Khaled should not turn the clock back but boldly go forward to foster the spirit of academic freedom among university lecturers and students

Higher Education Minister Datuk Khaled Nordin should not turn the clock back but boldly  go forward to foster the spirit of academic freedom among university lecturers and students by supporting University of Malaya Vice Chancellor Ghauth Jasmon’s handling of the campus polls controversy.

Khaled should not undermine Ghauth’s authority as UM VC by attacking or criticizing the latter’s decision to suspend the controversial campus election to allow an independent testing of the e-voting system as well as to investigate allegations of bias and partisanship of the deputy vice chancellor of student affairs (HEP) Azarae Idris.

There is talk that Khaled is so unhappy with Ghauth that moves are afoot to replace him with a new Vice Chancellor for University of Malaya.

Khaled should quash such talk and deny any such moves without any delay as any such arbitrary and high-handed Ministerial interference in university autonomy will have far-reaching consequences and bring to nought all recent efforts to restore University of Malaya’s status as one of the world’s Top 200 universities.

It is open secret that UMNO and UMNO Youth leaders were blatantly involved in the recent as well as previous campus elections, not only in University of Malaya but also in other public universities – not only directly but also through their proxies in the various university administrations.

As Higher Education Minister, Khaled should stay strictly above these political machinations and accept the verdict of the students, even if they want to put in power and responsibility a pro-student coalition instead of a pro-administration bloc.

It is no disaster for academic excellence and university autonomy  or the quest for international recognition  for the university as one of the world’s leading universities  if student management is run by  pro-university student group  rather than by a  pro-administration bloc.

It is not completely a coincidence that University of Malaya has started last year the climb-back into the World’s Top 200 Universities bracket in the Times Higher Education Supplement (THES) 2009 ranking after falling out of the Top 200 Universities ranking for two years in 2007 and 2008.

University of Malaya’s precipitous fall from grace from one of the internationally-recognised Top Universities in the world in the sixties started in 2004, when from 89th ranking in the THES Top 200 Universities 2004, it started a free-fall to No. 169 in 2005, 192 in 2006, then falling out of the Top 200 bracket altogether in 2007 (ranked No. 246) and 2008 (ranked No. 230), before making a comeback in 2009 when it climbed 50 places to be ranked No. 180 in 2009.

From 2004 to 2008, the pro-Aspirasi or pro-administration group won control of the student union in the campus – the period when University of Malaya started the fall into the “black hole” of international university rankings.

In 2009, the pro-Mahasiswa group regained control of the campus student body, which also witnessed a climb-back of University of Malaya to the THES Top 200 Universities ranking.

I commend the Deputy Higher Education Minister Saifuddin Abdullah for speaking up to ask the university authorities to be fair and not  to expel the nine varsity students who were detained by police on Jan 23 in Kuala Lumpur for demonstrating against the campus election process.

Saifuddin should go one step further to ensure that the police does not press charges against the nine varsity students concerned, as the students should not be criminalised for their idealistic pursuit of greater campus democracy, academic freedom and university autonomy.

I am disappointed that the other Higher Education Deputy Minister, Dr. Hou Kok Chung, has opted out to stay on the sidelines in  the cause to restore campus democracy, academic freedom and university excellence considering that he was an academician with University of Malaya before taking part in the last general elections.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 31 January 2010, 12:42 pm and is filed under
Education
,
Election
,
university
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


PR Penang greatest legacy – prove right policies can make Malays and Malaysians compete and succeed against the best

by
Lim Guan Eng

Pakatan Rakyat Penang’s greatest legacy to Malaysia and greatest threat to BN’s stranglehold on power is to prove that the right policies can make Malays compete and succeed against the best in the world. Ever since the Pakatan Rakyat Penang state government took power in March 2008, we have made integrity and CAT governance(Competency, Accountability and Transparency) the hallmark of financial administration.

New measures implemented includes competitive and public open tender, payments directly to recipients without going through middle-men, priority given to Penang contractors, e-tender through the internet and a 2 week objection period to ensure that successful contractor no longer need “political cables” but “computer cables”. There is no doubt that competitive open tenders saves costs and improve quality.

Many contractors have been liberated with the implementation of open tenders at all levels. For Class F contractors which is only open to bumis, open tender system has allowed non-UMNO linked contractors in Penang to get contracts for the first time. In the past contracts are usually reserved for UMNO cronies and those outside the state. Clearly the competitive open tender system of PR is more transparent, accountable and beneficial to the people compared to the negotiated tender system for BN cronies.

What is more surprising is the outcome of the open tender system open to all races. Instead of perception that Malays cannot compete and that the non-Malay contractor would win all open tender contracts, this is not true. Since the new PR government took over, Penang Development Corporation(PDC) had issued 23 tender awards, of which 7(30%) were won by non-Malay contractors and 16(70%) won by Malay contractors. Perbadanan Bekalan Air Pulau Pinang(PBAPP) had issued 66 tender awards of which 22(33%) were won by non-Malay contractors as compared to 44(67%) by Malay contractors.

The performance by Malay contractors in an open tender system with non-Malays proves that Malay contractors can compete with others and win tender awards on their own merit. Clearly it is not the race that is an issue but failed policies that encourage dependency especially when it helps BN maintain the status quo and its grip on power.

A good example is China which suffered famine and severe economic distress with wrong policies of eating from ‘a single iron pot” no matter how hard or little one worked. However when China opened up its economy and allow one’s hard work and ability to determine one’s success and rewards, China transformed itself from being the “Sick Man of Asia” in the 1960s into the second largest world economy by 2011.

BN had instituted policies that stifles initiative, creativity, hard work, drive and productivity which benefited only the few BN cronies at the expense of entire country. For instance, a 30% quota of publicly listed shares were reserved for Malays but only a few benefited as many ordinary Malays never received shares from the Federal government.

The state government regrets that there are now certain elements within Pakatan Rakyat Penang that is aligned with BN in opposing efforts to implement an open tender system and CAT governance. We must remain steadfast as we are backed by results. The Penang state government has been able to turn a projected deficit of RM 35 million in 2008 budget to a record surplus of RM 88 million.

A projected deficit of RM 40 million in 2009 Budget has been turned around to record a surplus of RM 77 million. In fact the 2009 budget surplus  would have been a record RM 92 million were it not for the payment of RM 14.7 million as a result of the Tang Hak Ju land scam of the previous administration.

Penang is proud to be the first state to hold public open tenders of government projects and procurement contracts and also conducting it through the internet(e-tender). By sticking to CAT principles, Penang is the first state or federal government in Malaysia to gain praise from Transparency International.

In politics, we want more friends than foes. But we are willing to lose friends and gain foes if we can change the mindset of the people by providing equal opportunity, be confident, self-reliant and attain international benchmarks. Pakatan Rakyat Penang’s greatest legacy to Malaysia and greatest threat to BN’s stranglehold on power is to prove that the right policies can make Malays and Malaysians compete and succeed against the best.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 31 January 2010, 10:14 am and is filed under
DAP
,
Lim Guan Eng
,
Pakatan Rakyat
,
Penang
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Anwar And Najib – Up Close and Very Revealing

by
M. Bakri Musa

The side-by-side commentaries by Anwar Ibrahim and Najib Razak in the recent Asian edition of the Wall Street Journal illuminated a couple of salient points, in particular, the state of Malaysian journalism and the quality of our leadership.

            Consider first Malaysian editors, specifically of the mainstream media.  They missed the essential point that the best way to intelligently inform their readers is to present them with contrasting and opposing viewpoints, as illustrated by what The Journal did.  Respect your readers’ intelligence and treat them like adults.

            Bernama mentioned the Journal’s articles as a news item but referred only to Najib’s piece.  Obviously the Bernama editors’ instinct was to please Najib and protect his image.  They see themselves less as professional journalists and more as propagandists for the state.  Their reaction was predictable.

            That the cue from Bernama was quickly picked up by the other mainstream editors too did not surprise me.  They are after all from the same mold.  What grabbed my attention however, was what the Sun Daily did.  I remember that paper as one that had the courage right from the beginning to be a tad independent, and its journalists less willing to genuflect to the powerful; hence its success despite its recent entry into the business.

            The Sun merely reprinted Bernama’s piece, again with no mention of Anwar’s contrasting viewpoint.  The Sun’s editors had access to both commentaries (they are available on-line) but chose to follow Bernama’s lead instead of their own editorial judgment.  That reflects the challenges in maintaining journalistic integrity in an oppressive environment.

            Then there is MCA-owned The Star.  It did what cowards typically do:  avoid the issue entirely.  I am uncertain whether that is better than blatantly kowtow-ing to the emperor, as Bernama did.

            As for The New Straits Times, an UMNO newsletter masquerading as a daily, its behavior too was predictable.  It did not directly report on the two commentaries, presumably deeming both not sufficiently newsworthy.  That however, did not stop its editor Syed Nadzri from penning an editorial effusively praising Najib’s literary contribution.

            “In approach, tenor and presumably intention,” Nadzri writes, “their articles went in practically opposite directions from the start – the prime minister taking a conciliatory, disarming style, as against the opposition leader’s fault-finding digressions.”  What Nadzri calls ‘fault-finding digression’ is Anwar’s trying to elucidate, understand and then educate us on the many daunting problems confronting the nation.

            Towards the end even Nadzri’s residuum of journalistic ethics pricked his conscience a bit, for he admitted that Najib’s commentary was indeed a “rah rah piece,” adding, “What else could anyone expect?”  Such low expectations!

            It would never occur to Nadzri and the others to consider republishing both commentaries; they are of interest to all Malaysians.  Or better yet, do what the Journal did, invite contributors with varying viewpoints.  While the Journal is an avowedly conservative paper (its editorials leave little doubt about that), its Op-Ed pages routinely carry views from the left and right; likewise, its news coverage.  The unabashedly liberal The New York Times counts among its regular commentators such conservatives as David Brooks.  Unfortunately, the likes of Syed Nadzri are intellectually and professionally incapable of such a monumental shift in thinking.

