers of UMNO Youth. Yet even Badawi stood paralysed, allowing them to raise the ante further. This apparent paralysis on the part of Prime Minister Badawi rendered null and void his now-vacuous claim that he was the ‘Prime Minister of all Malaysians’. If he was indeed such a universal leader-figure, then why did this ‘Prime Minister of all Malaysians’ do nothing and say nothing when the younger leaders of his own party were raising the spectre of racial supremacy before his very eyes?

Thus it can perhaps be said that the election results of 2008 are an indicator of the extent to which MCA, Gerakan and MIC have been seen as the running dogs of UMNO in a BN coalition that has grown more and more unbalanced in the eyes of so many. Playing around with kerises is something you do in old movies about silat warriors, but not in the context of modern-day Malaysian politics where respect for cultural diversity and the equal pride and status of all communities should be paramount. The hot-heads in UMNO Youth may have been playing to the Malay gallery when they pulled the stunt of drawing the keris in public, but the catastrophic damage they did to the image and standing of their component BN partners was beyond calculation. In the end, however, it is not the keris, but rather the clumsy hand that wields it that is to be blamed. UMNO’s two-faced management of race-relations, which was flawed from the outset, has undone itself and the BN. To quote the popular refrain: “Padan Muka”.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 16 March 2008, 8:41 am and is filed under
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Swearing-in ceremony for new Perak Mentri Besar tomorrow morning

Flash

The swearing-in for the new Perak Menteri Besar, Mohamad Nizar Jamaludin (PAS)  of the DAP/PKR/PAS Perak state coalition government will be held tomorrow, Monday 17th March 2008 at 11.30 am.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 16 March 2008, 12:36 pm and is filed under
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The Malaysian revolution of 2008!

by Dr. Azly Rahman

“We’ve lost, we’ve lost”

–Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, quoted in Malaysiakini, March 9 2008

Kesilapan besar Abdullah antaranya walaupun beliau mempunyai anggota Majlis Tertinggi Umno dan Kabinet sebagai penasihat utamanya, namun beliau tidak mengambil pandangan mereka kerana dilaporkan beliau pernah berkata I trust the young one.

                                                                — Harakah Daily.Net, March 9, 2008

Are you surprised by (ISA detainee) M Manoharan’s victory?

This has happened before in 1959 or is it 1964, when PAS used to go from village to village carrying the candidate’s shoes and he won….

Has Umno become irrelevant?

For the moment, yes. It’s not always so. If Umno serves the country well, and looks after all the different races, then Umno will be relevant again.

                          — Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysikini interview, March 9, 2008

Malaysia’s 12th. General  Election must now be a possible topic of a hundred  Ph.D dissertations. It is about a revolution of a country trapped in the excesses of hypermodernity. The revolution was aided by the power of cybernetics and the daulat of the rakyat. It was fueled by the ruling regime’s abuse of the ideological state apparatuses. It was also a rude awakening for a leader snoozing in Sleepy Hollow. While one slept, the rakyat engineered a usurpation—a quiet and unique revolution.

On March 9, 2008 many must have exclaimed these: “What a tsunami of a win”. “Malaysians did the Obama!”,  “We have taken the giant leap forward.” “Thirteen days that shook Malaya” the headline should be. “Secure the state documents.” “We need to begin a chapter in which transparency and accountability rules.” “This is a victory of Radical Marhaenism – and ethnogenesis (birth of a new culture) of hopefully a more sober and sensible Malaysia ready to work together regardless of race, color, creed, national origin.”

What next?

There is a lot of work to be done in the area of social justice, education for multiculturalism, and development for the people, by the people, of the people. There is also a lot of people that must be brought to justice – those who have been for decades protected by a corrupt regime. The rakyat is demanding to see such process of justice executed. We have seen so much violation of the UN Declaration and Charter of Human Rights of 1946 of which Malaysia is one of the signatories. We have seen many who voiced their opinion on matters of social justice and freedom thrown into jail and detained without trial for as along as the old regime likes. We have seen, especially since the Abdullah administration the rise of Malay politicians whose leit motif is arrogance and perpetuation of dangerous divisive politics.

Back to the Malaysian Revolution of 2008. It is like the storming of the Bastille. Malaysians saw the fall of the four states and the rise of a new ‘cybernetic’ fourth estate. The broadcast media of the old regime gave way to the new, subaltern  media of the revolutionary forces. There was no need to storm and take over Angkasapuri. Revolutionary ideals and notions of social justice were disseminated far fast, far, and wide through the Internet. Bloggers, columnists, members of MUD (Multiuser Domains), street artists, intellectuals, social activists, and the man and woman on the street were the revolutionary soldiers. The process began since the beginning of the last General Election – the one that saw the old regime’s landslide win. Now, we have a tsunami. A specter haunted Malaya.

The hegemony of the ruling party have made many skeptical of such a miraculous win. “Materials, machinery, and media”, as the eminent anthropologist turned politician Syed Husin Ali  would say, ‘is the foundation of authoritarianism and hegemony’. But I would add another one ‘mind’ and how it is controlled as a both a disabling and enabling factor in the tsunami of a win in this decisive election. The mind of Malaysians have quietly processed what constitutes truth and justice. Silently the revolution was already underway; revolution of the mind aided by digital communication technologies spearheaded by bloggers that evolved into “blogo-ticians” inclusive. The victory of Jeff Ooi and Elizabeth Wong attested to the rise of the ‘blogotician’

What an analysis to made in Malaysia’s most exciting and mind-boggling general election. We are tasting a mandate of heaven and seeing truth and justice allying with those that patiently seeks. We saw virtue, instead of vultures being voted in.

Newer paradigm

The people of Penang, Kedah, Perak, and Selangor will now be shifting to a new paradigm.  Tanjung  II is now a reality. Lim Kit Siang’s dream has come true. Kedah, home of Universiti Utara Malaysia will need to be in smart partnership and  make intellectual adjustments to a new paradigm as well. The university faculty will need to read The Blue Ocean Strategy to exist in harmony with the new Kedah’s ruling party. This is exciting for many. Any progressive change is exciting, as long as the revolution is a peaceful one. Any effort to free the universities from the shackles of political domination is good.  Selangor, the advanced state will move a new level of sophistication but one founded upon sustainable development the meets the needs of the people. The same goes with the paradigm of development in Perak.

We are seeing a new dawn of changes if we continue to work for the total alleviation of poverty, improving the intellectual  climate of the universities, and working towards true religious and racial harmony. Kelantan’s prayers against the takeover of Barisan Nasional was answered. Some say that truth and justice will always be allies of the righteous. Essentially, Man proposes, God disposes.

Not even a regime’s control of the mind, machinery, media, and materials could stop a “mandate of heaven” from running its natural course. Not even phantom voters nor candidates yelling “when “Qiamat’/Armageddon comes only the Dacing/scales of the Barisan Nasional remains standing” can win. For Muslims this is a blasphemous statement to the max; blasphemy even to the roughest and foul-mouthed of all the Mat Rempits!

Who would imagine that Nurrul Izah would beat Shahrizat Jalil, Zainuddin Maidin would lose, bloggers Jeff Ooi, Elizabeth Wong,  and Tony Phua would have a field day. What is amazing—who would believe that even an ISA detainee would also win! Or check this out—the amateur videographer of the famed ‘correct.. correct.. correct’ soap opera, would also win. PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim managed to successfully get the progressive parties and interest groups to harness their energy into making this giant leap. It is hard work. It is a mind game. It was an endgame for the old regime. The old regime made a wrong move.

Full credit goes to Malaysians of all walks of life. They are the real winners and they are not to be betrayed. Their children need a better life, through education as a means for social, economic, moral, ethical, and intellectual progress. The are much more intelligent now after fifty years of independence. But for the National Front in this fateful revolution, what is its lesson before dying?

Divine intervention?

It is all these, that Divine Justice intervened, amongst many factors, against:

    * Massive corruption

    * Rampant abuse of power

    * Creation of arrogant leaders

    * Alleged Lies and deceit by the Election commission

    * Outdated abuse of racist arguments

    * Inability to engineer equitable and sustainable development programs

    * Cronyism and nepotism

    * Creation of alienated and disposed generation

    * Conspicuous consumption

    * Failure to control rising prices

    * Rampant abuse of the Ideological State apparatus

    * Inefficient management of resources

    * Blatant disregard for human rights

    * Suppression of the rights of the individual

    * The exploitation of the dangerous concept of “ketuanan Melayu”

    * The protection of corrupt leaders

    * The overstaying of leaders and the continuation of the syndrome of the 22-year political itch

The next step for the four new states is to work phase out the vestiges of the old regime and to document what did not work during the reign of the old regime. How did the process of underdevelopment of the rakyat happen in those decades? Documents need to be secured and analyzed to prove what went wrong and how we must move forward based on the principles of total accountability.

