Factors that will shape tomorrow’s outcome

Bridget Welsh | Jan 29, 11

Malaysiakini

ANALYSIS

 In this semi-rural constituency, rain and floods have dampened the turnout at ceramah and made for a low-key campaign. Walkabouts and quiet face-to-face campaigning, sometimes backed by ‘gifts’, have been the norm, as the BN aims to reach the lofty target of 5,000 majority and Pakatan Rakyat fights hard to win ground in an area that is far outside of its usual base.

No question, political watchers are fatigued observing this 14th by-election since March 2008, and hearing the same old issues of money politics and racial politics shaping the outcome.

For some, the fight for a few thousand votes in the protracted struggle for power is a distraction and waste of money. With an estimated RM150 million cost for campaigns in this tiny constituency, it is no wonder that cynicism has set in nationally.

It is important to understand that the Tenang by-election – its campaign and political significance – symbolise an ongoing climate change in Malaysian politics that has evolved since Najib Razak came into office. As with climate change generally, we do not yet know the impact, but its immediate effects are significant.

The Tenang contest will affect future campaigns and political fortunes, even though the actual result will likely remain in the BN column. Below, I describe three broad transforming features tied to Tenang and point to a few key factors that will shape the contest in tomorrow’s outcome and the size of the majority.

Heightened racial politics

Ironically, since March 2008, racial politics in Malaysia has increased. This is largely due to the fact that the BN (and Umno’s) loss of two-thirds has been painted as a loss for the Malays. Instead of reforming Umno, there has been more dependence on racial rhetoric and support to win back the Malay base and undermine Pakatan.

This campaign has featured among the worst in racial discourse as the house-to-house campaigning in the Felda areas and other Malay areas has bordered on vitriol. Fear and insecurity has blended with negative racial stereotyping. It is ironic, since it has been couched with the gifts of 1Malaysia T-shirts and been conducted in a mixed constituency.

For the Chinese areas, the MCA has largely used its old mantra of Islamic state. Rather than fight the tide, the opposition has adopted a similar pattern of allocating areas ethnically, with the DAP focusing in the Chinese ground, PKR working the Indian areas and PAS predominantly in the Malay areas.

While there is some crossover, the focus in how the voters are defined has been racial, with only limited attention to generational, occupational and gender dynamics. The campaign has largely centred on racial issues (linked to religion as well), for example, Interlok, handshakes, Islamic state and more.

Little attention has substantially centred on the challenges of governance in this area – limited investment in infrastructure (roads are in poor condition), flooding, employment and incomes.

It is a fact that the political climate has returned to the age of racial politics. This gives the advantage to the BN, as it places strain on Pakatan. This racial campaigning is deepening ironically since Najib and Muhyiddin came into office, and being tied to the strategy of greater reliance on local machinery and networks.

This post-March 2008 political climate change is troubling as it is increasing intolerance and further breaking down the cross-ethnic trust and cooperation that is essential to address the underlying challenges of governance.

New political terrain for Pakatan

What distinguishes this particular by-election is the fact that it is in Johor. Twenty years have passed since a by-election was held here, and generally the level of political competition from the opposition has been muted. This is after all a BN state, its home ground, especially for Umno.

Contests for power are internal within the BN, within the MCA and Umno in particular. What is interesting is that this by-election has opened up Johor politically to the opposition by providing an opportunity to break new ground.

The two parties that have the most potential to build their base in the opposition are PAS and DAP. It is no wonder that these parties are working hard to build their machinery. PAS has adopted a progressive face with an articulate local teacher, a woman who symbolises the reforms in PAS to move toward more inclusion and broader representation.

Normala Sudirman is not the first woman PAS has fielded in Johor and will likely not be the last. The results here – along with the upcoming contest in Malacca – will shape dynamics in PAS as they debate a return to the traditional conservative Malay base (and possibly ally itself with Umno) or move toward greater moderation and inclusion. Any gains will strengthen PAS’ relationship in Pakatan, as its national ambition is increasingly tied to multi-ethnic cooperation.

A similar dynamic is shaping DAP, as they picked up a number of seats in this state in March 2008. Whether they maintain or gain support is a test of its future possibilities. DAP has to come further out of its Chinese chauvinist shell to win multi-ethnic seats. Without Pakatan cooperation, winning seats in Johor is completely not viable.

Ironically, as the campaign focus is on racial communities, the need for cooperation is even stronger. Pakatan as a whole face a disadvantage as their machinery is relatively weaker in Johor and this contest is in a semi-rural area that has been relatively insulated from the influence of the alternative media.

For the opposition, this by-election will at least allows the various parties to develop their machinery and explore whether the surprising inroads into Johor have taken root or withered. It is a test whether the political climate locally has changed, and whether attitudes in Pakatan remain nationally or racially/parochially focused.

Old battles in a new battleground

The BN has a clear advantage in Tenang. Its machinery is well-oiled and many of the most prominent national leaders are from this fine state. Johor has a tradition of grooming some of the most talented BN leaders. What has however undercut Johorean leaders nationally is the high level of internal competition. This is being played out here in Tenang.

The most heated contest involves the MCA. In many ways, this by-election is perhaps the most important test for Chua Soi Lek. His credibility is on the line as he is being tested in his home state. It is not a surprise that he and son Chua Tee Yong, his political protégé, have featured prominently here in the campaigns as many see this by-election not just about the party president’s future, but his son’s.

Yet, the old Team A, Team B and Team C battle behind the scenes continues to simmer. Johor is a traditionally MCA safe territory, where their leaders are assured of winning their seats. All MCA seats in the state have become even more important as options for political survival elsewhere are shrinking.

If MCA, and Chua in particular, do not deliver a respectable share of the Chinese vote in his home ground, it will undermine him. He will perhaps face as many challenges from within as from Pakatan. Beyond the number of votes will be the ability of the party to redefine and promote Chinese issues nationally.

This is a hard test, due to the difficult climate non-Malay parties face within the BN as they fight to win back public support. It is unclear that the Islamic state issue and Chinese New Year gifts are enough to swing voters to MCA. The question is whether Chinese voters in Tenang have moved beyond these old tactics.

For Umno, the weight of responsibility lies with Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. He is the head honcho locally, and seen as decisive in selecting the candidate. Former district officer Mohd Azahar Ibrahim has yet to come out of his shell, but he has been adequately sheltered under the Umno and BN umbrella. He is capable and articulate, like many talented Johoreans, although not well-known locally.

Yet, in keeping with the heated contests of Umno Johor, the infighting issue has not gone away. Not all of the possible contenders for the seat are happy with the candidate. The challenge will be to assure that Umno is united. This is something that Najib and Muhyiddin face nationally as infighting for position remains fierce and as the number of winnable seats has contracted with the losses in March 2008 and loss of state governments.

Infighting in Johor is not as easily resolved with promises and financial rewards as elsewhere, and while short-term accommodation may be made; the long-term divisions are real and difficult. The current political climate change nationally revolves around an Umno that is about personal position, not necessarily delivery and governance, despite Johor’s valuable inputs in Umno.

The failure to win substantial gains among Malays will also have similar negative impact nationally, undermining Muhiyddin, at least until the next by-election. Setting an unrealistic target has put even more pressure on BN internally. How the BN manages itself internally is crucial for its success and Johor could not be a better ground to assess how the infighting is playing out.

Four other key factors

Beyond these factors – old racial politics, opposition making inroads with better machinery, BN infighting – there are four other factors that will shape tomorrow’s outcome.

First is voters turnout. The winning majority will be determined by how many people go to the polls. But the weather is not helping. It’s wet and damp, just the type of weather one wants to curl up and stay at home.

Second is the return factor of outstation voters. An estimated 20 percent of the electorate resides outside of this constituency. Who comes home, and in what numbers, will be crucial. The youth work in Singapore and Kuala Lumpur, and many have come home from last night. How many, remains an open question. These outstation voters cut across all races.

The fact that campaigning has essentially been going on for a month points to a significant number of returnees. Almost all working outside are young. The youth vote is crucial, and it will likely be divided racially and by location, with Singapore shaping the outcome of Tenang more than any other by-election.

The Singapore factor potentially works in favour of the opposition as there is less Malaysian mainstream media penetration in the island republic. Many are also not happy to have to leave their country to earn a livable wage.

Third is the gender dynamic. The attacks on Normala Sudirman – including the nasty cyber-attack on her first marriage – and her husband have raised concerns. It is always hard for political parties to have a male-female contest. Attacks on women and their family are often not well-received by voters. This is an important undercurrent.

Finally, and not surprising, is money. Johor is not used to money politics to this degree. Tenang does not have the same level of hardcore poverty as other constituencies such as Galas, but this is not to say that money does not talk. It is a powerful determinant in the estate areas, where conditions remain pitiful, and in some of the Felda areas where there is inadequate land to support second and third generations of families.

Money and promises are flowing liberally. Whether the voters opt for the money in this more global and wealthier state remains to be seen. The low-key nature of opposition-BN politics in Johor may make the money more attractive as voters are assessing whether a vote for the opposition will make a difference.

