A Critique of the ETP (Part 2) – We won’t really be twice as rich in 2020

By
Dr. Ong Kian Ming BSc (LSE), MPhil (Cantab), PhD (Duke)

Teh Chi--Chang, CFA, BSc (Warwick), MBA (Cantab)

Refsa | 25 January 2012

RM48,000 in 2020 is not real income
. The ETP promises to double gross national income (GNI) per capita to RM48,000 by 2020 from RM23,700 in 2009. However, RM48,000 in 2020 will be worth a lot less than RM48,000 today, just like RM100 today buys a lot less than RM100 eight years ago, thanks to ever-rising prices. If Malaysians are really to be twice better off, nominal income must be RM64,000 by then, to compensate for the 2.8% per year inflation that PEMANDU expects.

Nothing transformational in the RM48,000 target
. This target is for nominal income, which includes inflation, and not real income, which strips out inflation. Because of inflation, nominal GNI per capita growth averaged 8.2% from 2001-2010, whereas real GNI grew only 3.2%. At the historical average 8.2% per year growth rate, nominal incomes will exceed RM48,000 by 2018 anyway, with or without the ETP or PEMANDU.

PEMANDU and its expensive consultants cannot even get basic mathematics correct
. If the income target is RM48,000, PEMANDU’s 6% real GNI growth rate and 2.8% inflation forecasts are wrong. If its growth and inflation forecasts are right, then the RM48,000 target is wrong – it should be RM54,145 in 2020, not RM48,000. Furthermore, key metrics of some EPPs – the investment value, GNI contribution and jobs created – are unavailable.

Grade ‘D’ for data transparency
. In this series, we evaluate the ETP on its own terms based on the goals and plans outlined in the ETP Roadmap. PEMANDU scores a ‘D’ for data transparency. Like us, Malaysia’s top research house finds it impossible to get the numbers to add up.

RM48,000 GNI by 2020? Not Really!

The most prominent headline target of the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP) is to double gross national income (GNI) per capita to RM48,000 by 2020 from just RM23,700 in 2009
1
. That will be the indicator that Malaysia has arrived as a developed nation, according to PEMANDU
2
, the government agency charged with driving the ETP.

What PEMANDU has been less than transparent in communicating is that the RM48,000 target is for nominal income per capita, not real income
3
. The difference is all-important. Nominal income includes the effects of inflation. For example, your nominal income may grow by 10% next year. But if inflation is also 10%, then your real income growth is zero!

Here is an example that Malaysians will be all too familiar with. RM100 today buys a lot less than RM100 last year, and much less than RM100 eight years ago. That is due to inflation. As PEMANDU is quoting the RM48,000 in nominal terms, then Malaysians might be poorer in real terms in 2020 than they are today, if inflation turns out to be exceptionally high. This is the essence of Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s recent criticisms
4
 of the ETP.

However, rather that using the opportunity to clarify that the RM48,000 target is indeed nominal, PEMANDU engaged in further intellectual obfuscation. In an apparent response to Anwar’s comprehensive critique, PEMANDU skirted the issue and said:

“The 6% average annual growth projected by the ETP … is real growth and excludes the inflation factor. This means that we are able to adapt to the inflation rate, whatever it may be at
5
.”

PEMANDU avoided addressing the contentious point that if inflation is high, then the nominal income target of RM48,000 will also have to be raised. Indeed, based on PEMANDU’s own inflation forecast, the nominal income target should be RM54,145, not RM48,000! We shall cover this in greater detail later.

Nothing transformational in the RM48,000 nominal GNI target

Nominal GNI per capita grew by 8.2% per year between 2001 and 2010
6
, a period during which PEMANDU for the large part did not exist. Assuming this 8.2% growth rate is sustainable, nominal GNI per capita would exceed RM48,000 by 2018
7
. In light of this, PEMANDU’s much vaunted, ambitious RM48,000 income target by 2020 is not all that difficult to achieve, really. In fact, it is extremely easy and will be surpassed by 2018 based on historical growth rates achieved without PEMANDU.

At this juncture, we digress into an explanation of the intricacies of nominal and real incomes for the less technically-minded readers.

Aside: What’s real and what’s nominal income anyway?

We shall illustrate with another example that Malaysians are familiar with: increases in our take-home income do not necessarily lead to higher purchasing power. In fact, we are worse off in some cases. A cup of ‘kopi’ in my neighbourhood coffee shop now costs RM1.40, a 27% increase from RM1.10 two years ago. My pay has gone up, but certainly by nowhere close to 27%, so I must now drink less ‘kopi’ than I did two years ago.

At the national level, this is reflected in the GNI per capita growth rates. Nominal GNI per capita grew by 8.2% per year on average from 2001-10. However, because of inflation, real GNI per capita grew by just 3.2% per year. Going back to our ‘kopi’ example:

Let’s say in the year 2001, the coffee shop sold 100 cups of coffee at RM1 per cup. Total income would be RM100.

In 2002, the coffee shop sold 103 cups – real growth of 3%. But the coffee shop also raised the price to RM1.05 per cup.

So, nominal income for 2002 = 103 cups x RM1.05 = RM108.20 = 8.2% nominal growth compared to 2001.

It appears as if we are 8.2% better off if we just measure nominal ringgit. We have RM108.20 compared to RM100. But really, we are only 3% better off – we sold 103 cups instead of 100.

Economists routinely use the concept of constant prices and real income to more accurately reflect how much better off the economy really is. Continuing with our example above:

2002 GNI would be quoted in 2001 constant prices, to reflect only real growth. So while nominal 2002 GNI would be RM108.20, in constant 2001 prices, real 2002 GNI would be RM103.

The economy is of course much more complex. The GDP deflator is the official estimate of average inflation across the economy. The GDP deflator is then applied to the nominal numbers, to deflate them down to an estimate of the real numbers.

The ETP Roadmap, on the other hand, in another glaring case of obfuscation, slips in a footnote stating that the RM48,000 income target is in constant 2020 prices, which would be equivalent to nominal 2020 prices.

The whole notion of constant 2020 prices is bizarre. Elementary economic convention is that constant prices are based on a historical year, not a year well into the future.

It does not make any sense to compare GNI per capita in 2009 at 2009 prices with GNI per capita in 2020 at 2020 constant prices. That is akin to comparing oranges and apples;

Neither is it logical to express GNI per capita in both 2009 and 2020 at 2020 constant prices. We do not know with certainty what prices in 2020 will be, and even if we can project prices in 2020, the 2009 GNI per capita figure expressed in 2020 constant prices should be much higher than RM23,700 due to inflation.

Even the basic math is wrong

PEMANDU’s targets of RM48,000 nominal GNI per capita by 2020 and 6% per year real income growth are incoherent. Before we delve into this in more detail, we have to clarify another example of PEMANDU obfuscation:

PEMANDU’s 6% real income growth target is for total income. Because the population is also growing, this growth must now be shared by more people, which means that per capita income growth will be slower. Based on PEMANDU’s 1% population growth forecast
8
, the target for real income growth per capita will be 5% and not 6%.

Here’s how it all does not compute:

To grow from RM23,700 to RM48,000, nominal GNI per capita requires a real per capita growth rate of just 3.8% per year, based on PEMANDU’s inflation estimate
9
;

Using PEMANDU’s 6.0%, 2.8% and 1.0% forecasts for total income growth, inflation and population growth respectively, and starting from RM23,700, nominal income must be RM54,145 by 2020. So which is correct?

The RM48,000 target? In which case PEMANDU’s 6% real growth target and 2.8% inflation forecast must be wrong; or

PEMANDU’s 6% real growth target and 2.8% inflation forecast? In which case the RM48,000 target is wrong.

Is the target RM48,000 nominal income, or 6% real total income growth? They can’t both be right

Exhibit 1: If the target is RM48,000 nominal income by 2020, just 4.8% real total income growth is achieved, not 6%

2009 nominal GNI per capita

RM23,700

2020 nominal GNI per capita target

RM48,000

Nominal per capita growth rate required

6.6%

PEMANDU’s population growth forecast

1.0%

Nominal total income growth rate implied

7.6%

PEMANDU’s inflation forecast

2.8%

Implied real total income growth rate

4.8%

Sources: Data is as per sources quoted in this report. Note that PEMANDU’s 2.8% inflation forecast is well below the 5.0% average from 2001-09.

Exhibit 2: If the target is 6% real total income growth, then the target must be RM54,145 nominal income, not RM48,000

PEMANDU’s real total GNI growth target

6.0%

PEMANDU’s population growth forecast

1.0%

Real GNI per capita growth target implied

5.0%

PEMANDU’s inflation forecast

2.8%

Nominal GNI per capita growth implied

7.8%

2020 nominal income based on this

RM54,145

Sources: Data is as per sources quoted in this report

Doubtful data afflicts the ETP

The murkiness surrounding the RM48,000 GNI per capita target is not the only example of doubtful data. The 4 key figures pertaining to the ETP are also shrouded in a haze:

The number of EPPs, for a start;

The projects and value of each investment;

Their GNI contribution; and

The number of jobs created;

Adding up the EPPs announced at each of the 8 ETP updates so far
10
, a total of 113 EPPs
11
 have been announced as of 10 Nov 2011. However, this figure includes 3 Strategic Reform Initiatives (SRIs). Excluding the 3 SRIs, the total number of EPPS would be 110. In this series of Focus Papers, as we shall be engaging PEMANDU on its own terms, we shall use the higher number (113 EPPs) headlined by PEMANDU
12
.

The confusion over something as basic as the total number of EPPs is just the start.

Moving on to individual EPPs, figures are not always given during the ETP updates. For example, the Kuala Lumpur International Financial District (KLIFD), a project undertaken by 1MDB, is a significant development project in a prime location in the heart of Kuala Lumpur, yet no figures have been given for the expected investments, GNI contribution or jobs created.

These omissions raise the question of how the total expected investments, GNI contribution and job creation headlines at each ETP updates, of which there have been eight so far, are calculated.

PEMANDU did not clarify if the headline figures given were calculated based on estimates of some of these missing figures or whether they took a more conservative approach of not including any figures for some EPPs because of the difficulty of estimation.

These missing figures mean that it is very difficult, if not impossible, to accurately quantify not just the impact of individual EPPs, but also the public-private breakdown of investment and economic activity under the ETP – all key metrics under the ETP. These problems in reconciling the investment, GNI and jobs contribution of each of the ETP updates are also shared by other analysts. For example, a report by leading bank CIMB which sums up the EPP investment figures finds ‘discrepancies with the sums of the NKEAs due to some undisclosed investment values and rounding errors’
13
.

Grade “D” for Data Transparency

PEMANDU gets top marks for public relations. Its website is flashy, and presentations by its head, Datuk Seri Idris Jala, are famously velvety. Idris Jala is perhaps the most media--friendly government minister, giving numerous public presentations and appearing on radio talk shows to explain the ETP and the alphabet soup that accompanies it.

