Soi Lek declined facing Kit Siang, Ghani a possibility, say BN sources

BY
JAHABAR SADIQ

EDITOR

APRIL 08, 2013

The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, April 8 — Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek was asked to face Lim Kit Siang in Gelang Patah but the MCA president declined the offer, leaving Barisan Nasional (BN) to consider its choices for the hottest battle in Umno’s home state, say ruling coalition sources.

The Malaysian Insider understands the MCA is pushing for caretaker Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman to fight the DAP adviser but an unsettled Malay ground and pro-opposition Chinese voters could scuttle those plans.

“Some in the BN war room thought it would be a titanic fight and that Dr Chua is strong enough to face Kit but the MCA president said no,” a BN source told The Malaysian Insider, referring to the veteran opposition leader by his moniker Kit.

“Now other choices are being considered as the final list must be ready by Tuesday,” the source added.

Pakatan Rakyat (PR) announced last month that Lim was to run in Gelang Patah, and spearhead the opposition pact’s push to pick up more federal seats in Johor. Dr Chua was then dared by the DAP to face Lim but the MCA president declined the challenge last week.

The MCA had earlier named local division leader Jason Teoh to run in the federal seat, won by Johor Wanita MCA chief and deputy national vice-chairman Tan Ah Eng in Election 2008 when she retained the seat by defeating PKR’s Zaliha Mustafa by 8,851 votes.

Lim’s political arch-foe, Malaysia’s longest-serving Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, described Lim’s move from Ipoh Timor “ridiculous”, calling BN members to bury the DAP adviser’s political career and said the local Chinese would not give support.

Lim then asked Dr Mahathir to run against him but was turned down. Since then, MCA-controlled newspaper The Star has been reporting that Ghani was popular with the electorate and would be ideal to face the veteran DAP leader.

However, it is learnt that BN has not included the caretaker Johor mentri besar in its candidate list due to a pushback from the local Malay community upset with rising costs and being elbowed out of the fast-developing and pricy Iskandar Malaysia economic corridor.

The 67-year-old Umno leader has been a four-term MB but it is understood that BN chairman Datuk Seri Najib Razak wants to put in younger and “winnable” candidates to helm the Umno home state.

“Najib has promised at least 40 per cent new faces and he wants those who are capable of pushing Iskandar Malaysia even higher,” said an Umno source, confirming that Ghani’s name is not on any list.

He cited Ghani’s frosty ties with the Johor palace as one of the main reasons that the state leader is being dropped, adding: “That’s why he is free to offer himself for Gelang Patah because there is no seat for him.”

It is understood that caretaker Higher Education Minister Datuk Mohamed Khaled Nordin and UDA Holdings chairman Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed are in a short list to replace Ghani as Johor MB if BN keeps the southern state.

“BN needs to put someone strong there as every parliamentary seat is crucial in this election. But Dr Chua doesn’t want and Ghani is willing but there are issues that could cut his support,” the Umno source said.

“We’ll find out soon enough but it won’t be a titanic fight now,” he added.

BN sources say the ruling coalition is confident of regaining its two-thirds majority in Parliament lost in 2008, predicting it can win up to 160 seats in the 222-seat Dewan Rakyat.

However, coalition leaders have warned against complacency against PR which is battling every seat to capture Putrajaya. PR has also expressed confidence that it can win at least 125 federal seats to form the government.

Both coalitions have already issued centrist-themed manifestos to convince the 13.3 million eligible voters to support them in the general election which will be announced later this week after Parliament and the state assemblies were dissolved last week.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 8 April 2013, 8:30 am and is filed under
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Utter Defeat May Be Just What MCA Needs To Reform Itself!

by Martin Jalleh

                This entry was posted on Monday, 8 April 2013, 7:34 pm and is filed under
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Who To Vote For In the Next Election

By M. Bakri Musa

www.bakrimusa.com

Elections A System for Checks and Balances

[First of Four Parts]

When he dissolved Parliament on April 3, 2013, to make way for a general election, Prime Minister Najib advised us to “think and ponder appropriately” before casting our votes.

            We can practice two mental exercises to help us “think and ponder appropriately.” One, imagine the best and worse possible consequences of our vote, that is, perform a “downstream analysis” of our decision. Two, reflect on the greater role of election as an effective bulwark against abuse of power by those in authority.

            I will discuss the broader role of elections first. Subsequent essays will be a downstream analysis of the only three possible outcomes to this election:  Barisan Nasional returning to power; Pakatan Rakyat to prevail; and a “hung” parliament.

            The most effective check on those in power is the knowledge that they could be replaced in an election. The more this is a reality and not just in theory, the more effective is this critical role. Elections serve as periodic useful reminders.

            Even where elections are fair and free, but if the same leaders and party were to be re-elected over and over, they would sooner or later succumb to sclerosis and abuse of power, regardless how competent and well meaning they were initially. It is the rare leader who could escape this all-too-human tendency. We must have actual periodic change in government through elections, and not just the promise.

            With rigged and fraudulent elections, or where the process is merely illusory, as with having only one candidate per slot (Russian elections of yore and the election of UMNO President), the less effective they would be in keeping those in power accountable. Saddam Hussein bragged that those who did not like him could always vote him out, but Iraqi elections under him were a sham. Had he kept those elections honest, he would have discovered his people’s true sentiment much earlier, and the price to both him and his country would have been considerably less.

            The British decided through elections that their popular and effective wartime leader Churchill would not be the best person to lead them during peacetime. They wisely concluded that he would quickly turn the Cold War into a “hot” one, as reflected by his hawkish and haughty Iron Curtain speech.

            Yes, the British were grateful to him for leading and inspiring them during the war, but that gratitude could be expressed in many other ways. Elections are for selecting the best future leaders, not for expressing gratitude for or rewarding past performance, no matter how exemplary.

            Foremost and at the practical level, election is a way to pass judgment on the incumbent. It is not, as some have suggested, a contest between the incumbent and challenger. It is for the incumbent to prove that he deserves another term independent of the merit or capability of the challenger. The incumbent’s performance is a matter of record, and can be readily scrutinized.

            If the incumbent has proven to be less than capable, then he should be voted out even if the challenger is thought of as potentially not up to the task of taking over. The argument would be that the incumbent has proven himself incapable while the challenger is only regarded (meaning, only potentially) as such. There is the possibility that our initial assessment could be wrong and that the challenger would prove otherwise. There are many ready examples of previously underrated candidates later shining in office; Harry Truman being one.

            The first and only question voters must ask before casting their votes in this next election is whether the current Barisan government is deserving of another term. All other matters, as whether other parties are capable of taking over, are irrelevant and besides, conjectural.

            Consider three critical areas:  economy, education, and level of corruption. Barisan’s economic leadership is passable. It is exemplary only when compared to that of Zimbabwe. Granted, by the figures Malaysia outperforms America and Western Europe (and even Singapore), but remember those countries are already cruising at high altitude. We are still ascending. We need faster growth. We should compare ourselves to China and Panama. Even Ghana and Laos surpassed us last year.

            More pertinent especially to those under the sway of Perkasa and Ketuanan Melayu, is the aggregate economic performance of Malays. After nearly six decades of UMNO rule, we still could not achieve our modest 30 percent goal.

            Then there is education. No one, not even the Minister of Education himself, is satisfied with our schools. Those who can afford it have long ago abandoned the national stream. Again looking from the Perkasa and Ketuanan Melayu angle, only poor Malays are stuck with that rapidly declining system. Consequently, while a generation ago I could still find many Malays at the leading universities of the world; today Malays there are as rare as honesty among UMNO politicians.

            The much-heralded growth of the private sector in education is not a sign of health rather the contrary. It reflects a deteriorating public system. Alberta and Singapore do not have robust private-sector education because their public systems are so much superior.

            Talking about corruption, well, there is no point dwelling on it anymore. We are past the tipping point; we are now where Nigeria was in the 1980s. The only way to stop corruption is to deprive UMNO of power. The recent Court of Appeal decision granting one Eskay Abdullah, an UMNO strongman and a member of the slimy “Datuk T’s” trio, his RM20 million “commission” on the aborted crooked bridge in Johor reflects the rot in UMNO. We cannot blame non-Malays for seeing that as the characteristic of contemporary Malay politics and ethics.

            Elections are like multiple choice tests, to pick the best candidate from the list offered The incumbent always argue that his past performance had been superior or at any rate better than what his opponents could ever hope to achieve; the challenger offers the promise of a brighter future. Voters have to balance the risk of changing horse midstream versus being stuck with a lame one to face an incoming flood.

            Malaysians already know how lame our current horse is. Worse, it has a voracious appetite that is severely taxing us, literally and figuratively. This next election is an opportunity for Malaysians to send this lame one to the glue factory and hitch our ride on a new vigorous steed.

            There is only one effective way to teach those who have long been in power and grown arrogant into believing that they are destined to rule forever, and that is to vote them out of office. Then even if their successor were to prove less than satisfactory, it would still have served a salutary lesson on both.

            Mexico’s PRI of today is a much superior political party and led by a much younger, more capable and decidedly less corrupt leader than it was a decade ago when it was booted out after having been in power continuously for the preceding 71 years.

            Those who believe that UMNO is “rotten to the core,” no amount of calls for transformation and reform from within or without would be as effective as throwing the party out.

            Malaysia has another equally important reason to see regular changes in government. Stated briefly, it is to teach our sultans specifically and the permanent establishment generally the important lesson of being politically neutral. They cannot bank on or be overly cozy with the ruling party. That our sultans and civil servants have yet to learn this crucial lesson of democracy was demonstrated by the ugly political mess in Perak, and to a lesser extent in Selangor and Trengganu following the last election.