            In contrast to the mainstream media, the on-line portals Malaysiakini and Malaysia-Today chose a diametrically opposite tack.  Malaysia-Today published both commentaries in full without any editorial comment.  Its editors are confident of their readers’ intelligence to draw their own conclusions.  If those mainstream editors wonder why their readership dwindles while those of Malaysiakini and Malaysia-Today soar, the answer is right there.

Top Billing For Anwar

The Journal gave Anwar’s commentary greater prominence; it appeared on top of the page.  I agree with the Journal’s editorial judgment.  By whatever criterion – persuasiveness, substance, clarity of thought, or most importantly, readability – Anwar’s piece clearly trumps Najib’s.  No wonder those mainstream editors dared not carry both side by side; it would embarrass their patron!

            Anwar exhorts us to rise above our parochial interests by recalling the great moments in our Islamic history where tolerance and acceptance of divergent viewpoints were venerated.  Najib excuses our prejudices and intolerances on the grounds that those have always been part of human nature, thereby condoning if not encouraging those extremists with their “passionate” views.

            Najib claims to be “appalled by the irresponsible and dangerous finger-pointing of a few politicians who put personal political interests … [and] try to score political points by hammering on sensitive issues.”  He forgot that it was his Home Minister who started the mess with his needless bureaucratic intervention of a long-established practice.  Talk about blatant pandering to the political base!  Do not expect Najib to have second thoughts on that.  Reflection, or for that matter taking responsibility, is not his strong suit.

Najib writes, “…[T]he values we hold dear – religious freedom, tolerance, peace and fairness—remain the bedrock of our nation.”  Too bad he does not take that to heart.  While Anwar excoriates Utusan Melayu, an UMNO-owned Malay language daily, for inflaming religious sentiments among Malays, Najib remains eerily silent.  Many rightly perceive that as tacit endorsement and outright encouragement.  One wonders just who is pandering to the ugly Malay mob.

            Anwar invokes our Quran and traditions to push us towards our better selves; Najib was only too ready to dismiss and excuse those “extremists.”  To Najib, the extremists, like the poor, will always be with us.  There is not much that he could or would do.

            The clarity of Anwar’s message was elegantly encapsulated in his very first sentence, “Malaysia has once again resurfaced in international headlines for the wrong reasons.”  No one, not even Najib, could dispute that assertion.  Anwar’s thesis sentence was crisp, clear and stated simply.  It may be embarrassing to have that ugly reality exposed, but it would be a serious abrogation of responsibility for a leader not to address it, as Najib awkwardly tried to do.

            It was difficult to ascertain Najib’s message; his essay was all over the place – mushy!  This fits his leadership style:  heavy on homilies, short on substance, and most of all, mushy.  He would prefer that our ugly problems be swept under the carpet, to save the nation’s ‘honor,’ or at least his concept of it.

            Through the Journal’s initiative we get to view our two leaders.  In Anwar we have a leader in command of the situation, someone serious and fully cognizant of the dangers of fanning religious passions.  He appeals to our better side to meet the challenges.  In Najib we have an individual full of fluff, blissfully unaware of the fury he has unleashed, and totally incapable of handling the ensuing wreckage.  He is, to borrow Nadzri’s less-than-elegant phrase, a “rah rah” leader, reveling in his (Najib’s) own Pollyannaish fantasy.

            The Journal rendered a great public service to Malaysians in having these two commentaries freely available on-line.  Its initiative also reveals the sad state of Malaysian journalism.  I keep hoping that one day our media would learn something from the Journal and treat Malaysians as intelligent adults.  I also keep hoping that one day we would have as prime minister someone who would treat us with respect and trust us with the truth.  We deserve better than what we are being served now.

************************************

Muslims Have No Monopoly over ‘Allah’

Malaysia finds itself on tenterhooks because minority issues have been handled poorly.

By
ANWAR IBRAHIM
 | Wall Street Journal

Malaysia has once again resurfaced in international headlines for the wrong reasons. Over the last two weeks, arsonists and vandals attacked 10 places of worship, including Christian churches and Sikh temples. Though there were no injuries and the material damage is reparable, the same cannot be said about the emotional and psychological scars left behind. After numerous conflicting statements from government officials, the underlying causes of the violence are still unaddressed. Malaysia’s reputation as a nation at peace with its ethnic and religious diversity is at stake.

Malaysia’s poor handling of religious and sectarian issues is not unique. The ill treatment of minority groups in Muslim countries is often worse than the actions Muslims decry in the West. I have called attention to the broader need in the Muslim world for leadership that demonstrates consistency and credibility in our call for justice, fairness and pluralism. These values are embedded in the Islamic tradition as the higher objectives of Shariah expounded by the 12th-century jurist al-Shatibi.

We have seen Muslims around the world protest against discriminatory laws passed in supposedly liberal and progressive countries in the West. Yet just as France and Germany have their issues with the burqa and Switzerland with its minarets, so too does Malaysia frequently fail to offer a safe and secure environment that accommodates its minority communities.

The recent arson attacks exemplify what’s wrong with the way Malaysia regards its non-Muslim citizens. The attacks were provoked by a controversy over the use of the word “Allah” by Malaysia’s Christian community, which numbers over two million, or about 10% of the population. In late 2007, the Home Ministry banned the use of the word by the Herald, a Catholic newspaper, and later confiscated 15,000 copies of Malay-language Bibles imported from Indonesia in which the word for God is translated as “Allah.” A Dec. 31, 2009 ruling by the Kuala Lumpur High Court overruled the earlier ban, asserting constitutional guarantees regarding the freedom of religion in Malaysia. Since then, an already tense situation boiled over, largely due to incitement by a few reckless politicians, the mainstream media and a handful of nongovernmental organizations linked by membership and leadership to the United Malays National Organization, the ruling party.

For example, Utusan Malaysia, the nation’s largest Malay-language daily—which is also owned by UMNO—has inflamed Muslim religious sentiments by accusing non-Muslims of desecrating the name of the “Muslim” God and alleging a Christian conspiracy to overrun this predominantly Muslim nation through conversion. I have seen these incendiary propaganda techniques used before, when politicians and demagogues exploit public sentiment to garner support by fomenting fear. Such tactics are useful diversions from embarrassing scandals ranging from controversial court decisions, to allegations of exorbitant commissions extracted from military procurements, to the theft of two jet engines from the inventory of the Royal Malaysian Air Force. This behavior has been exacerbated since the ruling party lost its two-thirds majority in parliament last year. UMNO is now desperately struggling to regain public support.

Few Muslims around the world would endorse the claim that we have a monopoly on the word “Allah.” It is accepted that the word was already in the lexicon of pre-Islamic Arabs. Arabic’s sister Semitic languages also refer to God as “Allah”: namely, “Elaha” in Aramaic, and “Elohim” in Hebrew. Historical manuscripts prove that Arabic-speaking Muslims, Christian and Jews have collectively prayed to God, the Creator and Sustainer of the Universe, as “Allah” for over 1,400 years. The history of Islam in Southeast Asia is known for its pluralistic and inclusive traditions, and amicable relations between Muslims and non-Muslims have been the norm for generations.

Muslim scholars outside of Malaysia thus find our “Allah” issue absurd and cannot fathom why it has sparked protest and outrage. Minority Muslim populations living in the West, particularly in the aftermath of 9/11, have diligently tried to remind the public that Muslims, Christians and Jews share common Abrahamic roots and ultimately worship the same God.

Local sensitivities have been aroused over this issue. They should be handled through dialogue and engagement. Instead of permeating a sense of insecurity or a siege mentality, Muslims must be encouraged to engage and present their concerns to the Christians in a constructive manner. The example of Muslim Spain is a moment in our history to which Malaysian Muslims should aspire. But efforts toward fostering a convivencia are not only found in the past. The ongoing “Common Word” initiative, a global effort launched in 2007 that captured the support of over 130 of the world’s most prominent Muslim scholars, has made historic progress towards building goodwill among Muslims and Christians to find ways to live in sincere peace and harmony. It is ironic that noble efforts such as these are being undone by the actions of Muslims themselves.

Malaysia’s international reputation has taken a beating since Prime Minister Najib Razak was sworn in last year. Despite his efforts to promote national unity, news about the caning of a young Muslim woman charged with drinking, the mutilation of a cow head in protest of the construction of a Hindu temple, ill treatment of Muslim converts who revert to their earlier faith and even the outlawing of the practice of yoga by Muslims have many at home and abroad wondering which direction Malaysia is headed under Mr. Najib’s leadership. There are already misgivings about governance, human rights, the rule of law and rampant corruption; Malaysia dropped 10 spots on Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perception Index, our worst showing in over 15 years. The vision of Malaysia as a peaceful and stable location for investment, tourism and migration is now in peril.

This matters most for Malaysians who have to contend with an increasingly polarized social and political landscape. Malaysia cannot afford to be held hostage by the vested interests of a few who manipulate faith and identity as a means to elicit fear for political and economic gain. This is old politics, and it has become clear that those who incite hatred are only doing so to prolong their monopoly on power. The majority of Malaysians reject this approach. They realize that overcoming the challenges we face—a stagnant economy, declining educational standards and rising crime—depends on our ability as a nation to internalize and make real the principles of fairness and justice to all.

************************************

Finding Unity in Malaysia’s Diversity

The government is working to resolve the ‘Allah’ issue and preserve a fair and open society.

By
NAJIB RAZAK
 | Wall Street Journal

In contrast to the impressions left by some international reporting, in the hours and days after the recent vandalism of churches and other places of worship in Malaysia, the true spirit of our nation has shone through. Across religions and races, Malaysians have spoken with a unified voice in condemning the despicable acts of a few. Citizens have joined as one to assert that vandalism is never an acceptable way to express diverse views or resolve differences.