Sadly, the substance comes nowhere close to the style paraded. PEMANDU deserves an ‘A+’ for public relations, but it gets an ‘E’ for data integrity. There must be a problem when even the head of research of the country’s No. 1 research house is forced to include ‘undisclosed investment values and rounding errors’ when attempting to make the numbers add up
14
. This leads us to give an overall rating of ‘D’.

Rectifying this discrepancy is easy enough:

Publicly acknowledge that the RM48,000 GNI per capita target is a nominal income target;

Correct the math:

If RM48,000 is the target, then the 6% real growth rate, 1% population growth and 2.8% inflation forecasts must be changed;

If, in fact, the target is 6% per year real growth, then the nominal GNI per capita target must be changed to RM54,145 from RM48,000, to reflect the population and inflation growth forecasts of 1% and 2.8% per year respectively;

Disseminate a simple table in excel format, detailing each EPP and the key parameters which include:

The investment associated with that particular project;

The category which that project falls under – whether public, GLC or private investment or a mixture. If a mixture, then the proportions must be spelled out – investment contribution split between public, GLC and private for that project;

The expected total public investment required, including indirect government aid or help in any form or fashion, such as the building of public infrastructure to support the project;

Its GNI contribution; and

The number of jobs created.

Of course, one would expect the sum of the individual projects to add up to the headline numbers, without ‘undisclosed values and rounding errors’

These data gaps can be easily filled or clarified by PEMANDU in the interest of full disclosure and transparency.

We shall delve further into these numbers, particularly the investment figures, in forthcoming parts of this series of Focus Papers evaluating the ETP.

—

About this series

Critics of PEMANDU and the ETP thus far have tended to focus on the expensive costs incurred by PEMANDU and its consultants, accusations of style prevailing over substance, the execution of specific projects (such as the MRT and 1 Malaysia email) and its apparently lofty, unrealistic targets.

We think these issues can be further debated, but these questions ultimately boil down to PEMANDU’s raison d’être. PEMANDU is already a fait accompli. Debating its existence serves no useful purpose at this point.

Instead, we evaluate PEMANDU and the ETP on its own terms by looking at the goals, plans and targets outlined in the ETP Roadmap document. Doing so facilitates constructive debate as it uses the same framework which PEMANDU has chosen to work within.

In that vein, and in keeping with the spirit of the alphabet soup of NKEAs, NKRAs, SRIs, EPPs, GNI surrounding the entire GTP, we evaluate PEMANDU and the ETP on its DEEDS:

Data transparency – the ease with which an independent analyst can evaluate the figures relevant to the ETP and its targets;

Execution – the progress, or lack thereof, of announced EPPs (Entry Point Projects);

Enterprise – whether the target of stimulating private investment is being achieved. The ETP aims for a 92:8 split between private and public investments;

Distribution – the distribution of EPPs across the NKEAs (National Key Economic Areas), which shows whether a healthy balance of projects is being maintained; and

Socio-economic impact – an evaluation of the main beneficiaries of the economic activities generated by the EPPs.

Note on PEMANDU’s response

Upon hearing that we were writing an evaluation of the ETP, the communications team at PEMANDU kindly arranged interviews with a Director from the Minister’s Office who is also the Director of the Oil, Gas and Energy & Financial Services NKEAs, the Director of the Wholesale and Retail (W&R) NKEA and the Assistant Director of the Tourism NKEA. We are grateful for these interviews and will include clarification points from these interviews in our evaluation. These interviews were recorded by the ETP communications team and we hope that they would be made available online for public access.

About the authors

Visiting contributor Dr Ong Kian Ming holds a PhD in Political Science from Duke University and Economics degrees from the University of Cambridge and the London School of Economics. He is attached to UCSI University, which has been named as the project owner of two Entry Point Projects (EPPs). To avoid any potential conflict of interest, he will not make references to or analyse these two EPPs. He can be reached at
[email protected]
.

REFSA (Research for Social Advancement) Executive Director Teh Chi-Chang holds a first class degree in Accounting & Financial Analysis from the University of Warwick, an MBA from the University of Cambridge and the CFA (Chartered Financial Analyst) charter. Prior to joining REFSA, he headed highly-regarded investment research teams covering Malaysia, and was himself highly-ranked as an analyst. He can be reached at
[email protected]
.

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Other Information

The information in this report has been obtained from and is based upon sources that are believed to be reliable but no guarantee is made as to accuracy and completeness.

—

1
 Exhibit 1, page 8, ETP Roadmap Report.

2
 The acronym that the Performance Management and Delivery Unit within the prime minister’s department is better known by.

3
 This was confirmed in our interview with an ETP Director from the Minister’s office.

4
 Debunking ETP: Widening Income Gap. Available at http://anwaribrahimblog.com/2011/12/16/debunkingetp-widening-income-gap/. Accessed on 12 Jan 2012.

5
 DEBUNKED! Myths created about the ETP. PEMANDU, 23 Dec 2011. Available at http://etpblog.pemandu.gov.my/posts/2011/12/23/debunked-myths-created-about-the-etp/. Accessed on 12 Jan 2012.

6
 Derived from data published in Bank Negara’s Monthly Statistical Bulletins. 2010 nominal GNI per capita was RM26,175. 2001 was RM12,859. 8.2% is the compound average growth rate (CAGR) calculated.

7
 Applying an 8.2% nominal growth rate to the RM26,175 nominal GNI per capita in 2010, we will hit RM49,171 nominal GNI per capita by 2018.

8
 An ETP Director from the Minister’s office told us that the population growth projection was 1.3%, to be more precise. But we decided to use the 1% growth projection cited in the official ETP Roadmap Report as this is the number that is publicly known.

9
 6.6% per year nominal growth will be required. Taking off 2.8% for inflation as PEMANDU forecasts results in 3.8% as the real growth rate required i.e. 2.8+3.8=6.6%.

10
 The updates are available at http://etp.pemandu.gov.my/Progress_Update-@-Progress_Update.aspx. Retrieved on 29 Dec 201.

11
 9+9+19+23+12+15+13+13=113.

12
 Three programs (TERAS, MyProCert and the National Talent Enhancement Program or NTEP) were categorised as programs under the Strategic Reform Initiatives (SRIs). I included them as EPPs since it was not clear to me that these SRIs were substantially different from some of the ‘enabler’ programs announced in earlier updates such as TalentCorp and the Malaysian Petroleum Resources Corporation (MPRC)

13
 Navigating Malaysia. Terence Chong, CIMB Investment Research 9 Dec 2011. Figure 17.

14
 CIMB was ranked Malaysia’s top equity investment research house in the 2011 Asiamoney rankings. Head of Research Terence Wong, in a report entitled “Navigating Malaysia” dated 9 Dec 2011 found that the EPP investment figures differ from the sums of the NKEAs due to some ‘undisclosed investment values and rounding errors’. (Figure 17 of the report).

Read Part 1 here

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Instruct police to speed up NFCorp probe, ex-top cop tells Najib

By Yow Hong Chieh

The Malaysian Insider

Jan 26, 2012

KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 26 — Datuk Seri Najib Razak should use his powers as prime minister to expedite the probe into the National Feedlot Corporation (NFCorp), a former senior police officer said today.

Former city CID chief Datuk Mat Zain Ibrahim said Najib could instruct the police, graftbusters and the Attorney-General’s Chambers to finish investigating the scandal-hit livestock company within a fortnight.

“Straightforward criminal breach of trust cases like [NFCorp] need at most two weeks,” he said in a statement.

“If the PM says he can’t interfere in the investigation or decision to prosecute, that’s just a weak and childish excuse.”

Mat Zain pointed out that in 1998, then-Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad had ordered him to quickly wrap up the high-profile investigation into Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s black eye, failing which a royal commission of inquiry (RCI) would be set up to look into the police force.

He noted that Dr Mahathir formed the RCI on January 27, 1999 as promised when the results of the investigation were allegedly stalled by the Attorney-General.

“Based on existing precedent, Najib has no reason to draw out this NFC issue beyond two weeks,” Mat Zain stressed, saying that Putrajaya’s move to appoint an auditor to look into NFCorp’s books was a delaying tactic.

He added that the appointment of the auditor would waste more taxpayers’ money and was a slight to the integrity of the Auditor-General, who had been appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

“It is very unfair to the people if Najib is willing to destroy the credibility of royal institutions like the Auditor-General just to protect Shahrizat,” he said.

NFCorp hit the headlines following last year’s Auditor-General’s Report, and has continued to hog the limelight after it was linked to federal minister Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil’s family.

The publicly funded company is headed by her husband, Datuk Seri Mohamad Salleh Ismail. Their three children also hold executive posts in the company.

PKR has since made several revelations relating to the scandal, including NFCorp’s purchase of two luxury condominium units in Bangsar, Kuala Lumpur, and the alleged use of project funds to pay for Shahrizat and her family’s personal expenses.

The opposition party has also alleged that Shahrizat’s family used nearly RM600,000 from NFCorp’s funds to settle their credit card bills in 2009.

But the management of NFCorp has maintained that the credit card expenses were solely for business purposes.

It has also denied allegations that funds from the RM250 million government loan were channelled into its accounts before the loan agreement was signed.

Shahrizat applied for three weeks’ leave from her duties earlier this month after new allegations of bribery surfaced.

Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin announced last week Putrajaya would appoint an auditor to scrutinise NFCorp’s books in light of accusations made against the company.

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Khairy Jamaluddin: Musuh saudara dalam Umno, bukan DAP

— Aspan Alias

The Malaysian Insider

Jan 26, 2012

26 JAN — Khairy Jamaluddin, Ketua Pemuda Umno Malaysia, telah meminta DAP mengeluarkan senarai ahli-ahlinya dari kaum Melayu jika benar DAP sekarang sedang mendapat sokongan dari kaum Melayu. Khairy berkata setakat tiga orang Melayu yang menyertai DAP itu tidak melambangkan yang parti itu sudah diterima oleh orang Melayu. Saya tidak yakin kenapa penyertaan orang Melayu di akhir-akhir ini menjadi isu dari Sabah hingga ke Perlis.

Saya hanya hendak memberikan komen yang pendek terhadap cabaran Khairy ini dan saya rasa boleh memberikan jawapan kepada kenyataan Khairy itu kerana saya adalah salah seorang dari orang Melayu yang telah menyertai DAP baru-baru ini.

Untuk pengetahuan Khairy DAP tidak membuat pengasingan ahli-ahlinya mengikut bangsa dan agama. Di dalam borang permohonan menjadi ahli, tidak ada petak yang bertanyakan dari kaum apa pemohon-pemohon tersebut kerana sebagai sebuah parti yang memperjuangkan untuk semua tanpa mengira kaum dan budaya bangsa dan ethnik ahli-ahli tidak menjadi perkara penting.