The mood on the ground is quietly watchful. Many voters have already decided how to vote. The level of passion and political discourse is muted, but the sense of purposefulness among the voters is clear. They know their vote is important.

The final election results will be determined by the final push from both contending sides – whether financial and otherwise – and it is crucial that voters go out to vote, even in the rain.

Don’t expect a flood – a major swing in votes – but by tomorrow evening, the results will point to new water levels and currents that are constantly evolving. One thing is certain, the political fortunes of both BN and Pakatan will be shaped by this quiet constituency.

DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University. She is in Tenang to observe the by-elections. Welsh can be reached at
[email protected]
.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 30 January 2011, 1:56 pm and is filed under
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MCA continues to tell lies in Tenang by-election  through its newspaper Star – but good luck to Chua Soi Lek continuing as MCA President!

Today is polling day for the Tenang by-election, the fourteenth since the 2008 general election.

The outcome of the by-election should be left to the 14,753 voters but it is most regrettable that MCA continues to peddle lies and falsehoods  through its newspaper The Star.

In its analysis report today headlined
 “Up to the voters now to choose who is best”
, Sunday Star wrote:

“Never mind that the Barisan Nasional candidate Mohd Azahar Ibrahim is from Umno, it was the MCA that DAP, especially its adviser Lim Kit Siang, was after.

“A political observer viewed the DAP’s all-out effort to attack MCA as mainly an attempt to divert the community’s attention from the various breakthroughs the MCA has achieved since Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek became party president in March last year.

“’A stable and united MCA has always been a threat to DAP,’ reasoned a veteran MCA leader, pointing out that DAP’s survival hinged a lot upon MCA’s weaknesses as both parties banked on the support of the Chinese community.

“The fact that Dr Chua has adopted a low-key and personal touch in his campaign, such as personally meeting Tenang voters, has also put the opposition in a bind, remarked a political observer.

“As expected by many MCA supporters, Kit Siang had, in his ceramah in Tenang, challenged Dr Chua to step down if he failed to get the support of the Chinese community in the by-election.”

I had never in any ceramah in Tenang challenged Chua to step down if he failed to get the support of the Chinese community in the by-election.

Unlike the views of the majority of MCA leaders and delegates, I have no objection whatsoever if Chua continues as MCA President, regardless of the Tenang by-election result today. Good luck to him!

I had in my Tenang ceramah faulted Chua for trying to demonise DAP and his  “scare and fear” tactic in the by-election to frighten the Chinese voters alleging that a vote for the PAS/Pakatan Rakyat candidate, Normala Sudirman is a vote for Islamic state and hudud.

I had also responded to Chua’s warning to the Chinese voters that they would be sending a dangerous message to UMNO if they vote in support of the PAS candidate as it would be interpreted as support for PAS’ Islamic State agenda driving Umno to be more extreme and Islamic.

I had challenged Chua to be honest and have the courage to tell Umno not to misread and misinterpret Chinese votes for the PAS/PR candidate as both the DAP and the Chinese voters in the DAP ceramahs have made it very clear that a vote for Normala is not a vote for hudud and  Islamic state but a vote for PR programme for change, democracy, justice and progress.

Would Chua have the courage to tell this simple truth to UMNO leaders?

In the Tenang by-election campaign, Umno leaders have been telling Malay voters that PAS has betrayed Islamic values and principles after teaming up with DAP in PR, while MCA leaders have been telling the opposite lie, that the DAP had sold out its principles and objectives to PAS  in supporting hudud and Islamic state.

Is Chua prepared to be the first MCA leader to have the honesty and the courage to tell UMNO the truth –  that Chinese votes for PAS/PR candidate in the Tenang by-election is not a vote for hudud and Islamic State but a vote for political change, democracy, justice and progress?

The MCA newspaper, the Star, should have the journalistic ethics and professionalism to report what I actually said in the Tenang ceramahs instead of concocting lies and falsehoods to serve the vested interests of its political masters.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 30 January 2011, 2:21 pm and is filed under
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Pakatan decries selective assistance to voters

Kuek Ser Kuang Keng | Jan 30, 11 4:50pm

Malaysiakini

The day-long downpour in Tenang had caused flooding in many areas across this rural constituency in Johor, rendering several of the 12 polling stations inaccessible to voters.

Pakatan Rakyat complained that this had significantly reduced the turnout of Chinese voters, considered the ‘vote bank’ for the opposition.

Although police, army, the Civil Defence Department and various government agencies had been deployed to assist the voters to get to the polling stations, Pakatan leaders are upset that the assistance were not provided equally to all.

According to them, more transportation facilities were deployed in Felda areas, which are BN strongholds.

“Why are there no boats to ferry the voters in Labis town, which is also flooded, but Felda gets all the police and fire department boats?” asked DAP publicity chief Tony Pua in a tweet message.

BN secured 80 percent of votes in the three Felda settlements in Tenang in the 2008 general election.

“The failure to provide sufficient boats and trucks, and distribute them evenly across all polling districts will severely tilt the outcome of this by-election.

“The police and army should not just provide their assistance to selective areas because the flood is everywhere in the constituency.” he added when contacted by Malaysiakini.

‘Opposition voters discriminated’

At least two polling stations – SMK Kamarul Ariffin and Kampung Paya Merah multi-purpose hall in Labis town – were inaccessible due to high water level.

The former is the polling station for Bandar Labis Tengah polling district while the other is polling station for Bandar Labis Timur polling district – both predominantly Chinese areas which were won by PAS in the last general election.

Out of 12 polling districts, PAS won in three – all of which are Chinese-majority areas – in the last general election.

In addition, Johor DAP Youth chief Tan Hong Pin claimed that the army trucks that went into Chinese residential areas had refused to fetch voters whom they suspect were opposition supporters.

“It happened at Kampung Paya Merah,” claimed Tan when contacted.

Johor DAP Wanita chief Chew Peck Choo also alleged that army trucks had selectively picked up voters based on their ethnicity.

“PAS supporters complained to me that the army trucks refused to pick up opposition supporters or were slow in picking them up,” she told Malaysiakini.

According to Selangor DAP Youth publicity chief Lim Swee Kuan, as of 3pm, the voters turnout at Tenang Station polling district was 47.72 percent and 54.69 percent for Bandar Labis Timur – way below the average turnout rate of 65.19 percent.

Tenang Station is another Chinese-majority polling station, but this area was won by BN in 2004.

DAP Serdang MP Teo Nie Ching had openly decried that the turnout rate in Chinese areas reached only 20 percent at 1pm compared with 50 percent in the Malay-majority Felda settlements. The overall turnout rate at 1pm was 55.36 percent.

In her micro-blogging website Twitter, Teo posted several mobile numbers of DAP helpers and called on Chinese voters to contact them for transportation to get to their polling station.

“Urgent! Chinese voters turnout rate is very low. Pakatan candidate needs your vote, please called on your friends, relatives and neighbours to go and vote as soon as possible,” she posted.

No suspension of polls, says EC

According to reports, Election Commission (EC) chairperson Abdul Aziz Yusof said there will be extension of the polling period.

Although some roads leading to the polling stations had been cut off by floods, government agencies are helping to fetch the voters with their heavy vehicles and boats, said Abdul Aziz.

He said that no polling stations will be closed.

Extension of polling time is not allowed under the current election law, added EC deputy chairperson Wan Ahmad Wan Omar.

Meanwhile, Johor PAS deputy commissioner and Tenang election director Dzulkefly Ahmad told Malaysiakini that PAS is trying their best to mobilise their supporters to vote before polling comes to a close at 5pm.

“I have contacted EC and they said they will stick to their original plan.”

PAS has yet to decide whether the polling should be called off, he said.

Asked whether the low turnout would jeopardise PAS’ support, Dzulkefly said a low turnout of Chinese voters would benefit BN, but if Malay voters were affected than it would be an advantage to PAS.

“However, the Chinese voters turnout so far has been low. We are mobilising our machinery to get them to vote.”

“We are also working hand-in-hand with the EC to help get the voters to the polling stations.”

Johor DAP chief Dr Boo Cheng Hau too was worried.

“We are worry about the low turnout of Chinese voters because they are our vote bank. We are doing our best to send four-wheel drive vehicles to fetch them.

“We also asked EC to inform the marine police and Civil Defence Department to send their boats and heavy trucks to fetch the voters,” he said when contacted.

Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin had said earlier today that the floods might affect the coalition’s chances of winning big.

                This entry was posted on Sunday, 30 January 2011, 5:41 pm and is filed under
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Imperative that the public lock horns over ‘Interlok’

By
K Pragalath

Introduction by
CPI

28 January 2011

The Star today frontpaged ‘
Interlok stays
’ as its main story and reporting Education Minister Muhyiddin Yassin as saying the contentious novel is to remain a Form 5 exam text but with amendments to several aspects “deemed sensitive by the Indian community???.

A section of the Indian community suspects that the selection of this more than 40-year-old book – only reprinted as recently as last year – was impelled by an ulterior motive. The novel Interlok not only portrays the Indian community as the ‘pariah’ class that emigrated to the peninsula but has as its running theme a recurrent allusion to the Indian and Chinese races as ‘pendatang’ as well as many negative, racial stereotypes.