Many measures have been taken to counter this violence. Muslim groups volunteered to safeguard churches in their towns. Muslim social activists have written petitions to oppose these senseless acts of vandalism. Muslim civic groups are standing shoulder-to-shoulder with Christians, Hindus and Buddhists to ensure that all people can freely worship as they wish. Christian and civic leaders have urged calm and interfaith dialogue; they are fully aware that those who perpetrated these acts do not represent the Muslim majority in Malaysia. I saw this first hand when I visited the Metro Tabernacle Church to meet with the pastor and to commit support for rebuilding.

Let us be honest in recognizing that religious beliefs are deeply held, and in the legal case currently pending related to non-Muslims’ use of the word “Allah” in Malay-language publications, there are passionate views on many sides. As a nation, we will work together to resolve this issue.

Malaysia is certainly not the first country where a few individuals commit criminal acts under the false pretence of supporting a particular religion. But I am determined that the vandalism of places of worship and arson at the Tabernacle in recent days—and the powerful response from everyday Malaysians—can be transformed into a moment from which we can learn.

We will bring the perpetrators to justice. But this will also be a time when we stand united as one people to unequivocally denounce violence and reaffirm that we remain committed to the national drive we call “1Malaysia.”

We must resolve to maintain a fair and open society where there is opportunity for all Malaysians to flourish. My administration is liberalizing ownership requirements in key sectors of our economy; encouraging foreign direct investment in an era of globalization; creating 1Malaysia clinics to provide access to health care; and extending educational opportunities to all Malaysians.

These reforms have sometimes been politically difficult. But they are important because the long-term health of Malaysia’s society and the economy can only be built on what unites us rather than what divides us. We will not waver from the pursuit of 1Malaysia. While there may be some who debate this approach, there is room for open discussion and consideration about how we realize this vision of a strong, fair nation.

Many Malaysians have been appalled by the irresponsible and dangerous finger-pointing of a few politicians who put personal political interests before Malaysia’s national interest. They try to score political points by hammering on sensitive issues. My government chooses a different path. We will reach out to all parts of Malaysian society in the coming days to foster open dialogue and work to resolve sensitive issues together.

While one church was damaged and others were vandalized, along with a Sikh temple and Muslim prayer rooms, the values we hold dear—religious freedom, tolerance, peace and fairness—remain the bedrock of our nation. The diversity of our population is the true strength of our country. Across races and across religions, this is the foundation upon which we will advance 1Malaysia. It represents a great challenge but, together, it can be our greatest achievement.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 1 February 2010, 9:40 am and is filed under
Anwar Ibrahim
,
Bakri Musa
,
Najib Razak
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Cabinet must condemn and take action against Jakim’s insubordination and open insurrection against Najib’s 1Malaysia concept

In his opening speech for the International Conference on Religion, Law and Governance in South-East Asia on Saturday,  the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak said the tremendous force of religion must be harnessed to advance social and national unity.

He said: “A sign of our times is that religious and spiritual values take on renewed importance for human fulfillment. This is most relevant for stability and peace in fostering new openness between religions.” (Star 31.1.10)

Yesterday, Najib called on Malaysians to stand united against crude attempts to disrupt harmony in the country including the recent spate of incidents on houses of worship. (NST 1.2.10)

It must be a matter of grave concern that while  Najib is preaching the tremendous power of religion to advance social and national unity, calling on Malaysians to stand united as a people, another government agency is  guilty of a very crude attempt to disrupt harmony in the country virtually mounting an insurrection against Najib’s 1Malaysia concept and vision and challenging the authority of the Prime Minister and Cabinet.

In Parliament last November and December, the Biro Tata Negara (BTN) which had been given a budget of more than RM600 million since 2,000, was exposed as a government agency which had been guilty of anti-national activities, creating more racists than Malaysian nationalists with its divisive, racist and seditious brain-washing by pumping communal poison and inciting racial hatred and animosity in the guise of “national civics courses”.

Now, another powerful government agency has reared its ugly head to openly challenge Najib’s 1Malaysia slogan and policy and the authority of the Prime Minister and Cabinet.

It is indeed most shocking that on the same day that Najib was launching the 1Malaysia Government Transformation Programme (GTP) Roadmap at the Kuala Lumpur Convention Centre on Thursday, JAKIM (Islamic Development Department) of the
Prime Minister’s Department was organizing a forum for 800 civil servants
 which was tantamount to an insurrection against Najib’s 1Malaysia slogan and vision.

At this Jakim forum, speakers including civil servants like Zamihan Mat Zin from the Institut Latihan Islam Malaysia, Mohd Aizam Masod from Jakim’s research department and Mahammad Nasir Disa, deputy chief of Syariah Research Department of the Attorney-General’s office made speeches which were  completely inimical  and detrimental to Najib’s 1Malaysia slogan and  spirit, turning the forum into an inflammatory and incendiary gathering going against all notions of a 1Malaysia objective and vision.

At the Jakim forum for civil servants, Christians were blamed for provoking Muslim anger by challenging the ban on their use of the word “Allah” and politicians, particularly those from Umno/Barisan Nasional were also blamed for failing to defend Islam, with Zamihan for instance openly blasting politicians for being vocal only on Malay rights but doing little for Islam.

Zamihan even  went as far as suggesting that a repeat of the May 13 racial riots was possible if the Christians, whom he accused of practising “extremism”  did not “back down”, uttering the threat: “Who knows, there might be a Feb 13?”  (Malaysian Insider 28.1.10)

The special forum for 800 civil servants  organised by Jakim last Thursday, and the divisive, intolerant, incendiary and inflammatory speeches raising the spectre of another May 13 must be condemned in the strongest possible terms as downright irresponsible and anti-national as they run contrary to the proclaimed objectives of the 1Malaysia slogan and vision advocated by Najib.

Why didn’t the Police lodge a police report against the Jakim forum for incitement and sedition to initiate investigations? How many other such forums have Jakim and other government agencies organised?

It would appear that in Najib’s government, the right hand does not know what the left hand is doing. Or is this deliberate?

What is 1Malaysia? Malaysians have been told that 1Malaysia “means that we embrace our diversity of ethnicity, religions and beliefs and, by being inclusive, build mutual respect and acceptance into a solid foundation of trust and cohesiveness”.

The Jakim fire-and-brimstone forum for the 800 civil servants stood for the very opposite of this 1Malaysia definition made worse with  the threat of another May 13 incident  – turning it into an act of insubordination which was no less than an open insurrection by Jakim to rally civil servants to oppose Najib’s 1Malaysia concept.

This Jakim insubordination and insurrection must occupy  top spot in the agenda of Wednesday’s Cabinet meeting. The Cabinet must condemn  it in no uncertain terms and take strong and commensurate action as I will demand a full explanation of the Jakim insurrection and the Cabinet response when Parliament reconvenes on March 15.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 1 February 2010, 11:00 am and is filed under
Najib Razak
,
nation building
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Karpal on the DAP

1 Feb 10 : 8.00AM

By
 Deborah Loh @ thenutgraph.com

DAP chairperson Karpal Singh is not one to shy from criticising his own political comrades and allies. For him, principles come first. And because of this, the fiery veteran has had no qualms about putting his colleagues in their places, often giving fodder to media speculation that the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) is on the verge of collapse.

There was the time when Karpal told Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to quit the PR for promoting a culture of party-hopping. He’s also lambasted fellow party leaders, secretary-general Lim Guan Eng and adviser Lim Kit Siang, for not supporting his anti-hopping stand.

He has consistently resisted the idea of an Islamic state, calling on both PAS and Anwar to come clean on exactly what one would look like. And he called PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang an “embarrassment” over proposed unity talks with Umno.

In the second and final part of an interview with The Nut Graph conducted in Kuala Lumpur on 20 Jan 2010, Karpal talks about the DAP’s way forward with PAS and PKR.

TNG:
About the DAP. In a Chinese-based party, what is your influence as a non-Chinese [Malaysian] party leader? Are you what gives the party its fighting streak?

Karpal Singh: I don’t think so. I get my strong character from the party. I joined this party after the 13 May 1969 riots. I was practising law in Alor Star at the time. I thought something had to be done about what was going on. 13 May was a terrible tragedy. What was needed was a united multiracial society, which I thought could only be brought about by a multiracial party, and not the race-based parties of the time.

No doubt the DAP gets the most support from the Chinese [Malaysians], but that doesn’t make it a Chinese party. We don’t have as many Malay [Malaysians] as we want, which is a handicap to us. Somehow or other, the Malay [Malaysian] mind has been poisoned against the DAP. But I think Malay [Malaysians] now are changing.

In any event, that is being complemented by Malay [Malaysians] in Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and PAS.  It does not matter whether they join us or PKR as long as they are in Pakatan (Rakyat). We have always admitted that it is difficult for us to make much of a headway. In 1999, we lost some seats in the general election over the Islamic state issue. (DAP parliamentary leader Lim) Kit Siang and I held very strong seats but we lost. But it is different now, with the three parties coming together.

What do you think Pakatan’s weaknesses are?

We have to be cohesive. We must be very united on major issues, and that is now true to a great extent. In 1999, our association with PAS was considered the kiss of death. It’s no more now.

We also have to be very careful with who we take in. Pakatan is popular and we don’t want opportunists to come into the party. There are a lot of people frustrated with the BN. Even if they are principled, we should wait for at least two years before entrusting them with leadership.

What are the priority areas in Pakatan’s common policy framework that can be implemented now?

Pakatan has been consistent on most things in the framework except for local council elections, which is a thorn. In our election manifesto we said that the first thing we would do would be to restore local government elections. This is not in the common policy framework in the manner which it ought to be.

Though we did not have a unanimous agreement, there is progress on the matter, and I think we can come to an agreement before the next general election. But an agreement is one thing. Whether you can lawfully hold local government elections is another. Can we hold it in view of the legislation against it? To overcome this, we must have federal power to make the necessary amendments.

On the DAP’s “middle Malaysia” approach to voters, is this a rebranding exercise?