            It is also for this reason that I am optimistic of a smooth transition at the federal level with the coming general elections should Barisan be booted out. We are fortunate to have Kedah’s Sultan Halim as Agong, not because he had that role earlier, rather his recent experience with the smooth transition from UMNO to PAS in his home state following the 2008 election. His performance then shamed his brother rulers in Perak (especially), Selangor, and Trengganu.

            Our sultans and members of the permanent establishment too need frequent reminding on the need to be politically neutral and to be professional about it.

Next:  Second of Four Parts:  Downstream Analysis – A Barisan Win is No Victory for Malaysia

                This entry was posted on Monday, 8 April 2013, 8:13 am and is filed under
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2-Day Countdown to 13GE – The BN Manifesto: Old Wine in New Bottles

The two Manifestos put out by Pakatan Rakyat and the Barisan Nasional provide a basis for comparison shopping.

Part One of this article  attempts to set out the key challenges that the nation faces and reviews the extent to which the BN Manifesto offers policies and proposals that would address these challenges. Part Two examines the specific elements of the BN Manifesto.

Part One – The Unmet Challenges

The much-touted BN Manifesto launched with great fanfare by the Chairman of the Barisan Nasional Coalition is largely an irrelevant document lacking vision, devoid of substance and offers little hope of change or an outline of actions that are urgently needed to meet the challenges faced by the nation at this momentous point in its history.

The BN Manifesto is a rather weak, uninspiring and stale document. The Manifesto is a disappointment as it fails to offer coherent programs to meet the grave challenges facing the nation.

 The nation’s key challenges are grouped under three headings:

The Economy

*An uncompetitive economy that is entrapped as a Middle Income Country with GDP growth rates below 6 percent that are inadequate to move the country to the group of High Income countries by 2020;

*Private investment has failed to respond to generous incentives as government policies and the GLCs have crowded out the private sector1;

*There are unchecked illicit capital flows, which place Malaysia in the highest tier among emerging countries; total illicit flows amounting to RM 873 billion flowed out in the decade 2001 to 2010;

*An economy in which the debt of the Federal Government has grown rapidly and is now almost 70 percent of GDP2; the Federal Government’s spending policies founded on deficit spending add to the pool of debt;

*The level of household debt has reached 80.5 percent and is growing because of virtual stagnation in real earnings in the face of rising levels in the cost of living; Malaysia has also one of the largest gaps in income disparities in the region.

The Institutions

*The Constitution has been subverted as power has come to be centralized in the hands of the Executive branch which for all intents and purposes is unaccountable to the Legislative and Judicial branches; Laws on the books grant unchallenged power to the all-powerful Executive  branch; Ministers are above the law as the Judiciary is denied the right to adjudicate on the exercise of powers by Ministers;

*Many of the institutions are in disarray; for instance the cancer of corruption grows unchecked as the institutions responsible have been politicized ; the forces responsible for maintaining public safety and checking crime – the Police – are feared as the number  of deaths in custody and other abuses grow;

*Transparency and accountability do not exist because of the Official Secrets Act;  the absence of a free press which inhibits debate and the limited space provided in Parliament for wide-ranging debate and to voice  minority issues and concerns;

*The Education system produces graduates that are only fit to join the ranks of the unemployed;

*Malaysia now fits rather aptly the description provided by former Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Badawi  –  “….  A nation with First World infrastructure and Third World mentality……”.

A Nation Divided

*The distance between the Peninsula and the states of Sabah and Sarawak remains wide after almost a half century;

*National unity remains fragile; inter-ethnic relations have suffered as a consequence of the “divide and rule” policies pursued by the Government; hateful and poisonous statements promoting the hideous philosophy of “Ketuanan Melayu” have contributed to polarization;

*Widening income disparities have further fuelled disunity; marginalized groups such as the Orang Asli, the Indians and native people of Sabah and Sarawak have been denied a place under the Malaysian sun;

*Discriminatory policies have contributed to massive out migration; the Malaysian diaspora accounting for well over a million, represents talent that the economy has lost.

These are the key challenges that the nation faces 56 years  after  emerging as an independent nation.

These 56 years coincide with uninterrupted power exercised by a succession of BN governments.

 That power has not been used for the greater good but has  in recent decades been abused by a small elite for its own benefit.

The 2008 General Election represented an awakening and sent a clear message to the BN to embark on a program of real and genuine reforms. In a word, the electorate gave the BN a second chance.

 That opportunity has been missed and the BN in its arrogance has chosen not to heed the message that was loudly delivered in March 2008. Reform remains distant on the BN horizon.

Part Two – Dissecting the BN Manifesto

The BN Manifesto projects a rather cynical view. It treats the electorate as made up of discrete groups that can be cajoled or bribed with handouts: a cash grant, a road here, a water pump there and the false vision of a “High Income Country“ based on spurious assumptions.

In a word, the BN proposes to continue to misgovern this nation in much the same fashion as it has in the past decades.

The Manifesto offers no inclination to change. It is akin to a second hand car salesman laying out his pitch to sell a papered and freshly painted vehicle that is well past its useful life.

The BN fails dismally in a reading of the electorate. It is no longer gullible.

The key elements of the BN Manifesto need closer scrutiny and review. The proposals hardly deal with many of the challenges outlined in Part One.

The multiplicity of proposals contained in the BN Manifesto does not provide a coherent vision or a guide to how the BN will helm the nation if it gains a further five years in power legitimately or otherwise.

All that is evident is that there will be little or no change from what has transpired in the recent past.

Lets review each of the broad elements of the BN Manifesto:

1. Easing the Cost of Living

Handouts under the BR1M and other programs will not ease the cost of living. The other measures such as opening clinics, Kedai Rakyat 1Malaysia etc. will have only a marginal impact on the cost of living while the changes in automobile policies copy the PR proposals.

The larger role for GLCs that is proposed is counterproductive. GLCs stifle private sector activity and are displacing true private sector investment. Promised divestment has not been transparent and has led to transfers to cronies at give-away prices. GLCs are more interested in foreign investing than in expanding domestic activity

2.  Uplifting Urban Well-being

The programs and activities listed are mundane and are for the most part those that any caring Government would provide in any event.

3. Access To Quality Health Services

The intention to establish a National Health system is a coded message. It indicates the intent to activate the privatization of health care through a system of compulsory insurance.  The introduction of such a scheme will lead to a higher burden for households. The main beneficiary will in all likelihood be a crony corporation.

4. Towards Greater Efficiency in Public Transportation

Many of the programs listed are already underway. Programs outlined benefit toll operators and other vested interests. There are no guarantees that users will find services affordable.

5. World Class Infrastructure Development and Rural Transformation

A program of further transportation networks and related infrastructures is questionable. The immediate beneficiaries will be the concessioners who would make killings via over-inflated construction costs and toll collections.

6. Strengthening Women’s Participation

It is significant that no new legislation is planned to protect single mothers and abandoned wives. This social problem has become acute and is largely ignored by the BN.

7. Building a Resilient, Dynamic and Innovative Economy

The BN Manifesto promises an investment program of RM 1.3 trillion. No indication is given either about the time period over which this will be achieved or even more starkly as to how this target is to be achieved given recent trends in capital flows – a fall in FDI and massive outflows of domestic capital, the limited headroom for borrowing given the high level of debt and the disincentives faced by the private sector.

The accompanying employment generation targets are equally implausible given demographic trends, the lack of an adequate flow of high skill workers to fill jobs in the high income sectors.  These are unachievable targets given existing policies and the absence of any foreseeable change.

The BN Manifesto makes a remarkable statement “Building towards achieving per capita income of USD$15,000 (RM45, 000) by 2020.” This appears to be a backtracking from the recent emphatic pronouncements of Datuk Seri  Najib Razak and Pemandu that Malaysia would achieve the status of a High Income Country by 2018.

It is amazing that there appear to be two significant changes: there is no longer a reference to US$15,000 being the threshold for “High Income” or that this income level will be attained by 2018.

The reference to tax reform needs careful interpretation. This is a coded undertaking. Policy will lead to the introduction of a highly regressive GST tax system with the burden falling on middle and low income households and individuals.

Income tax reductions on individuals will only benefit a few and will be targeted to favor the rich as the total number of Income Taxpayers is small. Many beneficiaries of a reduction of corporate taxes will be the monopolistic corporations.

Note that there is no mention of the intention to withdraw consumer subsidies, already agreed to with the IMF, impact of which will be higher prices for consumers. Overall the so-called fiscal reforms will have a negative impact on households at the lower end of the income spectrum.

The proposed payment of “Continuing special cash payments and development & operational funding exceeding 20 per cent of oil and gas revenue to Sabah, Sarawak, Terengganu, Kelantan & Pahang” is a rather nuanced statement that attempts to respond to the PR pledge to pay royalties in the amount of  20 percent.

It is noteworthy that BN does not pledge to pay royalties but intends to make “special payments” and to pay for development projects controlled by the Federal Government. This is a retreat from meeting the contractual and legal obligations embodied in the Petroleum Development Act concerning royalties.

The pledge to “Ensuring GLCs continue to develop entrepreneurs by divesting non-strategic GLCs and increasing outsourcing programmes for bumiputera companies” is a continuation of present policies under which outsourcing is directed to benefit a handful of well-connected companies.

 Moreover, the intent to only divest non-strategic GLCs means that GLCs will continue for the most part to play a dominant role whereby SMEs would have few opportunities to expand and grow.

The sop of RM 500 million extended to the Indian community to enable it to increase equity is another racial quota based program. No lesson appears to have been learnt from the Maika fiasco. This will be a program that will benefit the elite in the Indian community but do little for the marginalized underclass.