The new states

Each state run by the new order of governance must showcase what an ethical just system look like and how the creativity and problem solving skills of the rakyat ought to be developed in order to teach us what  development based on needs relative comfort means instead of one based on greed and conspicuous consumption. The latter has destroyed this nation. The latter was the trademark of the old regime – one that need to be destroyed.

The new regime need to bring power abusers to justice! That would be an honor to the rakyat who voted them into power. The universities need to be freed, the education system need to  radically improved, good health care plans made affordable, the Mat Rempits and Alongs stopped from being reproduced, cultural pride restored through schooling that improves higher-order thinking skills, poverty eliminated, the independence of the judiciary restored. Each child is a Harvard, Columbia, Cambridge, or even Oxford material. Each child is a gift—not a utility to be cleverly abused in the form of Mat and Minah Rempits.

The party’s over but The revolution continues. Malaysians must make Malaysian Malaysia a reality.

This revolution is made possible by the daulat of the rakyat — the Makkal Shakti of Malaysia’s Radical Marhaenism, conceived by many Shao Lin masters and one whose zeal transmitted through cyberspace!

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 16 March 2008, 9:04 am and is filed under
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CMs, DPMs and PMs: Time to go beyond the old taboos

By
Farish A. Noor

WHEN the opportunity presented itself for Malaysia to choose a Malaysian woman of South Asian origin to be made the country’s first astronaut, those responsible for the final decision stepped back before the seemingly-insurmountable wall of taboos and inherited petty wisdom. No, they opined, we should choose a Malaysian Male Muslim Malay instead, as this would reflect the demographic realities of the country. But by doing so, they not only reflected the demographic realities of the day, but also confirmed the hegemony of that reality and thus rendered it absolute and unquestionable.

Now think of the possible alternatives had the Malaysian-Indian woman be chosen instead: For a start it would point to the demographic realities many of us would have wanted to see; and it would have been such a powerful symbolic message sent to Malaysia and the world. Had the other candidate been chosen, we could have proudly proclaimed that this was a country where racial and ethnic divisions had been transcended, and where gender equality was within reach. It would also have been such an enormous boost to the pride and sense of self-worth of so many other marginalised minority groupings in the country, to see themselves mirrored in the national narrative and to be made to feel that they truly belonged to a Malaysia that was indeed a country for all races. But no: Sadly, once again, the powers that be did the familiar cop-out and conceded to their own misguided belief in the old taboos.

The debate over who should be made chief minister of Perak, which has been going on for a week now, points to the same sort of intellectual and psycho-social impasse that has kept Malaysia paralysed for so long. Despite winning the biggest number of state assembly seats in the state, the DAP was not allowed to nominate one of its own to the post. The grounds for this realpolitik consideration happens to be a legal provision in the Perak constitution that apparently precludes the possibility of a non-Malay and non-Muslim from assuming the post of chief minister, even if her/his party won all the seats in the state assembly.

That such a provision emerged in a specific historical context that was determined even before the struggle for independence got off the ground is known to historians and laymen alike. But the question is this: Are we forever to remain beholden to history and trapped by the circumstances of the past? Or are we finally going to admit to ourselves that this nation-state of ours – Malaysia – is an invented construct and as such is also open to deconstruction, revision, adaptation and subsequently evolution? Are we now ready to evolve a new Malaysian politics that will finally reflect the plural and multicultural reality of Malaysian society today?

The debate over who should be the Perak chief minister appeared archaic and totally out of touch with the realities of our time. Coming immediately after an election that demonstrated the possible emergence of a pan-Malaysian cross-racial electorate, the fact that the post of chief minister for Perak was determined not by merit, experience or acumen, but rather by the racial background of the potential candidate, was surreal to say the least.

But as the dust settles and as the country slowly regains its momentum in the wake of the results of the 12th general election, let us take this opportunity to stir up some other sleeping sacred cows and rattle some other popular taboos.

To begin with, let us ask the singular question that nobody seems to have raised thus far: If, as our politicians would lead us to believe, this is indeed a country for all Malaysians, then should it not be the case that Malaysian citizenship and the commitment to the ideal of a plural Malaysian Malaysia be the guiding principle and criteria for all appointments to high office? Should that premise be accepted, would it not be conceivable that one day this country may have as its prime minister or deputy prime minister a Malaysian of non-Malay, non-Muslim and non-Male background? In other words, can we even begin to imagine the day when we may have a prime minister who happens to be of Indian-Hindu background and a woman to boot? And if such a situation is deemed unthinkable by some at the moment, we need to ask: Why? What is holding us back from entertaining such contingencies and variables? Surely what matters most in the selection of any leader or administrator is the competence and sincerity of the individual concerned; and it’s not as if it is the colour of the person’s skin that is doing the governing! (We hope not at least.)

The following imponderable questions can be addressed to all the parties in the country today as well.

Umno considers itself the party that defends the interests of the Malays and bumiputeras, though as we all know, both of these ethnic-racial categories are artificial and were invented as part of the colonial census. Be that as it may, Umno still presents itself as the party of the Malays and bumiputeras, and so let us ask this question aloud: Can the Umno leadership and membership consider the possibility that one day the president of Umno may be of Kadazan, Bajau, Iban, Penan or Peranakan background? Could a Catholic Kadazan ever dream of rising to such a post, and if not, what does this say about the institutional and structural limitations of Umno itself that does not and will not open up such opportunity structures?

PAS on the other hand claims to have transcended the culture and praxis of race politics, and the elevation of its Chinese-Muslim leader (Datuk) Anuar Tan Abdullah in Kota Bharu is a case in point. Yet PAS still has a woefully small number of non-Malay Muslims in its ranks and it remains to be seen if the party can and will make that great leap to non-racialised politics by courting the support of non-Malay Muslims across the country. Now the leaders and members of PAS may wish to consider this imponderable question as well: Can and will a non-Malay Muslim ever become the president of PAS, chief minister of Kelantan or even assume the highest post of Murshid’ul Am (Spiritual Leader) of the party and its followers?

Both the DAP and Gerakan on the other hand are ideologically-defined parties that have foregrounded their ideologies in the course of their struggles. But with the demise of Ahmad Noor, it has become an imperative for the DAP in particular to expand the racial spectrum of its leadership and membership. Already efforts are being made to undermine the hard work that the DAP has put into winning back Penang and those crucial state assembly seats in Perak and Selangor. Barbed comments about the DAP being a Chinese-dominated party may upset the sensibilities of DAP stalwarts who have laboured for so long to fulfil their leftist ambitions, but the fact remains that this perception of the DAP as a Chinese party is real for many and resonates with others too. In the same way that PAS places Islam at the forefront of its struggle, so should the DAP keep its Democratic-Socialist course, but surely the time has come when we can and should imagine the possibility of the DAP being led by a leader who may be of Malay or Indian background?

In the wake of the election, many of us have celebrated what may well be the first signs of a nascent Malaysian nation where citizenship counts the most in defining ones identity. A rupture has been opened up at last in the collective mindset that determines the conduct of our politics, and perhaps for the first time since 1957, we are in a position to collectively redefine the terms of Malaysian politics.

We need a new Malaysian politics that would breathe new life and faith in the political system, and where all of us – mainly on the basis of our universal citizenship – can claim to be stakeholders in the nation-building process. But for this to be the case we have to be brave enough to think out of the box and to imagine what was once deemed unimaginable. Our sacrosanct taboos and sacred rites have held us back too long, and kept us in a state of limbo where political superstitions ruled the day. For so long, we assumed that Malaysians would not vote for change; that the Malays would never support the DAP; that non-Muslims would never vote for PAS. But these certainties have been shattered and we now see that we are a mature, adult nation after all.

So perhaps all we need to do is push the envelope a little further, set our targets a little higher, wish and work a little harder; and our dreams for a truly democratic Malaysia that is the nation for one and all may eventually come true. We failed to send a Malaysian-Indian woman to space, but that doesn’t mean we can’t send her to the Prime Minister’s Office in Putrajaya!