Fundamentally, we have always been about a Malaysian Malaysia. To woo the middle ground, you have to have that concept. “Middle Malaysia” is about identifying the silent majority and reaching out to them, especially the young, whose thinking is entirely different, even among Malay [Malaysian] youth. By identifying them, we’re zeroing in on them and giving them the message that we are with them. This group will make the difference in the end.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 1 February 2010, 7:46 pm and is filed under
DAP
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


MCA Ministers and leaders are the “politically walking-dead” in Malaysia

Surprise of surprises that there is a MCA Minister and leader who could bestir from their political comatose stage to notice current developments around them.

The
MCA paper The Star
 today reported the MCA vice president Datuk Seri Kong Cho Ha as commenting that “the ‘internal bleeding’ of Pakatan Rakyat is just the beginning of a more serious problem for the pact” and that “Normally, in medical terms, if there’s haemorrhaging in the brain, it will lead to a stroke”.

Thanks Kong for the concern, which must have been quite an exertion from a denizen of the “politically walking-dead” in Malaysia – the MCA Ministers and leaders.

Malaysians have ceased to ask why MCA Ministers have failed to pull their weight in Cabinet, as it is generally recognized that the “politically walking-dead” can have zero weight or input in serious matters of state – which is why MCA Ministers have nothing to say in Cabinet about national issues whether  1Malaysia, NEP, braindrain, corruption, galloping crime or recent issues as in getting the Cabinet to direct the Home Ministry to withdraw its appeal against the Kuala Lumpur High Court judgment of Datuk Lau Bee Lan allowing the Catholic weekly Herald to use the word “Allah” in the Bahasa Malaysia edition and to convene an inter-religious conference to resolve the “Allah” controversy; the exclusion of Chinese and Tamil primary schools in the selection of the first list of 20 high-performance schools or the Jakim insubordination and insurrection in organsing a forum for 800 civil servants last Thursday which openly defied the 1Malaysia concept.

DAP and Pakatan Rakyat will not be in denial like MCA Ministers and leaders. We are not afraid to admit to any internal haemorrhaging as such frank admission is the first necessary step and precondition to staunch the wound and not to become “politically walking dead” like MCA Ministers and leaders.

As PKR leader and Parliamentary Opposition Leader, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, mentioned yesterday, there is afoot the Umno inspired plot involving Prime Minister Najib Razak to get PKR MPs and state legislators to defect by the Chinese New Year or to wrest a second state from Pakatan Rakyat, i.e. Selangor after the undemocratic, illegal and unconstitutional power grab in Perak which will mark its  infamous anniversary on 6th Feb.

Pakatan Rakyat leaders who met yesterday recognized such “internal bleeding” and we are determined to staunch it so that PR will not join MCA Ministers and leaders in the zone of the “politically walking-dead”.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 1 February 2010, 11:57 am and is filed under
MCA
,
Politics
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Jamil Khir, Minister in the PM’s Dept should be suspended or even removed as Minister for Jakim’s open insubordination and insurrection against Najib’s 1Malaysia concept

Senator Datuk Jamil Khir Baharom, the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department in direct charge of Jakim, should be suspended or even removed as Minister if he cannot give a full and satisfactory explanation to Cabinet and the nation for Jakim’s open insubordination and insurrection against Najib’s 1Malaysia slogan and vision.

If the Cabinet tomorrow is not prepared to discuss and take strong action against Jakim and the civil servants involved in the open insubordination and insurrection against Najib’s 1Malaysia concept, then the Cabinet Ministers are not fit or qualified to continue in office.

Last Thursday, on the same day that the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak was launching the 1Malaysia Government Transformation Programme (GTP) Roadmap at the Kuala Lumpur Convention Centre on Thursday, JAKIM (Islamic Development Department) of the Prime Minister’s Department organized  a forum for 800 civil servants which was tantamount to open insurbordination and  insurrection against Najib’s 1Malaysia slogan and vision.

At this Jakim forum, speakers including civil servants like Zamihan Mat Zin from the Institut Latihan Islam Malaysia, Mohd Aizam Masod from Jakim’s research department and Mahammad Nasir Disa, deputy chief of Syariah Research Department of the Attorney-General’s office made speeches which were  completely inimical and detrimental to Najib’s 1Malaysia slogan and spirit, turning the forum into an inflammatory and incendiary gathering going against all notions of a 1Malaysia objective and vision.

At the Jakim forum for civil servants, Christians were blamed for provoking Muslim anger by challenging the ban on their use of the word “Allah” and politicians, particularly those from Umno/Barisan Nasional were also blamed for failing to defend Islam, with Zamihan for instance openly blasting politicians for being vocal only on Malay rights but doing little for Islam.

Zamihan even went as far as suggesting that a repeat of the May 13 racial riots was possible if the Christians, whom he accused of practising “extremism”  did not “back down”, uttering the threat: “Who knows, there might be a Feb 13?”  (Malaysian Insider 28.1.10)

The special forum for 800 civil servants organised by Jakim last Thursday, and the divisive, intolerant, incendiary and inflammatory speeches raising the spectre of another May 13 must be condemned in the strongest possible terms as downright irresponsible and anti-national as they run contrary to the proclaimed objectives of the 1Malaysia slogan and vision advocated by Najib.

If the Cabinet does not take any action tomorrow, police reports may be lodged against Jakim for its insubordination and insurrection against Najib’s 1Malaysia concept for organizing anti-national, inflammatory and seditious forum for 800 civil servants last Thursday.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 February 2010, 4:55 pm and is filed under
Najib Razak
,
Religion
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


MACC will not have a year to redeem itself as its public image may plunge to an even lower depth next few days

In an interview with Sin Chew Daily yesterday, the new Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission  (MACC) Chief Commissioner Datuk Abu Kassim Mohammed was refreshingly frank when he admitted that the mysterious death of DAP aide Teoh Beng Hock at the MACC Headquarters at Shah Alam on July 16 last year had caused the MACC image and credibility to fall to the lowest point ever but he hoped to lead the commission out of the bottom and  restore public confidence and acceptance.

This is a far cry from his predecessor, Datuk Seri Ahmad Said Hamdan who could be so insensitive as to publicly declare: “Teoh Beng Hock’s case is nothing. It is a very small case” – a height of folly and irresponsibility which cut short his brief  but  ignominious tenure as  the first MACC Chief Commissioner.

Abu Kassim has asked for a year to reverse the bad impression the MACC has made on the public so that he could convince Malaysians that the new anti-corruption body is “independent, transparent and professional”.

MACC will not have a year to redeem itself as its public image may plunge to an even lower depth in a matter of days if rumours on the grapevine are proven right that Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim would be arrested and charged for  alleged “cow and car” corruption.

Members of Parliament and Malaysians were promised when the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) 2008 Bill was debated in Parliament in December 2008 that the MACC was going to become another ICAC (Hong Kong’s Independent Commission Against Corruption) respected world-wide for its uncompromising and no-nonsense commitment against corruption without fear or favour for position, status or influence.

However, in less than two months of its establishment on 1.1.2009, the MACC became a joke. Instead of building public confidence in its journey to become another ICAC, feared and respected by all, it was quickly reduced into a “Malaysian Agency for Cows and Car” for the Barisan Nasional government to victimize Pakatan Rakyat leaders.

The chief culprit was none other than the first MACC Chief Commissioner who publicly declared in February last year that the MACC had  “good and strong evidence” of corruption against the Selangor Pakatan Rakyat Mentri Besar over the car and cows controversy – destroying all MACC claim to credibility for being  independent, professional and uninfluenced by the dictates of its political masters.

Can Abu Kassim imagine the firestorm of condemnation if the rumours on the grapevine are proven right and Khalid is arrested and charged for  alleged “Cows and Car” corruption, proving beyond a shadow of doubt that the MACC continues to be the catspaw of Umno/BN political agenda to declare war on Pakatan Rakyat instead of declaring war against corruption regardless of from whatever quarter?

It is now a year since the former MACC Chief Commissioner publicly declared Khalid guilty of corruption – over “cows and car” episodes – and awaiting the fiat of the Attorney-General to prosecute.

Is Abu Kassim going to execute the fiat to arrest and prosecute Khalid?

Talk on the grapevine is that the arrest and prosecution of Khalid for alleged “cows and car” corruption is part of the larger Umno/BN grand strategy of a pincer attack on the Pakatan Rakyat involving fomenting implosion inside Pakatan Rakyat parties while launching and intensifying individual assaults against Pakatan Rakyat leaders including Parliamentary Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Kelantan Mentri Besar Datuk Nik Aziz, DAP National Chairman Karpal Singh, Penang Chief Minister and DAP Secretary-General Lim Guan Eng and other Pakatan Rakyat MPs and leaders through abuse of national institutions and instruments like the police and the MACC.

There is even a timeline to achieve maximum impact and results for this pincer attack on the Pakatan Rakyat parties – the Chinese New Year Feb. 14 – 28, 2010!

There can be no reason, excuse or justification for the MACC continue to be UMNO/BN catspaw to hang the cloud of a “Cows and Car” arrest and prosecution over the head of the Selangor Mentri Besar for a whole year.

If Abu Kassim is serious and wants to rise from the bottom of the pit to start the arduous process to restore public confidence in the independence, transparency and professionalism, let Abu Kassim state without any equivocation the status of the MACC case against Khalid over the “Cows and Car” corruption allegation.

In his interview with Sin Chew, Abu Kassim admitted that the death of Teoh Beng Hock had destroyed the MACC’s image, saying:

“If time can turn back, I hope to return to the day when the Teoh Beng Hock  incident took place, so that we could rectify everything and never let it  happen.”

Although Abu Kassim had gone further than his predecessor in admitting that as Teoh fell from the MACC building and died when he was in MACC custody, “the MACC cannot absolve itself of blame”, this is no recompense to Teoh’s family who had gone through hell in the past six months over the loss of their loved one.