Jika Khairy benar-benar mahu tahu jumlah keahlian Melayu dalam DAP, mungkin saya boleh mencadangkan kepada DAP untuk Khairy datang ke pejabat DAP dan mengira sendiri jumlah keahlian dari kaum Melayu. Khairy boleh dibekalkan dengan semua borang-borang permohonan yang ada di dalam setor DAP dan kiralah satu persatu setiap borang permohonan dari orang Melayu itu. Selepas itu Khairy boleh mengumumkannya sendiri.

Jika Khairy melakukan pengiraan sendiri, jadi tidak akan timbul isu tentang jumlah keahlian orang Melayu lagi dan tidak payah hendak menyusahkan DAP untuk membuat pengiraan itu. DAP tidak hendak bersaing untuk menunjukkan keahlian Melayu. Hanya parti itu telah mula mendapat suntikan semangat dengan ramai penyertaan dari kaum Melayu.

Bagi saya yang lebih penting Khairy lakukan ialah untuk menjaga keahlian Umno yang berjuta orang itu yang semuanya Melayu. Elok kita memberikan input yang nyata dan jelas yang di antara lebih dari tiga juta keahlian Umno itu, lebih dari satu juta dari mereka telah memangkah simbol pembangkang di dalam pilihanraya yang lalu. Tindakan mereka itu serupalah seperti meninggalkan parti juga.

Di Rembau itu sendiri Khairy perlu mengambil perhatian kerana tidak semua ahli-ahli dan pimpinan Umno di sana memberikan sokongan kepada beliau. Pengalaman selama 40 tahun dalam Umno itu memadai untuk saya membuat penilaian terhadap banyak bahagian Umno di mana-mana khususnya di Negeri Sembilan.

Memang Umno ramai orang Melayu, malahan semuanya dari kaum Melayu. Tetapi kaum ini jugalah yang akan memberi masalah kepada Umno khususnya Khairy. Kalaulah pemimpin Umno seperti Khairy sedar, masalah Umno bukan ditimbulkan oleh pembangkang, tetapi oleh ahli-ahlinya sendiri.

Maka Khairy elok tumpukan masa dan tenaga beliau untuk memulihkan kesatuan dalam Umno itu sendiri.

Biarkan DAP itu melaksanakan tugasnya walaupun dengan hanya “segelintir” Melayu yang mempunyai pemikiran di dalamnya. Yang sakit sekarang bukannya DAP tetapi Umno. Yang kelam kabut sekarang bukannya PAS tetapi Umno. Yang menyakitkan Umno adalah oleh ahli-ahlinya sendiri bukannya PKR.

Kalau hendak terima pandangan ini terimalah. Kalau tidak terima pun ia bukannya menjadi kudis kepada Pakatan Rakyat. Itu Khairy kena faham. Musuh Khairy bukannya kami di sebelah sini tetapi mereka yang ada di bawah ketiak beliau sendiri dan juga di kalangan “warlords” dalam Umno itu. — aspanaliasnet.blogspot.com

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Khazanah sold Proton for no profits?

Mohd Ariff Sabri Aziz | January 25, 2012

Free Malaysia Today

The ‘Che Det Consensus’ is an economy built around problem solving that is ‘practical’ only for the Malaysia’s business and Umno political elite.

COMMENT

I found it odd the statement from Khazanah Nasional Bhd that it didn’t make profit from its sale of Proton Holdings Bhd’s shares to DRB-Hicom Bhd. If no profits were made, why sell the shares?

Secondly, Khazanah’s statement can be construed as an admission that it was given a fait accompli – take this price and don’t ask any questions. In Malaysia, only one person can do that – the man who can walk on water – Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

I hope I can throw more light on the sale of Proton shares to DRB-Hicom. Were there any other bids besides DRB-Hicom presented to Khazanah?

Is Khazanah brave enough to publish the identity of all the bidders?

If it has the courage to do so, we shall not be surprised if the bidders were the Tengku Mahalil-Arumugam group, DRB-Hicom and Nazmi and company. And they all have only one master – Mahathir.

We all know Mahathir’s end-game.

He wants to be the Malaysian “King” Croesus. Croesus was a legendary king in a country known as Lydia in Asia Minor.

He was fabulously rich. It was said that gold from the mines and sands filled up his coffers.

Allow me to re-tell a short story about King Croesus in my own style.

I hope he (Mahathir) will suffer the same fate as the original King Croesus.

Empire destroyed

When the Greek law-giver Solon came to Lydia, Croesus displayed all his wealth and asked Solon to name three individuals whom Solon regarded as the happiest.

Solon named three unknown persons and Croesus was expectedly angered and asked why he, with all his wealth, was not included in the three.

Solon answered: how Croesus can be included as Croesus does not know what God has in store for him?

Shortly after the incident, Croesus consulted the Oracle of Delphi just as the Persian King Cirrus was embarking on his empire-building mission.

The oracle told Croesus that if he goes to war with Cirrus, he will cause the destruction of an empire.

Croesus went to war and was defeated by Cirrus. The empire that was foretold was his own!

Mahathir’s plutocracy

I recall hearing a remark that Khazanah at one time was supposed to be the golden handshake to Mahathir. That was the reason why almost all the equity in big companies is concentrated in Khazanah’s hands.

They were to be divested to private companies in line with the much exalted public-private sector partnership.

It should be called collusion between the political elite and the business elite. You get therefore a plutocracy.

If Mahathir cannot get Khazanah directly, he gets it indirectly through his business associates.

Mahathir is manipulating the business world.

Here’s more. Last year, Keretapi Tanah Melayu Bhd (KTMB) has been asked to assist MMC Corp Bhd to conduct due diligence on the national railway company.

The due diligence is important for MMC to decide if it wants to privatise KTMB.

MMC takeover of KTMB

MMC plans to pump in some RM1 billion into KTMB and take over its operations. And KTMB was asked to assist MMC. What exactly does “assist them” mean?

KTMB, on its part, said that it has not received any instructions from the government to put the matter on hold. In other words, it’s an ongoing process. When will the takeover take place?

The answer: when Mahathir paves the way for MMC to take over.

How can MMC recoup the huge investments or finance it? The answer: the double-track project from Gemas to Johor Baru.

Remember it has been delayed for 10 years. It will take off when MMC takes over KTMB.

Then they will go to the government and say since they are the end-user for that facility, we can build it ourselves.

Maybe we team up with the Chinese to give face to China.

Chet Det economics

So how do you describe our economic system since the time of Mahathir?

The smorgasbord of acronyms – ETP, PDP, NKEA, EPP – all mean nothing.

So what do we have? A capitalist development state like Japan? Malay mysticism mixed with market economics?

Can it be a slow-motion version of Soviet-style economics, where the elite grabbed productive public assets for private gain?

It looks that way: since Mahathir and Najib Tun Razak talk about welfare all the time, our economy should be called “robber baron socialism”.

But I prefer to call it a new model – the Che Det Consensus.

It’s an economy built around practical, problem-solving and technologically innovating model.

Except that it is “practical” only for the business and political elite.

It solves the problem for the robber barons, masking them under the guise of technological innovativeness.

Hence you have the fashionable phrase of unlocking value, releasing potential… ad nauseam.

The writer is a former Umno state assemblyman who has now joined the DAP, and is a FMT columnist.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 26 January 2012, 10:02 am and is filed under
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Mengapa saya pilih DAP

– Oleh Fairuz Azhan

Roketkini

25 January 2012

25 JANUARI – Baru-baru ini satu sidang media telah diadakan di Ipoh untuk memperkenalkan saya dan saudari Dyana Sofya yang membuat keputusan untuk menyertai DAP.

Berita tentang kami sebagai dua orang graduan undang-undang dari UiTM menyertai DAP bagaikan telah mencetuskan fenomena dan pelbagai reaksi daripada pelbagai lapisan masyarakat am.

Bukan sahaja saya datang daripada sebuah universiti Bumiputera tetapi saya bersekolah di sebuah sekolah berasrama penuh Melayu di Ipoh yang cukup terkenal. Malah alma mater saya, Sekolah Tuanku Abdul Rahman dahulu dikenali sebagai MSS atau pun Malay Secondary School.

Saya bukanlah golongan orang Melayu yang ‘tak bersyukur’, malah sebaliknya. Segala pendedahan dan ilmu yang saya perolehi saya guna pakai untuk berfikir bagaimana untuk menambah baik keadaan di negara kita.

Salah guna kecerdikan

Secara peribadi, ini saya lihat amat berbeza dengan golongan elitis Melayu UMNO yang menggunakan pendidikan tinggi mereka, dan kecerdikan mereka untuk menindas dan memanipulasi rakyat Malaysia terutamanya orang Melayu.

Kepentingan mereka adalah untuk mewujudkan ‘inferiority complex’ di kalangan masyarakat Melayu supaya orang ramai terus bergantung kepada parti politik mereka dan parti itu dengan sendirinya akan terus relevan.

Jika orang Melayu benar-benar diperkasakan, maka seharusnya mereka tidak perlukan UMNO atau pun mana-mana parti politik untuk ‘membela’ mereka. Orang Melayu yang berdikari dan mandiri tidak memerlukan ehsan politik untuk hidup bebas dan merdeka.

Jika orang Melayu hendak diperkasa, mengapa mereka perlu mendapat surat pengesahan Ketua Bahagian UMNO untuk mendapat projek? Ini hanya mencipta mentaliti pencacai atau pun rent seeker di kalangan orang Melayu, dan bukan memperkasakan mereka.

Lantas, pimpinan UMNO dan konco-konco mereka hanya mencipta politik perkauman dan politik ketakutan di kalangan masyarakat Melayu dan masyarakat majmuk di Malaysia demi kepentingan parti mereka, dan bukan demi kepentingan orang Melayu khususnya atau pun rakyat Malaysia keseluruhannya.

Saya pendirian teguh bahawa rakyat Malaysia dan masyarakat Melayu khususnya harus dibebaskan daripada pemenjaraan minda yang dicipta propaganda UMNO. Bukakanlah hati dan minda, dan carilah kebenaran. Dan jika kita berani untuk membuka hati dan mata kita, kita akan dapati bahawa DAP merupakan satu parti yang baik untuk rakyat Malaysia termasuklah orang-orang Melayu.

DAP sesuai untuk semua

Walhal dari dulu lagi DAP sering menjadi mangsa fitnah proganda UMNO yang tidak masuk akal seperti ia adalah parti untuk kaum Cina sahaja, ia parti komunis, ia penghancur Melayu dan sebagainya.

Tetapi tahukah kita sebenarnya bahawa tujuan asal penubuhan DAP tidak ada kena-mengena dengan tohmahan itu semua?