8. Building towards Educational Excellence

This is another long wish list. Even if fulfilled, it is unlikely to uplift the quality of education and raise standards. There is no indication that merit will play a role.

The manifesto is wholly silent about the greatest challenge faced by the national system of education – that of racial polarization. The current curriculum has been politicized.

The BN continues to be committed to using the educational system to deaden the imagination of schoolchildren, one that is prepared to unleash and appease the forces of sectarian religious obscurantism and repression to maintain its power, and a government whose leadership and thinking are characterized by an appalling lack of intellectual discernment and distinction cannot deliver outcomes that are demanded by the nation.

9. Enhancing Security and Public Safety

The list of promised actions is silent on the issue of police violence and the increasing number of deaths in custody. The failure to act against such abuses is a serious violation of human rights.

The intention to “Upgrading the welfare, professionalism and capability of the police, armed forces and the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency” misses the point.

The recent incursion in Sabah has demonstrated the political failure to handle matters and brought home vividly the disastrous consequences of  BN manoeuvres in the past to gain political advantage via Project M.

There is no evidence offered in the BN Manifesto that actions will be taken to put right past failures by implementing the recommendations that the ongoing Royal Commission of Inquiry is likely to propose to resolve and end once  and for all the long-standing problem of  the illegal legalisation of illegal immigrants which have made Sabahans minority and even refugees in their own land!

10. Nurturing Youth

11. Weaving a Network of Social Safety Nets

The measures that are promised under these headings are neither radical nor likely to address many of the pressing social ills such as drug addiction or the plight of abandoned wives and single mothers.

12. Promoting Islam, Religious Freedom and Harmony

Appointment of a Minister is unlikely to resolve issues concerning jurisdiction in the case of disputes involving parties professing different faiths. The need to promote Inter-Faith harmony and dialogue is ignored.

13. Fighting the Scourge of Corruption

The measures proposed are hollow as the MACC is not being empowered to prosecute. It remains subordinate to political appointees and cannot act independently of the Attorney General. No mention is made of the need to have all elected officials to publicly declare their assets .

The BN appears to deviate from the practice adopted by the PR administrations.

The BN has offered no justification for not making the MACC truly independent in the manner of the Hong Kong Independent  Commission Against Corruption (ICAC).

14. Revitalizing the Public Service and Enhancing Good Governance

The measures proposed do not deal with the need to streamline the size and scope of the public service. The public service, with a size of 1.4 million is over-staffed and agencies have overlapping functions. No actions are promised to de-politicize the civil service and restore its neutrality.

15. Promises for a Global Movement of Moderates

The proposals listed are unimaginative and lack credibility. The BN Manifesto places much emphasis on seeking non-permanent membership of the Security Council but makes no substantive case as to what it hopes to achieve.

It is noteworthy that no mention is made about Malaysia’s stance about nuclear non-proliferation, the fight against terrorism, and the upholding of human rights and the promotion of free trade.

Not even lip service is paid to intentions concerning the ratification of human rights treaties and conventions to which Malaysia is a signatory. The Manifesto is silent on the issue of empowering SUHAKAM to uphold and safeguard human rights.

16. Providing Affordable and Secure Housing

There are a broad range of targets and promises made but little is said about how these programs are to be financed. The current high cost of homes has led to a sharp increase in household indebtedness. The BN  Manifesto remains silent on how this burden is to be eased.

17. Preserving Nature’s Resources

The long wish list of proposed actions may placate those concerned with environmental issues. However, no mention is made of the need to enforce anti-pollution measures linked with hazardous industries.

Conclusion

The BN leadership and the mainstream media  have taken to task the Pakatan Rakyat Manifesto. They described the PR Manifesto as “populist”, “unaffordable”, “naïve” and used a host of other terms to denigrate the document. Partisan attacks of the kind are par for the course and are inevitable.

However, objective assessments of the PR Manifesto noted that the proposals outlined presented a coherent agenda that dealt with the problems confronting the nation. Reasonably clear priorities were identified.

There is a general view that the PR Manifesto has  a degree of credibility. The BN Manifesto, on the other hand, appears to have been crafted without reference to the challenges the country faces; it lacks coherence and comes across as a “cut and paste job” promising the moon and the stars to each and every segment of the population.

The long list of promises is not prioritized. No indication of the costs entailed in implementing all of the promises and how these costs are to be met as provided.

The electorate is being sold remedies comparable to snake oil – a miracle cure for all.  At the end of the day, by 2020, the nation is promised the nirvana of having reached the status of a “High Income Country” painlessly with a per capita GNI of US15, 000.

Malaysians, for the first time, have a real choice. They can opt for a change by choosing to go with the Pakatan vision of a better future. The alternative is to buy into the BN promises. The latter are, in part reckless because they will demand a combination of higher taxes and larger debt burdens.

The BN Manifesto offers little change from the present trajectory of wide income disparities, an uncertain economic future because of loss of competitiveness and greater racial polarization.

There is an aversion to ditch failed policies that are holding the nation back. This reluctance is in large measure attributable to the stranglehold exercised by vested interests who do not desire change. These change as a threat to rent seeking.

Malaysians face a choice. The choice is between maintaining the status quo and unleashing reforms that will lead the countryt to greater prosperity, harmony and a more equitable society.

The choice is critical not just for this generation but also for our  children and children’s children. The right choice must be made.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 8:28 am and is filed under
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A rejoinder to Pemandu’s “We didn’t lower the GNI figure”

In an unsigned article entitled “Pemandu: We didn’t lower 2009 GNI figure”,(Malaysiakini Apr 8, 2013) Pemandu has made a feeble attempt to defend itself from the allegations that it had manipulated the GNI estimates contained in its Annual Report.

The article contains 11 points; the article is contentious and the claims and assertions being made are open to challenge.

This Rejoinder exposes the many fallacies and untenable statements offered by Pemandu in its own defense. The 11 points are taken up sequentially.

The article begins by a flat denial that the GNI per capita figure for 2009 was deliberately and that it had an intention to mislead the public. The primary attempt at defending the number is that the unrevised GNI figure for 2009 was used in the preparation of the Annual Report issued last month because that was the number used originally at the starting point of Pemandu’ s launch as a bench mark.

This is rather simplistic.

Pemandu appears to be in a state of denial and is offering a rather lame defense. It ignores the fact that professionally, all assessments are normally based on the latest available data.

What Pemandu did in its Report was either unprofessional or an act of incompetence or a deliberate attempt to hoodwink. The effect was to present “feel good” results.

The second assertion, concerning the use of the revised System of National Accounts 2008 (SNA 2008), does not address the basic issue at all. The partial adoption of the SNA 2008 had a marginal impact on the level of aggregate GNI.

The Preface to the Department of Statistics publication,
Annual National Accounts Gross Domestic Product (GDP) 2005 – 2011
 issued in May 2011, confirms that the revision was partial. The Preface reads:

“The estimates has embarked on the recommendation of System of National Accounts 2008 (2008 SNA) by adopting the new treatment on Financial Intermediation Services Indirectly Measured (FISIM), Capitalisation of Weapons Systems and Research & Development (R&D). The other recommendations will be adopted progressively.”

These modifications changed the scope of the GNI estimates fractionally. The assertion that the national accounts were rebased to 2005 from the earlier base year is irrelevant and a red herring.

The GNI per capita series used in the Pemandu Report were expressed in current price terms, a point confirmed by reference to the data carried in the Bank Negara Monthly Bulletin and the series reported by the Department of Statistics. The rebasing had no impact on the current price series. The bottom line that remains is: Pemandu was either negligent or out to mislead by using an unrevised per Capita GNI figure for 2009.

The claim that the use of a revised figure would have been “disruptive to the momentum of project implementation “ is pure baloney”. The national accounts are macro aggregates and have no bearing on individual projects.

The justification offered for the choice of 2009 as the base year is highly questionable. A base year of 2008 could be justified as it represented the beginning of a new administration. Equally 2011 could be justified as it marked the beginning of the 10th Malaysia Five Year Plan. That Pemandu was established in 2009 had little relevance for measuring the economy’s performance.

The Pemandu statement that the World Bank has four different measures of per capita GNI is well known. However, the different measures are applied depending on the issues being reported on or studied.

For determining country groupings by income status, the pertinent measure is the per Capita GNI calculated by use of the World Bank Atlas Methodology. Countries are then classified by income groups, the High Income group being one such group. The methodology provides a means to set the framework for Bank lending operations and the eligibility to Bank funds. Concurrently, it is used as a reference by other multilateral and bilateral donors to determine aid and grant trade concessions.

Pemandu needs to be reminded that the Atlas based estimates of GNI are of operational use and not estimates for mere research or analysis.

The Pemandu assertion about how the World Bank uses Malaysian generated GNI figures begs the question. The Bank’s methodology is transparent and is basic to inter-country comparisons.

Pemandu goes on to assert that for domestic purposes, the Bank generated numbers are of no use and it is necessary to rely on GNI estimates (in RM and US Dollars) calculated using unadjusted exchange rates. This assertion is indeed remarkable.

The truth of the matter is that Pemandu in its Annual Report is attempting to be selective. For the estimates of GNI per capita, it makes use of domestically calculated estimates of GNI; for estimating the target threshold (High Income level), it takes a recent High Income threshold from the World Bank and projects this at a constant rate of 2 percent.

The resulting number of US$ 15,000 is then adopted by Pemandu as the “high Income” level that Malaysia needs to aspire to. It then projects the present GNI figures. The projections take no account whatsoever of changes in the Ringgit/US $$ exchange rate over the projection period.