Muhyiddin was quoted by The Star (source: Bernama) as saying that his ministry’s decision to retain ‘Interlok’ was made “after taking into consideration the views of all parties, which acknowledged that the book was good in nurturing and strengthening unity among the multi-racial and multi-religious society in Malaysia???.

The Minister’s rationale and claim of “nurturing unity??? fail to withstand scrutiny when there have been nationwide protests against the book, countless police reports as well as threats of civil suits. These very acts in themselves are already indicative of the deep cleavages and ill-will that the book has engendered.

Are we to trust Malay Literature teachers, predominantly belonging to one race, to exercise an adequate wisdom and tact over such an emotion-rousing novel when the racist utterances of the Bukit Selambau (Kedah) and Kulaijaya (Johor) school principals still leave a sour taste in the mouth?

And are we to hope that the impressionable students sitting the exam who are tasked with writing standard exam answers – where their essays will be expected to fit the officially prescribed model and thinking mode – will not be subtly and sublimally brainwashed ala the Biro Tata Negara (BTN) modus operandi?

In fact, complainants even suggest that the book was selected for this year’s reading list in bad faith and with the hidden agenda of denigrating Indians; the novel has too much potential to cause Indian students to become the object of derision in the classroom and victims of a state-fostered inferiority complex.

It is therefore timely that CPI has translated the article below so that a wider public may be aware of the woeful lack of understanding of India, Indians, Indian history, Indian customs and culture, and the Indian immigration to this land as shown by the author of the controversial book Abdullah Hussain.

Fakta Interlok edisi murid banyak mengelirukan

By K Pragalath

Translated by CPI

January 16, 2011

A writer of Indian ethnicity has urged National Laureate Datuk Abdullah Hussain not to involve himself in the current controversy over the book ‘Interlok’. Uthaya Sankar SB, the Kavyan Writers Group president, said this was because the novel under discussion is the student’s edition edited by Ruziati Abdul Rani and Baharin Aiyob, and first published in 2010.

‘Interlok’, the student’s edition used as a Literature component for the Bahasa Malaysia Form 5 subject, contains factual errors. This is the view of Uthaya presented during his briefing on the book here in Shah Alam today (Jan 16).

One factual error already known to the public is the mention of the Pariah and Brahma (sic) castes — which don’t exist.

“Kamus Dewan (dictionary published by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka) defines ‘caste’ as the classification of people according to categories, that is, Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra.??? According to Uthaya, the name ‘Brahma’ on the other hand refers to a god in the Hindu religion.

Discussing the characterisation of the protagonist Maniam’s family, Uthaya said the novel was unclear in stating whether Maniam is a Tamil, Malayali or Telugu although the story begins in Kerala, India. [
CPI note: Tamil immigrants who form the majority were from the state of Tamil Nadu
]

Furthermore, the name ‘Maniam’ is not a Malayali name.

According to Uthaya, Malabar and Kerala were referred to in the novel as two separate places whereas Malabar is actually the old name for Kerala state.

The author Abdullah Hussain’s explanation of the Kathakali dance is also incorrect as he had said the dancers used masks when in fact they use ‘make-up’.

Abdullah places Kerala geographically as a state “a little to the north of Tamil Nadu??? when the atlas shows that Kerala lies to the north of Andhra Pradesh. Kerala is also pictured as filled with paddy fields when it is better known for its coconut trees.

Uthaya listed other reasons why Indians emigrated other than because of the caste system. Among them, job opportunities, the raising of quit rent and British pressure on the local industry that was in competition with its own textile industry.

The book also pictures the Indian community in Penang as being 50 percent Malayali and the remaining half Tamil and Telugu when in fact 80 percent of the Indians at that time were Tamils.

Uthaya told his audience at the Shah Alam library (where the briefing was held) that the chapter on Maniam’s family failed to portray a correct Indian ‘worldview’ with a corresponding appreciation of Indian culture.

The character of Malini calls her husband Maniam by his personal name whereas women of that period would never do that (as it’s not the culture to do so).

Uthaya was also curious as to why Malini calls her father Perumal ‘papa’ and not ‘appa’ (the Indian term). Other misses on cultural nuances include when the character of Mariama is said to be ‘single’ (membujang) after the death of her husband when the more appropriate word is ‘widow’(balu).

In the book Maniam is said to have come alone to Tanah Melayu in 1910 even though the Pengajian Malaysia (Malaysian Studies) states that the inflow of free labour was stymied in 1859 because the travel fare was too expensive.

When the character Suppiah prostrated, it was misrepresented as kowtowing to the white man when the act is usually done only as a mark of respect to one’s parents to obtain their blessing.

Uthaya also questioned Abdullah’s description of using skulls as a form of traditional medicine practice.

“Why are the Malay NGOs protesting (in defence of the book)? It (the book) is misleading (hence the reason for the Indians objecting to its use as an exam text).???

Uthaya also commented on Abdullah’s claim that he (Abdullah) was a follower of Gandhi’s teaching.

“Gandhi referred to them (the untouchables) as ‘Harijan’ which means Children of God (unlike Abdullah who termed them as ‘pariah’).

As a response to the Gapena resolution [CPI note: Gapena head Ismail Hussain is brother to ‘Interlok’ author Abdullah Hussain] which declared that the Malay literary body will not permit the book to be altered “even in one word???, Uthaya pointed out that there are several sentences found in the special edition but missing from the student’s edition. He cited as a contrary example the poem ‘Gagak Hitam’ by National Laureate A. Samad Said where the poem was not only translated into English but had one line amended.

Uthaya also responded to an Utusan columnist concerning the (lack of) protest against a book (similarly touching on caste) by Mulk Raj Anand titled ‘Untouchables’.

Uthaya countered that Mulk’s book did not draw any protest because it is not a component of the English Literature syllabus in Malaysia.

Another writer Lim Swee Tin who spoke at the same briefing session was of the opinion that it would be better if Abdullah Hussein himself himself made the necessary changes to the text in the interest of the students. Lim said this was the better approach as a writer is usually very particular about his work being changed.

THE ARTICLE ABOVE TITLED ‘FAKTA INTERLOK EDISI MURID BANYAK MENGELIRUKAN’ WAS FIRST PUBLISHED IN FREE MALAYSIA TODAY ON JAN 16, 2011 AND TRANSLATED FROM MALAY BY CPI WITH PERMISSION FROM THE WRITER AND THE NEWS PORTAL.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 31 January 2011, 1:24 pm and is filed under
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In Tenang, Malay votes won the day for BN

By Shannon Teoh

The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 31 — More than half of Barisan Nasional’s (BN) 1,200-vote gain over PAS in Tenang was due to increased Malay support in the constituency, DAP statistics have shown.

Malays who had in 2008 voted against Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s stewardship of BN or abstained from the general election, came out to signal its support for Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s administration.

The Malays make up about 49 per cent of the 14,753 voters in Tenang. Chinese account for over 38 per cent and Indians, 12 per cent.

Umno’s Azahar Ibrahim received 83.3 per cent of Malay votes, up four percentage points from Election 2008, said DAP publicity chief Tony Pua on Twitter earlier today.

A Malay turnout of 81 per cent yesterday, up two points from 2008, translated to a 700-vote increase.

BN’s 3,707-vote majority was also due to Chinese voters skipping yesterday’s by-election.

Although Normala Sudirman managed to hold on to PAS’s 64 per cent Chinese support from the 2008 general election, an 18-point fall in turnout resulted in another 300-vote gain for BN’s majority.

Despite a 30 per cent increase in Indian votes for BN, less than 40 per cent turned up to vote. The lower Indian turnout meant BN only secured 200-vote increase from the hike in proportions.

Overall, Azahar polled 6,699 votes against Normala, who took 2,992 votes from the 12 polling districts.

A total of 9,833 voters or 67 per cent of the 14,753 electorate turned up to cast their ballots, nearly 1,000 fewer than in 2008.

BN had initially targeted a victory margin of 5,000 votes, similar to Election 2004.

It retained Tenang in 2008 by 2,492 votes.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 31 January 2011, 7:16 pm and is filed under
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MET sees non-stop rain in Johor this week

By
Boo Su-Lyn

The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 31 — The Malaysian Meteorological Department (MET) has forecast continuous rain in major towns in Johor throughout the week.

Unrelenting rain in the southern state has forced thousands from their homes, cutting off Segamat and threatening other towns.

“Tomorrow morning, we expect isolated rain over coastal areas,” an official from MET’s Central Forecast Office told The Malaysian Insider today.

“We expect thunderstorms in the afternoon tomorrow throughout Johor,” she added.

Heavy rain is forecast in Segamat today and all of tomorrow, while thunderstorms are expected to occur in the afternoons for the rest of the week, according to the MET website.

Segamat’s first respite from the rain is expected to come only on Saturday afternoon.

Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman has said that the worst-hit areas are Segamat, Johor Baru and Kluang

Johor Baru and Batu Pahat are also expected to experience non-stop rain until Thursday.