Deklarasi Setapak 1967 dengan jelas membuktikan  tujuan penubuhan DAP secara rasmi adalah untuk mempertahankan hak-hak semua rakyat termasuk orang Melayu seperti mana yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

Ini temasuklah Bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa kebangsaan, Islam sebagai agama rasmi, menzahirkan kedaulatan Raja, dan menjamin kedudukan istimewa orang Melayu.

Slogan “Malaysian Malaysia” atau “Malaysia untuk rakyat Malaysia” secara jelas memperlihatkan keikhlasan DAP untuk memastikan semua orang berdiri sama tinggi duduk sama rendah, dan bagi yang benar-benar memerlukan, mereka wajib dibantu tanpa mengira kaum dan agama.

Namun, sejak lebih 45 tahun, slogan itu sering diputarbelitkan maksudnya oleh golongan yang tidak bertanggungjawab, kononnya ia ingin menghancurkan dan membinasakan orang Melayu. Ini adalah salah sama sekali.

“Malaysia untuk rakyat Malaysia” bermaksud di samping hak Bumiputera dilindungi dan dijamin, pemerintah tidak boleh menindas atau merampas hak-hak orang lain. Kaum-kaum bukan Bumiputera adalah warga negara yang sah dan ada hak di bumi Malaysia milik bersama kita ini.

Baling batu sembunyi tangan

Apabila DAP mempersoalkan penyelewengan, rasuah, kronisme, nepotisma dan salah guna kuasa oleh pimpinan UMNO, maka tukang karang mereka memutarbelitkan isu dengan mengatakan ia adalah serangan terhadap orang Melayu dan Bumiputera. Padahal ia bukanlah serangan perkauman tetapi pendedahan tentang para pemimpin politik yang tidak bertanggungjawab dan tidak telus mengkhianati amanah rakyat semata-mata mahu mengkayakan diri, keluarga dan kroni mereka.

Sikap baling batu sembunyi tangan ini telah lama membantutkan perpaduan antara rakyat. Walau pun ada kalangan ahli UMNO sendiri yang benci dengan kerakusan dan ketamakan pemimpin mereka, mereka masih takut untuk berubah kerana percaya dengan fitnah kononnya DAP dan Pakatan Rakyat mahu menghancurkan kaum Melayu.

Rakyat khususnya orang Melayu perlu sedar bahawa DAP adalah sebuah parti politik yang sah di sisi undang-undang yang mengajak semua rakyat Malaysia tidak kisah bangsa atau agama apa pun untuk menyertai perjuangan demokrasi sosial – keadilan dan peluang saksama untuk semua.

DAP mahu membantu Pakatan Rakyat mencipta usaha tulen pemerkasaan individu melalui ketelusan dan semangat berdikari jaya diri, dan setiap ahli parti dianggap sama rata dan sama-sama menyumbang ke arah Malaysia yang lebih baik.

Beza buruk dan baik

Jika pimpinan UMNO-BN tidak mahu isytihar harta menteri, timbalan menteri, menteri-menteri besar dan ketua menteri serta para exco negeri, DAP mahu dan telah pun mengisytiharkan harta mereka.

Mengapa isytihar harta penting? Supaya rakyat dapat menjadi hakim dengan mengetahui asset dan pendapatan pemimpin mereka pada waktu mula memerintah dan bagaimana harta tersebut boleh berkurang atau bertambah selepas tempoh-tempoh pemerintahan.

Ini adalah penting kerana kita tahu pernah ada seorang guru yang menjadi pemimpin negeri, kemudian dalam masa beberapa tahun telah menjadi jutawan. Sedangkan semua orang tahu bahawa pemimpin diharamkan membuat kekayaan apabila diberi amanah mentadbir negeri atau negara.

Jika UMNO-BN mengamalkan sistem tender tertutup untuk kepentingan kroni mereka, DAP mengamalkan urus tadbir cekap, akauntabel dan telus (CAT). Ini amat penting kerana sistem tunduk kepada kroni sentiasa menyebabkan rakyat menderita seperti syarikat pengendali tol lebuh raya masih terus mengutip tol walau pun telah mendapat keuntungan besar atau pun penjana tenaga bebas (IPP) masih diberi subsidi besar walau pun susbisidi keperluan harian seperti minyak dan gas untuk rakyat semakin dikurangkan.

Jika UMNO-BN mengikut garis politik perkauman, DAP adalah parti yang terbuka yang memperjuangkan semua rakyat Malaysia. DAP tidak akan menggunakan isu kaum dan agama untuk mempertahankan dasar-dasarnya. Sebaliknya pimpinan UMNO telah banyak kali cuba menutup salah guna kuasa dan penyelewengan atas nama agama dan kaum.

Ini langit dan bumi bezanya di antara DAP dan UMNO-BN.

Idaman saya

Dari dulu saya mengidamkan parti yang memperjuangkan satu impian di mana rakyat Malaysia semua boleh bersatu, hidup aman damai, bebas daripada perkauman atau pun ketakutan. Saya berjumpa perjuangan tersebut dalam DAP.

Memang DAP bukan sesuatu yang sempurna. Namun tidak ada apa yang sempurna dalam dunia ini. Yang mungkin ada adalah yang terbaik di antara yang serba kekurangan. Di situ saya nampak peranan DAP. Dasar demokrasi sosialnya mengutamakan rakyat dan menjaga kebajikan mereka.

Lihatlah di Pulau Pinang sebagai model untuk masa depan Malaysia yang lebih baik. Dengan urus tadbir CAT, ia merupakan negeri yang paling banyak menerima pelaburan atas jaminan dan pujian Transparency International serta laporan Ketua Audit Negara.

Melalui urus tadbir CAT yang diperkenalkan oleh Ketua Menteri Lim Guan Eng selaku pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat Pulau Pinang, orang Melayu paling banyak mendapat kontrak kerajaan secara tender terbuka dan telus.

Dengan pentadbiran CAT, hutang negeri sewaktu Pulau Pinang ditadbir oleh BN, iaitu RM630 juta hanya menjadi RM30 juta (berkurangan 95%) dalam tiga tahun sahaja. Dan apa yang dilakukan oleh kerajaan negeri dengan penjimatan sedemikian? Kemakmuran yang datangnya daripada ketelusan ini disalurkan terus kepada rakyat berpendapatan rendah di mana ia telah menjadi negeri pertama di Malaysia yang membasmi kemiskinan tegar secara 100%!

Bukankah ini yang dimahukan masyarakat Malaysia? Mengapa orang Melayu hendak ditakutkan dan dikecilkan sedangkan mereka boleh diperkasa dan diperhebatkan oleh sebuah parti politik yang ikhlas berjuang untuk semua rakyat Malaysia? Dan parti itu ialah DAP yang kini berjuang bersama dengan PAS dan PKR dalam Pakatan Rakyat yang sama-sama mahu menyelamatkan Malaysia daripada kerakusan pimpinan UMNO-BN.

Malaysia perlu diselamatkan

Apa-apa hal, saya amat yakin bahawa Malaysia perlu di selamatkan. Trend menunjukan negara kita bakal bankrap menjelang 2019 jika isu hutang negara, kos hidup yang semaking meningkat, perkauman semakin menebal, rasuah berleluasa dan masyarakat dipenjara minda tidak diatasi segera.

Saya amat komited sebagai ahli DAP kerana saya yakin dengan perjuangan parti ini. Lihatlah tokoh-tokoh DAP. Lim Kit Siang selama ini tidak mendapat apa-apa, cuma menjadi mangsa fitnah dan tomahan serta mangsa tahanan tanpa bicara. Karpal Singh, yang kini tidak mampu menggerakkan tangan mahu pun kakinya dek kemalangan tetapi terus memperjuangkan nasib masyarakat yang tertindas. Inilah namanya komitmen dan dedikasi, ikhlas berjuang untuk rakyat walau pun ianya mengudang kesusahan kepada hidup mereka.

Saya sampai hari ini masih tidak faham di mana rasisnya DAP. Pengerusinya Karpal Singh, naib-naib Pengerusi terdiri dari pelbagai kaum, termasuk Tunku Abdul Aziz. Keahliannya terbuka kepada semua.

Jadi, mana perkaumannya? Apakah UMNO, MCA dan MIC yang masing-masing hanya membenarkan satu kaum menyertai parti mereka itu bukan rasis? Apakah rasis jika mendedahkan salah guna kuasa dan rasuah yang menyebabkan rakyat menderita?

DAP bukan sahaja pilihan untuk saya tetapi rasanya ia sesuai untuk semua orang termasuk orang Melayu. Ia hanya sebuah wadah politik untuk mencapai cita-cita murni mewujudkan keadilan untuk semua, peluang saksama serta negara berkebajikan tanpa mengira kaum. – Roketkini.com

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 26 January 2012, 2:45 pm and is filed under
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Most deplorable at Mohamad Salleh’s attempt at semantics when the RM336.64 million NFC/NFCorp scandal is not just a “mess” but “a terrible mess”

It is most deplorable and the height of irresponsibility that at this late stage, after three months of continuous almost-dailyh adverse publicity, the family of Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, the Minister for Women, Family and Community Development, is still trying to shirk accountability with her husband, Datuk Seri Mohamad Salleh Ismail, the chairman of National Foodlot Corporation (NFCorp) Chairman claiming that the Auditor-General had confused NFCorp, a private entity, with the National Foodlot Centre (NFC) which is owned by the Agriculture and Agro-based Industry Ministry.

The Auditor-General Tan Sri Ambrin Buang has not made any such mistake in his Federal Accounts Report 2010 and I am not aware that he had made any such admission in any subsequent statement.

Mohamad Salleh deserves public censure for his attempt at semantics to avoid accountability and responsibility when the RM336.64 million NFC scandal (which involves the NFCorp scandal) cries out for full disclosure and investigation, as the whole NFC/NFCorp scandal stinks, and is not just a “mess” (which the AG did not say) but a “terrible mess” (which the AG should have said)!

As far as is known, the RM336.64 million NFC/NFCorp scandal comprise three elements:

(i)	RM73.64 million from the Agriculture and Agro-based Industries Ministry under the Ninth Malaysia Plan for NFC’s development and operational costs;

(ii)	RM13 million as start-up grant approved to NFCorp in September 2007, to provide infrastructure such as cattle pens and farm roads;

(iii)	RM250 million soft loan, approved to NFCorp via an agreement signed on December 2007.

Is Mohamad Salleh seriously claiming that the NFCorp owes no duty of public accountability and responsibility for any misuse of public funds given to NFCorp as soft loan at 2% interest to promote greater beef self-sufficiency in the country to buy two units of luxury condominiums in Kuala Lumpur and another condominium in Singapore, as well as to buy land in Precinct 10 Putrajaya and close to a million ringgit  expenditures on overseas trips?

With the claim that the Auditor-General had confused the two entities, NFC and NFCorp, Malaysians want to know whether the freezing of assets announced by the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak earlier this month was with regard to NFC or NFCorp or both.