Pemandu’ s approach is totally flawed as it uses two different measurement tools or yardsticks to arrive at its magical estimate of Malaysia attaining “High Income” status by the year 2018. This is patently nonsensical as it is akin to combining apples and oranges.

The introduction of the Singapore example and the claim the country estimates and World Bank estimates of GNI differ is not questioned. Each method provides a basis and serves a purpose. The methods are distinct, a point acknowledged by Pemandu. However, it is wholly inappropriate and unprofessional of Pemandu to combine results from two separate approaches. By doing so Pemandu is perpetrating a fraudulent and misleading presentation.

In point 6 of its comment, Pemandu makes the audacious claim that it is confident that Malaysia “…. will reach high income status before 2020.”

In support of this claim Pemandu offers the view that “ … overall private investments in 2012 surpassed its RM127.9 billion target to reach RM139.5 billion, demonstrating domestic and foreign investors’ continued confidence in the Malaysian economy.”

This claim is for a single year and represents lumpy investments. Other figures paint a contradictory and a dismal picture of massive capital flight indicative of a lack of confidence, KLCI performance was the worst in the region; exports have taken a sharp slowing down and grew at 0.6 percent in 2012.

Nothing is said about medium term economic prospects and trends in the global economy that have implications for investment and growth in the Malaysian economy. Pemandu also sees to be setting its own targets without reference to the macro-economic framework outlined in the 10th Malaysia Five Year Plan.

Pemandu remains selective in addressing key issues concerning Federal Government debt amounting to RM 502 billion, a level close to breaching the ceiling; in addition to this the Contingent Liabilities now amounting to 15 percent of GDP cannot be ignored. There is not even a murmur about the rapid and alarming growth in household debt now at 80 percent of GDP.

Pemandu goes on to state: “Our economic growth in 2012 was 5.6 percent, up from 5.1 percent for the previous year, an achievement made more remarkable in the midst of a global economic slowdown.”

There is nothing much to crow about this level of growth. There clearly is an element of amnesia. It would appear that the goal posts are being shifted surreptitiously. Pemandu appears to have abandoned the GDP growth rate targets that were incorporated into the 10th Malaysia Five Year Plan.

Pemandu needs to be reminded that the Plan used a vastly different growth measure, namely of GDP growth: “Looking ahead towards 2020, the challenge is to sustain the momentum of robust growth. Our goal of high-income status by 2020 requires, among others, achieving an average GDP growth of 6.0% per annum during the Tenth Plan Period.”

By this criterion, Malaysia has fallen short thus far in attaining GDP growth of 6 percent. Growth in 2011 was 5.1 percent; 5.6 percent in 2012 and is projected at under 6.0 percent in 2013. Thus the claim now being made that the country could reach developed status by 2018 is truly delusional.

Pemandu berates Pakatan and other critics for raising the debt issue. The claim that borrowings are for investment purposes and “ …… over the economic cycle, the government will borrow only to invest and not to fund current spending. In layman’s terms this means that on average, over the ups and downs of an economic cycle, the government should only borrow to pay for investments that benefit future generations” may be a plausible position.

However, it is not possible to overlook the fact that the debt of the Federal Government has grown from RM 228 billion in 2005 to RM 502 billion by end 2012; the level was approximately RM306 billion at the beginning of the Najib administration.

The record shows that the Federal Government has borrowed relentlessly since the onset of the East Asia Economic Crisis. There appears to be no end to this addiction to debt and deficit budgeting.

While Pemandu is sanguine and dismissive, it must be noted that the IMF in its latest report following the Annual Article IV Consultations urged the Government to address the deficit issue. The Government acknowledged that it would by broadening the tax base. If the Pemandu position is to be taken seriously, debt represents no problem and nothing needs to be done. This is truly an irresponsible position.

Pemandu is being disingenuous about the Contingent Liabilities of the Federal Government and pontificates about their treatment in accounting terms. International best practice has moved to an Accrual Basis of accounting. The IMF has urged the Malaysian Government and the Government for its part as indicated that it will adopt the Accrual Basis in the near term.

Therefore, the Pemandu statement is most curious and out of step from the Government intends to do. Pemandu cannot wish away problems it aspires to be taken seriously as an agency charged with taking responsible actions to move the nation forwarded.

The rationale offered by Pemandu for using current price estimates of investment is most remarkable indeed. Pemandu seems to indulge in bait and switch games. It uses commercial accounting terminology when it suits its purposes and then moves to using macro-economic concepts freely without qualification and explanatory statements. Yet again, the approach taken by Pemandu is nothing short of shameful. It is a brazen attempt to deceive.

Pemandu doth protest too much in defending its use of the concept of trade. It chooses to aggregate imports and exports and reports the total. It has departed from the conventional analysis of trade trends by reviewing imports and exports separately.

A transparent discussion of the trends in imports and exports is the norm. Either Pemandu wishes to conceal the downward trend in exports or it has failed to recognize the fact that Malaysia is a heavily export oriented open economy.

Exports determine incomes and growth. The down trend in exports is a signal that the export sector’s recent performance is reflecting the loss of competitiveness and the counter-cyclical measures taken by the Government have been insufficient.

Further pump-priming is no longer feasible as the head room for borrowing is simply not there. It is also noteworthy that the IMF pointed to the needed “rebalancing.”

The overall conclusion that can be reached from a careful reading of the Pemandu comment that it is indulging in games.

In its eagerness to project and create a feel good atmosphere, it is willing to pull all stops to use all manner and means in its goal.

Pemandu is now facing a crisis of its own making about its image as a credible, ethical and professional institution.

It is fast gaining a reputation as a propaganda tool that cannot be taken seriously.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 10:03 am and is filed under
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BN says studying pros and cons of fielding Ghani against Kit Siang

By Syed Jaymal Zahiid

The Malaysian Insider

April 09, 2013

KUALA LUMPUR, April 9 — Barisan Nasional (BN) is “looking” into the possibility of fielding Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Abdul Ghani Othman in Gelang Patah to face DAP heavyweight Lim Kit Siang, the coalition’s deputy chairman Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin said today.

Muhyiddin, who is also Umno deputy president, claimed that grassroots support for the idea was positive, saying that Lim did not anticipate this and that the DAP stalwart “is now trapped there”, suggesting that the veteran lawmaker would likely be defeated in the BN fortress.

“We are taking into consideration the views of all quarters because we need to study the details thoroughly as there are pros and cons,” Muhyiddin told reporters after handing out gifts to SPM top scorers here.

“We have received much feedback from the grassroots; this is something Kit Siang did not anticipate. We see that he is now trapped there,” he added.

The caretaker deputy prime minister, however, noted it was ultimately up to BN chairman Datuk Seri Najib Razak to decide if the move would be in the coalition’s best interest.

“Ultimately the decision is up to the chairman of BN,” he said.

Party sources said Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek was asked to face Lim in Gelang Patah but the MCA president declined the offer, leaving BN to consider its choices for the hottest battle in Umno’s home state, say ruling coalition sources.

The Malaysian Insider understands the MCA is pushing for Ghani to fight the DAP adviser but an unsettled Malay ground and pro-opposition Chinese voters could scuttle those plans.

“Some in the BN war room thought it would be a titanic fight and that Dr Chua is strong enough to face Kit but the MCA president said no,” a BN source told The Malaysian Insider, referring to the veteran opposition leader by his moniker Kit.

Pakatan Rakyat (PR) announced last month that Lim was to run in Gelang Patah, and spearhead the opposition pact’s push to pick up more federal seats in Johor. Dr Chua was then dared by the DAP to face Lim but the MCA president declined the challenge last week.

The MCA had earlier named local division leader Jason Teoh to run in the federal seat, won by Johor Wanita MCA chief and deputy national vice-chairman Tan Ah Eng in Election 2008 when she retained the seat by defeating PKR’s Zaliha Mustafa by 8,851 votes. Dr. Chua had said respecting the incumbent and his supporters was among the many reasons why he would not contest there, a view echoed by Muhyiddin today.

Lim’s political arch-foe, Malaysia’s longest-serving Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, described Lim’s move from Ipoh Timor “ridiculous”, calling BN members to bury the DAP adviser’s political career and said the local Chinese would not give support.

Lim then asked Dr Mahathir to run against him but was turned down. Since then, MCA-controlled newspaper The Star has been reporting that Ghani was popular with the electorate and would be ideal to face the veteran DAP leader.

However, it is learnt that BN has not included the caretaker Johor mentri besar in its candidate list due to a pushback from the local Malay community upset with rising costs and being elbowed out of the fast-developing and pricy Iskandar Malaysia economic corridor.

The 67-year-old Umno leader has been a four-term MB but it is understood that BN chairman Datuk Seri Najib Razak wants to put in younger and “winnable” candidates to helm the Umno home state.

Muhyiddin said regardless of who BN’s candidate is, the coalition would do its best to defend the federal seat.

“We will defend the seat regardless if it’s Kit Siang or (DAP secretary-general and Lim’s son) Lim Guan Eng who will be contesting there,” he said.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 4:41 pm and is filed under
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DAP’s agreement to let PKR contest Segamat parliamentary seat contingent on settlement of all DAP-PKR disputes on all seat allocations in Johore – DAP contesting seven parliamentary seats as well as contesting in 15 state assembly seats including Johor Jaya

On the announcement by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim last night that PKR Johor Chairman, Datuk Chua Jui Meng is the PKR candidate in the Segamat parliamentry constituency, I wish to clarify the following:

1. The decision for my contesting in Gelang Patah parliamentary seat to kick off a political tsunami from Johore in the south in the 13GE so  as to complete the 2008 “political tsunami” all the way to Putrajaya  is a stand-alone decision and not made in exchange of any parliamentary seat between the DAP and PKR.  Consequently, Segamat is a seat to be contested by DAP at that point in time.