An unbroken downpour is forecast in Kluang until Wednesday.

Thunderstorms are expected to occur in the town on Thursday afternoon while rain continues throughout the day on Friday.

Kota Tinggi is forecast to experience rain every day until Thursday night when cloudy skies are expected.

Rain is expected to continue in the afternoon on Friday and Saturday, while thunderstorms are expected on Sunday afternoon.

Another MET official told The Malaysian Insider that the heavy rain in Johor was caused by the northeast monsoon.

“The wind from the northeast monsoon, which brings heavy rain, is focused on Johor,” he said.

“The La Nina phenomenon could have added to the heavy rain, too,” added the meteorologist.

MET director-general Yap Kok Seng La Nina said last November that La Nina is expected to end in the first quarter of 2011.

The last time La Nina hit Malaysia in 2007-2008, oil palm-growing states of Pahang and Johor on the mainland experienced floods that created a scramble for palm oil supplies, pushing prices to a record of RM4,486 in March 2008.

Over 37,000 people have been evacuated so far in Johor, with 16 villages in Segamat inundated by as much as one metre of water. Two deaths have been reported so far.

According to locals in the Segamat area, the situation appears worse than the floods that hit Johor in December 2006 and January 2007.

The 2006/2007 floods had claimed at least six lives and caused over 60,000 people to be rescued as the southern state experienced water and electricity cuts, an increase of water-borne disease as well as looting after floodwaters receded. Economic losses from the flood then was estimated at over RM1 billion.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 31 January 2011, 7:26 pm and is filed under
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Muddy waters: Post-Tenang reflections

Bridget Welsh | Jan 31, 11 4:58pm

Malaysiakini

COMMENT

 Malaysia’s 14th by-election since March 2008 scored another victory in the BN column, as they held onto their seat. This was expected, as it was home ground for Umno and the contest was purely about the winning majority.

Even with the lower voter turnout, Umno did well with a comfortable and higher majority of 3,707. Rather than provide a numerical assessment of the voting results, let me share some broader observations and tensions that arise from the Tenang campaign.

Despite the centrality of machinery and money, this election highlights the increasing challenges of engaging the diverse electorate in Malaysia. Arguably, the dynamics of the by-election in Johor muddy the waters, making the decisions about national electoral strategies and tactics even more complex.

Decision to proceed irresponsible

The most defining feature of this election was the weather. It was dreadful, and it negatively affected the polling. Watching voters drench themselves to vote, despite umbrellas, and wade in up to knee-high water to the polling station, made me question whether the by-election was worth the risks involved.

I remain deeply puzzled why this by-election was not postponed. I woke up the morning of the poll thinking that it might already be time for Noah’s Ark as the overnight downpour had already affected roads and submerged parts of the constituency.

The fact that four polling stations (30 percent of the stations) were inaccessible by early afternoon made this question even more salient. It is fortunate that no one was seriously hurt and some voters were able to navigate the slick hazardous conditions, as the decision to continue with the polls appeared irresponsible.

Voters, however, braved on. They believed strongly in their civic responsibility to vote, to have their opinion recorded despite the inconveniences involved in casting it. This speaks to an important feature of Malaysian politics, that even despite lackluster campaigns on both sides, when asked to act responsibly, to fulfill their roles as citizens, they do so.

It was not only a matter of reward or partisanship, but a deep-seated desire both to be heard and be part of the national political landscape. Johoreans, in particular, feel left out of the excitement, and don’t like to be ignored.

What was striking is that the weather highlighted perhaps the biggest governance problem locally – flooding. While it is easy to think that climate change and heavy rain were responsible, the fact remains that flooding is also man-made.

The land development practices of clearing land and failure to adequately monitor deforestation have contributed to the high siltation of the streams and river and created increased vulnerability to flooding. The low-lying areas are well-known, but the problem has clearly been inadequately addressed.

Part of the problem is that flooding lies in the multiple jurisdictions of state and federal authorities, but this should not have been an excuse in Johor. The infrastructure is not up to par, and regular flooding is now the norm. Just a few years ago, areas in Johor were completely submerged.

This by-election is a wake-up call to the BN government to act responsibly. The Tenang by-election showcased the problem of flooding that is now frequent in semi-rural areas throughout the country. It is a national problem that needs attention. Many of the voters who opted for the BN did so with the hope that conditions would improve in the future, that their civic responsibility would yield a more responsible government response.

Chinese not spooked by Islamic state

The reasons people voted as they did are not so easy to capture. Three interesting features stand out.

First, the focus among voters was on the party rather than the candidate. For BN voters, the dominant thread was loyalty to Umno. For the majority of opposition voters, the focus was primarily on Pakatan Rakyat.

Chinese voters were not as scared off with the Islamic state tactics, while those loyal to PAS continued to feel both a connection to the Islamic party and its cooperation with other component partners. In other by-elections, the candidate chosen was decisive. Here, given the credentials of both candidates, party emerged as more central.

This suggests that while the choice of candidate may be increasingly important in urban areas, the image and identity of the party remains central in more semi-rural communities. Both of the main parties concerned – Umno and PAS – have challenges in improving their images and profiles in parts of the country, especially those where they have limited machinery or tainted images.

Another feature of Tenang was the lack of political awareness or interest. Many, especially in the more rural areas, had never even heard of Pakatan and many were just not interested in politics.

The intense politicking followed closely by Malaysiakini readers does not permeate the lives of Tenang voters, and they like it that way. Unlike Sibu, there was not a major political awakening in Tenang and voters did not relate to many of the opposition concerns about corruption and justice.

This is a challenge politically, as many outside of urban centres have limited sources of political information and do not connect with issues touted by the urban-based political leaders the same way. Take ‘Interlok’, for example. This book was seen as distant from the life experience of voters. Meshing political issues with local outlooks remains a challenge across the political spectrum.

Finally, given the dominance of Umno and its close relationship to government officials, one of the most difficult issues involves the blurred lines between government and party. The nasty weather conditions brought this to the fore, as police, fire officials, rural development authorities and election officials faced real challenges in managing their jobs neutrally.

The scarce resources of boats and equipment added to the perception – deeply held in the Chinese-majority areas where assistance was less forthcoming – that civil servants did not respond fairly. It was exacerbated by the perception and reality that voting cut along ethnic lines and added to the view that the response was ethnically biased.

Further investigation is needed to assess this, but the perception remains and is a product of the government’s failure to draw sharp lines between what is for the party work and what belongs to the citizens at large.

Given the multiple jurisdictions of governance and increased competitiveness, the need for civil servant neutrality is even more pressing. Any election should ultimately not rest on the selective use of government resources for the interest of any party. It makes the victory hollow, and raises ethical concerns and feeds unnecessarily into the increasingly racialised political lens.

Soul searching for PAS and MCA

As the waters subside, there are two political parties that have the most soul-searching to do. First is PAS. They are losing Malay ground in semi-rural areas. While in fairness, they had little support in the first place in Tenang, this election taken with the totality of results in the past few elections, including Galas in Kelantan, suggest some serious rethinking.

The challenge for PAS is how to gain support in semi-rural areas that are multi-ethnic constituencies, e.g. Galas, Tenang and Merlimau, especially those in western and southern parts of Peninsular Malaysia.

The Islamic state agenda polarise the electorate creating a zero-sum dynamic. Finding an identity that is inclusive, across races, and does not put pressure on Pakatan partners is not easy. The recent by-elections point to PAS’ Malay deficit, one that is focused in some areas more than others.

PAS is not able to effectively engage Felda settlers and break into traditional Umno ground. Despite the strong candidate, PAS appeared less connected to voters in Tenang than it did elsewhere.

For the BN, Tenang was MCA’s test in its strongest base. They did not deliver. The money, the promises, the Islamic state bogey, the personal presence and the month-long campaigning tied to the Chinese New Year did not win additional votes.

There was no major swing back to MCA in its core political ground. This spells trouble for the party as it relies heavily on Umno for its seats and is unable to be seen as a strong representative of the Chinese community. The fact that very few young Chinese voters came back from Singapore to vote (many from Kuala Lumpur did however) is even more telling for MCA. The results could have been worse.

Like PAS, the MCA faces the challenge of redefining its political identity and engagement. It can see first-hand how MIC and Gerakan have weakened, and MCA – along with perhaps PBB (Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu Sarawak) – remains the last party standing that has some autonomy besides Umno.

The choices ahead for MCA are as difficult as those of PAS as it balances its subservient role in the BN with the need for its own survival.

Beyond Tenang

It is fitting that the next by-election is in a similar mixed-race constituency in a semi-rural area. Pakatan will face an uphill battle there as well. Campaigning has started already.

One hopes that the all the parties go beyond the shallow and negative messages and “goodies” that have dominated Tenang. It is the last round pre-Sarawak contest before the next general election. Both sides are weary and the fatigue is showing.

Yet if yesterday’s polls are illustrative, the parties have to step up their game and give more responsible and positive options to voters to deserve the level of national commitment to Malaysia’s future that the Tenang voters showed by voting despite having to wade through very muddy waters.

DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University. She is in Tenang to observe the by-elections. Welsh can be reached at
[email protected]
.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 31 January 2011, 7:01 pm and is filed under
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Thousands leave homes as Johor braces for more rain

by
Shannon Teoh
 | The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 31 — Unrelenting rain in Johor has forced thousands from their homes, cutting off Segamat and threatening other towns, raising fears of a repeat of floods six years which claimed six lives and inflicted more than RM1 billion in economic losses.

Nearly 30,000 people have been evacuated so far, with 16 villages in Segamat inundated by as much as one metre of water. Two deaths have been reported so far.

According to locals in the Segamat area, the situation appears worse than the floods that hit Johor in December 2006 and January 2007.

The Meteorological Department is predicting more rain for the rest of the week.

Motorists had to leave their vehicles as three rivers in Johor burst their banks and five more are being monitored by the Department of Irrigation and Drainage.

Rescue workers are only able to access Segamat by boat as all three main roads out of the town have been closed off by police.

Police have closed off several roads to traffic including the main trunk between the towns of Labis and Segamat.

Public transport has also been disrupted with Keretapi Tanah Melayu cancelling railway services that run through Johor.

The 2006/7 flood saw at least six deaths and over 60,000 evacuated as the southern state experienced water and electricity cuts, an increase of water-borne disease as well as looting after floodwaters receded, costing the government RM1.5 billion.

Neighbouring Singapore was also flooded then, and today the eastern part of the island republic was reported to have experienced flash floods.

A Singapore Straits Times reader said the rain had caused a partially constructed bridge in the Punggol area to collapse.

Although the area around Changi Airport was flooded, it has not resulted in cancelled flights.

Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman said that the worst-hit areas are Segamat, Johor Baru and Kluang.

The heavy rain also affected turnout in yesterday’s Tenang by-election, with only two-thirds of registered voters casting their vote.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 31 January 2011, 4:03 pm and is filed under
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With 10% increase of Chinese voter support for Pas/PR candidate in Tenang, will Chua Soi Lek have the political courage to tell UMNO the truth?

I had said at the close of the Tenang by-election campaign that Pakatan Rakyat would have cause to celebrate if it could achieve three of four aims – firstly, to debunk Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin’s boast of winning 5,000 majority in Tenang which he had described as a Barisan Nasional “fortress”; secondly, to slash the BN’s 2,492 majority won in the 2008 general election; and thirdly, to secure the votes of more than 55% of the Chinese electorate who voted for the PAS candidate in the 2008 general election.

The fourth aim is to win the Tenang by-election, which I had not considered as likely.

In the event, only two of three aims  – debunking Muhyiddin’s boast of 5,000-vote majority and increasing Chinese voter support for the Pas/PR candidate from the previous 55% – were achieved in the by-election yesterday.

I have no doubt that all the three goals would have be achieved if not for the climatic disaster, resulting in incessant rain and heavy flooding aggravated by selective and discriminatory assistance given by various government agencies ferrying only Barisan Nasional voters to the polling stations. All this caused unprecedented low voter turnouts, especially in Chinese and Indian areas.

MCA leaders have claimed that BN has recaptured three of the four Chinese-dominant polling stations it had lost to the DAP in the 2008 general election but  they have studiously avoided the issue of a higher percentage of Chinese voters in Tenang voting for the Pas/PR candidate  in the by-election.

In the Bandar Labis Tengah centre, which has 95.7 of Chinese voters, Chinese voter support for Pas/Pakatan Rakyat had increased by 3.2% from 66.7%  in 2008 to 69.9% in the by-election – despite a 20% reduction in the voter turnout.

Preliminary analysis show that there is a 10 per cent increase in the Chinese voter support to some 65% for the Pas/PR candidate in the by-election as compared to 55% in the 2008 general election.

The first question that arises after the Tenang by-election is whether, with  the 10% increase of Chinese voter support for Pas/PR candidate, the MCA President Datuk Seri Dr. Chua Soi Lek would have the political courage to tell UMNO that the increased Chinese support is not for  hudud and Islamic state but for PR policies for  change, justice, democracy and progress?

Or is Chua Soi Lek going to continue to misinterpret and distort the political wishes and hopes of the Tenang voters, by persisting in the false and fraudulent claim that the increased 65% of Chinese voter support for the PR candidate is support for hudud and Islamic state?

                This entry was posted on Monday, 31 January 2011, 4:05 pm and is filed under
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Creating a harmonious, just, democratic and competitive nation remains the single greatest challenge of Malaysians

The creation of a harmonious, just, democratic and competitive nation, which is a model to the world as an united, tolerant and successful multi-racial, multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious society, remains the greatest challenge of Malaysians.

Nation-building should not be a zero-sum game but must be a win-win formula for all Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or region.

Malaysia has strayed from this formula, with  a world diaspora of a million-strong Malaysians – testimony that Malaysians are helping to create the greatness of other nations instead of their own country.

Although there is belated official recognition that human capital is even more valuable than natural resources as national assets in the era of globalisation, there is still  no political will to introduce nation-building policies that will develop and retain Malaysian talent as well as attract foreign talent.

Slogans like “1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now” will not create a harmonious, just, democratic and competitive nation until and unless Malaysia could be seen by its people and others as a land of equal opportunity to earn a good living and provide a secure, happy life for each individual and family.

Wishing all Malaysian Chinese a happy and purposeful Chinese New Year of the Rabbit.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 1 February 2011, 11:05 am and is filed under
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Egypt’s Class Conflict

 by
Juan Cole

January 31, 2011

The Malaysian Insider

JAN 31 — On Sunday morning (January 30) there was some sign of the Egyptian military taking on some security duties. Soldiers started arresting suspected looters, rounding up 450 of them. The disappearance of the police from the streets had led to a threat of widespread looting is now being redressed by the regular military.

Other control methods were on display. The government definitively closed the Al Jazeera offices in Cairo and withdrew the journalists’ licence to report from there, according to tweets. The channel stopped being broadcast on Egypt’s Nilesat. (Al Jazeera had not been able to broadcast directly from Cairo even before this move.) The channel, bases in Qatar, is viewed by President Hosni Mubarak as an attempt to undermine him.

Why has the Egyptian state lost its legitimacy? Max Weber distinguished between power and authority. Power flows from the barrel of a gun, and the Egyptian state still has plenty of those. But Weber defines authority as the likelihood that a command will be obeyed. Leaders who have authority do not have to shoot people.

The Mubarak regime has had to shoot over 100 people in the past few days, and wound more. Literally hundreds of thousands of people have ignored Mubarak’s command that they observe night time curfews. He has lost his authority.

Authority is rooted in legitimacy. Leaders are acknowledged because the people agree that there is some legitimate basis for their authority and power. In democratic countries, that legitimacy comes from the ballot box.

In Egypt, it derived 1952-1970 from the leading role of the Egyptian military and security forces in freeing Egypt from Western hegemony. That struggle included grappling with Britain to gain control over the Suez Canal (originally built by the Egyptian government and opened in 1869, but bought for a song by the British in 1875 when sharp Western banking practices brought the indebted Egyptian government to the brink of bankruptcy).

It also involved fending off aggressive Israeli attempts to occupy the Sinai Peninsula and to assert Israeli interests in the Suez Canal. Revolutionary Arab nationalist leader Gamal Abdel Nasser (d. 1970) conducted extensive land reform, breaking up the huge Central America-style haciendas and creating a rural middle class.

Leonard Binder argued in the late 1960s that that rural middle class was the backbone of the regime. Abdul Nasser’s state-led industrialisation also created a new class of urban contractors who benefited from the building works commissioned by the government.

From 1970, Anwar El Sadat took Egyptian in a new direction, opening up the economy and openly siding with the new multi-millionaire contracting class. It in turn was eager for European and American investment.

Tired of the fruitless Arab-Israeli wars, the Egyptian public was largely supportive of Sadat’s 1978 peace deal with Israel, which ended the cycle of wars with that country and opened the way for the building up of the Egyptian tourist industry and Western investment in it, as well as American and European aid. Egypt was moving to the Right.

But whereas Abdel Nasser’s socialist policies had led to a doubling of the average real wage in Egypt 1960-1970, from 1970 to 2000 there was no real development in the country. Part of the problem was demographic. If the population grows 3 per cent a year and the economy grows 3 per cent a year, the per capita increase is zero.

Since about 1850, Egypt and most other Middle Eastern countries have been having a (mysterious) population boom. The ever-increasing population also increasingly crowded into the cities, which typically offer high wages than rural work does, even in the marginal economy (e.g. selling matches). Nearly half the country now lives in cities, and even many villages have become “suburbs” of vast metropolises.

So the rural middle class, while still important, is no longer such a weighty support for the regime. A successful government would need to have the ever-increasing numbers of city people on its side. But there, the Neoliberal policies pressed on Hosni Mubarak by the US since 1981 were unhelpful.