Who can give this clarification?

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 26 January 2012, 5:05 pm and is filed under
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Najib and Muhyiddin should not be ignorant and contemptuous of Constitution and the law by exploiting the 3R cards of race, religion and Raja Melayu against DAP

Last Saturday, when two young Malay professionals from Perak both of whom UiTM law graduates, Fairuz Azhan and Dyana Sofia announced joining the DAP, close on the heels of similar announcements by Hata Wahari, former President of National Union of Journalists (NUJ) and two wellknown bloggers Mohd Arif Sabri or known as Sokmongkok AK47 on the blogosphere and Aspan Alias, UMNO Youth leader Khairy Jamaluddin was sufficiently upset at Malays joining DAP  as to come out with a public statement.

In the coming weeks, when more Malays, both young and old, join DAP in the struggle for a united, just, democratic and competitive Malaysia for all Malaysians, the Prime Minister and UMNO President, Datuk Seri Najib Razak and Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy UMNO President, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin would be the next persons to be upset and shocked.

Let me inform the UMNO leaders that this is the tide of the times and no force in the world can stop more Malays joining up with other Malaysians from other ethnicities in DAP to build a common destiny as Malaysian citizens for future generations of Malaysians.

DAP has right from the beginning of our formation 46 years ago committed to the cause for all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or region – the forerunner of the 1Malaysia policy promulgated by Najib when he became Prime Minister but which could not secure unanimous and unconditional  support of his Cabinet and Barisan Nasional leadership after 33 months.

It is a reflection of the political insecurities of the UMNO leaders that they have subjected the DAP to an unrelenting assault with lies and falsehoods – as in the irresponsible exploitation of the 3R cards of race, religion and raja Melayu against the DAP by both Najib and Muhyiddin at the recent UMNO General Assembly.

DAP had never been anti-Malay, anti-Islam and anti-Malay Rulers, as clearly stated in DAP pronouncements both in and out of Parliament down the decades as well as in the Pakatan Rakyat policy documents, whether Common Policy Framework (CPF) or Buku Jingga (Orange Book) which committed all Pakatan Rakyat parties to uphold the fundamental features of the Malaysian Constitution.

In fact, if the DAP had been anti-Malay, anti-Islam and anti-Raja Melayu, DAP would not have stood the test of time in the past 46 years as we would have been deregistered and outlawed long ago under the laws of the land.

Section 2A (1) of the Societies Act 1966 provides:

“2A. (1) It shall be the duty of every registered society in carrying out its activities and in conducting its affairs to ensure that they are in accord with, and conducive to the fulfilment of and adherence to, the provisions of the Federal Constitution and the State Constitutions, and where any of the activities or affairs of any society is in any manner violative of, or derogatory to, or militates against, or shows disregard for—

(a) the system of democratic government headed by a constitutional sovereign of Malaysia, and, in the States, by the respective constitutional Rulers or Yang di-Pertua Negeri; or

(b) the position of Islam as the religion of Malaysia, with other religions being practised in peace and harmony; or

(c) the use of the National Language for official purposes; Or

(d) the position of the Malays and of the natives of the States of Sabah and Sarawak; or

(e) the legitimate interests of the other communities,

as provided under the Federal Constitution or any of the State Constitutions, the Registrar may cancel the registration of the society after giving the society an opportunity to make representations to him.”

DAP will be celebrating our 46th anniversary on March 18, and during the four-and-a-half decade of our struggle, DAP had never been once asked by the Registrar of Societies to show cause why we should not be deregistered for opposing or undermining the fundamental features of the  Constitution, whether with regard to Islam as the official religion or the system of constitutional monarchy.

Najib and Muhyiddin should stop being ignorant and contemptuous of the Constitution and the laws and cease and desist from continuing to exploit the 3R cards of lies and falsehood againt the DAP, as this  is not only against Najib’s  1Malaysia concept but also Najib’s claim to be a “moderate” in his recent call for a Global Movement of Moderates!

(Speech at the Penang DAP Chinese New Year Open House at Penang Chinese Town Hall on Thursday, 26th January 2012)

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 26 January 2012, 3:44 pm and is filed under
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NUJ to govt: Don’t muzzle the press

Patrick Lee | January 26, 2012

Free Malaysia Today

Let the media roam free during elections, the National Union of Journalists tells government.

PETALING JAYA: As the general election draws nearer, the National Union of Journalists (NUJ) has demanded that the government let go of its iron grip on the country’s media.

In a letter to Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on Electoral Reforms chairman Maximus Johnity Ongkili, NUJ general-secretary V Anbalagan listed a number of media-related proposals for the committee to consider.

Anbalagan claimed that these proposals –which included limiting the government’s control over the media – would ultimately create a level playing field for all political parties during the election.

“Journalists are to provide reliable information for everyone to take part in the democratic decision-making process. As such, it is the duty of the journalists to supply all individuals with diverse information for them to make decisions later,” he wrote.

Chief among the proposals was the setting up of a media monitoring committee, formed by the Election Commission (EC).

This committee, Anbalagan said, would have the power to issue election-reporting guidelines for media agencies, whether they were print, broadcast or online.

He added that the committee would be on duty after Parliament was dissolved until election results were announced.

“In the case of by-elections, the committee should spring into action from the time there is a casual vacancy until results are announced,” he said.

Ensure fair reporting

He also said the committee would have to ensure fair reporting in the country, and suggested that it be given the power to enforce the law laid out in the Election Act 1958.

“The EC can draw up regulations for the committee to enforce regulations under the Election Act.

“It should be emphasised that no candidate, agent or political party through the media before and during the election make statements to promote feelings of ill-will, discontent or hostility as stated under Section 4A of the Election Offences Act 1954,” Anbalagan added.

The EC, through the committee, he said, would also be given the power to censure “irresponsible media”.

Other proposals included:

•stopping the caretaker government from totally monopolising state news groups such as RTM (Radio Televisyen Malaysia) and Bernama;

•allocating radio and TV airtime for political parties based on the number of parliamentary seats won in the last election, or on the percentage they’re currently contesting;

•live primetime coverage for all political candidates;

•allowing private-run media to run political party manifestoes, if requested; and

•the right to reply if a report slammed a particular party or candidate.

Role of the police

Anbalagan also said the EC had to make sure that the police “sparingly and speedily” approve permits for political parties and independent candidates to conduct their respective ceramah.

“The role of the police is to ensure public safety and order. If two opposing parties are conducting ceramah close to one another, the police should distance them to prevent any untoward incidents,” he wrote.

Anbalagan’s letter has come after many years of criticism of media controls in the country, especially during general elections.

Many media observer groups and opposition candidates have in the past slammed the government for having a chokehold over the country’s media.

During this time, Barisan Nasional’s component parties are usually given wide coverage in the country’s newspapers, radio stations and TV channels.

Opposition or independent parties, on the other hand, are either ignored by the media, or would only be featured when BN candidates want to slam them.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 26 January 2012, 7:01 pm and is filed under
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Politik perkauman akhiri zamannya

— Abd Shukur Harun

The Malaysian Insider

Jan 26, 2012

26 JAN — Tidak syak lagi bahawa generasi baru, malah sesetengah generasi lama juga, telah dengan jelas menolak politik perkauman. Dengan itu parti politik yang berasaskan kaum, atau tebal dengan perkauman sedang menghadapi zaman gelapnya.

Dengan itu, tidak mungkin lagi politik perkauman akan terus mendominasi iklim politik di Malaysia, justru golongan yang mendukung politik perkauman semakin merosot dan terus merosot.

DAP yang sejak puluhan tahun digambarkan oleh musuh politiknya sebagai parti perkauman Cina, kini berusaha keras memulihkan imejnya sebagai parti politik untuk semua kaum di Malayia. Usahanya itu sebanyak sedikit menampakkan hasil di mana sudah ada tokoh-tokoh Melayu yang menyertainya.

Keterlibatan tokoh Melayu itu mampu menonjolkan kesungguhan DAP untuk dilihat secara praktikal sebagai parti bukan perkauman. Tokoh terkini Melayu dalam DAP yang mula mengukir nama ialah seperti Zairil Khir Johari (anak Tan Sri Khir Johari), Prof Arifin Omar, Mohd Arif Sabri seorang blogger yang terkenal dengan nama samaran Sokmongkol AK 47, bekas Presiden Kesatuan Wartawan Malaysia (NUJ), Hatta Wahari dan mungkin ramai lagi yang sudah memasang niat untuk bersama DAP.

Ramai yakin untuk memastikan Melayu dilihat ada tempat dalam DAP, mereka akan diberi kedudukan tertentu untuk ditonjolkan sebagai tokoh Melayu dalam DAP.

Kalangan yang menyertai DAP ini sudah tentu mempunyai persepsi yang sama bahawa masa depan politik Malaysia bukanlah politik perkauman. Justru mereka melihat Pakatan Rakyat — di mana terdiri dari PAS, DAP dan PKR — mempunyai potensi yang sangat baik.

Menurut Dr Mujahid Yusof Rawa Ahli Parlimen Parit Buntar, merangkap Pengerusi Perpaduan Nasional PAS dalam tulisannya di Merdeka Review baru-baru ini, bahawa usaha “mesra Melayu” oleh DAP menjadi mudah apabila ia menjadi parti yang memerintah di Pulau Pinang.

Kata beliau, DAP menzahirkan hasratnya itu melalui dasar berkebajikan kerajaan negeri di mana golongan yang paling bermanfaat dalam dasar ini ialah orang Melayu selain daripada bangsa lain.

“Pengagihan ini memperlihatkan betapa DAP bukanlah hendak meminggir orang Melayu atau mendiskriminasikan mereka di Pulau Pinang, malah penonjolan Lim Guan Eng yang lebih memahami kehendak Islam berbanding dengan Ketua-Ketua Menteri sebelum ini pada kadar tertentu, telah mencairkan chauvanisme DAP. Jadi Ketua Menteri Pulau Pinang itu sendiri adalah satu alat taktikal yang paling efektif untuk DAP menggerakkan strategi ‘mesra Melayunya’,” kata Mujahid.

Semuanya ini adalah perkembangan yang sangat menarik sedang berlaku dalam dalam politik kepartian di Malaysia. Bagi aktivis dan pemerhati politik seperti Dr Mujahid, perkembangan ini menandakan nafas-nafas akhir politik perkauman yang mencengkam politik Malaysia selama ini. Suatu masa nanti, katanya, parti politik Malaysia tidak boleh lagi dikenali dengan pola perkaumannya kerana mereka sudah membebaskan diri dari pengenalan itu.

Yang menjadi persoalan nanti, kata beliau, ialah apakah dasar yang diutarakan kepada rakyat, mana-mana parti yang lebih menarik dasarya itulah yang menjadi pilihan rakyat. Begitu juga ketokohan peribadi ahli politik sebagai ikon yang disukai ramai akan menjadi trend politik kepartian di masa depan.