                This entry was posted on Monday, 17 March 2008, 9:30 pm and is filed under
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DERAILING THE RICH GRAVY TRAIN

By
Ishwar Nahappan

In the euphoria of the opposition severely denting Barisan’s overwhelming dominance of the Malaysian Parliament and further taking control of 5 state governments, the opposition should be cognizant of the extent to which some senior members of UMNO will stoop to in order to sustain themselves in power.  UMNO controls all key instruments of government whether it be the police, army, civil service, judiciary and additionally, all aspects of media.

Historically, since 1970 with the inception of the NOC and more obviously since 1981, when Mahathir became Prime Minister, all instruments of government were ruthlessly and cynically manipulated at his whims and fancies.  Unfortunately, this policy has been continued by many UMNO leaders in order to perpetuate their power and more importantly, the rich gravy train.

UMNO is presently like a wounded tiger ready to attack anything that presents a threat to their continued power, continuance of the rich gravy train and the dominance of the party by a few well established families.  They will use all instruments of government and media to whip up the more radical elements of their party into frenzy and thereby re-establish control under the pretext of maintaining law, order and stability.

Therefore, at this very early juncture of Malaysian democratic renaissance, it would be prudent not to provide any ammunition to UMNO leaders for them to distort seemingly innocent statements which could be misrepresented to the Malay community.  We now have to be very circumspect in the positions we take, the statements we make and perhaps even use the art of Wayang Kulit posturing which is a specialty of UMNO leaders.

In particular, I would draw everyone’s attention to 2 great Asian philosophers, Sun Tzu and Chanakya who both subscribed in their own individual way, “not to reveal what they thought upon doing, but by wise council kept it secret being determined to carry it into execution”.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 17 March 2008, 10:43 pm and is filed under
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Royal audience with Perak Regent Dr. Nazrin Shah

I was granted an audience with the Perak Regent Raja Dr. Nazrin Shah after the swearing-in ceremony of engineer and PAS Perak Secretary Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin as Perak Menteri Besar at the Iskandariah Palace, Kuala Kangsar today where I personally apologized for any offence caused to the Perak Sultan and Regent

On Saturday, I had written a formal letter of apology to the Perak Sultan.

At the swearing-in ceremony for the new Perak Mentri Besar, three representatives from each of the three parties to the state coalition government, DAP, PKR and PAS (DPP)   were invited to attend. DAP was represented by the DAP Perak State Chairman Ngeh Koo Ham (MP for Bruas and State Assemblyman for Sitiawan), Perak State Secretary Nga Kor Ming (MP for Taiping and State Assemblyman for Pantai Remis) and myself.

The formation of the new Perak State Exco, based on a 6-3-2 formula  for DAP, PKR and PAS respectively, is the next step for the formation of the Perak DPP coalition government.

The greatest challenge of the  Perak DPP coalition government is to be  a government for all Perakians – Malays, Chinese, Indians, Orang  Asli and others – capable of better looking after the interests and welfare of the people of Perak as compared to the previous Barisan Nasional state government, with greater accountability, efficiency, productivity, justice and integrity.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 17 March 2008, 6:31 pm and is filed under
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UMNO Ultras Defanged

by
M. Bakri Musa

One least noted but most consequential impact of this last election is that those rabidly racist UMNO ultras have been effectively defanged.  Malaysians can now be assured that the next UMNO General Assembly will not see the likes of Hishammuddin Hussein or Khairy Jamaluddin putting on their race-taunting, kris-wielding stunts.

            These hitherto UMNO young bulls have been, as we say here on the ranch, “cut off.”  Yes, castrated!  They are now reduced to sterile steers destined for the slaughterhouse; they are not worthy to propagate the herd.

            Khairy Jamaluddin in particular had a near-death political experience in Rembau, his father’s village and a previously safe UMNO constituency.  Unknown PKR’s candidate Badrul Hisham Shaharin, or Chegu Bard, a product of the local kampong school and the nearby Raja Melewar Teachers’ College, proved a formidable opponent for Khairy, the self-puffed ego and product of Oxford University via Singapore’s World United College.

            Khairy is smart enough to realize that had it not been for the timely “rescue” in the form of postal votes, together with the earlier last minute cancellation by the Elections Commission on the use of indelible ink that would have prevented fraudulent voting, Chegu Bard would have easily humbled Khairy.  How else to explain an initial hundred-vote victory for Chegu Bard would turn out to be a massive 5,000-vote victory for Khairy on “recount”?

            As I wrote elsewhere, even UMNO morons are teachable.  That is not a surprise, for the ability to learn is an attribute of all living things.  The only variable is the slope of the learning curve and of course the timing.

            UMNO operatives may have learned their lesson with this election, but it is already too late.  The implosion of UMNO has begun.

            That said though, there are still some slow learners within UMNO; the lesson has yet to sink into Abdullah Badawi, for example.  He still thinks he had a thunderous victory and vows to carry on with business as usual.  Unfortunately his ministers and UMNO Supreme Council members are all lembik.  To them, their naked emperor is still immaculately attired in fine embroidery.  There is no jantan left in UMNO to disabuse Abdullah of his delusion.  That is, until now.

Enter Mukhriz Mahathir

Enter Mukhriz Mahathir, yes the scion of that Mahathir.  Abdullah had earlier selected Mukhriz to contest the “iffy” seat of Jerlun instead of the more predictable Langkawi.  Much to the surprise of his detractors, in particular the hierarchy of UMNO Youth, Mukhriz won handily, and without resorting to a recount!

            In a letter to Prime Minister Abdullah immediately following the election, with convenient copies to top UMNO leaders who were too chicken to convey the blunt message directly to Abdullah, Mukhriz called for Abdullah to resign for the greater honor of the party and “bangsa, agama dan negara” (race, religion, and nation).

            Surprisingly, the mainstream media carried this item.  Perhaps those editors have also learned their lesion in this election.  It would not have mattered anyway as that letter is widely circulated on the Internet and foreign press.

            Many would think that Mukhriz is a chip off the old block, recalling that nearly forty years ago his father, then a defeated candidate in the parliamentary election, also sent a similar letter to Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman asking him to resign following the 1969 election mess and the ensuing horrendous race riot.

            Nothing could be further from the truth.  Unlike Mahathir’s letter which was written in traditional Malay form filled with self humiliating terms like patek and hamba (slaves), and was excessively deferential as a peasant would in addressing his lord and master, Mukhriz’s was direct and with the minimal of formality.  It was to be sure polite, but there was no mistaking his blunt message.

            One would think that Mukhriz would shy away from such a bold move.  For one, he is a relative newcomer to politics.  Mahathir had expressly forbidden his children to be active in politics while he was in power, a lesson he unfortunately did not impress upon his successor.  Mukhriz should therefore be a “good” and “obedient” Malay; meaning, he should “know his place.”

            For another, Mukhriz should at least be terhutang budi (indebted) to Abdullah for having selected Mukhriz to contest this election.  Clearly this young man saw his duties beyond that of personal loyalty or gratitude.  Instead he saw his loyalty extends beyond any one personality or leader.  He clearly saw the greater cause for his party and country.

            Obviously Mukhriz is not your grandfather’s Malay.  He is a true modern-day Hang Jebat, loyal to institutions and principles, not personalities and titles.  He is a worthy and necessary adversary to the hordes of latter day Hang Tuahs who surround Abdullah these days.

            As an added measure, Mukhriz let it be known in his letter that he was prepared to face the consequences of his action, as if daring Abdullah to, “Go ahead! Make my day!”  Mukhriz was challenging Abdullah mano a mano, man to man, a gauntlet that could only have been thrown down by an assured jantan.

            Abdullah’s reaction?  He deferred to UMNO Youth leaders to “take the necessary action.”  Lembik leader!  As for UMNO Youth’s task-baring, nose-flaring, and kris-wielding Hishammuddin, his muted response was simply to assure the public that Mukhriz was speaking in his personal capacity.

            Earlier on party veteran Tengku Razaleigh also called on Abdullah to “take full responsibility” for the rout.  The Tengku was too genteel and indirect that Abdullah missed the sendir (subtlety).  Ku Li should have been more frontal like Tun Mahathir, who also called on Abdullah to quit.  Rest assured that there will be many more and louder such voices coming soon.

            I do not see Abdullah giving up voluntarily much less gracefully.  He has to be literally dragged out and figuratively hit on the head with a two-by-four.

            In Mukhriz we finally have a true “young Mahathir” in UMNO.  All along we had been duped by that other pretender, that Kurang ‘Jar (K‘J) character who had been publicly fancying himself as UMNO’s “young Mahathir.”