Egyptian cities suffer from high unemployment and relatively high inflation. The urban sector has thrown up a few multi-millionaires, but many labourers fell left behind. The enormous number of high school and college graduates produced by the system can seldom find employment suited to their skills, and many cannot get jobs at all. Urban Egypt has rich and poor but only a small “middle class.” The state carefully tries to control labour unions, who could seldom act independently.

The state was thus increasingly seen to be a state for the few. Its old base in the rural middle classes was rapidly declining as young people moved to the cities. It was doing little for the urban working and middle classes. An ostentatious state business class emerged, deeply dependent on government contracts and state good will, and meeting in the fancy tourist hotels.

But the masses of high school and college graduates reduced to driving taxis or selling rugs (if they could even get those gigs) were not benefiting from the on-paper growth rates of the past decade.

The military regime in Egypt initially gained popular legitimacy in part by its pluck in facing down France, Britain and Israel in 1956-57 (with Ike Eisenhower’s help). After the Camp David accords, in contrast, Egypt largely sat out the big struggles in the Mideast, and made what has widely been called a separate peace.

Egypt’s co-operation in the Israeli blockade of Gaza and its general quiet alliance with the US and Israel angered most young people politically, even as they racked up economic frustrations. Cairo’s behind the scenes help to the US, with Iraq and with torturing suspected al-Qaeda operatives, were well known.

Very little is more distasteful to Egyptians than the Iraq War and torture. The Egyptian state went from being broadly based in the 1950s and 1960s to having been captured by a small elite. It went from being a symbol of the striving for dignity and independence after decades of British dominance to being seen as a lap dog of the West.

The failure of the regime to connect with the rapidly growing new urban working and middle classes, and its inability to provide jobs to the masses of college graduates it was creating, set the stage for last week’s events.

Educated, white collar people need a rule of law as the framework for their economic activities, and Mubarak’s arbitrary rule is seen as a drag here. While the economy has been growing 5 and 6 per cent in the past decade, what government impetus there was to this development remained relatively hidden — unlike its role in the land reform of the 1950s and 1960s.

Moreover, the income gained from increased trade largely went to a small class of investors. For instance, from 1991 the government sold 150 of 314 state factories it put on the block, but the benefit of the sales went to a narrow sliver of people.

The world economy’s setback in 2008-2009 had a direct and horrible effect on Egyptians living on the edge. Many of the poor got hungrier. Then the downturn in petroleum prices and revenues caused many Egyptian guest workers to lose their economic cushion. They either could no longer send their accustomed remittances, or they had to come back in humiliation.

The Nasserist state, for all its flaws, gained legitimacy because it was seen as a state for the mass of Egyptians, whether abroad or domestically. The present regime is widely seen in Egypt as a state for the others — for the US, Israel, France and the UK — and as a state for the few — the Neoliberal nouveau riche.

Islam plays no role in this analysis because it is not an independent variable. Muslim movements have served to protest the withdrawal of the state from its responsibilities, and to provide services. But they are a symptom, not the cause.

All this is why Mubarak’s appointment of military men as vice president and prime minister cannot in and of itself tamp down the crisis. They, as men of the System, do not have more legitimacy than does the president — and perhaps less. — juancole.com

* Juan Cole is Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History at the University of Michigan.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 1 February 2011, 8:02 am and is filed under
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Enhancing Special Privileges

by
Bakri Musa

Malaysia in the Era of Globalization #51

Chapter Six:   Malaysia:  Assets and Liabilities

Enhancing Special Privileges

To enhance the efficacy of special privileges I would first focus on the bottom 50 percent (better still, bottom 25) of Bumiputras.  I agree with Grameen Bank’s Muhammad Yunus who feels that development should be defined to mean positive changes in the economic status of the bottom half of the population.  Consequently I would cut off the top quartile Bumiputras (or those with certain net worth or income) from special privileges.  Such a modification would effectively target special privileges on truly needy Bumiputras.  At the same time it would reduce the resentment felt by non-Bumiputras.  Disqualifying ministers, top leaders, royal families, and affluent Bumiputras would also have the additional salutary effect of forcing them to be self-reliant.

            This “means testing” at the gross level would not entail much administrative costs or erecting another huge bureaucracy.  A simple statuary declaration under sever penalty of perjury and intent to defraud the government would deterrent enough.  For added weight, have those applying for benefits of special privileges submit their or their parents’ previous year’s tax returns.

            For the royal class, I would eliminate many of their present tax-free privileges.  Make them pay their share of income, property, road and other taxes.  If Britain’s Queen Elizabeth has to pay income tax, Malaysian sultans should also do likewise.  The aggregate impact of such measures on the Treasury would be minuscule, but the psychological benefits to members of the royalty would be immense.  For one, they would share in the pain suffered by ordinary citizens, always a salutary experience.  For another, if they had to pay their share of taxes on their luxurious toys, that would likely rein in their obscenely flamboyant lifestyles.  Malaysia should not have to put up with such nonsense as when the Sultan of Kelantan drove off with his impounded luxury sports car without paying the necessary road tax.

            Lastly, seeing families of leaders, royalty, and aristocrats being kicked off the dole would appease immensely the social sensibility and sense of justice of ordinary Malaysians.  At the very least that would eliminate the current hypocrisy where many of these leaders would with nauseating frequency exhort the masses to be berdikari (self reliant) while they and their families are the first to hog the public trough.  I am astounded at how many members of the immediate families of ministers are getting government scholarships, aids, subsidies, or otherwise dependent on public dole.  They have no shame.  If they cannot be independent on their ministerial income, then they have no right to lecture the masses on being berdikari.

            The government can still effectively help Bumiputras without special privileges.  If it were to announce a program to help rural dwellers and members of the civil service, police, and military, the beneficiaries would in all likelihood be predominantly Bumiputras.  We would have achieved the same goal yet such a program would not reek of racism.  Additionally, doing so would also encourage non-Bumiputras to join the police and armed services so as to benefit from these privileges.

            Current special privileges are ineffective because they lump all Bumpiputras together.  As Muhammad Yunus observes, “Like good old Gresham Law, it is wise to remember in the world of development, if one mixes the poor and the non poor within a program, the non poor will always push out the poor, and the less poor will drive out the more poor, and this may continue ad infinitum unless one takes protective measures right at the beginning.”

            Gresham Law is an observation in economics where if two coins are of equal value officially but unequal in intrinsic value, then the one with the lesser intrinsic value will remain in circulation while the more valuable one will be hoarded.  Or more succinctly stated, bad money drives good money out.  More generally, this means inferior practices will eventually displace superior ones.  This is happening to special privileges.  Initially it was meant to help Malays who were deserving of help, now the program helps those who already have it, the well-to-do Malays pushing out their poor brethrens, as predicted by Gresham Law.

            Gresham Law is a modern version of the biblical wisdom, “For everyone who has, more will be given, and he will have an abundance.  Whoever does not have, even what little he has will be taken away from him.”  (Matthew 25:29)  In the west, the cowboys have it more succinctly, “Dem dat has, gits!”

            I would also radically change the present special privileges programs in the following manner.  First I would total up all the costs of all the programs for the preceding ten years.  This would include not only the direct expenditures in terms of scholarships, grants, aids, etc., but also the indirect costs (loss of import Approved Permit revenuess, subsidies on various state corporations as well as the added costs of having public contracts reserved for Bumiputras).  Included also would be the costs of bailing out the Tajuddin Ramlis and Halim Saads (Malay corporate figures).  Then I would adjust the nominal total to the 2001 ringgit.  Obviously a 1991 ringgit was worth considerably more than a 2001 one.  I would not be surprised to find the total to be truly staggering if the accountants were competent enough to factor in all the costs.

            Assume that figure to be RM X billion.  Next I would calculate the rate of inflation and population growth for the past decade and extrapolate the same rates for the next decade.  This would roughly be 4 and 3 percent respectively per annum.  Now factor the same rates for the next decade and apply them to X.  That figure would now be about RM 2X billion, according to my rough calculation (X growing at a compounded rate of 7 percent per annum).  This is the amount that we would be spending in the next decade, assuming the same rate of inflation and population growth.

            Now here is the radical part of my plan.  Instead of using the money to create phony Bumiputra “businessmen” and “entrepreneurs” or bailing out the likes of Bank Bumiputra, I would spend them on rural schools, kampongs, and poor Bumiputras (the bottom half).  I would rebuild rural schools so that they would be air-conditioned and have first class libraries, laboratories, and computers.  I would provide the children with nutritious breakfasts and lunches.  Like Tun Razak in the 1970s, I would use the money to bring in by the planeloads, competent science, mathematics, and English teachers from abroad to teach in these rural schools.

            I would give zero or even negative interest rate loans for rural people to improve their dwellings where they could have indoor plumbing and septic tanks.  I prefer such loans to outright grants.  One, that would teach citizens on the handling of credit.  Two, grants tend to foster dependency.  With loans the recipients are not made to feel or treated as wards of the state.  There is as element of self-dignity there.  Use negative interest loans to start a massive rural development program similar to that which General Park did in South Korea.  I would use the funds to provide extensive rural electrification program comparable to the Tennessee Valley Authority, with subsidized utilities for the villagers.