Sehingga semua itu terlaksana, yang penting ialah prosesnya yang sedang bermula dengan kadar yang sungguh laju.

Pada pendapat saya, PAS sendiri, sebagai parti bukan perkauman yang memperjuangkan dan berusaha menterjemahkan kesyumulan Islam, ia mempunyai kemampuan untuk menarik perhatian lebih ramai bukan saja golongan generasi baru, bahkan juga generasi lama dari pelbagai kaum dan agama.

PAS sendiri ternyata sentiasa hidup di tengah-tengah suasna terkini seperti yang berlaku dalam PRU Ke-12 yang lalu di mana pengundi, terdiri pelbagai bangsa dan agama telah menyokongnya. Di kawasan yang banyak pengundi bukan Melayu seperti di Kota Raja, Selangor di mana calon PAS, Dr Maria Mahmod telah mencapai kemenangan besar.

Begitu juga di kawasan Kuala Selangor keadaan yang serupa  berlaku di mana calon PAS, Dr Dzulkifly Ahmad juga telah berjaya.

Kawasan lain yang mempunyai ramai pengundi bukan Melayu seperti di dua Dun di Muar, di Pulau Pinang, Perak dan lain-lain, calon PAS juga menang cemerlang.

Hasil tahalluf-Siasi yang dijalin oleh PAS bersama DAP dan PKR dalam Pakatan Rakyat, menyebabkan pemngundi bukan Melayu kebanyakannya telah memberi sokongan kepada calon Pakatan, khususnya dari PAS. Ini membuktikan bahawa tasawuur Islam yang dibawa oleh PAS telah diterima oleh pelbagai pihak, khususnya bukan Islam.

Inilah manfaat paling ketara hasil jalinan hubungan PAS dengan pelbagai parti, di mana selama ini, Islam kelihatannya tinggal di masjid dan surau saja.

Saya yakin, dengan sifat Islam yang menolak perkauman, dikriminasi kaum dan seumpamanya, generasi baru, bahkan generasi lama, akan terus menerima PAS dalam PRU Ke-13 akan datang.

Saya berkongsi pandangan dengan Dr Mujahid seterusnya bahawa yang menjadi persoalan nanti, ialah apakah dasar yang akan diutarakan kepada rakyat, mana-mana parti yang lebih menarik dasarya itulah yang menjadi pilihan rakyat, bukan diukur dari sudut kaum dan sebagainya.

Oleh itu, suatu hal yang amat penting difikirkan oleh Pakatan, khususnya PAS, ialah persoalan ketokohan peribadi ahli politiknya sebagai ikon yang disukai ramai, yang akan menjadi trend politik kepartian di masa depan.

Generasi baru, boleh jadi juga generasi lama, akan melihat siapakah para tokoh yang akan dicalonkan. Kewibawaan, ilmu, keteramplilan dan latar belakang, serta rekod perkhidmatan seseorang calon akan menjadi ukuran penting kepada pengundi. Dengan itu Pakatan Rayat, khususnya PAS, mestilah menyediakan calon bermutu tinggi, yang mempunyai ciri-ciri seperti yang diebutkan.

Namun, saya percaya, PAS tidak kurang dengan tokoh berwibawa dari pelbagai lapangan, justru ia adalah gabungan antara ulama dan professional, yang menjadi harta kekal PAS sendiri.

Mengukur dari trend politik yang ada sekarang, PRU Ke-13 nanti sangat critical sifatnya. Ini kerana pengundi tradisional yang selama ini terbiasa dengan memilih berdasarkan kaum dan suku sakat mereka akan mengakhiri zamannya.

Inilah sebuah perubahan yang akan dihadapi oleh semua parti politik.

Dengan itu, hanya parti politik yang bukan perkauman, diyakini mampu membela rakyat, mampu membawa keadilan dan demokrasi akan menjadi pilihan rakyat. — harakahdaily.net

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 26 January 2012, 2:22 pm and is filed under
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What makes New Zealand, Denmark, Finland, Sweden and others “cleaner” than most countries?

By Marie Chêne

Senior Research Coordinator

Transparency International

New Zealand, Denmark, Finland and Sweden have been consistently ranked at the top of the Corruption Perceptions Index and are perceived to be the least corrupt of all the countries surveyed.

They are not perfect – still falling short of the target 10 out of 10 on the index – but many still want to know about how these countries have managed to contain corruption.

Beside law enforcement, there is a broad consensus that fighting corruption involves public participation and transparency mechanisms such as disclosure of information.

Preliminary findings from upcoming country studies for Finland, Denmark and Sweden indicate that this “integrity system” function relatively well in these countries.

But what makes their “national integrity systems” more effective?

Beside a strong commitment to anti-corruption by political leaders, Finland, Sweden, Denmark and to a certain extent New Zealand all share a common set of characteristics that are typically correlated with lower levels of corruption.

Recent studies show that freedom of the press is positively correlated with control of corruption in well established democracies. Finland, Denmark, Sweden and New Zealand all have high GDP per capita, low inequality rates, literacy rates close to 100 %, and prioritise human right issues (e.g. gender equality, freedom of information).

Crucially, they all perform well in terms of government openness and effectiveness.

This does not fully explain the good performance in fighting corruption. A hundred years ago, before their transition to good governance, Denmark and Sweden were not the darlings of the anti-corruption world. For example, the Swedish principle of public access to official documents is one of the oldest established in the world, dates back to 1766.

Well performing countries typically have a long tradition of government openness, civic activism and social trust, with strong transparency and accountability mechanism in place allowing citizens to monitor their politicians and hold them accountable for their actions and decisions.

So what works?

•disclosure of budget information closes the door to waste and misappropriation of public funds. Therefore, countries should seek to promote information disclosure as well as enhance citizens’ participation throughout the budget process. The Open Budget Index shows that Sweden allows citizens to assess how their government is managing public funds.

•Codes of conduct for public servants. Denmark obliges Ministers to monthly publish information on their spending travel and gifts

•Legal framework criminalising a wide range of corruption related abuses and an independent and efficient judiciary.

The good news is that many countries can copy the transparency/accountability route to good governance. A recent study looking at the Finnish case concludes that, contrary to the Singapore’s top down approach to anti-corruption, which is economically unsustainable for most countries, this bottom-up model based on public trust, transparency and social capital is affordable, transferable and adaptable to very different political contexts.

It is important to point out that these countries still face challenges e.g  protective legislation for whistleblowers, corruption risk in public procurement, effective political (party) finance regulation etc.

Keep your eyes posted for more in 2012.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 26 January 2012, 9:05 pm and is filed under
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Judiciary far from truly independent

— Ronald Benjamin

The Malaysian Insider

Jan 27, 2012

JAN 27 — Since Anwar Ibrahim’s acquittal, political commentators and prominent intellectuals have made statements that the judiciary has shown independence. Prime Minister Najib Razak has said that the High Court decision is testimony that he has not interfered with the judiciary. Is the PM implying there was indeed interference before?

Is our judicial system built on such shaky grounds that it has to depend on the goodwill of a prime minister in office for its independence? While it is true recent cases such as the judgment on the Universities and University Colleges Act and the conviction of a prominent state politician have suggested the independence of the courts, these rare decisions do not make the judiciary independent.

One of the greatest truths in any meaningful reforms is the ability to dig deep beyond the surface to discover the root cause of the judicial rot and accepting the widespread perception that interference of judiciary may have occurred. The culprits must be nailed and remedial solutions must be found. Atonement must be shown for past mistakes, and we can then look forward to a lasting solution that would allow us to leap forward into a new era.

This requires honesty and truth seeking. Has our judiciary undertaken such soul searching in its quest to become truly independent? Some commentators have argued that over the years the judiciary has shown independence by taking action against both government leaders and opposition politicians and this by itself shows independence. But this argument is simplistic because the judicial process is not merely based on the judgment in a given case. The details of the process of justice itself, whether it meets the standards of natural justice and its ability to adhere to the supreme objective law of the constitution, are other major considerations. This is where the Malaysian judiciary system appears to have failed compared with other countries with a more well developed and independent judiciary.

Here are a few points to support my assertion.

First, the Lingam tape scandal that resulted in the formation of a royal commission of inquiry. The commission’s findings were never acted upon. This has been widely seen as one of the greatest judicial scandals. The roots of this scandal have never been addressed and the culprits remain unpunished. The whole episode was not brought to a conclusion and this itself has damaged the judiciary beyond redemption.

Why the reluctance on the part of the Attorney-General to charge the accused and to direct further investigation on individuals who were named in the report? Going to the root of a corrupt system would entail exposing a strong corrupt cable of complex relations in a court of law. It would also involve questioning the office of the Attorney-General and prominent politicians, and that would have severely dented the credibility of the ruling BN coalition. Besides this, measures to root out a corrupt system and ensure that lawyers or politicians are not able to bribe or gain influence over judges were never put in place.

The independence of the judiciary cannot be seen in isolation, because a system that encourages corruption is still in place. The Malaysian judiciary needs reforms such as putting in place credible judges and unravelling a corrupt cabal of complex relations. What happens now is that when we have a new head of judiciary, he would normally come up with lofty ideals but fall short in actually reforming a system that tends to corrupt the judiciary in the first place. The interaction between the judiciary and the dominant political ideology is reflected in the system. Therefore to say that the government supports the independence of the judiciary is merely a political statement with no substance.

Second, in terms of the details of the justice process in the Anwar Ibrahim Sodomy 2 trial, a glaring miscarriage of natural justice took place when the accused was not given the opportunity to skim through documents that could have been beneficial to him such as medical records and notes that could help him prepare his defence. Charges were amended just to tarnish the character of the accused before the court of public opinion. For example, the charge levelled against Anwar was for consensual sex, but his accuser was spared from prosecution. Before facts could be determined in its complete form the alleged victim’s testimony was deemed to be credible.

There is always a reluctance by the courts to insist that top politicians such as the PM enter their testimony. Because of such developments in the case, many perceived the case to be one-sided and against the grain of natural justice. This has brought about a negative perception of the impartiality of the judiciary in the minds of discerning Malaysians, even though the judgment turned out otherwise (and now there is an appeal). Does not natural justice demand the right to fair access to information so that the accused can prepare a credible defence?

Third, the continued existence of anti-liberty laws such as the ISA, the Official Secrets Act, the Sedition Act and the new Peaceful Assembly Act clearly shows that our judiciary has submitted to the power of the executive instead of protecting the civil liberties of Malaysians as enshrined in the constitution. This is also true regarding the rights of the minorities especially over freedom of religion. Even though there have been judges who have made courageous decisions in the lower courts, their decisions are usually overturned in the higher courts.

To say that our judiciary is truly independent is something that does not make sense especially after witnessing the crisis and the complacency of the institution over the years. The type of response the government has initiated does not go to the very root of what corrupts the judiciary.