2. DAP’s agreement to  let PKR contest in Segamat parliamentary seat is contingent on the settlement of all DAP-PKR disputes on all seat allocations in Johore – DAP contesting seven parliamentary seats out of a total of 26 parliamentary seats as well as contesting in 15 state assembly seats (including Johor Jaya) out of a total of 56 state assembly seats. In both cases, DAP will be contesting in less than one-third of the total parliamentary and state assembly seats in Johor.

3. With Anwar’s announcement, it can be taken that the contingent conditions for the DAP’s agreement to let PKR contest in the Segamat parliamentary seat has been agreed upon by the PKR leadership, i.e. DAP will be contesting in seven parliamentary seats and 15 State Assembly seats (including Johor Jaya).

(Media conference statement after visiting Pasar Peladang Skudai with Johor DAP State Chairman Dr. Boo Cheng How, Perak DAP State Chairman Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham and former Perak State Assembly Speaker Siva Kumar on Tuesday 9th April 2013 at 10 am)

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 5:12 pm and is filed under
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Dr M, Malaysia needs more racists and clowns?

By Martin Jalleh

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 10:28 pm and is filed under
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Let’s Ubah!

By Allan CF Goh

For well over fifty years,

Parents have wept silent tears,

Over their children’s great dreams,

Wreaked by those foul racist screams.

Theirs is not to question why

To share not an equal sky!

They stand under the same sun,

But only as  lesser sons.

Their destined education

Failed to come to real fruition,

Their abilities denied,

Their hopes promised, never neigh,

Because of vile racism,

And racial extremism.

Let’s ubah the sick regime.

Make Malaysia shine and glean!

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 10:36 pm and is filed under
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Mahathir should be a responsible “elder statesman” and stop race-baiting and inciting communal sentiments which is completely antithetical to his concept of Bangsa Malaysia in Vision 2020

Former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad has become the No. 1 campaigner for Umno/Barisan Nasional in the 13GE, even putting the Prime Minister/Umno President Datuk Seri Najib Razak in the shadows, as if Mahathir is fighting for his own political life.

This may in fact be the true picture, as the 13GE is not only a “life-and-death” battle for the Najib premiership, it is shaping up to be a “life-and-death” struggle for the 22-year Mahathir legacy.

This is why Mahathir has become the “campaigner extraordinaire” in the 13GE, and I don’t think he has ever campaigned as hard for Umno/BN even in the five general elections he had led as Prime Minister, namely the 1982, 1986, 1990, 1995 and 1999 general elections, spanning two decades.

Mahathir is fully within his rights to campaign all-out to protect the 22-year Mahathir legacy, but he must always act as a responsible “elder statesman” and not succumb to cheap and irresponsible tactics as race-baiting and inciting communal sentiments which is completely antithetical to his concept of Bangsa Malaysia in Vision 2020.

I deplore in the strongest possible terms his baseless accusation that my “move to Gelang Patah was to create racial disharmony among Malays and Chinese” and that “By inciting racial conflict, Kit Siang wants the Chinese to vote for DAP.”

It is most unworthy of the fourth Prime Minister of 22-years to make such a wild, baseless, irresponsible and racist allegation.

I had said publicly in the DAP ceramahs in Gelang Patah that I want to win in Gelang Patah, not just on Chinese votes but also on Malay and Indian votes as well.

In fact, I had called on the Gelang Patah voters to vote as Malaysians, and not as Chinese, Malay or Chinese voters in pursuit of the Malaysian Dream of a united citizenry which was articulated by the great Johore Malay leader Datuk Onn Jaafar 61 years ago when the founding UMNO President proposed that UMNO should open it doors to non-Malays and that UMNO change its name to United Malayan National Organisation.

Although Onn was too ahead of his time, the Malaysian Dream remains alive in the hearts and minds of Malaysians down the decades, and the 13th General Election in 2013 on the 56th year of our nationhood, it is an appropriate juncture in the nation-building process to begin to realise the Malaysian Dream of a united multi-racial, multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious Malaysian people committed to the common goal to build a free, democratic, progressive and prosperous nation for all Malaysian citizens.

Mahathir should be a responsible “elder statesman” and stop race-baiting and inciting communal sentiments which is completely antithetical to his concept of Bangsa Malaysia in Vision 2020.

Media conference statement by Lim Kit Siang after visiting Pasar Peladang Skudai with Johor DAP State Chairman Dr. Boo Cheng How, Perak DAP State Chairman Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham and former Perak State Assembly Speaker Siva Kumar on Tuesday 9th April 2013 at 10 am

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 6:39 pm and is filed under
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Megatrends of madness, Part I

Azly Rahman

Malaysiakini

Apr 8, 2013

We are at a critical juncture – at a dangerous crossroad of either a peaceful transfer of power or a descent into utter chaos. These few weeks we will see more drama unfolding – the ultimate aim is to win and win and win and kill and kill and overkill our critical sensibility.

We have not recovered from the shock of a Sulu incursion and we are ill-prepared for a general election that is plagued with all kinds of issues from many angles and manifesting in all kinds of dimensions. This is our megatrend of madness.

Crossroads

We have perfected Machiavellianism that lives in our world of Oriental Despotism. We live in a mediated world – of truth no longer can be discerned, in a world of perception management wherein politics is so complex yet cannibalistic.

In our society lies Italy’s Mussolini and Germany’s Hitler and Japan’s Tojo; of hegemonisers, of annihilators, and Asian-looking imperators. In these three-in-one deadly concoction of cultural contradictions lies the icing of the one-dimensionality of Malaysiana and that sloganism of ‘Truly Asia’. The show goes on.

Who will win will be determined by the complexity of the game of deceit, the closer we are to the finishing line, the more complex the nature of deceit to even be displayed and rationalised.

We will arrive at our Fahrenheit 451 (Ray Bradbury’s dystopian novel of book burning and the end of reason) in which everything will be heating up, in flames, and explode – because our politics is a politics of plunder, pornography, and parasites behind a facade of rhetoric of morality and multiculturalism.

Our politics is now a politics of revenge, rape, and ravages run by despots that have designed dynasties amongst themselves in order to feed their desire to dominate, dictate, and dumb down the people ruled. That is what we are realising now after living in a dream world of “developmentalism” designed by those in love with laissez-faire Asian-styled – because they know not any other kind of love.

We could have been a greater nation had we utilised our years in-between elections to work on improving education and the soul of the nation as bi-partisans, in an evolving and meaningful way we teach about democracy, equality, equity, and personal and political integrity even if we still engage in a system of economy that prides itself in the triumph of the free-enterprise ideology.

Gangsta immigration policy

We have installed an instant institution of gangsta immigration policy. The Sulu incursion episode – still unfolding – is a testament of our urge to breed homegrown terrorism. But how do we ensure that those “instant citizens” will not become a threat to our society – that they are not criminals, some not hard core ones, swindlers, robbers, rapists, snatch thieves?

Because we do not have “background checks”, because we have a lousy “border control”, because we see treason as rational as deceitly winning an election? How do we make sense of this idea of making the country safe for us, our children in schools, when we have introduced a policy of “immigration with instant gratification”, based on the “rationalisation of treason”?

Do you see an introduction and injection of “decay”, a “noli me tangere/a social cancer as Jose Rizal would say” in society, out of immigration policy that ensures destruction of generations living in fear of their own safety, in a sovereign country they hoped to live in dignity?

Will our schools be plagued with “gangs” as the “fight or flight mentality of the gangsta Bronx, East Philadelphia, east Los Angeles-styled” children of this or that ethnicity take control of their “territories” as they learn to survive the aftermaths of our “gangsta immigration policy”?

Next: Megatrends of madness II

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 6:53 am and is filed under
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Only in Bolehland…Can!

By Martin Jalleh

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 10:26 pm and is filed under
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The favor has to be returned one day and the time is now, GE 13

By
Richard Loh

Millions meant nothing to them when they can easily recoup billions just as fast.

Presenting Psy at a Chinese New Year function in Penang recently was a great success that brought joys to Penangnites but a total disaster for umno perkasa bn.

Millions were spent on Psy and it failed miserably to gain any traction for Najib. Are they disheartened, of course YES, what a great shame they faced but not a bit saddened on the humongous sum of money spent because they have a mountain support from behind, Hokkien call it ‘Aw Soew’.

The failure of Psy does not stop them from trying to bring more cheers to Penangnites and shame to umno perkasa bn.

Businessmen sleeping with the devil and making billions of evil dollars are very afraid that the devil may have to be kicked out of power at the federal level where their billions came from.

They can deny however they want, claiming that they are doing charity works by bringing in more celebrities to Penang.

The first question that came to mind is, why we never heard of their charitable hearts all those long years but now?

Secondly, why at the time when GE 13 campaigning is at its height?

Umno perkasa bn is fighting the air, hitting at emptiness and totally going no where and depleting their resources very fast.

The time to call in the favor is now whereby those businessmen have make billions through connections with them.

Penangnites, you are very lucky that you voted in Pakatan Rakyat in the 12th GE without which you will not get to see Psy or the coming celebrities on the 20th April.

They can splashed their millions on the pretext of charity works, free foods, free goodies etc but that does not mean we have to vote in the party that these businessmen are aligned with.

We are voting in a government that is truly working together and for the rakyat. A government that can share the wealth with the rakyat and not only to a few businessmen.

Penang Pakatan Rakayat state government have shown their ability to govern with the CAT system of management in the five years mandate given to them.