            I would have Proton (the national car company) start a national tractor project to build cheap reliable machines Malaysian farmers could afford, again using negative interest rate loans to help them buy those machines.  I would also have the same loan programs for rural dwellers to start their own businesses.  For example, fishmongers and fried banana sellers should have subsidized loans so they could buy their ingredients in bulk and at a discount.  But instead of giving them the money directly, I would negotiate on their behalf the best deals from the vendors.  I would do the same for the Sunday market hawkers to buy pushcarts and small trucks to haul their wares.  I would do this for other merchants so they could expand their businesses and inventories.

            I would also set aside special funds for students now taking vocational studies like auto mechanic and cosmetology to start their own enterprises.  Before doing that I would supplement their training by giving elementary business lessons.  I would suggest to Petronas that its petroleum station franchises be given only to trained auto mechanics.  Such a program would also expand the capabilities and thus revenue stream of many Petronas stations to include the more lucrative repair business.  With such a program more Malays would be enticed to take up vocational training.

            What I would definitely not do is lend them money for their children’s wedding or trips to Mecca.  These subsidized loans must be for productive purposes, that is, for income-producing activities.  Car loans would only for those who intend to purchase their own taxis or use the vehicles for commercial purposes.  With such a scheme, all Malay taxi and truck drivers would own their vehicle.

            As an incentive to keep their children in school and to pay attention to their education, I would pay rural and poor parents as well as their children for attending schools.  This idea was mooted by the Nobel laureate in Economics Gary Becker, an expert on human capital, and has been successfully tried in Latin America.  I would go further and reward students (and their parents) who had perfect attendance or scored above the 90th percentile in national examinations.

            At the apex, I will automatically award any Malay who gets accepted to top universities, with no bonds whatsoever – reward for their excellence.  What I would not do is spent the money on buying company shares in trust for Bumiputras or bailing out Bumiputra corporations.  Indeed I would sell MAS, Pernas, Petronas and other ‘Nases and use the proceeds in the manner described earlier.

            At the end of the decade in 2010, I would compare the results of my program to what we have today.  I am certain that Malaysia would be much further ahead.  So would Malays.

            There is an art in helping people.  Properly done we help them achieve their maximal potential; poorly executed and they become hopelessly dependent.  Increasingly, special privileges are turning Bumiputras into hopeless dependents of the state.

            In a globalized world, Bumiputras will not be competing against non-Bumiputras in the protected sphere of Malaysia, rather all Malaysians will be challenged against the rest of the world.  We should go beyond seeing special privileges in terms of Bumiputra/non-Bumiputra dynamics.  Otherwise the policy will serve only as a barnacle not only on the country but also more specifically, on Bumiputras.

            The more important goal is to make all Malaysians, Bumiputras especially, competitive.  In the next chapter I will amplify on the specifics of this issue.

Next:  Chapter 7:  Enhancing Human Capital

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 1 February 2011, 10:15 am and is filed under
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Spammed by the Prime Minister!

By
 Kee Thuan Chye

 Malaysian Digest

Tuesday, 01 February 2011

NO less than the Prime Minister has just spammed me! In an e-mail wishing me Happy Chinese New Year. I’m not pleased. In fact, when I got the e-mail, I freaked out. How did he get my address? I take strong umbrage against whoever gave it to him. It is an invasion of my privacy.

Najib Razak (or rather, his assistants) reportedly sent out that e-mail to 1.5 million people. The Star reported that many were happy to get it – in a report quoting only three people. And two of them had Muslim-sounding names! From the tweets I’ve seen, it seems many Muslims have been getting the e-mail too. Some tweeters considered the greeting “insincere”, some suggested reporting the matter to Cyber 999 and even the police.

Many questioned how Najib or his assistants got their e-mail addresses. There’s a theory going round that it came from the database of a media conglomerate. If this is true, the practice is, of course, not right. It contravenes the cyberworld law of data privacy. Whoever gave the data to him showed that they did not respect that privacy.

My wife got a CNY greeting from Najib too – via an SMS. Did her telco give her number to Najib and Co? Is that a proper thing to do? This episode shows that the personal details of Malaysians are not safe from prying and abuse. And that Big Brother is watching. That’s a scary prospect.

Najib’s greeting is yet another of the public relations campaigns he has been mounting for more than a year now. Those who are aware realize they are nothing more than efforts to win votes for the next general election, but there are plenty of others who are not so clued-in.

This Chinese New Year campaign seems to have had an effect, especially on fence-sitters. Some of them said they were touched. They seemed swayed into believing that the PM cared enough to send them the greeting. This is not surprising, because gullible Malaysians often fall for cheap tricks all too easily. The number who have fallen victim to Internet scams must be substantial. As a politician of long experience, Najib must surely know that.

More public relations at work can be seen in the awarding of datukships in conjunction with Federal Territory Day. The number of Indians being awarded this year is relatively high. Seen in relation to Barisan Nasional’s bid to sustain its regaining of the Indian vote, this is to be expected.

Among the awardees, also expected, is K Rajagopal, the national football coach who recently guided his team to winning the small-time AFF Suzuki Cup. I’ve written before that his achievement in that competition is not something worthy of a datukship, but we all know that football ranks high in the popular Malaysian imagination, so not only has Rajagopal been made a datuk; also awarded is former football ace Santokh Singh.

Najib’s own special assistant, Ravindren Chelliah Ponniah, also gets to be a datuk. So do a couple of other Singhs. And guess who else? R Thanenthiran, president of Parti Makkal Sakthi Malaysia. For what? For forsaking Hindraf and crossing to the other side?

What about the Datuk Seri title for the president of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP), M Kayveas? What has Kayveas done of late to deserve this higher award? That’s how the next general election is going to be won – by public relations. Of which BN being in government has plenty of resources to invest in.

Similarly, it has the resources to hijack Pakatan Rakyat’s recently announced pledge to abolish toll on all highways within 100 days of coming to power. A few days ago, Najib declared – in perfect time for the Tenang by-election – that the toll for the Salak to Taman Connaught stretch on the East-West Link Expressway would be abolished by May. He also announced that the toll for two other expressways would not be increased for the next five years. According to him, no compensation would be paid to the highway concessionaires, implying that it would not cost taxpayers anything.

Whether this is true remains to be seen. An engineer of long experience in the relevant industry that I spoke to is very sceptical about it. He feels that there will be other ways of compensation made to the concessionaires that will ultimately involve payment by the rakyat.

Last December, when Pakatan Rakyat announced its pledge to abolish tolls, Najib pooh-poohed it and said it was irresponsible. But now he’s going for it himself. He has even hinted that there will be more good news on the same subject soon. I suspect he will make the North-South Expressway toll-free. He might announce this on the eve of the next general election and make a major score from it. If that happens, you can bet that the taxpayer will not be able to avoid compensating the concessionaires in one way or another. Regardless of what Najib might say then to the contrary.

We have to be circumspect. We have to learn not to be so easily fooled. On the surface, a proposition may sound good, but there can be hidden drawbacks underlying it which of course will be kept secret at the time of announcement. We have also to be aware that all these public relations efforts made by Najib are intended for one main purpose. Apart from that, they also distract public attention from the questionable goings-on.

Only last week, it was revealed that there is now a new department in the Prime Minister’s Office called FLOM – for First Lady of Malaysia – manned by a staff of six. And it looks after the operational needs of Najib’s wife, Rosmah Mansor.

Never in our history has there ever been such a department. It reeks of nepotism and other things besides. Why should the PM’s wife have a department all to herself? Are there institutionalized provisions for such a thing? Who is paying for the upkeep of this department? We need to snap out of our distracted state and pressure Najib to justify the setting-up of FLOM. Let’s see how his public relations advisers will respond to that. For CNY, they came up with spam; for FLOM, will they come up with flam?

Just for fun, here are two Urban Dictionary definitions of “flom” – 1) To untie someone’s shoe lace while they aren’t looking, so they get pissed off and have to retie it (e.g. “Hey, stop it! This is the fifth time you’ve flommed me!”); 2) to do something sexual to someone of the opposite sex.

Either way you look at it, it sounds naughty!

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 1 February 2011, 11:55 pm and is filed under
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Why PAS lost the battle for Tenang

By
Kuek Ser Kuang Keng and Regina Lee
 | Malaysiakini

ANALYSIS Even before campaigning for the Tenang by-election started, much had been said that the Jan 30 event would serve as an important testing ground for a BN move to call for a snap general election.

It was easy to see why. With the racial breakdown of the semi-rural mixed seat being the archetype of most of the voting constituencies of Peninsular Malaysia, Tenang became a litmus test of sorts.

But is the BN victory with a 3,707-vote majority truly an indication of a return in voter sentiment and support for the ruling coalition? Well, yes and no.

The rather untimely floods and heavy rainfall – which the locals said were worse than the 2006 Great Johor Flood – had severely affected a few polling stations in the Chinese-majority areas.

This threw the spanner in the works for any real measure of the true support for both BN and Pakatan Rakyat, where voter turnouts in some areas were as low as 55 percent, as in the case of Bandar Labis Tengah, which is over 95 percent Chinese.