It is not easy for vested interests in a corrupt system to voluntarily give up their leverage. Only a change of government can bring about the desired results, but this too depends on the seriousness of those who come to power. — aliran.com

                This entry was posted on Friday, 27 January 2012, 11:24 am and is filed under
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Manglish or Bahasa rojak. How can?

Mariam Mokhtar | January 27, 2012

Free Malaysia Today

The inexcusable translation in our government departments is not just a question of lack of professionalism and education but, more importantly, of attitude, especially of those at the top.

Throughout Malaysia’s arms spending history, the government has forked out billions on defence procurement while millions more have allegedly been used for commissions and backhanders.

And yet the defence ministry does not see fit to apportion a tiny fraction of its massive budget on the services of a translator.

It cannot be a lack of funds or a scarcity of translators. Is it an aversion which started after one high-profile translator connected to a particular defence purchase met an untimely end?

When the Ministry of Defence (Mindef) posted its error-riddled translation on its English website to describe the dress code appropriate for staff, it received extraordinary attention on social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter.

The translations ranged from the painful sounding “Clothes that poke eye” to the more serious safety connotation of the “Malaysian Government take drastic measures to increase the level of any national security threat”.

Defence Minister Zahid Hamidi admitted that his ministry had utilised the free Google online translator. He subsequently ordered the site to be removed temporarily. It is easy to blame Google.

The buck should stop with him, the minister. Was he being penny-wise, pound-foolish or is this merely lack of attention to detail? Military budgets are not just about buying the big toys. What use is the equipment if no one can translate the repair manuals for our service engineers?

It is not sufficient for Zahid to confirm that future translations will be done manually. Shouldn’t the Cabinet be looking to overhaul the whole education system and specifically the manner in which students treat their education and the learning of English? Nationalist sentiments should not override global aspirations.

Malaysia’s seemingly bottomless military budget has been spent on armaments and other defence hardware including the purchase of two Scorpene submarines at RM7.3 billion. The Scorpene deal allegedly included RM570 million on “coordination and support” services, a euphemism for “commission”, to a little-known company called Perimekar.

In the Scorpene scandal, which is now being fought in the French courts, a Mongolian model-cum- translator, Altantuya Shaaribuu, who was said to be fluent in Russian, English, Chinese and French, was later found murdered in a jungle in Shah Alam.

What about training and repair manuals?

Are the problems in Mindef the tip of the iceberg? Can Zahid reassure us that none of his men have used the free online Google translator to translate defence training or repair manuals from some foreign language to Bahasa?

The frequent waste of military hardware from crashing planes to defective equipment, has resulted in heavy loss of lives and expensive machines. The wide array of armaments from different countries, contribute towards complications in maintenance, poor operational effectiveness, stocking issues and compatibility between different systems. Could the translated manuals have posed a problem, too?

One former member of the armed forces confided, “The MiG manuals were translated from Hindi to BM. We bought the jets from Russia. MiG jets are built under licence in India for the Indian air force. The Russians must have found it easier to get the Hindi version translated instead.”

It isn’t just cyberspace where government bodies are maligned. Perak enters the New Year with the much-touted Visit Perak Year (VPY) 2012.

In 2011, the patience of hoteliers, travel agents and ordinary Perakians including politicians was tested when many claimed that very few people knew what VPY 2012 involved.

The state is hoping to receive in excess of three million visitors, both foreign and local tourists. Despite that, many tourist sites were not prepared for VPY 2012.

The ‘Ipoh Tree’ saga

In October 2011, a local Ipoh community paper, highlighted the glaring problems in the proficiency of English of the staff working at the Perak Tourist Information Centre (Pusat Pelancongan Perak) near the Ipoh Padang.

According to the paper, the Perak Tourism Information Centre, which is an extension of the Ipoh City Council’s tourism department, had an embarrassing description of the Ipoh Tree, emblazoned beneath a photograph of the tree, on display at the centre.

The full text which the paper reportedly found at the centre is reproduced here:

“The words ‘Ipoh’ makes us memorize to Ipoh Tree. Epu or Upas Tree (Antiaris Toxicarial). It can be found in many areas surrounding Ipoh City old time ago. Introduction about Ipoh tree as a place can get it from “Perak And The Malays” book author by J.F. Mcnair in 1979.

“This tree is grouping under ‘nettle’ species and can growth up until hundred feet’s tall. The primitive using the Ipoh Tree’s liquid to make a poison dart to use in their weapon. This tree also can be found in Borneo Sumatera, India and Philippine. Now days Ipoh Tree can be founded at Railway Station and D.R. Seenivasagam Park.”

Even primary school students will consider the above description, which is littered with errors, to be gibberish.

If people think that it does not matter that such things happen in a provincial city like Ipoh, then how about the gaffe which occurred when Chinese premier Wen Jiabao and his entourage visited Putrajaya? The banner flying at the welcoming ceremony was printed in inaccurate Chinese.

Or how about the court interpreter, Ting Chin Kin, who translated Teoh Beng Hock’s supposed suicide note using Google Translate?

Just like in the Mindef mess, the inexcusable translation in our government departments is not just a question of lack of professionalism and education but, more importantly, of the attitude, especially of those at the top. Incompetent officials appear to hold sway in the Malaysian civil service and Cabinet.

The top echelons should dispense with their “tidak-apa” attitude, and lead by example. If they demanded good results and accuracy, then perhaps, people might feel less inclined to say that the two important languages in Malaysia are Manglish and Malay.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 27 January 2012, 1:26 pm and is filed under
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Renungan di angkasa

by Zairil Khir Johari

The Malaysian Insider

Jan 27, 2012

27 JAN — Sebaik sahaja enjin pesawat mula bergema tandanya bakal berlepas, saya terus memejamkan mata merenung perbualan di lapangan terbang sebentar tadi.

Semasa menunggu di balai perlepasan, saya telah terserempak dengan seorang sahabat lama keluarga. Walaupun sudah lama tidak berjumpa, masa tidak mengizinkan omongan panjang. Maka selepas bertanya khabar saya terus menjunam ke dalam topik yang sedang hangat dibicarakan umum.

“Memandangkan Pakcik pernah menjadi ahli lembaga pengarah Universiti Malaya, apakah pendapat Pakcik tentang beberapa insiden kebangkitan mahasiswa baru-baru ini dan tindakan tatatertib yang dikenakan ke atas mereka?”

Pesara yang bergelar Tan Sri itu terus tersenyum. “Saya bukan sahaja bekas ahli lembaga pengarah, saya juga seorang graduan UM! Tetapi untuk menjawab soalan kamu, saya amat mengesali suasana pendidikan tinggi di negara kita dewasa ini.”

Saya menoleh sekejap ke arah pintu perlepasan. Tiada aktiviti lagi. “Bagaimana tu?”

“Sebab di mana kita sepatutnya mendahului, kita sudah jauh ketinggalan, dalam segala aspek,” ujar Tan Sri yang selama 36 tahun telah mencurahkan khidmat bakti untuk tanahair. “Begini, kita bermula dari awal. Kita negara yang bernasib baik kerana telah mewarisi institusi-institusi yang matang. Itu tidak boleh dinafikan. Antara kuasa-kuasa imperialisme yang telah menakluki dunia semasa era kolonial, boleh dikatakan bahawa kuasa British adalah penjajah yang paling baik. Ataupun sekurang-kurangnya, yang paling kurang zalim. Setuju?”

Bahu saya terangkat sambil saya menjawab, “Tetapi ada juga durjananya….”

“Ya, memang betul. Banyak kemungkarannya seperti dasar pecah dan perintah yang telah mengakibatkan susunan lapis masyarakat yang kita lihat pada hari ini. Tidak seimbang, dan rata-rata mengurung kaum-kaum yang berlainan dalam fungsi-fungsi sosio-ekonomi yang tertentu. Tetapi ada juga warisan-warisannya yang berfaedah seperti institusi-institusi kenegaraan yang teratur. Misalnya, perkhidmatan awam, badan kehakiman, pasukan-pasukan keselamatan dan yang paling asas sekali, institusi pendidikan.”

Saya mengangguk persetujuan.

“Malangnya, selepas pemerintahan sendiri selama lima setengah dekad, kita telah menampakkan kemerosotan dalam hampir kesemua institusi-institusi kenegaraan tersebut. Pun begitu, musibah yang paling teruk telah berlaku dalam bidang pendidikan. Saya tahu, saya banyak menemu duga anak-anak muda sekarang. Bukan macam dahulu. Budaya pemikiran sudah hilang.”

“Betul cakap Pakcik. Umum tahu kualiti pengajian tempatan sudah mundur.” Tambah saya lagi, “Dulu, institusi-institusi pendidikan di negara kita terkenal sebagai pusat pengeraman ilmuan dan pemimpin yang berwibawa. Banyak sekolah kita yang unggul, seperti RMC (Royal Military College) dan MCKK (Malay College Kuala Kangsar) yang pernah pada suatu ketika digelar sebagai ‘Eton of the East’. UM pun pernah dianggap sebagai universiti yang paling ulung dalam rantau Asia Tenggara.”

“Dan,” kata bekas diplomat itu, “kejayaan sistem pendidikan kita pada zaman itu terserlah apabila ramai graduan sekolah-sekolah dan universiti-universiti kita telah berjaya menjadi pemimpin dan pelopor bukan sahaja di dalam negara kita bahkan juga di peringkat antarabangsa. Malangnya, situasi sudah banyak berubah. Bukan sahaja graduan kita tidak berdaya saing, tetapi institusi-institusi pengajian kita pun sudah kehilangan keunggulannya. Tidak perlu pergi jauh. Lihat sahaja alma mater saya, kini terus menghilang dalam tangga universiti dunia.”

Saya terus mengangguk mendengar keluhan bekas duta yang berambut uban itu.

“Sebagai contoh, kalau dibandingkan dengan pengalaman saya dahulu, suasana kampus pada hari ini seolah-olah dunia yang berbeza. Banyak sangat peraturan. Ini tidak boleh, itu tidak boleh. Bagi saya, zaman universiti adalah masa untuk bereksperimen, untuk meluahkan pendapat, untuk beridealisme, malah untuk melakukan kesilapan. Tidakkah kita belajar daripada kesilapan? Jika kita tidak diberi ruang untuk membuat kesilapan, bagaimanakah kita hendak belajar?”

Tanpa menunggu jawapan saya, beliau terus bertambah, “Budak-budak sekarang umpama mesin robot. Hanya tahu apa yang dimasukkan ke dalam sistem. Tidak ada langsung daya kreativiti dan pemikiran kritis. Setengah daripada yang berjaya dilantik sebagai pegawai dalam perkhidmatan awam hari ini langsung tidak akan dipertimbangkan dahulu.”