We must not allow umno perkasa bn with the help of billionaire tycoons to recapture Penang just because of their ability to bring in celebrities to disrupt the ongoing GE 13 campaigning.

They have no policies to show or tell you during the GE 13 campaigning period hence they are trying to stop you from going to Pakatan Rakyat ceramahs by bringing in the celebrities that you love.

Go, have fun and enjoy with the celebrities, sign autograph, have pictures taken with them, eat and take whatever are given but the most important thing that you must not forget is VOTE DAP, PAS or PKR to ensure that Penang does not fall into the hands of the corrupt, racist and arrogant umno perkasa bn again.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 9 April 2013, 10:32 pm and is filed under
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1Day Countdown to 13GE: Challenge to Mahathir to a series of seven public debates on his 22 years as fourth Prime Minister  as Mahathir has made 13GE a double referendum on Najib as well as Mahathir  premierships

When I started the 100-day countdown daily statements to the 13GE on 1st January 2013, I had not expected that I would have to complete the 100-day series as it was  generally expected that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak would have mustered the courage to end his real-life Hamlet agonizing “To Be or Not To Be” during the Chinese New Year in February as to dissolve Parliament for the long-awaited 13th general elections to be held.

But his  carefully-planned RM3.5 million Psy and Gangnam Style appearance for the Penang Barisan Nasional Chinese New Year Open House on Feb. 11 went kaput when it proved to be a  political and public relations disaster of the first magnitude with tens of thousands of people shouting “Yes, Yes, Yes” to Najib’s first question of “Are You Ready for Psy?” followed by the thunderous and categorical “No, No, No” to Najib’s second question of “Are You Ready for BN?”.

This “No, No, No” episode has captured the imagination of Malaysians and entered  the Malaysian political history and folklore – not to mention Najib’s other Psy embarrassments in Penang, like the five-minute futile wait by the Prime Minister and former Prime Minister of the country for Psy to join them to “Loh Yee San” or Psy’s refusal to dance with Najib, Rosmah and Ng Yen Yen for a premier rendition of “Gangnam 1Malaysia Style”.

Today is exactly the 100th Day of the “100-Day  Countdown to 13GE” series, the day the Election Commission is to meet to announce the dates for nomination and polling for the 13GE – an acid test whether Najib will honour the Transparency International-Malaysia (TI-M)’s Election Integrity Pledge to hold free, fair and clean elections!

This will be a historic general elections, as for the first time in the nation’s 56-year history, Malaysia will demonstrate to the world whether Malaysia qualifies to become a normal democracy (a precondition to Najib’s boast of wanting Malaysia to become “world’s best democracy”), where the most fundamental right of voters to decide who should form the Federal and state government for the next five years will be respected by all political parties and political leaders.

I welcome Najib’s pledge on the dissolution of Parliament on April 3 of a peaceful transition of power in the 13GE, whether at the federal or state level, the first time he had made such a public commitment.

I had repeatedly challenged him in the past four years, both inside and outside Parliament, to make the public commitment that if Umno/Barisan Nasional loses the mandate to form the federal government in Putrajaya, he and UMNO/BN would accept the verdict of the electorate and would assume responsibility to ensure peaceful transition of power from the BN to Pakatan Rakyat government in Putrajaya.

I am glad Najib has finally made such a public commitment and Pakatan Rakyat is equally committed to a peaceful and democratic transition of power whether at the federal or state level.

I notice however that the former Prime Minister, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, has been conspicuously silent on this issue, failing to give full endorsement to Najib’s pledge of a peaceful transition of power in the 13GE if this be the will and verdict of the 13.3 million electorate.

I particularly mention Mahathir as it is clear from the past 100 days that the longest-serving former Prime Minister has fully come out of the shadows to become the most powerful politician in UMNO – even more powerful than the current Prime Minister and UMNO President Najib – which is why Mahathir could publicly issue the ultimatum that Najib will have to give way to Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin as Prime Minister if Najib failed to achieve a better results for UMNO/BN  than in the 2008 general elections.

Mahathir was not indulging in any empty threat, as he had toppled the former Prime Minister, Tun Abdullah after the 2008 general elections and he would have no hesitation or compunction to do the same to Najib in similar circumstances after the 13GE.

In fact, Mahathir is the man Najib fears most – to the extent that Najib dare not voice any disagreement despite Mahathir’s outrageous statements and claims in the current hustings –  and most unforgettable of all, his paeans of praise for  the Perkasa chief Ibrahim Ali, saying that the country would be saved if there were more people like Ibrahim Ali.

Cleary, if given full liberty, Mahathir would prefer to have Ibrahim Ali as Malaysian Prime Minister than even Najib or Muhyiddin!

From Mahathir’s hyperactivity in the past 100 days, and his enormous influence as the “de facto” Prime Minister whose writ is even more powerful and commanding than that of Najib Razak, the 13th General Election is shaping up to be a double referendum on Najib’s four-year premiership and his national transformation agenda and Mahathir’s 22-year premiership and its host of human rights violations, mega-financial scandals and the across-the-board subversion of independent national institutions like the judiciary, the police and the civil service in the country.

I sincerely urge Mahathir, in his attempt to stamp the Mahathir imprimatur on UMNO in the 13GE, to act as a responsible “elder statesman” and to stop race-baiting and inciting communal sentiments and hatred which he had been doing in the past weeks as it is completely antithetical to his concept of Bangsa Malaysia in Vision 2020.

Unless Mahathir has now completely repudiated and disowned the concept of Bangsa Malaysia and Vision 2020!

For this reason, I challenge Mahathir to a series of seven public debates on his 22 years as the fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia, just as Najib should not delay any longer to accept the long-standing challenge of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to have a public debate on  the Najib premiership.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 10 April 2013, 9:26 am and is filed under
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From fixed deposits to kingmakers

By
Oh Ei Sun
 | APRIL 09, 2013

The Malaysian Insider

APRIL 9 — Malaysia’s coming general election, widely characterised as a potential “watershed” event, will see many first-time voters play a decisive role in determining which way the country will go. Will they vote to retain the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition or opt for the opposition alliance, Pakatan Rakyat?

Carrying a critical weight in the outcome will be the east Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak.

Out of the 222 seats in Parliament, more than a quarter are in Sabah (with 25 seats) and Sarawak (31), leading some to label these states as kingmakers in the polls that are expected to be closely contested.

In Peninsular Malaysia, any potential loss by BN of its predominantly non-Bumiputera seats can be counterbalanced by gains in predominantly Bumiputera seats. This would give a net election result in Peninsular Malaysia like that in 2008, when BN only narrowly surpassed Pakatan. Had Sabah and Sarawak not brought in the 56 seats then, there could have been a change of government in Putrajaya.

THE SWING PHENOMENON

Sabah and Sarawak enjoy special rights distinct from other Malaysian states, such as state controls over immigration and land matters, as enshrined in the Malaysia Agreement of 1963 when Malaya, Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore formed Malaysia supposedly as equal partners.

The ties between the federal government and the two east Malaysian states were sometimes strained in the initial decades after the formation of Malaysia, as each side manoeuvred and tussled over rights and privileges in a new federation.

But as the state governments of Sabah and Sarawak have almost always been formed by BN component parties, the past few decades witnessed no serious contestations in federal-state relations.

This has in part led to the two east Malaysian states being hailed as fixed deposit states for BN, having consistently delivered the bulk of their parliamentary seats to the ruling coalition.

While the majority of the east Malaysian parliamentary seats are likely to return to BN in the coming elections, changes in popular sentiments and heightened awareness of popular rights could translate into an increase in the number of swing seats.

In other words, the slim voting majority could sway to either side of the political divide — what with the Lahad Datu episode throwing into the pot a new factor in unpredictability. It remains to be seen how this swing phenomenon will impact federal-state ties.

SARAWAK AND BN

In Sarawak, the chief minister, Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud, has been in power for more than 30 years. Under his rule, Sarawak remains the only BN-controlled state government that is not dominated by Umno, the largest BN component party nationwide.

In fact, Umno does not even have a political presence in Sarawak.

It is widely understood that the political arrangement between Taib and Umno — and by extension, between Sarawak and the federal government in Putrajaya — is such that as long as Taib consistently delivers Sarawak to BN, his administration is given virtually a free hand to deal with state matters.

But the 2011 Sarawak state election saw Pakatan make significant political inroads, scooping up 15 (or 21 per cent) out of 71 state assembly seats. It is likely that in the upcoming general election, many non-Bumiputera and non-Muslim Bumiputera seats can be swung. As such, Sarawak BN should not count, as it did in the past, on the once almost-ironclad victories in these seats.

Assuming BN is retained as the federal government with a reduced majority because of fewer seats won in Sarawak, this would mean that Taib — and Sarawak BN — can still play the role of kingmaker. But the smaller number of parliamentary seats would mean fewer bargaining chips for Sarawak when it comes to dealing and negotiating with the federal government.

In such a scenario, Sarawak would need to play its political hand shrewdly after the polls to safeguard its rights and privileges.

SABAH’S COMPLICATED POLITICS

Sabah presents a slightly different scenario. Its government is dominated by Umno, and while the chief minister, Datuk Seri Musa Aman, has been in power for 10 years and has his own clever ways of preserving state rights and privileges, many political matters ultimately still have to be referred to the federal level.

The political dynamic in Sabah is such that political and often ideological delineation among parties or coalitions is not as marked or rigid as in Peninsular Malaysia or even Sarawak. For example, it would not come as a surprise at all to ordinary Sabahans if elected representatives from whichever camp choose to cross over to the winning side for reasons known only to themselves.