What gesture is forthcoming from Abu Kassim as MACC Chief Commissioner in the light of such an admission of responsibility if not yet guilt for Teoh’s unnecessary death at the MACC premises in Shah Alam last July?

However, what is Abu Kassim’s explanation for the police report lodged by MACC officer Raub Ghani against Thai forensic pathologist Dr. Pornthip Rojanasunand falsely accusing her of divulging details of the second post mortem conducted on Teoh Beng Hock?

This is not the action of a MACC belatedly prepared to accept responsibility if not guilt for Teoh’s death and want the whole truth about the mysterious death to be revealed!

Although the Coroner Azmil Muntapha Abas rejected the Teoh family application to commit Raub for contempt, Abu Kassim must still nonetheless account for Raub’s action.

Was Raub acting with full authority and mandate of MACC when he lodged the false police report against Pornthip?

If Raub was acting in his personal capacity misusing the name of MACC, what disciplinary action is Abu Kassim taking against Raub?

Is Abu Kassim prepared to discipline and suspend Raub for acting in a manner bringing the MACC into greater public opprobrium?

Will Abu Kassim apologise for Raub’s action?

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 February 2010, 1:26 pm and is filed under
Corruption
,
Teoh Beng Hock
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Malaysia itself, not the opposition leader, is in the dock

Anwar’s Second Sodomy Trial
 | The Wall Street Journal

Malaysia itself, not the opposition leader, is in the dock.

More than a decade after he was beaten, tried and jailed, opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim will once again face a Kuala Lumpur court today on charges of sodomy. The accusations are highly dubious and raise a serious question: Is this moderate Muslim democracy becoming a nation with no real rule of law?

The circumstances surrounding Mr. Anwar’s prosecution are suspiciously familiar to most Malaysians. In 1998, he was arrested as he was mounting serious arguments against the increasingly erratic government of United Malays National Organization chief Mahathir Mohamed. On a nearby page, Mr. Anwar’s former aide Munawar Anees describes being tortured and forced to confess to sodomy, a criminal offense in Malaysia. Mr. Anwar was convicted of sodomy and abuse of power and served six years in jail before the sodomy ruling was overturned in 2004. He was allowed to run for political office again in 2008, which he did, in earnest.

Mr. Anwar was arrested again in July 2008, a day after participating in his first nationally televised debate in more than a decade—an event that showcased his political skills and highlighted the growing momentum behind his three-party opposition coalition. He was accused of sodomy with a 23-year-old former aide, Saiful Bukhari Azlan. Mr. Saiful was taken into protective police custody after he made his allegation and has since rarely been seen in public. The government denies any political motivation for the charges. Mr. Saiful himself has not been charged.

As in 1998, the evidence in this case is thin at best. The police made a show of arresting Mr. Anwar, put him in jail for a night, and forced him to undergo a humiliating medical “examination.” The government then passed a bill in parliament to give the police expanded powers to collect DNA in criminal cases. Mr. Anwar’s lawyers claim they have a hospital report that shows no sodomy occurred.

Also troubling is the public involvement of Prime Minister Najib Razak, who was deputy leader at the time of Mr. Anwar’s 2008 arrest—and the man most politically threatened by Mr. Anwar’s popularity. Mr. Najib acknowledged that he was photographed with and spoke to Mr. Saiful after he was allegedly sodomized and before he went to the hospital for tests. Mr. Najib says he didn’t influence Mr. Saiful’s decision to press charges. Mr. Saiful couldn’t be reached for comment.

This story would sound familiar in a tinpot dictatorship. But Malaysia isn’t one. Along with Indonesia, it forms the backbone of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Its citizens today have far more access to news and information through the Internet than they did 12 years ago. They also have the power to vote.

And that may be the mechanism that keeps Malaysia free and honest. Ordinary citizens—including the majority ethnic Malays—increasingly support Mr. Anwar’s secular platform of religious tolerance, economic liberty and modernization. The opposition won five of 13 states in national elections in 2008, and it has since won seven of nine by-elections. Mr. Anwar was re-elected to parliament in a by-election the month after his arrest in 2008. There will likely be protests in front of the courthouse to show support for him.

The trial that begins today threatens domestic political unrest and undermines confidence, at home and around the world, in Malaysia’s rule of law.

**************************************

The Price I Paid for Malaysian ‘Justice’

The last time Anwar Ibrahim was put on trial, I was tortured and forced to ‘confess’ to sodomy.

By
MUNAWAR A. ANEES
 | The Wall Street Journal

Nearly 12 years ago, I was languishing in a local hospital as a prisoner of conscience. This loss of freedom was due solely to my long-standing personal and professional association with Anwar Ibrahim, then Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister of Malaysia. We were falsely implicated in a fabricated case of having committed a mutual act of sodomy.

Such an internment, when driven by ulterior motives, brings a brutal deprivation upon the victim. It acts like a double-edged sword. While one’s freedom of movement is taken away by tormentors, one’s conscience suffocates in a dungeon. A poignant grief sets in once there is awareness that both the body and the conscience have fallen victim to the act of tyranny. That is what distinguishes incarceration out of an actual crime from that emanating from the acts of those who prosecute and persecute innocent others. The tormented memory never fades.

My detention by the Malaysian Special Branch taught me how it feels to be forcibly separated from one’s wife and children. How it feels to be searched and seized, disallowed to make phone calls, handcuffed, blindfolded, stripped naked, driven in an animal cage, shaven bald, endlessly interrogated, humiliated, drugged, deprived of sleep, physically abused. What it’s like to be threatened, blackmailed, hectored by police lawyers, brutalized to make a totally false confession, hospitalized for a consequent heart ailment, and treated as a psychiatric patient with symptoms of Stockholm syndrome. Barely surviving on a meager diet of rancid rice and chicken along with 12 medicines a day, I spent nearly 126 days handcuffed round the clock to my hospital bed, under the watchful eyes of the prison guards.

These tragic events completely ruined me and my family. The financial, physical, psychological and social implications of this calamity reverberate even more than a decade after the horrific occurrence. Words fail to describe what my family and I have quietly endured for the last 10 years. In spite of that, our faith in the ultimate victory of justice and truth has not wavered.

For the last 12 years, I have sought nothing but justice. I have repeatedly approached the Malaysian judicial system—the High Court, the Court of Appeals and the Federal Court—in the hope that justice would be duly provided to me. Unfortunately, my latest request for a review at the Federal Court was dismissed. Why does the judicial system shudder at the prospect of hearing my demand for justice? Why am I denied my day in court?

I am innocent. I am innocent of any and all spurious charges brought against me. I committed no crime for which I was tortured and unjustly imprisoned. I want the Malaysian judicial system to wake up to the fact that gross injustice was committed against me. I want them to realize that the injustice is perpetuated the more I continue to be denied my day in the court. My innocence inspires me to persist and persevere in the path of justice, as it is one of the fundamental human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Malaysia. The judicial system in Malaysia must rise to the call of duty and serve justice without any further delay.

Mr. Anees is a writer based in Tucson, Ariz.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 February 2010, 5:41 pm and is filed under
Anwar Ibrahim
,
Court
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Of Optimism, Opportunity & the Opposition

By
Martin Jalleh

Is the Opposition coalition crumbling like a cookie? Is the door for real, relevant and radical change slowly closing in on us? Shall we just call it a day as we witness Umno’s final curtain of a failed State? Or shall we remain committed to a change in government no matter how challenging? Perhaps part of the answer begins with a review of the Opposition in 2009.

2009 saw the end of the euphoria that enveloped the whole country after the political tsunami of March 2008. It was a year during which the Opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat (PR), was brought down to earth and was forced to face the enormity of the challenge to deliver what they had promised during the elections.

It was also a year when the public increasingly perceived the fledging PR to be a “fragile”, “feuding”, “fraying” “faltering” coalition – one that was “not on a firm footing”. For some members of the public, trusting the PR enough to vote them in as the next Federal government was farthest from their minds!

One would have thought that PR, after having lost Perak to the BN in Feb. 2009, as a result of Umno’s subterfuge and scheming, would come to its senses and seek an inseparable synergy. But they continued on with their petty and puerile inter and intra public squabbles, spats and skirmishes, much to the surprise and scorn of the public and the satisfaction of Umno!

Meanwhile, the great hope which the apolitical Hindraf gave to the Indians and in fact to the whole country came to a grinding halt. Some of its highbrowed leaders haggled over its future, hurled accusations at one another, hauled one another to court, and accused PR of hypocrisy. By year’s end, a splintered Hindraf appeared headless, helpless, hopeless and headed for oblivion!

Successes

Coming back to PR, in contrast to those disappointed, disillusioned and even disgusted over what they felt was the coalition’s failure to deliver and to stop its disunity, there were PR diehards who felt that it was too early to dismiss PR altogether or declare its death sentence. It deserved more time and trust to prove itself — even though time was not on its side!

“Are we being fair to Pakatan Rakyat?” asked a reader of Harakah Daily, Li Fook Gao. He commented: “Yes, we gave birth to PR – but unfortunately we expected too much in return and to make things worse, we expected PR to deliver instant results. We expected those 100 apples in PR’s bag to be 100 per cent perfect. When we find two or three rotten apples, we are very quick to punish PR and ask for a refund immediately.”

He concluded: “PR’s survival and success is about us and our country more than it is about PR or BN’s political prosperity. We must ensure that PR survives and becomes the big brother in Malaysia’s politics to kick-start healthy competition between BN and PR…For a better Malaysia, we need PR. Punishing them now will lead us to back to BN’s dictatorship, and that’s exactly what BN wants us to do.”

In 2009, the opposition coalition was only less than two years old as compared to the BN of more than 50 years. It was their first time ruling and PR was made up of many first-timers with very divergent ideologies and inclinations and like any coalition, has an assortment of leaders such as the enlightened, the exceptional, the enigmatic, the erratic, the eccentric, the egocentric, etc.!