            We all know the fate of Hang Jebat in that story.  Before today’s Hang Tuahs in UMNO gloat however, they should remember the fate that befell the more important Malacca sultanate.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 17 March 2008, 8:41 am and is filed under
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Abdullah’s new Cabinet – mixed signals with no luxury of political honeymoon

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s new Cabinet announced today sends out mixed signals – that he is starting to “hear the truth from the people” after failure to honour his pledge for 42 months and which was the cause of the Barisan Nasional’s devastating electoral defeat in the  March 8 general election as well as  the return to the old politics of patronage.

The surprise appointment of Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, who was dropped as an Umno candidate in the recent general election,  as Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department with the portfolio of legal affairs will be most significant if it reflects a belated commitment  to  institute far-reaching judicial reforms to restore confidence in the independence, integrity and quality of the judiciary to internationally-acclaimed world-class standards which it enjoyed  until two decades  ago when it suffered repeated assaults and rocked from one judicial scandal to another.

The appointment of  Umno Information chief Muhammad Muhammad Taib as Minister for Rural and Regional Development however signifies a return to the old politics of patronage, completely  at variance with Abdullah’s pledge 42 months ago to lead a clean, incorruptible and trustworthy government.

The relinquishment of one of the  two key portfolios by Abdullah, who held both  Internal Security and Finance under the previous administration, is a development in the right direction as it was clear that Abdullah was unable to do justice to the treble responsibilities of Prime Minister, Internal Security Minister and Finance Minister and was setting a bad example not only to other Cabinet Ministers but also to  the entire government.

 I hope the appointment of new Ministers in charge of key ministries, like Syed Hamid Albar as Home Affairs and Internal Security Minister, Ahmad Shabery Cheek as Information Minister, Abdul Shahrir Samad  as Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs Minister, Khaled Nordin as Higher Education Minister, Rais Yatim as Foreign Minister and Azalina Othman Said as Tourism Minister is because of an equal commitment to “hear the truth from the people” and initiate reforms in their respective jurisdictions.

Time however is not on the side of the new Cabinet.  The political tsunami of March 8 does not give to the new Cabinet  the luxury of the usual political honeymoon for a new Cabinet such  as the conventional first hundred days for a new government or new Cabinet.

One clear message from the March 8 election results is the pent-up demand for reform after 50 years of disappointment and disillusionment at the lack of  meaningful changes in the country.

All the Cabinet Ministers, whether new Ministers or old Ministers in new or previous Ministries, have less than two months  to present an overall national programme of reform in conformity with the national verdict for change in the March 8 election results when Parliament reconvenes for its first meeting  in May.

Will the new Abdullah Cabinet present a far-reaching national programme for reform within two months to the first meeting of Parliament which involves:

•	far-reaching judicial reforms to restore a world-class judiciary;

•	a first-world Parliament with wide-ranging parliamentary reforms including having an Opposition MP to head the Public Accounts Committee and a full select committee system where every Ministry is shadowed by a Select Committee;

•	creation of an efficient, incorruptible, professional world-class police service with the immediate establishment of an Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) as recommended by the Royal Police Commission;

•	restoration of the independence, professionalism  and impartiality of important institutions of state whether civil service, the Attorney-General’s Chambers, the Anti-Corruption Agency, etc.

•	establishment of world-class education system at all levels distinguished by educational  quality, excellence and meritocracy; and

•	a just, efficient, progressive economic policy which closes the gap between the rich and the poor and enhances  Malaysia’s international competitiveness  to face the challenges of globalization.

The March 8 general election has removed the Barisan Nasional’s hitherto  unbroken two-thirds parliamentary majority, creating a more balanced and healthier Parliament.

Without parliamentary secretaries, the 27 Ministers should  start a new political culture of placing their parliamentary accountability as among their top responsibilities, eradicating  the undesirable past  practice of Ministers playing truant from Parliament – with the Prime Minister himself setting an example by instituting a weekly Prime Minister’s question time where he appears in Parliament in person  to lead the government in parliamentary accountability as is the norm in first-world developed countries.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 18 March 2008, 3:49 pm and is filed under
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Support for Azizah as Parliamentary Opposition Leader

In the March 8 general election, the three Opposition parties of PKR, DAP and PAS denied the Barisan Nasional its hitherto unbroken two-thirds parliamentary majority winning a total of 82 parliamentary seats – PKR 31, DAP 28 and PAS 23.

I have been asked by reporters as to who would be the next Parliamentary Opposition Leader.

The subject has still to be discussed by the three Opposition parties as the most pressing concerns have been  the formation of new  coalition state governments particularly in Penang, Perak and Selangor for the DAP.

Although the three Opposition parties have yet to meet on the matter of the new Parliamentary Opposition Leader, Parti Keadilan Rakyat President Datin Seri Dr. Wan Azizah Wan Ismail is the ideal candidate as the new Parliamentary Opposition Leader with PKR having the most parliamentary seats of the  three Opposition parties in Parliament.

I support  Azizah as the Parliamentary Opposition Leader for the 12th Parliament, and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as the Parliamentary Opposition Leader when he is re-elected to Parliament after the expiry of his civil disenfranchisement barring him from standing for elective office in mid-April.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 18 March 2008, 4:35 pm and is filed under
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Five tests – “Reform Cabinet” or pseudo Reform Cabinet

New Stratis Times hailed the second Abdullah Cabinet unveiled yesterday as “REFORM Cabinet”, describing it as “the Cabinet and government the Barisan Nasional should have had four years ago”.

I would have been the first to welcome a “Reform Cabinet” although it is four years and two months late. Although there are signs that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi seems prepared to begin to “hear the truth from the people” although more than four years late on the pledges he  first made when became Prime Minister in October 2003, like the surprise appointment of Zaid Ibrahim as Minister in charge of legal and judicial reforms, there are also signs to the contrary.

It is no exaggeration to say that the appointment of Umno Information chief Muhammad Muhammad Taib as Minister for Rural and Regional Development has stained the second Abdullah Cabinet right from the start  and raised questions about Abdullah’s commitment and political will to the new politics of accountability, transparency,  integrity and good governance.

Having lost four years and two months to deliver his reform pledges and punished severely in the political tsunami of the March 8, 2008  general election, resulting in the deprivation of Barisan Nasional’s  hitherto unbroken  two-thirds parliamentary majority and loss of five state governments, there can be no honeymoon for the second Abdullah Cabinet and Ministers.

There are at least  five tests whether the second Abdullah Cabinet is a “reform Cabinet” or just a pseudo-reform Cabinet and Malaysians, in their March 8, 2008 election verdict, want  immediate answers, viz:

·	First-World Parliament – whether Abdullah is prepared to give full support to the wide-ranging parliamentary reforms which I had proposed in the first meeting of Parliament in May 2004, embracing a full Select Committee system headed by Parliamentartians  where every Ministry is shadowed by a Select Committee and an Opposition MP to head the Public Accounts Committee.

·	Restoration of national and international confidence in the independence, integrity and quality of the judiciary with the establishment of a Judicial Appointments Commission and  a   Royal Commission into the two decades of judicial crises starting with the arbitrary and unconstitutional sacking of Tun Salleh Abas as Lord President and Datuk George Seah and the late Tan Sri Wan Suleiman Pawanteh as Supreme Court judges in 1988.

·	Full implementation of the 125 recommendations of the Royal Police Commission to create an efficient, incorruptible, professional world-class police service to reduce crime, eradicate corruption and uphold human rights, particularly the establishment of an Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC).

·	Immediate and unconditional release of the five Hindraf leaders, P. Uthayakumar, DAP Selangor State Assemblyman M. Manoharan, V. Ganabatirau,  R. Kenghadharan and T. Vasantha Kumar  from  Internal Security Act (ISA) detention.

·	Public inquiry into the RM4.6 billion Port Klang Free Zone (PKFZ) bailout scandal, the biggest financial scandal in the Abdullah administration which is even bigger than the first mega financial scandal of the 22-year Mahathir premiership – the RM2.5 billion Bumiputra Finance Malaysia (BMF) financial scandal.

Malaysians expect clear indications of the position of the second Abdullah Cabinet on these five tests as to whether it is a Reform Cabinet or a pseudo-reform Cabinet  in its first two working Cabinet meetings in the next fortnight.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 19 March 2008, 11:51 am and is filed under
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We Need An Intelligent Response to Islamophobia

By
Farish A. Noor

The recent declaration made at the OIC summit that calls for Muslim nation-states to act in a concerted manner and to take legal action against any country, group or individual who deliberately attacks Islam is noteworthy for the seriousness of its intent; but falls short of providing us with a real solution to the problem of racism and prejudice disguised behind the banner of Islam-bashing.