Indeed, the crossing of party lines by elected representatives is both frequent and commonplace in Sabah, but this does not seem to tarnish in the slightest the reputation or electability of the representatives. Musa has led Sabah BN to two overwhelming election victories at both federal and state levels, but defections from BN over the last few years have eroded the number of BN seats.

In recent years also, sentiments over state rights or state sovereignty have reportedly been on the rise in Sabah.

But these have been overshadowed by the recent intrusion into Sabah by southern Filipinos and the consequent need for national unity in times of distress. In any case, the state opposition, which continues to be caught up in internal disagreements over the allocation of seats, has yet to fully capitalise on any changed sentiment.

Ultimately, federal-state relations between Sabah and Putrajaya are unlikely to be strongly affected one way or the other in the near future, as the state winner will still have to work with the federal government for development needs in the state.

In the coming general election, Sabah and Sarawak are no longer fixed deposits for BN; they are poised to assume their crucial roles as kingmakers. This will inevitably alter their bargaining positions in the contest of federal-state relations, with the states hoping to secure a more equitable footing.

Assuming it is returned to power, it will be interesting to see how an Umno-led BN will deal with the changed landscape. — Today

*
Oh Ei Sun is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) at Nanyang Technological University.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 10 April 2013, 10:15 am and is filed under
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Regardless of whether the BN candidate is Ghani Othman or other UMNO heavyweight, the Battle of Gelang Patah for a Malaysian Dream and to kick off a political tsunami from the south to complete the 2008 political tsunami is definitely on

Deputy Barisan Nasional (BN) Chairman and Deputy UMNO President, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin predicted that I would be defeated in the BN fortress of Gelang Patah.

Muhyiddin said the BN is looking into the possibility of fielding Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Abdul Ghani Othman in Gelang Patah and that I am “trapped”  as I had not anticipated an UMNO big-gun being deployed to contest in the constituency.

I admit that I had not anticipated an  UMNO big-gun  being deployed to contest in Gelang Patah, as who would have thought that MCA leadership could so openly admit that they don’t have a single MCA “big-gun” left for Gelang Patah or that MCA would have a President for the first time in MCA history who is prepared to give away parliamentary and state assembly seats to be contested by other BN parties, like Gelang Patah, Kuantan, Wangsa Maju and Tronoh as if conducting a “fire sale” of MCA assets.

However, whether the BN candidate in Gelang Patah is Ghani or some other UMNO heavyweight does not change the basic objectives and thrust  of the Battle of Gelang Patah, which has the dual objective of firstly, mobilising Malaysians in support of  the  Malaysian Dream as the one envisioned by the great Johor Malay leader and founding UMNO President, Datuk Onn Jafaar in 1951 and secondly, to kick off a political tsunami from the south in the 13GE to complete the partial 2008 political tsunami towards the establishment of a Pakatan Rakyat federal government.

The Battle of Gelang Patah, which  is in fact the Battle of Johor and the Battle of Malaysia, is definitely set and on regardless of whom I have to face as BN candidate.

Come what may, even facing the possibility of defeat, I shall not withdraw from the Gelang Patah constituency.

I had already taken a high-risk decision in leaving the Ipoh Timor parliamentary constituency where I had won with over 21,000-vote majority in the 2008 general elections to contest in a BN “fortress” which was won by the BN candidate with close to 9,000-vote majority in 2008 and the humongous majority of 31,666 votes in 2004.

If Ghani, a four-term Johor Mentri Besar, contests in Gelang Patah, the pressure on me will increase by a thousand tons!

But I shall not withdraw, as the reasons for initiating the Battle of Gelang Patah remains as valid as ever whether Ghani is a candidate or not.

I have the greatest respect for Ghani but if I have to  contest against him in Gelang Patah, I invite him to join me to make the Gelang Patah battle the model of a gentlemanly electoral battle throughout the country, where the candidates and their respective parties will conduct the most free, fair, clean and gentlemanly election campaign for the entire 13GE – which is most important  pertinent and relevant with worrying signs that the 13GE is shaping up to be the dirtiest in the history of general elections since the first GE  in 1959.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 10 April 2013, 5:09 pm and is filed under
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The hidden hand of underhanded tricks in GE13

By
Jimmy Wong
 | APRIL 09, 2013

The Malaysian Insider

APRIL 9 — When did politics get so sneaky that Malaysian political parties start putting up fake banners of their foes or sending emails using fake identities?

Who are these hidden hands? The ones who put up banners and buntings using DAP and PAS leaders’ faces. The ones who keep flooding my inbox with lousy arguments against Pakatan Rakyat (PR)?

Why do political parties resort to such play instead of confronting each other on issues of the day? Instead, they resort to sneaky dirty tricks to make the other side look bad. Does it work? No.

What do they hope to achieve with such tricks? That we will believe how bad these parties are? Isn’t that stupid?

In the United States, both the Democrats and the Republicans regularly take out advertisements picking on and criticising each other’s policy points. Why don’t Malaysian political parties do this instead of anonymous attacks?

Have we reached a stage where we descend into such attacks because we don’t know how to debate or are bereft of points? If all you can do is resort to such tricks, how can you even hope or dream of becoming an assemblyman or MP?

The emails with fake identities and the fake buntings and banners have the opposite effect on me. They make me question the people behind them and those who will benefit from such anonymous attacks.

Can you grow up and be mature, like politicians elsewhere? Is that too much to ask for in Malaysia?

If not, you don’t deserve to be voted into public office, you just deserve to be someone’s personal clown.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 10 April 2013, 10:35 am and is filed under
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Umno mulls straight fights with DAP, banks on Malay vote

BY
JAHABAR SADIQ, EDITOR
 | APRIL 10, 2013

The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, April 10 ― Umno plans on fielding their candidates either in all of the DAP seats or most of them as the Malay vote is more dependable than Chinese support, say strategists.

The Malaysian Insider understands the Barisan Nasional (BN) war room believes Umno candidates can beat back the DAP attack in Johor and other Malay-majority states rather than MCA hopefuls.

“Umno candidates have a better chance of keeping BN seats than the MCA, so we’re looking into pushing more Malay candidates,” a ruling coalition source told The Malaysian Insider.

DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang is spearheading the move into traditional MCA seat Gelang Patah while party strategist Liew Chin Tong is eyeing the Kluang seat. Johor PKR chief Datuk Seri Chua Jui Meng has also been named for the Segamat seat held by MIC.

It is learnt that BN will use the race card in the strategy against Pakatan Rakyat’s (PR) Chinese candidates, especially in the Umno bastion state of Johor where the coalition won 80 per cent of the Malay vote in Election 2008.

“The MCA stands zero chance of winning any battle with the DAP. So, we can definitely beat DAP with our Malay support and at least 25 per cent Chinese support,” another BN source told The Malaysian Insider.

The Sin Chew Chinese daily had reported this week that MCA will “lend” its seats to Umno in Election 2013, in what is seen as an acknowledgement that the BN Chinese party is not confident of winning its seats.

MCA won only 15 out of the 40 federal seats in contested in Election 2008. It has also said it was swapping the Tronoh seat in Perak with MIC, which also suffered major losses in the 2008 general election.

But the move has not gone down well with MCA grassroots, who fear they will not get back their seats in future elections and reduce their power in the ruling coalition.

BN deputy chairman and Umno deputy president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin said yesterday the coalition was “looking” into the possibility of fielding caretaker Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Abdul Ghani Othman in Gelang Patah rather than an MCA candidate.

He claimed that grassroots support for the idea was positive, saying that Lim did not anticipate this and that the DAP stalwart “is now trapped there”, suggesting that the veteran lawmaker would likely be defeated in the BN fortress.

“We are taking into consideration the views of all quarters because we need to study the details thoroughly as there are pros and cons,” Muhyiddin said.

MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek has refused to contest the federal seat, saying local leader Jason Teoh would be the candidate while his party-controlled newspaper The Star has been promoting Ghani for the seat.

The 66-year-old Ghani has been a four-term mentri besar in Johor and is likely to be replaced by interim higher education minister Datuk Seri Mohd Khaled Nordin, who is not contesting again in the Pasir Gudang federal seat.

Some 13.3 million voters, including 5,200 abroad, are eligible to cast their ballots in Election 2013 to elect lawmakers in 222 federal and 505 state seats in 12 states. Sarawak already held its state elections in 2011.

The Election Commission (EC) will meet this morning to decide the nomination and polling dates in what is seen as the closest race in Malaysian history.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 10 April 2013, 10:21 am and is filed under
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24-Day Countdown to 13GE Polling Day – Vision 2050 for Malaysians

Yesterday I completed the series of 100-day countdown of daily statements to the 13GE which I started on 1st January 2013, not expecting to have to complete it as it was then generally expected that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak would have dissolved Parliament after the Chinese New year holidays in February for the long-awaited 13th General Elections to be held.

The 100th-Day Countdown to 13GE statement yesterday, in which I challenged Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad to a series of seven public debates on his 22-year premiership as Mahathir has made the 13GE a double referendum on both the Najib and Mahathir premierships, coincided with the announcement by the Election Commission of 20th April as Nomination Day and 5th May as Polling Day for the historic 13GE.

I am therefore beginning today a new series of 24-Day Countdown to 13GE Polling Day statements.

I have said that the Battle of Gelang Patah is to kick off the Battle of Johore and the larger Battle of Malaysia for two reasons:

Firstly
, to launch off a political tsunami from the south in the 13GE to complete the partial 2008 political tsunami, including winning over one-third of the total of 83 parliamentary seats in the three fixed deposit states of Johor, Sabah and Sarawak (ideally, 33 seats from Johor, Sabah and Sarawak) to complete the partial 2008 political tsunami towards the establishment of a Pakatan Rakyat federal government in Putrajaya.