Further, PR, like any new organisation, was going through the forming-norming-storming process in order to transcend to a performing and transforming phase. Slowly but surely PR was making made a big leap in its maturing process. The concerted cohesiveness and clarity with which it handled and responded to the “Allah controversy” is an excellent example.

Further, PR was ruling their states quite well. The Auditor-General (AG) gave the highest rating to Selangor and Penang in terms of good governance since March 2008, which compared very favourably against BN-ruled states. The AG also gave a commendable rating to the PR’s performance during its 11-month rule in Perak. Penang was also praised by Transparency International.

In 2009, PR also contributed significantly to Parliament in the form of better and bolder participation and stronger and more sensible arguments during Question Time and debates. In July, PR formed parliamentary committees in tandem with 25 government ministries to help its MPs deliberate on important bills and issues including the Budget.

Even in terms of by-elections, PR fared considerably well in spite of them having to come up against BN’s juggernaut of man, machinery, media, money and muscle. There was a time when it was a foregone conclusion that the BN would be the winner in any by-election. But in 2009 (a year of by-elections), PR and BN faced off seven times, with the opposition pact winning five times to BN’s two.

Shortcomings

The successes of PR were however overshadowed by its many setbacks and shortcomings. In Aug., Anwar conceded that his party PKR was the “weakest link” in PR and that “there is a flaw in our vetting system. We rushed to choose candidates to contest in the last general elections but I promise that this will be improved.”

In Oct., PR was humbled in the Bagan Pinang by-election. Before PAS could reveal the results of its post-mortem, Anwar without any hesitation attributed the defeat to the “weaknesses and shortcomings” in PR. Some supporters were even relieved that PR had lost! It was a much-needed harsh wakeup call.

Lethargy had set in as the year went by. PR was being lackadaisical. If not for the political lassitude of 20 missing PR MPs in Parliament, the BN’s Budget Bill (in mid-Dec.) could have been voted out and PR could have won a vote of no confidence against the BN government. The coalition was resting on its laurels. It was also lagging behind and looked rather lost at times in its efforts to make inroads into East Malaysia.

An exasperated Lim Kit Siang warned: “Pakatan Rakyat had been suffering a prolonged and unceasing bout of loss of public confidence… to convince the Malaysian electorate in its credibility, cohesion, integrity and common sense of purpose.” PR may be only a “one-term miracle”, he prodded them on.

As the PR chief, Anwar also received a lot of stick from his comrades and supporters. In Feb., Karpal Singh slammed Anwar for “creating enough trouble” and asked him to quit. Raja Petra, a strong critic and supporter of Anwar said that the latter was in a “self-destructive mode”. Others accused Anwar for being too soft and slow to stop those who threatened the well-being of PR. But the seasoned politician took the slaps in his stride.

The latest ruckus, rigmarole and rubbish churned out by Zulklifi Nordin and Zahrain Mohd Hashim reinforced the fact that the PR has its fair share of riff-raff, rascals, rotten apples, and renegades who want to ruin the PR for good. Whilst there is no need to be alarmist, such political rogues should not be allowed to run riot. They need to be reined in, reproved or removed!

Sabotage

Umno spent 2009 in making a mockery of the people’s mandate given to the Opposition by sabotaging the PR-ruled states through the manipulation and maneuvering of key institutions of democracy such as the judiciary, the office of the attorney-general, the police and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission.

Najib himself explicitly inferred that the institutions were no longer impartial. Tengku Razaleigh pointed at Umno as being the source of the faltering institutions, adding that Umno has “become corrupt, this corruption has weakened it, and as it grows weaker it is tempted more and more to fan racial feeling and abuse public institutions to maintain power. This is a death spiral.”

The stage for the Sodomy II Trial or show-trial was set up in 2009,  the 10th anniversary of the first trial. Sivarasa Rasiah a PKR vice-president would write: “…what is really at stake here is the use of this framed up case as a political weapon to stop the advance of Anwar Ibrahim and the political movement of PR that he leads which threatens the very existence and future of the current BN government and its key leaders.”

With the help of the mainstream media, the ICT and the internet, and Apco Worldwide, a global Public Relations consultant, employed to re-engineer and redeem the PM’s flagging image, PR was portrayed as weak, wavering and wobbling. Umno was on the other hand presented as a party that was reformed, with Najib back in the saddle rendering rhetoric and all ready to take the country for a ride!

PR’s successes were downplayed. Detractors, dissidents and disgruntled leaders within the coalition were used to derail its progress. Attention on Umno’s scandals and schisms were diverted by distractions of all sorts. Federal funds to the PR-ruled States were either denied, delayed or distributed discriminately. Along the way, people and things disappeared!

PR leaders were demonised. Anwar whom Umno had once deemed “irrelevant” was denounced as a “traitor”. (Ironically from the speeches and stance of Dr M and Tengku Razaleigh, it is Umno that has become increasingly “irrelevant”!). Umno was displayed as the great defender of Islam, the Malay race and the royalty and self-declared the “People’s Champion”.

But it soon became very clear that Najib’s “culture of change” was a mere charade, claptrap and chicanery. One need only to look at 2009 – a year of big slogans, buckling economy, bad judgments, brutal police, biased mainstream media, “bloody racists” and burgeoning bigotry – to easily spot the leopard in Umno!

The forming of Perkasa by a man who keeps on party hopping to save his own hide, and who now wants to bring hope to the Malays by harping and hanging on to Umno’s racist past, reduced Najib’s “inclusive” Umno to hollow hype and hypocrisy. The fact that Perkasa’s Selangor chapter was launched by the “Father of all racists” gave Najib a further headache!

On the last day of the year 2009, Lim Kit Siang noted that Najib’s promises were nothing but play-acting, i.e. a mere “performance”: “After nine months (of Najib’s premiership), 1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now has proved to be mere publicity and propaganda puff of Najib’s premiership with no meaningful change or consequence to the lives of Malaysians.” The performance persists till today.

The fire bombs on churches as the aftermath of a landmark ruling by the Kuala Lumpur High Court on the Allah issue, reduced to ashes Najib’s 1Malaysia boast. After being PM for almost a year, and being obsessed with annihilating the PR, Najib failed to fight the fires of racial and religious fanaticism often fiercely fanned by his own party and the Umno-owned Utusan Malaysia which has what Nazri Aziz calls, “an outdated racist propaganda”.

Soldiering On

A dead constitution, a divided nation, decaying institutions, a dour economy and a PM dogged by allegations – perhaps the events and issues of the year 2009 point to the pressing reality that all real, relevant and radical change in Bolehland can only come about by a change of Government!

Coming back to PR, the leaders of the coalition were undaunted by the onslaught of a desperate Umno and the tasks ahead. In Dec. 2009, PAS MP Dzulkefly Ahmad introduced the PR’s Common Policy Framework as a “Dawn of a New Awakening” – a daring framework of common goals and grounds derived out of debate and discussion of the three parties, determined to deliver the “revolution of a political culture” in unison.

The leaders of PR must realise that the road to Putrajaya requires stomach, stamina, solidarity and the sacrifice of personal agendas and parochial party issues for the nation’s larger scheme of things. Sloganeering and navel gazing will not do. With each passing day they need to be reminded of the dictum like the 1,500 delegates at PR’s 1st National Convention were: “Perform or Perish!”

The Opposition is not alone on the narrow less-travelled path to Putrajaya. There are many Malaysians like those the country witnessed in 2009, with an indomitable, intrepid and inspirational spirit who are willing to pay the price to bring about the change the nation so badly needs, be they ordinary citizens, government servants, politicians or even judges.

But the nagging question many are prompted to ask is whether the members and the leaders of the Opposition are ready? They have to make the choice of either seizing the moment or selling their souls!

(The above article is an edited version from a series of articles by the author on a review of the year 2009 published in the latest issue of Aliran Monthly. Get a copy, its a “must read”!)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 February 2010, 1:14 pm and is filed under
Martin Jalleh
,
Pakatan Rakyat
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Orang Asli call for recognition of their Ancestral Land

By
Augustine Anthony & Bah Tony William Hunt

On
 04.12.2009 it was reported in the New Straits Times
 that some 19,990 Orang Asli families will receive freehold land titles.

It would generally be expected that the Orang Asli communities will be elated with this announcement but strangely far from being overjoyed with this news, the Orang Asli communities are unhappy and restless.

They ask whether the “receiving” of freehold land titles from the government would mean that they are seen as abandoning their struggle in calling for the government to formally recognize their ancestral lands which they had occupied for generations.

Other concerns of these communities with this government initiative includes the likely breakdown of their traditional communal lifestyle where the land hereon will be treated as individual ownership as opposed to the long entrenched communal ownership  practised by them.

The implementation of this government initiative is also expected to impose serious financial burden on the Orang Asli communities as the hidden costs in securing titles for individual ownership of land may not be within the contemplation of these communities.

We recently met up with representatives, including women, of many Orang Asli communities from around the Batang Padang district who have gathered to discuss this “historic” government initiative and  was surprised that everyone who spoke, voiced out their disapproval without any hesitation.

The Orang Asli communities have legitimate reasons for showing their dissatisfaction, among others;

Titling the land based on the acreages proposed (2-6 acres) means reduction of Orang Asli traditional land area. The representatives we met feel that this will restrict Orang Asli access to their traditional land in order to hunt, fish, collect resources etc. They added that it could also result in loss of areas which have religious and historical significance to their communities.

Many of the representatives pointed out that such restriction is in fact already happening. In some places in the Batang Padang district, the Forestry Department has put up warning signs, signaling against Orang Asli opening up lands; seemingly oblivious to the fact that these communities have been occupying these land/areas well before the enactment of the National Forestry Act 1984.

The Orang Asli also see the limiting of their land to the acreages proposed as unjust as it would create the possibilities that those owning more than the threshold area will lose their land. Many fear that this may cause many upheavals in their communities.

Save for some acceptable conditions and circumstances in which the granting of individual land titles may not alter significantly their communal lifestyles, the Orang Asli are calling for the recognition of their lands to be effected through gazetting of their entire ancestral lands as reserves so that they can continue their communal lifestyles and traditions.