For a start, one wonders if the arena of international law even allows states to take legal action against other actors and agents on such grounds; and one wonders what the modalities of such an action might be. But above all, we need to take a calm and rational distance from the problem itself and consider methods that will work and reject those that certainly won’t.

The problem, however, is this: How can Muslims react rationally and coolly to acts of provocation at a time when even the utterance of the mutest words of protest are deemed by some as the irrational outpourings of misguided pious grief instead? The worry that some of us share at the moment is how the Muslims of the world will react to the release of the film produced by Geert Wilders, the leader of the Dutch Freedom Party. Wilders is known in Holland as a maverick politician on the make, an ambitious demagogue whose tactics are as loud as they are crude. His decision to make a film on the life of the Prophet Muhammad was calculated to raise the political temperature in Europe at a time when Muslim-non-Muslim relations have hit an all time low. Unlike the murdered film director Theo van Gogh who was a left-leaning activist and long-time supporter of minority concerns (and who, incidentally, also defended the rights of Muslim migrants in Holland), Wilders is a far-right politician who is clearly appealing to the baser parochial and exclusive sentiments of white Dutch society.

It would be hypocritical, to say the least, that Wilders’ film which presents Islam as a religious system akin to Facism and which compares the Prophet Muhammad to Hitler was meant to bring the communities of Holland closer together.

But in reacting to the film the Muslim community worldwide would have to take into account some cautionary points:

For a start, Geert Wilders happens to be a single individual who happens to lead a relatively small (though growing) political movement. In no way can we say that his is the voice of mainstream Dutch society which has historically been critical of racist demagogues and hate-mongers in its midst. Furthermore it should be remembered that thousands of Dutch citizens have also been active supporters and defenders of the rights of Muslims elsewhere, and that there are hundreds of Dutch NGOs and citizens groups that have been actively campaigning for the political rights of the Palestinians and the people of Iraq during the recent Gulf War. In condemning Wilders for his racist rant, it is absolutely imperative that the Muslim communities of the world restrain from condemning Dutch society in toto, and Westerners in general.

Secondly it should be noted that any mode of protest has to be measured and has to reflect the true nature of the insult that is perceived. The concern of many Muslim intellectuals and leaders today is that as the protests against Wilders’ film grow across the planet, we will see yet another round of violent demonstrations accompanied by the now-familiar rhetoric of death threats and hate speeches. When will Muslims realise that reacting to racism and bigotry can only be effective when it is done from a higher moral ground, and not by responding to hate with hate?

To this end, we need to emphasise that Muslims will never occupy the higher moral ground as long as they do not learn to co-operate with other faith communities and realise that our lot is a common one, shared with the rest of humanity. It is therefore vital that any steps taken to respond to the film by Geert Wilders be inclusive and accommodating in character, and that Muslim leaders, intellectuals and activists reach out for support from other faith communities including Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and all those who are against all forms of racism and bigotry. Only then will Muslims give the impression that we are not an isolated, marginalised and parochial community driven primarily by our own exclusive sectarian interests.

Lastly, while responding to Wilders’ outlandish and repugnant misrepresentation of Islam and Muslims, Muslims also need to be honest enough to recognise the faults and errors in ourselves. To condemn racist non-Muslims who deliberately abuse Islam is one thing, but Muslims also need to do some proper in-house cleaning and recognise that not all is well is the house of Islam: Racism, sexism, corruption, nepotism and abuse of power remain pressing realities in so many Muslim countries today. Likewise the hate-discourse of the likes of Wilders can also be compared to the hate-discourse of many radically violent Muslim demagogues, who do deserve to be called Muslim Facists too.

Can this dilemma be resolved in time before we witness yet another round of Muslim-West antagonism as we did in the wake of the Muhammad cartoon controversy of 2004-2005? One will only know the answer to that question when the controversy has passed and the dust has settled. But one thing is for certain at this juncture: No resolution to the perennial problem of Islamophobia and Muslim-bashing can be reached as long as we react to such slander and bigotry with slander and bigotry of our own. One does not fight hate with hate; and an intelligent, universal, inclusive reaction to the problem of Islamophobia is perhaps the first step to finding a solution. Let us hope that Muslims will keep their cool this time round.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 19 March 2008, 6:06 pm and is filed under
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12 Proposals for a First-World Parliament in Malaysia

In 2004, I had made 12 proposals for parliamentary reform and modernization for Malaysia to have a “First World Parliament” not only in  infrastructure, but mindset, culture, practices and performance.

These 12 proposals for First-World Parliament should be adopted as the parliamentary agenda of  both the Barisan Nasional and the Opposition in the 12th Parliament when it convenes for its first meeting in May, viz:

– live telecast of parliamentary proceedings;

– daily two-hour question time;

– Prime Minister’s Question Time twice a week;

– Opposition MP heading the Public Accounts Committee (PAC);

– some 30 specialist Parliamentary Select Committees with a Select Committee for every Ministry;

– about ten general Parliamentary Select Committees to produce annual reports on progress, trends and recommendations on national integrity,  IT, women’s agenda, environment, mass media, corruption, etc;

– allocation of certain days a week  specifically to deal with Opposition business;

research and constituency staffing for MPs;

– an Opposition Deputy Speaker;

– modernization and democratization of Standing Orders;

– code of ethics for all MPs;

– Ministers’ Parliamentary code of conduct.

The political tsunami of March 8, 2008 general election is an unmistakable mandate and demand for far-reaching changes in Malaysia after 50 years of nation-building, including the creation of a vibrant, vigorous and truly representative First-World Parliament.

At the meeting of PKR, PAS and DAP leaders in Kuala Lumpur on Tuesday night, I had proposed that PKR President Datin Seri Dr. Wan Azizah Wan Ismail  be the Parliamentary Opposition Leader of the new Parliament until Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim regains his full civil liberties and  is re-elected to Parliament, and the proposal was agreed by the leaders of the three parties.

DAP MPs and I will give full support to Azizah and the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz who is now fully responsible for parliamentary affairs,  to turn the Malaysian Parliament into a First-World Parliament – as it is better to be late than never.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 20 March 2008, 11:45 am and is filed under
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Abdullah’s Bible

By
Farish A. Noor

For a country that is not exactly known for its reading habit, we seem to be grabbing a lot of books lately. Or to put it more accurately, we seem to be confiscating and detaining an awful lot of books.

For reasons best known to themselves, the benighted authorities in this land of ours have been vigilantly manning the outposts on the frontier lest we, while sleeping, are caught unawares by the legions of dog-eared tomes that are – at this very moment – surreptitiously on their way to this country to ‘pollute, corrupt and confuse’ our minds. The list of banned books grows ever longer; and the outrages continue unabated. The latest fiasco was when thirty-two Bibles were confiscated by customs officials from a Malaysian Christian on her way back from the Philippines, to be submitted for inspection by the Ministry of Internal Security. Strange that Bibles are now seen by some as a potential ‘security threat’ that need to be confiscated upon entry into the sacred precinct that is Malaysia. But Bibles? A security threat? To whom?

All this talk of ‘dangerous’ texts and potentially dangerous Bibles in particular reminds me of one particular edition of the Bible that caused quite a stir when it first came out. In fact so controversial was this particular edition that it almost never came out at all. For here I am talking about Abdullah’s Bible; or rather the translation of the Bible by none other than Munshi Abdullah Abdul Kadir, who is universally regarded as one of the forefathers of modern Malay literature.

Now those of you who remember what you were taught at school (and believe me, as an academic I am all too familiar with the phenomenon of selective amnesia among students), will also remember the name of Munshi Abdullah. He was the Peranakan Muslim scholar and translator who served both the early British colonial administrators in Singapore and Malacca as well as the various Malay courts during the opening stages of the 19th century.

Abdullah wrote his ‘Hikayat Abdullah’ which stands until today as one of the most honest accounts of the state of the Malay world at that crucial juncture in the history of this region. Abdullah was of course a key figure in the exchange of letters between British colonial administrators like Raffles, Farquhar, Minto, et al. and the Malay nobles and kings. The Hikayat of Abdullah was unique for its pointedly frank observations about all that was wrong with the world he lived in then, though perhaps one of the most interesting and touching episodes in the Hikayat is where Abdullah describes his quarrel with his father, who was afraid that his son might be tempted off the right path by the ‘deviant teachings’ of the English missionaries he was working with.