Secondly
, to mobilise Malaysians in support of the Malaysian Dream shared by all patriotic Malaysians down the decades, like the one envisioned by the great Johor Malahy leader and founding UMNO President Datuk Onn Jaafar in 1951 when he called on UMNO to open its doors to non-Malays and to change the name of UMNO to United Malayans National Organisation .

Today, I offer a
third
 objective of the Battle of Gelang Patah to the people of Johor and Malaysia – Vision 2050 for all Malaysians.

The time has come for Malaysians to move beyond Vision 2020 and to imagine a bolder, brighter and better Malaysia.

The time has come for Malaysians to embrace a new vision of new possibilities for themselves, for their children and for their children’s children.

The time has come for Malaysians to look forward to and imagine a new vision – Vision 2050.

Vision 2050 is a re-imagination of what Malaysia can be in 37 years.

It is an aspiration to create a new model of governance, of citizenry, of democracy, of the economy, of our education system, of our societal structure, of our cities and countryside and of our environment.

It is the charting of a new course to capture and harness the best of what Malaysia offers – our diversity, our spirit, our history.

It is about embracing a future which all of us would want to be part of.

It is the molding of a new path which other countries would want to emulate.

In Vision 2050, Malaysia will be:

A thriving democratic nation with new and adaptive forms of public engagement and accountability structures at all levels of government. Technology will be harnessed to fundamentally transform the decision making process.

An internally cohesive nation with a new and constantly evolving basis of national unity which is determined by the citizenry and not the government. The fluidity of identities means that current lines of division – of race and religion and language – would no longer apply.

An innovative and creative nation where the free-flow of information, ideas and initiatives will constantly transform and improve the business, government, education and economic landscape. Our institutions of higher learning, our corporate sector, our non-government actors and our governments will work together to form an eco-system where ideas and innovation can be enhanced and implemented.

An educationally progressive nation where all children and parents can have access to different educational options based on preference and need. The barrier between academic and non-academic education stream no longer exists. Instead, the content and delivery of education is customized to local demands.

A competitive, dynamic and diverse economy where people can have a high standard of living across economic sectors. Income inequality between and within sectors and different segments of society are minimized.

A nation with a wide and equitable social safety net that is undergirded by principles of social justice, opportunity and a strong sense of social cohesion.

A responsive and responsible nation where service delivery by the public and private sector is done efficiently, competently and transparently. Trust in public institutions and private organizations are high, supported by strong social capital, community networks and feedback mechanisms.

A nation which values and protects its natural resources and its environment. Green spaces and green lungs will be abundantly provided for in the cities, our historical heritage will be properly gazetted, our trees, forests and jungles will be protected and our development efforts to be sustainably planned.

An inclusive and extension nation where the Malaysian ‘diaspora’ is part and parcel of the economic and political landscape of the country in their contribution as influencers, investors and innovators.

A strong and influential nation in regional and global affairs. We will punch above our weight and exercise our ‘soft’ power in increasing international cooperation, advocating for the oppressed and marginalized, standing up for equitable power sharing in international organizations and promoting peace and justice.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., in his final public speech, said that he had seen the Promised Land although he wasn’t sure if he would get there with his people.

Similarly, many of us may not live to see Vision 2050 fulfilled but all of us must want to see the aspirations of a new vision for Malaysia to be realized.

The realization of a new vision will start in 2013.

The realization of a new vision is in the hands of 13.3 million Malaysian voters at the ballot box.

The realization of a bolder, brighter and better future for all Malaysians and our children and children’s children is within our grasp.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 11 April 2013, 12:41 pm and is filed under
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In Ipoh, a lingering loyalty for Pakatan among the Chinese

By
Emily Ding
 | April 11, 2013

The Malaysian Insider

IPOH, April 11 — The city’s traditionally pro-opposition Chinese appear unlikely to budge this May 5 when they face the ballot box again, many still strong in their conviction that a Pakatan Rakyat (PR) government will care for their rights better than Barisan Nasional (BN).

Last weekend’s luncheon with Perak’s Chinese guilds and associations and Datuk Seri Najib Razak seemed to reflect this trend as even though the crowd appeared in droves at the Tow Boo Keong Taoist temple here, many still expressed disdain at the ruling pact.

When approached by The Malaysian Insider, some were very generous with their criticisms and even openly admitted that they were only there because they were invited and wanted the free food.

“We are just here to eat,” a 36-year-old civil engineer who prefers to be known only as Kevin told The Malaysian Insider.

He glanced over at his friend, a 42-year-old civil contractor who prefers to go by the name Tiger, and an elderly retiree they had just met, who both nodded and laughed.

“It’s bullshit,” Kevin said, referring to Najib’s speech, where the latter had called for the support of the Chinese community by pointing out the benefits the BN caretaker government had brought to the state of Perak in the past four years.

In his speech, Najib had also pointed out the significance of the Tow Boo Keong temple to him, noting it had been officiated in 1968 by his father, Malaysia’s second prime minister Tun Abdul Razak.

He expressed his gratitude and wonder at the “meriah” crowd that had he said had clearly come out to show BN their support.

Pointing to the people spilling from the main hall to more round tables upstairs and even outside the temple, Najib said: “Who says the Chinese in Perak don’t support BN?”

“Sokong BN?” he asked.

“Sokong!” the crowd cheered back.

And again. And again.

However, although Najib’s efforts seemed to be a resounding success inside the temple, the Chinese voters outside, who couldn’t see but could hear all the goings-on in the hall via blaring speakers, painted a different picture.

“Let’s put it this way lah. If they feel they sure win, they won’t have this lunch right?” Kevin scoffed.

“Whatever he said is not the actual thing we want. We want a clean and fair country, with no corruption or cronyism. That is the most important.

“Corruption and cronyism have caused inflation, higher petrol prices. It is unfair to education and development. And the crime rate has increased, even here in Ipoh. I’m living in a gated residential area, but still I was robbed. Just here on this table already, two of us have been victims of crime just in the past six months,” he said, pointing to the elderly man.

“What they said about helping Chinese education is also all just bullshit. I’m actually part of one primary school committee and we suffer. We don’t get subsidies. We have to depend on the community for donations,” he added.

All three men told The Malaysian Insider that they had voted in the 2008 elections in favour of the opposition, and will do the same this year.

Kevin and Tiger are voters in the parliamentary constituency of Ipoh Timor, while the retired elderly man is registered in Kuala Kangsar.

“I think the government has to change. Let other people try, see how. It’s like an old car right? When it’s old you need to change it,” the elderly man said.

He told The Malaysian Insider that he used to live and work in Singapore as a salesman and driver and that he only came back to Malaysia to retire as it was, in the end, his home.

“I tell you, Malaysia is rich in resources but is second grade compared to Singapore, from public services to the crime rate and salaries,” the elderly man said.

Perak’s fall to opposition parties DAP, PKR and PAS in Election 2008 was largely due to a massive swing in votes from the Indian community and the Chinese, at least 70 per cent of whom had voted against BN.

But in the famous 2009 power putsch sparked by the defections of three PR assemblymen, the state returned to BN’s hands, angering many voters in the Kinta Valley, where BN was nearly wiped out by the DAP.

Speaking to The Malaysian Insider, Perak DAP chief Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham (picture) said PR’s estimates for Election 2013 indicate that the pact can recapture the silver state by sweeping between 33 and 38 seats in the 59-seat assembly.

“Last round, we won 11 parliamentary seats… this round we are counting on 15. Seventy-per cent of the Chinese vote should not be a problem,” he said, but stressed that the DAP’s campaign would not be Chinese-centric as together with PKR and PAS, the party would be wooing voters across racial lines.

At the luncheon, these predictions appeared to ring very possible.

After a whispered consultation, Kevin and Tiger showed The Malaysian Insider their blue Police Diraja Perak identity cards — they are both part of the state’s police volunteer reserve.

“Look, we are part of the police force, and even we don’t want the current government,” Tiger said.

“We are not blind voters. We make our own judgment. We see that the country is getting worse. I speak to my friends and family, and even those from overseas have the concern to come back and vote,” he added.

Other Chinese voters The Malaysian Insider approached at the luncheon, including a table of four housewives and another of elderly retirees, firmly declined to say which political coalition they favoured, saying it was a “secret”.

“How can we tell you this? It’s a secret, isn’t it? Can you even ask me this question?” one housewife said.

She said they were part of a group called Praise Dance, and that Sungai Rapat state assemblyman Datuk Hamidah Osman had asked them to attend the luncheon, to which about 30 of them had shown up.

When asked what the Praise Dance Group does and their purpose in attending the event, she declined to elaborate, saying simply: “I don’t know. We just come.”

Another housewife said jauntily: “I just came here to eat,” before adding, “I’m just joking ah.”

When Najib and his entourage, which included former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Perak Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir, had left the temple and all that remained on the abandoned tables were scraps of food, one 75-year-old woman sat waiting alone at the gates of the temple in a plastic red chair.

Clutching a walking stick in her hand, she told The Malaysian Insider that she had come to the luncheon alone and that she was waiting for her ride.

With quivering fingers, she took a round BN sticker from her shirt pocket, saying that she had come because BN had invited her.

However, she refused to say which coalition she supported, though she admitted to voting in 2008 and said she would vote again this year in her constituency of Ipoh Timor.

When asked, the elderly woman said she had not been paid to attend the luncheon.

But when prodded further to say who she would prefer to see win the coming polls, she clammed up until her ride, a taxi, arrived and she hobbled laboriously to the vehicle.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 11 April 2013, 4:31 pm and is filed under
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