[Bah Tony Williams-Hunt is the former President of Persatuan Orang Asli Semenanjung Malaysia (POASM)]

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 2 February 2010, 1:10 pm and is filed under
Augustine Anthony
,
Orang Asli
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Nasir Safar outrage latest reason why parliamentary select committee on 1Malaysia GTP is vital and indispensable

The Nasir Safar outrage is the latest reason why a parliamentary select committee on 1Malaysia Government Transformation Programme (GTP) Roadmap is vital and indispensable if Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s 1Malaysia slogan is not to become a bogus one, degenerating into a farce and a joke.

In a three-paragraph statement just before 8 pm last night, the Prime Minister’s Office said:

“The remarks allegedly made by Datuk Nasir Safar, Special Officer to the Prime Minister, in Melaka today does not in any way reflect the views of the Prime Minister.

“Datuk Nasir never intended to make any derogatory remarks. He spoke at length on the contributions made by all races in developing the country. Nevertheless, Nasir apologises for any offence caused.

“In light of this, Datuk Nasir will tender his resignation.”

This is a most unsatisfactory statement. Why is the Prime Minister’s Office so protective and defensive about Nasir’s anti-national and anti-1Malaysia speech although Nasir will be resigning from his present post as Special Officer to the Prime Minister.

There can be no denial that Nasir made the following offensive, insensitive and anti-1Malaysia statements

Labelling Indians and Chinese in Malaysia as “pendatang”;

“Indians came to Malaysia as beggars and Chinese especially the women came to sell their bodies (jual tubuh)”;

Claimed that Umno was solely responsible in drafting the constitution sidelining the contribution of MCA and MIC;

Threat to revoke the citizenship of those vocal about the subject cap for SPM examination.

It is adding insult to injury and rubbing salt into the wound for the Prime Minister’s Office to claim in its three-paragraph statement that Nasir “never intended to make any derogatory remarks” and only “spoke at length on the contributions made by all races in developing the country” as if Nasir’s remarks were not offensive and derogatory enough.

The officer in the Prime Minister’s Office responsible for drafting this offensive and insensitive three-paragraph statement should be identified and be asked to resign for equal insensitivity and lacking the 1Malaysia spirit.

When Nasir and the Prime Minister’s Office  statement claim that the derogatory remarks were “never intended”, they seem to be blaming those who feel hurt and offended for being overly sensitive!

Are Nasir and the Prime Minister’s Office denying that Nasir had made these insensitive, offensive and anti-1Malaysia statements – of all places, at a 1Malaysia forum organized by Information, Communications and Culture Ministry’s Special Affairs Department at the Malacca International Trade Centre officially opened by the Malacca Chief Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Ali Rustam?

Then let the government play the recording, whether tape or video, of Nasir’s speech at the 1Malaysia seminar in Malacca, as nobody would believe that the Information, Communications and Culture Ministry which organized the programme had not recorded it.

Alternatively, let those who heard Nasir’s speech speak up. Nasir addressed some 2,000 people at the 1Malaysia seminar in Malacca – imagine the communal poison and anti-1Malaysia thinking he was disseminating in the guise of 1Malaysia.

This appears to be the most modern version of “Raising the Red Flag to Destroy the Red Flag” – “Raising 1Malaysia to destroy 1Malaysia”.

The Nasir Safar outrage cannot be taken lightly, for Nasir Safar is no ordinary person but a trusted long-time aide of Najib for two decades, who had been delegated to represent the Prime Minister in many functions – like the official launching of the “Sahabat 1Malaysia & UKM 1Malaysia, 1Inspirasi Aspiration Logo” in Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia on 18th October 2009.

If a senior and long-trusted aide of the Prime Minister for two decades – tracing back to the time when Najib was in various Cabinet positions such as Education, Defence and Deputy Prime Minister –  could make such offensive, insensitive and anti-1Malaysia, the question must be asked: how many in the top  leadership of the Umno/Barisan Nasional government  really believe in 1Malaysia?

This is why I had read the 1Malaysia Government Transformation Programme (GTP) Roadmap  launched by Najib last Thursday with great cynicism, when I should feel happy that many of the things I had been saying about nation-building can be found in it.

For instance, for the first time, the government admitted in the 1Malaysia GTP Roadmap that New Economic Policy had created the grave problem of brain-drain – with an estimated two million “best and brightest” Malaysian emigrating abroad since the seventies to create a Malaysian Diaspora and undermining Malaysia’s international competitiveness.

For the first time, an official government document has admitted that in the past decades, Malaysia’s education for instance has fallen behind other countries – casting an adverse reflection on the record of previous Education Ministers, including Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein, Tan Sri Musa Mohamad, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and even Najib himself!

The GTP Roadmap describes the goal of 1Malaysia as building a nation “where every Malaysian perceives himself or herself as Malaysian first, and by race, religion, geographical region or socio-economic background second” – a definition which I had been advocating but no Umno/BN Minister or leader had ever endorsed or conceded.

While I am glad to read this definition of 1Malaysia, of creating a Malaysian who regards himself or herself as a Malaysian first and a Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan, Iban, Orang Asli   or Muslim, Christian, Buddhist, Hindu as second, I also feel sad because of the conviction that the1Malaysia GTP Roadmap is not a mainstream Umno/BN document!

My reservations have been confirmed by the recent spate of events which demonstrate that the “1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now” slogan and vision are just good branding exercises but do not represent the mainstream thinking, commitment and policy of the Najib government – as illustrated by the Nasir Safar outrage yesterday and last Thursday’s Jakim forum  for 800 civil servants with inflammatory, divisive and seditious speeches which was no less than an act of open insubordination and insurrection against the 1Malaysia concept.

Najib should state his stand, whether he supports the establishment of a Parliamentary Select Committee on the 1Malaysia GTP Roadmap – which will be an important pointer whether the Prime Minister is serious in wanting about his 1Malaysia slogan and concept.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 3 February 2010, 12:19 pm and is filed under
Najib Razak
,
nation building
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Don’t use ISA against Nasir Safar – more important to flush out all the closet Nasir Safars holding influential positions in government

Recently, the Home Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein warned that there are forces bent on derailing the government’s 1Malaysia concept.

Hishammuddin was referring to the recent spate of arson and vandalism at places of worship but he failed to realize that the enemies of Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s 1Malaysia concept are to found closer home – in the very sanctum of the Najib premiership!

MIC leaders, from its President Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu, are baying for Nasir’s blood and even demanding that Nasir should be detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA).

This is the last thing that should be done, for it will only make Nasir a martyr. Furthermore, the ISA detention-without-trial law is so iniquitous, unjust and undemocratic a legislation that I will not want to wish it on my worst opponents  as its only proper destination is the scrapyard.

The strongest and most severe action must be taken against Nasir for his offensive, seditious and anti-1Malaysia outburst, labelling Indians and Chinese as “pendatang”, alleging that “Indians came to Malaysia as beggars and Chinese especially the women came to sell their bodies (
jual tubuh
)” and threatening to revoke the citizenship of Indians vocal about the subject cap for SPM examination.

There must be a clear and unmistakable message that 52-years after nationhood, such rabid and racist attitudes are just not acceptable or tolerable, especially under the 1Malaysia slogan.  In this context, the resignation of Nasir is just neither adequate nor commensurate to the offence caused and Malaysians are right to expect the severest action to be meted out.

However, it is more important to flush out all the closet Nasir Safars holding influential positions in government as the Nasir Safar outrage is likely to be mere tip of an iceberg.

This is why Nasir’s racist remarks received quick defence from extremist groups including the 1Malaysia Youth Graduates Club.

Nasir Safar is the natural product of decades of brain-washing by anti-1Malaysia outfits like the Biro Tata Negara (BTN) and unless brain-washing apparatus like BTN are dismantled, closet Nasir Safars will continue to occupy key positions in important ministries and agencies.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 4 February 2010, 12:03 pm and is filed under
ISA
,
nation building
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.


Malaysia’s Democracy on Trial

By
Chris Wright
 | Australian Financial Review, February 2 2010

When Anwar Ibrahim walks into the Kuala Lumpur High Court today, he will at least know what to expect.

Anwar, Malaysia’s one-time deputy prime minister and now the de facto leader of the first credible opposition in Malaysia’s independent history, is facing the third incarceration of his life. The first was a 22-month detention when a student leader in the 1970s; the second a six-year stint in 1998 for sodomy (overturned in 2004) and corruption, during the administration of his one-time mentor, Mahathir Mohamed. Now, he faces another sodomy charge, and the potential of 20 years in jail. Locally the press are calling it Sodomy II, like a sequel. “They use the same script,” he tells the AFR in an interview in his Kuala Lumpur offices. “I’ll leave it to the lawyers. I don’t have any trust in the system.”

That’s no surprise. Anwar’s trial represents an enormously significant moment for Malaysia, because it could make or break the opposition movement at a time of intense racial tension on a scale the country hasn’t seen since the race riots of the 1960s. Malaysia, though a sometimes uneasy patchwork of a Muslim Malay majority and significant Chinese and Indian minorities, has for decades been amongst the most moderate and peaceful of Muslim nations. Yet in recent months it has become a place where churches are firebombed over the right for Christians to use the word Allah, and where cows’ heads are kicked around outside Hindu temples.

Some feel these forces have been inflamed by the country’s UMNO party, the leader of the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, seeking to secure its hold on the Malay vote; Anwar calls it “desperate measures to frustrate this peaceful transition.” But at the same time Anwar’s own rise, with his multi-racial coalition securing one third of the votes and five out of 13 states in landmark elections in 2008, has become something of a catalyst for this expression of tension. “Yes, of course that is true,” he says. “You can see the press, controlled by UMNO, blaming me for causing this, for giving courage to non-Malays to express themselves. But I think the contrary: we are giving that right of expression to all. There is a new generation of Malays who are asserting themselves with greater confidence.”