The thorny issue that was being debated between Abdullah and his peers at the moment was his role as translator for a particular text that many of them were reluctant to touch: The New Testament.

Abdullah had been approached by some English missionaries and commissioned by them to translate the New Testament into vernacular Malay, which was to be used at Church as well as the modest missionary efforts among the colonial subjects of the Crown Colonies. As Malay was the lingua franca of everyone who lived in the straits then (including the Peranakan Chinese, Indians, Eurasians and even the British and Dutch), it was deemed appropriate to have the Bible translated into Malay as well.

Munshi Abdullah who regarded himself primarily as a professional translator was prepared to do the job that scared off all other contenders; until his father came into the picture, spewing steam and hot curses, and swearing that his son would never be converted by the heathen missionaries. In a touching passage of the Hikayat Abdullah describes how he appealed to his father’s own sense of values, and in particular to his father’s own love for knowledge and languages in general. His father was further persuaded by the appeals of the priests Milner and Thomson, who promised that they would respect his father’s wishes and refrain from offering any religious instruction to Abdullah. In the end, Abdullah notes how the appeals eventually won over his father’s consent and he was allowed to continue his study of this foreign language called English. The result of Abdullah’s efforts came in the form of one of the first vernacular Malay translations of the New Testament, the Kitab Injil al-Kudus daripada Tuhan Esa al-Masihi.

Now contrary to the fears and doubts of his friends, Munshi Abdullah was not secretly converted to Christianity as a result of translating the Kitab Injil al-Kudus. No magic Christian pills were plopped into his tea behind his back while he was working in the missionaries’ quarters; nor were there any reported attempts to lure him to the Church by offers of money, promotions or package holidays. As he stated from the outset, he was professional through and through and he carried out his translation work in a scrupulous and objective manner, to the satisfaction of all.

Today one can only wonder aloud about the fate of such a text, should it find itself before the customs officials or immigration desk at KLIA or the Golok crossing up North. If Bibles from the Philippines can be detained upon arrival, what then would be the fate of Abdullah’s Bible, born and bred (or translated and bound) right here, in our dear ‘ol Malaysia? And how would be take to Munshi Abdullah, ‘father’ of modern vernacular Malay literature, pioneer of the vernacular autobiography and realist writing; who also happens to be one of the first translators of the Bible? Or have we, in denying the religious complexity and pluralism of Malaysia today, also closed the door to Malaysia’s past where Muslims seemed less easily spooked by books of whichever tongue?

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 20 March 2008, 8:25 pm and is filed under
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Eye specialist problem – another multiracial problem

Letters

by Dr. LMK

I am an eye specialist (ophthalmologist) currently practising in UK, I

cannot come home because of my specialist degree.

“FRCS(Glasgow) in Ophthalmology” (hereinafter refer as FRCS) is a

specialist degree recognised by the whole world, the eye specialist

must go through a proper training and exam in order to get this

degree.  Many eye specialists in many are holding this degree

including our famous eye specialists in Tun Hussain Onn Eye Hospital.

FRCS was confered by 4 boards, ie, Edinburgh, London, Ireland and

Glasgow.  In 1999, UK has decided to change its training service due

to the European Union.  FRCS exam was be replaced by MRCS exam.  For

your information, MRCS is not a recognised degree in Malaysia.

However, Glasgow board is STILL offering this exam for this degree

until NOW.

In 2003, this group of bureaucrats in the specialty board of

ophthalmology of Academy of Medicine (the specialist board for KKM)

has declared that FRCS (Glasgow) is no longer recognised as a

postgraduate degree, holder of this degree will not be listed in the

specialist register.  They forwarded their decision to Cawangan

Pembangunan Profesyen, Bahagian Perkimbangan Perubatan, KKM.  Datuk

Dr. Abdul Gani (the deputy DG at that time) issued this circular – Bil

(104) dlm KKM 87 (P13.221) Bhg 3 dated 23/3/05.

There was a bit of “noise”, they have decided that those graduated

before 2003 will be recognised, those graduated between 2004 to 2005

will be case by case basis, those graduated after 2005 will not be

entertained.  Recently they even amended it further that those

graduated after 1993 will not be recognised.   (please look under

“Ophthalmology” section –

http://www.nsr.org.my/azRecognisedListDetail.jsp

For your information, KKM has been employing a lot of expatriates with

unrecognised master degree practising in their hospitals as a

specialist.  They are all given 6 months period of gazettement (a

period of monitoring for KKM doctor) to be a specialist.  This is for

the fulfillment of the Perintah-perintah Am dan Arahan Pentadbiran –

Bab F, Pelbagai V, sesi 27 (a), (b)(i) and (b)(ii).

Some of our friends did ask them for the reason.  These bureaucrats

said that the local Master program has recently (2003?) changed to 4

years instead of previously 3, so FRCS is no longer recognised.

Remember, these bureaucrats spent their 3 years master program last

time.  If they de-recognise this degree, they should de-recognise

themselves.

When Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow knew about

this comment, they changed their curriculum immediately(in 2004) to

4.5 years instead of previously 3.  RCSGlasgow has, in fact, amended

their system to suit their need!!!  What more excuse they have?

Why an unrecognised degree could be gazetted and FRCS is not able to?

Why they want to de-recognise a UK degree that they also have?  I

think Malaysian government is treating the expatriate better than

their own citizen.

Uncle Lim, our country is very short of doctors, eye specialist is

very deprived, why they still want to impose such regulation?  Those

bureaucrats are holding this degree !!!

Why they want to de-recognise this degree?  Do we have enough of eye

specialist in Malaysia?  They have gone through the same training

format as us, why they de-recognise this training?

Many of us (Malays, Chinese and Indians) are holding this degree in UK

dying to come home, some of our friends in Malaysia with this degree

are not able to register as a specialist.  MCA and UMNO refused to

entertain them, KKM is ignoring them, my friends in UK and Malaysia

are very helpless at the moment.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 20 March 2008, 10:55 am and is filed under
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Release Hindraf 5 from ISA –  start healing after political tsunami

Two days after the political tsunami of the March 8 general election, the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad  Badawi in an op-ed article in
Asian Wall Street Journal
 (March 11, 2008), entitled
“Malaysia will heal her divisions”
, pledged:

“As there has been much speculation about the implications of our election results, I wish to offer clarity on three critically important points:

“First, we have heard the voice of our citizens, and I will dedicate myself, in this second term, to healing the divisions which became evident during the campaign. That will mean developing new and concrete initiatives, not just rhetoric, that bring our people together and ensure that no one is left behind as Malaysia prospers, whether they are ethnic Malays, Chinese or Indians.”

Abdullah is right. The  Prime Minister’s fatal mistake in his first  administration was that his many sweet-sounding pledges which created the feel-good euphoria resulting in his unprecedented landslide victory of over 91 per cent parliamentary seats in the 2004 general election were pure rhetoric but not backed up with any significant or meaningful action.

Is it going to be rhetoric and more rhetoric in his second premiership or is Abdullah going to start implementing his many pledges of reform of  the past four years?

One immediate test faced by Abdullah as to whether he is starting to genuinely listen to the people to  start the process of “national healing” after the political tsunami of the March 8 general election is the continued unjust, arbitrary and undemocratic detention of the DAP Selangor State Assemblyman for Kota Alam Shah M. Manoharan and the other four Hindraf leaders  P. Uthayakumar,  V. Ganabatirau, R. Kenghadharan and T. Vasantha Kumar under the  Internal Security Act (ISA) for spearheading a national  campaign against the marginalization of the Malaysian Indians causing them to  become a new underclass in Malaysia.

Is Abdullah prepared to order the immediate and unconditional release  on the Hindraf Five from Kamunting Detention Centre and involve them in the process of “national healing” to end the marginalization of all Malaysian ethnic groups  – whether Indians, Malays, Chinese, Kadazans, Ibans or  Orang Asli??

If Abdullah had “heard the voices of our citizens”, he would have known that one important reason for the political tsunami of March 8 and Barisan Nasional’s electoral debacle which saw  its vote among the Malaysian Indians slumped by some 35 per cent from 82 per cent to 47 per cent, and  the MIC virtually wiped out in Parliament and the state assemblies, is the long-standing political, economic, educational, social, cultural and religious marginalization of the Malaysian Indians which has given birth to the  Hindraf and “Makkal Sakti” phenomena.