“Rasanya apakah punca kemerosotan ini?” saya bertanya, walaupun boleh mengagak jawapannya.

“Puncanya kalau hendak diulas memang pelbagai. Kebanyakannya gara-gara campur tangan politik dalam pendidikan. Tetapi kegagalan institusi pendidikan tinggi di negara kita pada dasarnya telah bermula sekitar tahun 1970an. Kalau sejarah diimbas, pada masa itulah berlakunya perlintasan garis Rubicon apabila Akta Universiti dan Kolej Universiti diperkenalkan. Sejak daripada itu, dunia akademia di negara kita telah dikongkong dengan cara kuku besi. Di negara-negara maju, undang-undang sedemikian tidak dapat dibayangkan pun. Sekatan ke atas kebebasan siswa-siswi untuk berfikir dan bersuara sekaligus telah membunuh budaya pemikiran kritis. Jangan perlekehkan kesan AUKU ini. Sudah dua generasi yang terjejas.”

“Dulu pada zaman Pakcik, tidak ada sekatan sedemikian?”

“Bukan sahaja tidak ada undang-undang seperti AUKU, tetapi kampus telah memainkan peranan sebagai pusat untuk kegiatan-kegiatan yang merangsang jiwa dan minda. Ada kalanya kita mengambil bahagian dalam aktiviti yang jelas menongkah arus perdana, tetapi kita tidak pernah gentar. Pada masa itu, saya kuat berdemo juga, seperti teman-teman di merata dunia. Kita menentang macam-macam — Perang Vietnam, Konfrontasi Sukarno, malah dasar-dasar kerajaan sendiri. Mana-mana menteri yang datang melawat kampus akan segera ditemui dengan pelekat-pelekat bantahan.”

Saya tersengih membayangkan keadaan yang diceritakan. “Sungguhpun begitu, kebebasan untuk berdemo itu secara sendiri tidak mungkin menjadi punca utama kejayaan pelajar-pelajar zaman itu?”

“Tentulah tidak. Tetapi kebebasan untuk meluahkan isi hati adalah simbolik. Dalam erti kata lain, ia melambangkan keyakinan bahawa tindak tanduk, pemikiran dan suara hati kita tidak terhad dan terkurung. Memang kalau diingat kembali, kebanyakan daripada ‘perjuangan’ saya dahulu adalah terlalu idealistik. Tetapi tidak mengapa, kerana itulah keindahan zaman muda. Saya tidak menyesal langsung. Itulah masa untuk membina jati diri. Jika iltizam untuk menerokai dunia dan mencabar kuasa-kuasa ‘atasan’ telah disekat pada masa itu, saya tidak mungkin akan dapat memupuk keyakinan dan cara pemikiran yang telah banyak membantu saya dalam kerjaya, terutama sekali sebagai seorang diplomat dalam era Perang Dingin.”

Saya mengeluh panjang. “Malangnya pada hari ini, pelajar-pelajar yang berani mencabar pihak berkuasa akan ditimpa padah, seperti dalam kes UPSI dan KUIN baru-baru ini.”

Tan Sri menggeleng kepalanya. “Budak-budak itu tidak patut digantung. Tindakan macam itu adalah pencabulan hak asasi mereka. Sekadar melakukan protes dan menyuarakan rintihan hati, apa salahnya? Kalau saya jadi mereka, saya akan melakukan perkara yang sama.”

“Sudah jelas kemunduran akademia di negara kita adalah kegagalan sistemik. Apakah jalan penyelesaiannya?”

“Tidak ada ubat yang mujarab, tetapi langkah pertama adalah jelas. Undang-undang yang membantut perkembangan minda dan jati diri siswa-siswi kita harus dimansuhkan. Selagi AUKU itu masih ada, selagi itulah jiwa akademia negara kita akan tersesak. Undang-undang kuku besi ini terlalu senang disalahgunakan, seperti yang boleh dilihat di Tanjung Malim dan juga di Kedah. Tidak kira siapa kerajaannya, kan?”

Tidak sempat saya menjawab kerana perbualan kami telah diganggu pada ketika itu oleh sistem pembesar suara yang mengumumkan panggilan terakhir bagi penerbangan saya. “Minta maaf, Pakcik. Kapal sudah memanggil.”

“Tidak mengapa. Kita tangguhkan sahaja perbincangan pada hari ini. Tetapi, sebelum kamu berlayar di angkasa, saya ingin menyampaikan kata-kata yang pernah disuarakan oleh Robert Maynard Hutchins, seorang ahli falsafah pendidikan dari Amerika Syarikat. Walaupun selalu jatuh ke telinga yang pekak, saya tetap suka mengulangi pesanan ini kepada rakan-rakan saya di lembaga UM dahulu:

“Tujuan pendidikan bukanlah untuk memenuhi pelajar dengan fakta, tetapi untuk mengajar mereka untuk berfikir.”

                This entry was posted on Friday, 27 January 2012, 1:18 pm and is filed under
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S’gor MB is no threat to Islam

Mohd Ariff Sabri Aziz | January 27, 2012

Free Malaysia Today

Malay rights group Perkasa can say all it wants about Islam coming ‘under siege’ in Selangor, but the fact is it’s Umno’s ruinous actions which threaten Islam.

COMMENT

Is Selangor Menteri Besar Khalid Ibrahim a closet Christian evangelist? Is that why Perkasa is upset over him taking charge of Islam in the state, warning that “the faith of Islam, of Muslims is under siege in Selangor”?

Is Khalid not Islamic enough for Perkasa?

I believe placing Khalid in charge of Islamic affairs in Selangor is the best decision the Pakatan Rakyat government has made.

Despite Perkasa’s postulation that Khalid “lacks the religious credentials”, I believe he will lend the prestige and stature of the MB’s office to Islamic affairs.

Since he has managed the state financially well, he can keep a look-out on the zakat money, too.

So how is he a threat to Islam, as claimed by Perkasa? Khalid is no threat to Islam, Umno is.

Islam is threatened simply because the majority of Umno members shy away from mosques and suraus.

They want positions as chairmen of suraus and masjid for the prestige. But they are sorely deficient and wanting when it comes to evangelical programmes.

But then that is the basic leadership philosophy of the majority of Umno people – they want positions without accountability and responsibility.

‘Islamic bodies can expect more’

They want to become boss of suraus or mosques, they want to become chairman of PTAs (Parent- Teacher Associations) even though they themselves are elementary educated.

So when things go afoul, the answers are not difficult to identify and can immediately be found. They almost always somehow originate from Umno.

Perkasa is pedalling an array of claims but the biggest gobbledygook thus far is that DAP is wanting to proselytise Muslims.

Noteworthy is the fact that a majority of DAP people are not Christians.

Also noteworthy is the fact that Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng allocated a budget of RM30 million for Islamic institutions in the state.

Compare that with a measly RM12 million allocated yearly in Negri Sembilan headed by – horror of horrors – a Malay Muslim Menteri Besar (Mohamad Hasan).

Under Khalid, Islamic bodies in Selangor can expect more.

Yes, Islam is under threat but simply because Umno has carried out ruinous business policies and economic predation that have so impoverished the Malays.

It has made Malays vulnerable and left them to seek help from the inefficient Islamic bodies.

If Malays convert then, the fault lies firstly with the institutions charged with keeping the faith.

The writer is a former Umno state assemblyman and now a DAP member. He is a FMT columnist.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 27 January 2012, 12:24 pm and is filed under
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Why patriotic Malaysians must unite as one and in loud and clear voice demand for a RCI into the RM336.64 million NFC/NFCorp “cattle condo” scandal

Four things are clear.

First, that there is something very rotten about the RM336.64 million National Feedlot Centre (NFC)/National Feedlot Corporation (NFCorp) “cattle condo” scandal – what with a RM250 million soft loan at 2% interest to promote cattle production used to buy two units of luxury condominiums in Kuala Lumpur and another condominium in Singapore, purchase of  land in Precinct 10 Putrajaya, close to a million ringgit  expenditures on overseas trips and extraordinarily high salaries for the family members of Datuk Seri Shahrizat, Minister for Women, Family and Community Development.

Second, that very high-level personalities are involved whether in the scandal or in the decision-making process resulting in the scandal, and that the personalities who must clear themselves include not only  Shahrizat but also the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak who was then  Chairman of the Cabinet Committee on High Impact Projects which approved the NFC project in 2006, Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, who was then the Minister for Agriculture and Agro-Based Industries, Datuk Seri Nor Omar, current Minister for Agriculture and Agro-Based Industries, even the former Prime Minister, Tun Abdullah as well as the entire former Cabinet before the 12th General Elections on March 8, 2008.

Third, the initial reactions of the various authorities unanimously trying to avoid touching the NFC/NF Corp scandal with a “barge pole”, although the Auditor-General, Tan Sri Ambrin Buang signed off the Auditor-General’s Report 2010 on 8th July 2011 with copies sent to the various relevant authorities, including the Cabinet –  which probably explains the irresponsible inactions for more than six months, the delayed presentation of the Auditor-General’s Report in Parliament on October 25 when it should have been  tabled in Parliament more than three weeks earlier on the first day of the Budget Parliament on 3rd October; the initial five-month refusal of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) to investigate the scandal; the refusal of the Public Accounts Committee Chairman Datuk Seri Azmi Khalid to allow the PAC to conduct immediate and urgent investigations into the scandal although the PAC may cease to exist any time with the imminent dissolution of Parliament for the 13th General Elections  and the continued refusal of the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister to agree to a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the scandal.

Fourth, latest efforts by various personalities in a  “cover up” and to  wriggle out of responsibility for the “cattle condo” scandal – whether by using semantics claiming that the Auditor-General had never used the word “mess” in his report (when the facts that have emerged reveal that it was more than a “mess” and was indeed a “terrible mess”) and that the Auditor-General had mixed up the two entities of NFC and NFCorp.

All in all, the building block for a grand conspiracy to cover up the NFC/NFCorp “cattle condo” scandal.

Such a conspiracy must not be allowed to succeed, as the NFC/NFCorp “cattle condo” scandal has become a symbol of the utter lack of seriousness of the Najib administration to combat corruption and head  an accountable and transparent government, making nonsense of all the alphabet soup of GTP, NKRAs, MKRAs, etc as all propaganda with little real meaning.

Even without the RM336.64 million NFC/NFCorp “cattle condo” scandal, Malaysia has plunged to the worst ranking of 60th place and lowest score  of 4.3 in 17 years in the 2011 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index.

With the continued obstruction and impediment placed in the way of a no-holds-barred  investigation and full public accounting into the NFC/NFCorp “cattle condo” scandal, Malaysia can expect an even worse ranking and score in the 2012 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index.

Patriotic Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or political affiliation should unite as one to demand in a loud and clear voice for a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the NFC/NFCorp “cattle condo” scandal.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 27 January 2012, 10:50 am and is filed under
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