Another jail term for Anwar could do one of two things. It could wreck his coalition, which despite its outstanding 2008 performance has widely been viewed as fragile: it unites a party formed by Anwar’s wife, Wan Azizah Ismail (who is still officially its president), during Anwar’s 1998 jail term, with a sometimes hard-line Islamic party and another whose key constituency is overseas Chinese. Lacking a charismatic leader to glue it together, the alliance could fail well before the next elections, due in 2013, although Anwar insists detailed contingency plans are in place among the three parties. “There is already an agreement what to do in the event – the unlikely event – I am convicted, yet again. The coalition will stay with or without Anwar.”

Alternatively, another conviction could unite opposition behind a cause and give it renewed momentum. It is also not likely to go down well overseas, where doubts over Anwar’s earlier conviction are already widespread; public figures who have already voiced their concern for him range from Al Gore to US Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor and, right up to his death, former Indonesian president Abdurrahman Wahid.

The uncertainty is not helping Malaysia, where foreign direct investment numbers are flagging even after accounting for recession: from M$62.8 billion in 2008 to M$12.6 billion in the first nine months of 2009. “Foreign investors are asking me about Anwar and the firebombings all the time,” says one foreign banker in Kuala Lumpur who deals with major foreign investors. “If Anwar ends up back in the slammer it’s going to have major negative consequences on Malaysia. Whether or not it will mean riots on the streets I don’t know, but it will certainly harm the government.”

Anwar is an appropriate figurehead for his country’s painful change. It’s easy to forget it now, but he was once the chosen one to succeed Mahathir: he was deputy leader and finance minister through the Asian financial crisis and was trusted so implicitly he was made acting prime minister for two months in 1997 when Mahathir took a holiday. But he wanted reform in governance and institutions, and when he started linking Mahathir with improper contracts and bailouts for family members and cronies, his time in the sun came quickly and brutally to an end. His 1998 trial raised concerns worldwide; Amnesty International considered him a prisoner of conscience, and the injuries incurred in jail cause him back pain to this day.

Because Anwar’s corruption conviction was never overturned, he was banned from politics until April 2008, and took to teaching in the US. Malaysia’s then prime minister, Abdullah Badawi, timed the 2008 elections to be just one month before Anwar’s ban expired, fearing his popular voice, but it didn’t work: Anwar simply canvassed for his wife’s party, and when his ban expired she surrendered her seat and he won it in a by-election. For a time his momentum seemed unstoppable: by September 2008 he was claiming to have secured 30 parliamentary defections that would give his coalition a majority. He demanded a vote of no confidence.

But then things stalled. First, he couldn’t force that vote, and he says he couldn’t expect his converts to declare openly until the moment of truth on the parliament floor – consequently, there’s no proof that he ever had the numbers at all. “In any democratic country we would have taken over by now, because we had the numbers, but there’s no way to go about it,” he says. “In this climate of fear and repression you can’t expect people to declare openly now except for the critical moment when the motion is tabled.” By this he is referring to the string of opposition figures, including a number of state leaders, who have been comprehensively investigated by federal institutions since the election.

Momentum was further derailed when in June 2008 a new sodomy charge, from a young aide called Saiful Bukhari Azlan, appeared with a convenience of timing that many have found deeply troubling: the taint of sodomy, illegal in this Muslim country, is considered a death knell to an aspiring politician. Whether people believe the charge or not, defending it has been time-consuming and helped to take the wind out of the challenge’s sails. And many events in the build-up to the case – the team of commandos sent to arrest him when he was on his way to the police station to make a statement, the dispute over whether the prosecution should have to let the defence see evidence prior to the trial, confirmation that Saiful visited current prime minister Najib Razak’s residence days before filing his police report – seem to bode badly for him.

But while Anwar is under pressure in the court, it’s the incumbent government, and in particular the UMNO party at its heart, that is struggling, and not just with those election results. Even in a country with a largely compliant mainstream press (but a vibrant alternative media), the government and the country’s other key institutions have found themselves mired in scandal: the death of opposition political aide Teo Beng Hock, who fell from a 14th floor window during questioning by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC). There’s the murder of the Mongolian model Altantuya Shaariibuu, the mistress of Najib’s foreign policy advisor, who prosecutors claim was killed by government commandos in 2006 and whose body was destroyed by C4 explosives. There have been scandals over contracts for French submarines, jet engines that have gone missing, and a dispute over the legitimacy of a state government in Perak.

And most recently, a court case regarding the use of word Allah by non-Muslims has flared up. In December the High Court, in dealing with a long-standing dispute between the government and the Catholic Herald newspaper, ruled that the government had no power to prohibit the use of the word Allah or to make it the exclusive preserve of Muslims. Numerous acts of arson on Christian churches have followed the ruling, while the original debate has become a somewhat farcical exercise in semantics, with the government – which, incidentally, is in the middle of a major public relations tilt called One Malaysia aimed at promoting racial and religious unity – ruling that Christians in East Malaysia can use the word Allah when speaking Malay, but that those in West Malaysia cannot.

Many of Kuala Lumpur’s business community are increasingly alarmed. “You see Najib on one hand talking about One Malaysia and a multi-racial tolerant country, and on the other you see the complete opposite of that driven by the establishment,” says a banker, who like all commercial figures in this article wished not to be named for fear of damaging relationships with government. “This may sound over the top but I would describe Malaysia as almost anarchy at the moment, because all the institutions of government believe that their job in life is to restore BN back to its previous power. The judiciary believes its job is to prosecute the opposition. The police: that their mission is to prosecute the opposition. MACC, the same. The guys in power are stoking racial unrest because they believe it’s one way of supporting the Malay vote.”

Anwar – who took some strident positions on Islam himself in his youth – has sought to preach a less radical middle ground. “I have asked the world’s most renowned authorities on Islam and nobody, not one, disputes the fact that Allah can be used by anyone,” he says. “It’s been a non-issue for 1,400 years among the Muslims.” Even PAS, the Islamic party in Anwar’s coalition, normally known as the voice of those with a more traditional and inflexible view of Islam, has publicly said they have no problem with Christians using the word: the fact that the purely Islamic party is now on more moderate ground than the government has cemented a feeling that the government has been playing the race card to try to win back disgruntled Malay voters.

The government has not been blind to change and has taken some reformist measures itself. The most significant concern the New Economic Policy, the measures enacted in the 1960s – by Najib’s father – in support of the local Bumiputra (“sons of the soil”, or Malay) population. It guaranteed them, among other things, a certain proportion of civil service jobs, and a minimum share of any stock market float. While understandable in the context of its time, many, Malays included, have come to see it as a crutch that has become a hindrance, damaging competitiveness and breeding complacency. Late last year Najib began some modest repeals.

So does Anwar believe change can be effected peacefully in Malaysia? “Well for the first phase, the five states [in the March 2008 elections], it did,” Anwar says. And despite doubts about his coalition’s durability, he argues its very cross-faith existence is enormously positive. “It means that in Malaysia, if political leaders don’t continue to incite hatred and use the race card in politics, we can survive,” he says. “The problem is UMNO: they have become an obsolete party of the past.”

But Anwar is not a Mandela and will never quite be embraced in that way. For a start, there is the fact that, having started out a somewhat radical student and youth leader, he switched allegiances to Mahathir in the 1980s and made his name soaring through the ranks of the party he now dismisses as “the last refuge of scoundrels”. He argues that when he joined Mahathir in 1981 he did so because the leader was talking about reform, and that through much of the 1980s they were effective; it was when a more authoritarian style came into effect that he objected, at great personal cost. “But can I absolve myself from the entire policy, decisions, excesses? No I cannot. I have made that very clear to the people.” Did he ever engage in the money politics commonplace in UMNO at that time? “When I announced my candidature (as deputy leader) 80% of the UMNO cabinet members, all chief ministers, were with me. So I didn’t need to go beyond that. The culture on the ground, you have big fees, but nothing compared with this cash being paid [in UMNO now].”

Additionally, some accuse him of opportunism in his career, and of inconsistency: a chameleon quality (he uses the word himself), saying what the audience of the moment want to hear, which raises questions about how he would fare in office when there can be only one decision for all audiences. Some say he is disorganised too, and unable to give his closest staff a clear mandate. “He is a great politician inasmuch as his oratory skills are fantastic, and he can definitely speak to a crowd,” says one observer. “But he can’t administer and he can’t organise.” Another stresses that “what happened in the election was a vote against government, not a vote in favour of the opposition.” On top of that mainstream media is unlikely to take his side, though the advent of Twitter, Facebook and blogs have helped dramatically, and it is noticeable how much stronger his support in well-connected and tech-savvy urban areas is than in rural Malaysia.

Listening to him in English, fluent but understated and sometimes a little unclear, one wonders how the chameleon projects to the heartland.

The answer comes later that night at a rally in a community hall in the Kuala Lumpur suburb of Cheras. Here, in the local Malay language of Bahasa, the delivery is utterly different, voice playing the ranges from aggression to a whisper, arms expressively aloft, the audience by turns brought to laughter, indignation and applause.

For sure, this is a home team crowd, but it’s largely a Malay Muslim crowd, supposedly the very core of UMNO’s appeal, and they are packed 50 deep outside the hall exits, arms folded, listening intently. Some have brought their children, drooping flopped on shoulders; it is 11.45pm on a Thursday night.

He will do the same on alternate nights leading up the trial, campaigning steadily when an election could still be years away. Over noodles with his chief ministers and supporters, well past midnight, he tells the AFR about the forthcoming weekend rallies where he expects crowds far greater than the 1,000 or so who turned up tonight.

It’s no surprise he looks tired. Earlier the AFR had thanked him for his time, remarking how busy he must be. “Not busy,” he says. “Under siege.”

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 4 February 2010, 11:06 am and is filed under
Anwar Ibrahim
,
Najib Razak
,
UMNO
. You can follow any responses to this entry through
RSS 2.0
.