Why hasn’t Abdullah taken instant  action in the past 13 days to immediately and unconditionally release the Hindraf Five  from ISA detention to demonstrate that the Prime Minister has truly  started to hear  the “voices of our citizens”?

If Abdullah has not yet “heard the voices of the citizens” in the political tsunami of the March 8 general election, then all the other Cabinet Ministers, regardless of race, religion or political party, should demonstrate at the first Cabinet meeting on Wednesday that they have “heard the voices of the citizens” and adopt a Cabinet resolution to urge Abdullah to  hear the voices of Malaysians in the political tsunami of March 8 to immediately and unconditionally release the Hindraf Five under ISA to start the process of “national healing” after the 12th general election.

I will write an urgent letter to Abdullah before the first Cabinet meeting next Wednesday to urge on the Prime Minister to waste not another day for the immediate and unconditional release of the Hindraf Five from ISA detention.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 21 March 2008, 3:13 pm and is filed under
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
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MCA to blame for marginalisation of foreign Malaysian specialists

Letters

by LTT

I refer to Dr. LMK’S letter
“Eye specialist problem – another multiracial problem”
, and sympathize with this ophthalmologist who wants to come home but is prevented as a result of bureaucracy pertaining to his postgraduate qualifications.

Some have commented that Dr. LMK should just go on to another country where his skills will be better appreciated, but this would be in essence giving in to racist policies that have now slithered into our professions.  It would also mean that the change that all those Malaysians were yearning for when they took to the streets and turned up in massive numbers at all those ceramahs leading to the ruling party losing in five states and at the same time almost politically annihilating the previous government would have been for nothing. Further, all the efforts and sacrifices the DAP/PKR/PAS have made to seek a just Malaysia that practices equitable policies may come to naught. Malaysians must stand their ground and must unearth or hunt down the zealots and charlatans who prey on this country’s masses and in this case its medical institutions.

Dr. LMK should be commended that he wants to return home to make this country a better Malaysia. All right thinking Malaysians who have helped transform the political landscape should help him and other Malaysian doctors who plan to come home, by ensuring that the doctors who have hijacked this country’s healthcare system are flushed out once and for all. Dr. LMK should rest assured that there is nothing wrong with his Fellowship qualifications. The problems are all here with the so called “Master’s programs” and the muddled policies at the Academy of Medicine and the Ministry of Health which have been put in place by self-serving specialists who suffer a serious dose of inferiority complex.

As pointed out by a blogger, recently, specialists produced by our NEP factories at UKM, USM and UM are now policy makers for various specialties including ophthalmology. These specialists, in cahoots with the ones running the programs at the universities and at the Ministry of Health, have today proclaimed that overseas postgraduate qualifications are now inferior to the local postgraduate degrees that were handed to them on a golden platter rather then actually earned. Anyone who has been an examiner at these “Masters Program” examinations will attest to the fact that the standard of English of these “Masters Specialist graduates” not only borders on the atrocious, but the aptitude of the candidates is equally petrifying. Examiners however are instructed in no uncertain terms that the passing numbers must be closer to 100% rather then the 20 to 30% practiced by the royal colleges. If any of these “Masters” candidates “fail”, lo and behold , the concerned examiner will be called up for an explanation and if he is a foreign examiner, well, it may be his last paid holiday to Malaysia.

You may ask, “How do these pseudo rule makers thrive in the system?” An ignorant Health Minister helps, but it is usually all done under the guise of “standards” but in reality of course, it is systematic marginalization of any doctor seen as a threat to the positions of “specialists” who are entrenched in the system and have no where else to go as a result of their poor training and unrecognized local qualifications. If that particular hospital or university has a private wing, then prospective specialists or consultants are not encouraged to join for fear they will jeopardize the private wing cake.

Of course, in the case of USM/UKM/UPM only a Malay will do. Second choice will be an Indian/Pakistan/Middle Eastern specialist who will be put on a tight contractual leash. An expatriate who does not play ball by respecting Ketuanan Melayu or fails to give his boss good annual appraisals, will have to “balik negeri”. The usual entry made in the report is either he has poor communicative skills, late for work, patients are all dying under his knife or too many student complaints. If everything else fails, then the very last choice would be a non-Malay Malaysian, even if this Malaysian has all the training and qualifications from the Royal Colleges in the UK/Australia or the American Boards.

HOW DOES THE SYSTEM WORK?

1.	Candidates are chosen according to the quota system to undergo “specialist training” at the various universities.

2.	Some universities such as USM and UKM are popular because “passing” is assured by the same techniques made available during SPM/ PMR exams where examination questions are made available to candidates prior to actual examinations through various “tutorials”.

3.	Universities generally market themselves for as many candidates as possible, both local and foreign from as far away as Mauritius and Ghana, because they need the labour, the cheap labour that is.  Universities generally have problems recruiting medical officers to run their hospitals and the ego trip between the MOH and Universities is so bad that the former has stopped “seconding” medical officers to  University Hospitals ages ago citing “shortage of staff. So candidates are usually working……“sambil belajar”.

4.	Lop sided churning out of 100% passes at USM and UKM were getting so obvious that “Conjoint Boards” between the three universities had to be set-up to reduce bias. However this has not gone down well with certain universities who claim, “Chinese examiner fails Malay candidate. Therefore Malay candidate must be examined only by Malay examiner with “friendly” external examiner from India. Otherwise, Malay examiner will start failing Chinese candidate”. This nonsense has gotten so bad that candidates who wise up usually will spend a little more and sit for the postgraduate examinations held by the Royal Colleges simultaneously.

5.	Candidates who pass and are posted to various hospitals eventually climb up the ladder and some day become heads of departments or lecturers and eventually policy makers. They make certain they are surrounded by fellow Masters graduates or Indian expatriates so that deficiencies on their part are not questioned. So mediocrity, like money politics, becomes entrenched.

6.	Of course, there are candidates who, given the opportunity, quit these programs and train under Australian, British or American programs. But opportunities are scarce and returning home will be difficult unless they opt out for the private sector which primarily recognizes only foreign postgraduate qualifications from the Royal Colleges or the US Boards.

WHO PERPETUATES THE SYSTEM?

The MCA. These guys have been running this ministry for almost 40 years and still remain clueless.  Perhaps that’s another reason why the MOH is in trouble. The rot as usual starts right at the top. The Health Minister, who usually is a technically ignorant lackey of the MCA (the latest addition being a MCA youth leader who, God forbid, has vowed to consult the previous Chua Soi Lek in bettering the MOH), will have as usual no inkling what the hell is going on. By the time he generally learns how to spell some of the terminology; it is time for the next election.

Most times he will depend on his “advisors” which primarily include the DG of Health and a Division called Amalan Perubatan and the Malaysian Medical Council. He is usually oblivious to the fact that 60% or more of all doctors in the country are in the private sector and he is being fed only half the story.  Of course, as in the instance of the previous Minister who was very busy taking on  private clinics and visiting every health facility and one particular hotel in this country, the minister, soon realizes that it would be wise to leave these technically challenging headaches to the DG who effectively becomes the de facto Minister in these matters.

WHO ARE THE REAL CULPRITS?

Perhaps a brief look into the medical hegemony of policy makers at the MOH who claim to know better may help untangle this quandary.

1.	The Academy of Medicine, Jalan Folly Barat, Kuala Lumpur

The Academy consists of the various specialty colleges, subcommittees and its own court of examiners. Some have sterling qualifications. Some sadly do not. Many are from the private sector. The Academy, besides its educational programs, is basically trying to establish and upkeep a specialist register, the criteria of which not all doctors are agreeable to. The Academy’s unseen aspirations in having the register, apart from letting the public know who actually are specialists, appears to be money.

The Academy collects hefty fees from specialists who want their names to be in the register. Perhaps the money is required badly for it’s building fund. The Academy, otherwise plays a benign role in the career of a specialist and questions still linger as to why they are trying to usurp the task of certification that has already been handled by the Royal Colleges and Universities. Some have put this down to outright politics although the Academy does not have legislative powers. In which case, prospective employers should just ignore their eccentrics.

There are, of course, runaway elements in the Academy who have a chip on their shoulder and think they are God’s gift to humanity and medicine. But these charlatans can easily be exposed as most doctors know who they are. With our courts hopefully liberated, some of these demigods ought to be sued for malafide and misuse of authority.

2.	Malaysian Medical Council, Block E1, Putrajaya

The obstacles are here. There are four components to this council:

?
The DG of Health
, who wears his second hat here as Chairman of the council despite the MMC supposedly being an independent body, much like the Bar Council

?
The MMC Secretary
, who is a seconded officer of the Ministry of Health, obviously adding bias to a supposedly independent body.

?
The MMC Secretariat
who comprise almost all seconded staff from the Ministry of Health, again adding further bias to this supposedly independent body.

?
And 21 council members
, of whom only eleven are elected despite the majority of all doctors being from the private sector. The rest comprise of deans of the respective medical schools and more health ministry appointees.

As was demonstrated in the previous cabinet where the MCA Minister watched while his MIC colleague, Sothinathan, got chopped up trying to defend students who were caught in the CSMU crossfire, the MMC currently is a patsy for Ketuanan Melayu which the MCA and Chua Soi Lek knew but did nothing about. The MCA’s frying at the recent elections is no accident and truly well deserved. Those in the driving seat at the MMC are Ismail Merican and Wan Mazlan Bin Md. Woojdy.

3.	Bahagian Amalan Perubatan, Block E1, Putrajaya

This particular division generally will claim that it is a screening division for all medical and postgraduate degrees before employment to the Ministry of Health. Of course, like the MMC, it is also a front for Ketuanan Melayu. Which is why CSMU, MRCP and LMK are stuck. This unit is hopelessly politicized and to even think that this Ministry is under the MCA is beyond belief. Until two years ago it came under a level headed chap called Datuk Abdul Gani who was no push-over and was well versed with the connivery of specialists and professional boards who were always willing to throw a spanner in the career of another specialist. Yes, professional jealousy in the Ministry is a rising problem and Ghani used to have his hands full.

The problems worsened and magnified when Merican came into the picture and Ghani retired. He was replaced by Noorimi Morad who was helped by the infamous Khairy Yaakub of the PHFSA and Basmullah Yusom disaster. These were the faces of Ketuanan Melayu. She has since been replaced, ominously by Noor Hisham Abdullah, a locally trained endocrine surgeon, who could further spell disaster for doctors like LMK. The position of Deputy DG (Medical) if held by clinicians have generally proved catastrophic for the Ministry. The rest of this department is staffed by retired matrons who have no business being there and junior doctors from local and Indonesian universities who prefer a 9 to 5 job in Putrajaya instead of the grueling clinical work out on the wards or in the A&E Department in Tawau.

WHAT CAN THE MCA DO?

They should first call up their erstwhile DG, Ismail Merican and ask him to explain all this nonsense. They should query, how is it that the country needs so many eye specialists but established qualifications such as the one from Glasgow are not recognized while an Indian expatriate with an MD ophthalmology gets to run a whole department in their hospitals.. Merican should be further asked to toe the line and clean up the mess that has partly brought the BN to ruin or the MCA should just request from Sidek another DG.  If the MCA cannot sort out this problem, it would be confirmatory evidence of their lame duck status in Badawi’s government. It would further mean that the only way to solve the headaches at this Ministry would be to vote in a new government.

WHAT SHOULD THE OPPOSITION DO?

1.	It is high time the opposition placed an astute shadow health minister/committee as its watchdog who is technically competent. The MOH generally gets away with whatever it wants including the notorious PHFSA, etc because of the technical ignorance of both its MCA Minister and the Opposition.

2.	In parliament, Merican or his Minister should be called up to explain why the discrepancies in the various postgraduate qualifications including why the PHFSA amendments have yet to be ratified and the continuance of Basmullah’s incarceration.

3.	Merican and the new Health Minister should be further queried why an independent body such as the MMC is being chaired by the DG when it should be held by someone completely independent of government.

4.	Merican and Noor Hisham must be asked why are there multiple deeming authorities such as Universities, Royal Colleges, Academy of Medicine, MMC, JPA and Amalan Perubatan for our medical degrees.

5.	And of course, Merican must answer why doctors like LMK who choose to come home cannot be accommodated but are marginalized.

6.	He should be further admonished for repeatedly using patient care and standards as his favourite bogeyman to cow his ignorant Minister into passing idiotic legislations.

Dr. LMK’s problem is minor. Outright non-recognition of such a prestigious degree is nothing but sour grapes on the part of the MOH and Academy. Dr. LMK may require some exposure at the local level if he has not completed his CCST which is not applicable to local circumstances. This can easily be sorted out by him working as a Junior Consultant under someone senior. During this time his services will benefit this nation greatly and in time his presence will not only help patients but future doctors as well.

Perhaps it is Nik Aziz who said it best when he was told by party officials that PAS repeatedly lost in elections because the BN cheated. His answer was plain. “They cheat and win only because you let them” Which is why PAS is very meticulous with every elective procedure wherever they choose to contest especially when it comes to phantom voters and Borang 14.

Cases such as Dr. LMK’s plight will stop arising if the opposition knows the regulations and pins the right questions in parliament. With its new found electoral strength and mandate, it is the hope of many Malaysians that the DAP/PKR/PAS will usher in long awaited reforms that have hindered this country from achieving its true potential.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 22 March 2008, 11:40 am and is filed under
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Opposition and Anwar Ibrahim – Make no mistake on your sincerity and integrity

by Foong Wai Fong

The events in the next couple of weeks, leading to whether Anwar will contest a by-election will demonstrate to the People of Malaysia whether they have indeed make the right choice, by voting in the Opposition.  The People are troubled by these post-election developments.

A message to the OPPOSITION:

1. Many people voted you in not because how good you were or will be, but more they just wanted to throw out the other guy, deny the 2/3 majority given to the ruling coalition.

2. If you walk your talk, you MUST NEVER do what the other guy has been doing in the past decades.

The electorate wishes to see REAL Change, sincerity and integrity; not making deals and bargains wrapped in exchange of cabinet positions for alliance — this makes the OPP no different from the incumbent ruling class. Any mistakes on the part of the OPP in strategy will bring serious backlash, that mistake has the high risk of throwing Malaysia into a state of chaos and instability. This is SERIOUS matter.

On the other hand, if the OPP and Anwar Ibrahim can be a little patient, taking things one step at a time, act with integrity and sincerity, THIS IS A HISTORIC OPPORTUNITY.  Any tactic that involves trading of bargains of power would diminish all hope that we are entering a new  era. For we believe any of those MPs or state assembly members out there who cross over because they did not get the so-called “rewards” in position would do no good for the OPP. All cabinet and government positions are positions to provide service, not positions for reward of winning the election! It serves the OPP well to remember that.

Does the people of Malaysia has the assurance with PAS and DAP balancing the ambition of Anwar and PKR?

Can Anwar rise to be a true leader for all Malaysia, and that his present struggle is a fulfilment of his long time political vision to make Malaysia truly multiracial and progressive, not that he is getting even with UMNO. By and large it was not the BN or UMNO that wrong him, it was Dr Mahathir who did.

The people of Malaysia ought to pray and work to see a reformed BN — in spite of the difficulties within the ruling coalition to change. We are striving to have two strong parties; only in having credible choices could the people’s wellbeing be safeguarded. BN would need to act swiftly to reinvent and prove itself; much time and opportunity has been wasted, for example naming the new cabinet presents real opportunity;  but BN misses that.

The People of Malaysia wishes to see gradual change; the OPP settles in and build its governing team. Many of the candidates in the OPP do not have the credentials to be government leaders; they were put together and got voted in by the wave for change; this these new YBs must know. They must now accelerate their learning and find out exactly what is expected of them and rise up to the occasion.  Anwar must further consolidates its power and assure the people of his intentions; at the same time give BN time to change; the next election would present people with the real choice. If the current OPP does get to form the government; it would be very credible because people voted them in to form the government. For this election; by and large, the People of Malaysia only wanted to deny BN its 2/3 majority; not all the way to have the OPP running the country yet. Events have its own turn; the people however, while willing to give the OPP a chance to govern 5 states, but are still tentative in its feelings about the outcome.

All eyes are on the OPP government in the state. Waiting for one more term may be the right thing to do before going for the Federal Government.

There is real opportunity here for Anwar Ibrahim. If he succeeds to bring about democractic change  to Malaysia in an honest, clean and credible way; he would go down in world history as a national leader who could go beyond racialism to embrace the larger interest. If Anwar does that, the People of Malaysia will nominate him for the NOBEL PEACE PRIZE — for setting the world on the right track and for bringing hope to all societies plagued by racial struggle; putting Anwar Ibrahim in the company of Gandhi, Martin Luther King and the like. This would rekindle the fire for truth and ideals; key values to building a sustainable world.

                This entry was posted on Saturday, 22 March 2008, 11:00 am and is filed under
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