The rains and floods were also blamed for the poorer turnout rate, which dropped to 66 percent, compared with the 73.52 percent turnout in the 2008 general election. Heavy rain started falling even before the polling centres opened at 8am.

According to DAP national publicity secretary Tony Pua, the turnout among the Chinese and Indian voters had dropped even more significantly – between 23 and 39 percent for Chinese voters and between 18 and a whopping 54 percent among the Indian voters.

However, the turnout for Malay voters saw an increase of two percent, to a high of 81 percent.

Best machinery wins

The battle during the intensive eight-day campaign period quickly culminated into a competition of machinery, logistics and resources, with BN clearly proving it held the upper hand in this.

The BN machinery in Johor – the birthplace of Umno – is already known to be the strongest in the country.

The party strategically mobilised its supporters and the grassroots from around the state, and they descended in droves on their stronghold in the three Felda settlements in the Tenang seat to ferry voters to polling stations.

When the flood waters rose rapidly, it became a show of ‘who has the most four-wheel-drives’.

Pakatan party workers complained that the boats and trucks deployed by the various government agencies to transport voters to the polling stations were not put to use evenly, coupled with “selective and discriminatory assistance for PAS supporters”.

Very few people had expected the floodwaters to be neck-high on the road to SMK Kamarul Ariffin, the polling centre for the district with the highest percentage of Chinese voters (95.7 percent), on polling day.

With hardly any machinery in comparison with BN, Pakatan was caught off-guard and had to rely heavily on the police and army trucks to transport the Chinese voters they saw as their vote bank.

The relevant government aid and rescue agencies were said to have stationed most of their men and equipment in the Malay-majority rural areas and the Felda settlements when reports of flash floods started coming in a few days before voting day.

Under these circumstances, the BN’s declaration, after the results were announced on Sunday night that Tenang again proved the people’s satisfaction with the government and that their support for BN had returned with the increase from the 2,492-vote majority in 2008, was far from convincing.

Chinese voters still with Pakatan

The bigger picture post-March 2008 shows a slight shift among voters for both BN and Pakatan. Pakatan still commands the support of the Chinese while BN retains Malay loyalty.

However, as evident from the past few by-elections, Malay and Indian dissatisfaction with the government has been decreasing, and this resulted in a steady flow of their votes back to the BN.

The Tenang result shows that BN achieved higher votes in all the Malay-majority polling districts, and won back the two Chinese-majority polling districts it lost in 2008 – Bandar Labis Timur (63.4 percent Chinese), and Labis (58.3 percent).

BN, and MCA in particular, rejoiced over their victory in three out of the four Chinese-majority polling districts in Tenang.

However, BN still lost in the near-homogenous polling district of Bandar Labis Tengah, where 95.7 percent of the Chinese voters live.

Here, support for PAS had increased by 3.2 percent from 66.7 percent in 2008 to 69.9 percent, despite a 20 percent reduction in the voter turnout.

The DAP sees the BN wins in the polling districts of Bandar Labis Timur and Labis as the result of overwhelming support from the minority Malay and Indian voters.

Combining the three polling districts of Bandar Labis Timur, Bandar Labis Tengah and Labis – all in Labis town, the 70 percent Chinese support in Bandar Labis Tengah can be extrapolated to the other two polling districts.

Islamic state no longer a draw

Though the DAP and MCA dispute the trend among Chinese voters, of key significance to both parties is that MCA’s Islamic state bogey is no longer effective in drawing away the Chinese vote base.

In fact, it may not even affect cooperation between PAS and DAP in Pakatan – the main factor that caused the collapse of the Barisan Alternatif in 2001.

Instead, the MCA attack appears to have forged closer cooperation and trust between DAP and PAS, with the two parties quickly rushing to each other’s defence.

During the campaign, DAP went all out mobilising its machinery from its headquarters in Kuala Lumpur and in Johor, as if it was the party’s own candidate who was contesting. Leaders of both DAP and PAS also took turns speaking at each other’s ceramah.

While Chinese voters polled by Malaysiakini on the Islamic state issue said they did not care much for this, it remains to be seen whether the issue will continue to be MCA’s driving point in the future.

On the other hand, the messages of gratitude and promises of development from Umno and BN sit very comfortably with the rural Malay voters.

With a strong affinity for former Prime Minister Abdul Razak Hussein, the father of Premier Najib Abdul Razak, the Felda settlers – making up more than half of the Malay voters in Tenang – remain an impenetrable Umno bulwark, no matter what the opposition issues are.

Despite the promising progress of Anak, a PAS-linked NGO specifically for Felda settlers sending messages of the government oppressing the settlers, BN still managed to garner 85.5 to 87.9 percent support in the three settlements in Tenang.

Much is also due to the failure to break through the information barrier in the rural Malay areas, where Umno-dominated dailies Utusan Malaysia, Berita Harian and Harian Metro are still the main sources of news.

The much-hyped issue of the controversial novel ‘Interlok’ also hardly made a ripple among the Indian community, with half of them ignorant about it and the other half indifferent.

And unlike Sibu or Hulu Selangor, where there were distinctive local problems, there appeared to be none in the quiet and idyllic constituency of Tenang, where the rising prices of palm oil and rubber have afforded a good life for the bulk of the voters.

Save for the freak of nature that came in the form of the massive floods on voting day, there is no persistent problem in the constituency – which also explained the absence of the ‘feel good projects’ that have become standard pledges from state and federal governments in elections.

Empty messages

This by-election is not a groundbreaking one to change the course of the nation’s political history.

Both BN and Pakatan are still sticking to their tried and tested methods, not exploring new options after the 2008 general election.

While DAP found its appeal among the urban and middle-class voters, PAS was not seen to be breaking away from its image of fuddy-duddy religious conservatism in the rural Malay heartland.

The third component member of Pakatan, PKR, was largely absent from the campaign on the ground, reflecting its weak grassroots and machinery in Johor.

And while DAP’s launch of some election gimmick every other day has been catchy with the Chinese voters, a number of whom even stuck the party’s campaign sticker with the word huan (change) on their shirts and helmets, it was not exactly unchartered territory for anyone.

At the same time, BN’s reliance on the 3M – money, machinery and media – continues to persist after all these decades.

Both sides had also worked hard to drive their point home: BN with 1Malaysia and Pakatan with its “Orange Book”, the pledge on good governance within 100 days of it being elected.

But to many of the voters in Tenang (and possibly elsewhere too), these are merely elusive messages. The only time ‘1Malaysia’ made an impact in Tenang was when scores of ‘volunteers’ went around giving out goodies during the daytime.

After sundown, the logo was plastered at the mega dinners hosted by the BN, coupled with splashy entertainment and lucky draw prizes.

Pakatan can also be faulted for playing the populist card, with many of its ceramah speakers drawing attention to the Pakatan-controlled state governments’ policies, such as free water and ‘welfare money’ for senior citizens.

While Pakatan had attempted a display of unity, often inviting DAP leaders for ceramah in Felda settlements, and PAS leaders in the Chinese town areas, BN fared poorer, with many of its ceramah being an event for just one party.

Having said that, holding ceramah was never BN’s campaign strategy, for the coalition has a preference for house-to-house visits and ‘welfare’ programmes, such as free motorcycle servicing and religious classes.

Moral victory for Cikgu Mala

Though former assistant district officer Mohd Azahar Ibrahim has been crowned the new Tenang assemblyperson, the moral victory goes to PAS candidate Normala Sudirman.

Popularly known as ‘Cikgu Mala’, fielding her in the by-election could possibly work wonders for PAS in the long-term in its bid to portray a progressive and open image.

In contrast to the unsmiling and constantly panting Mohd Azahar, Normala was articulate, demure and poised.

If PAS plays its cards right, Normala could well be the next Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin, the former Perak MB from PAS who has since found fans among Chinese voters for his multi-cultural approach.

This, certainly, will not be the last we see of the affable Cikgu Mala.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 1 February 2011, 11:00 am and is filed under
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32% Chinese voter support for BN in Tenang –  PR should move on to get support from all Malaysians for political change

MCA President Datuk Seri Chua Soi Lek, who previously claimed that Barisan Nasional had secured 45% Chinese voter support in the Tenang by-election, has now upped the claim to 50%, quoting as authority former MCA Minister, Tan Sri Dr. Fong Chan Onn.
 (Guang Ming Daily)

However, the first professional analysis of the voter trend in the Tenang by-election has given a completely different picture, showing that I had erred on the conservative side when I estimated that Chinese voter support for the Pas/Pakatan Rakyat candidate was in the region of 65% when it was probably closer to 68%.

According to the analysis “Soi Lek wrong on Chinese support”by psephologist Ong Kian Ming, writing today  in Malaysiakini, Barisan Nasional’s Chinese votes in the by-election on Sunday fell by 3% to 32% from 35% in the 2008 general election, while BN increased its Malay votes from 80% in 2008 to 86% in the by-election and increased its Indian votes from 74% in 2008 to 86%  – based on Chinese, Malay and Indian voter turnout rates of 55%, 79% and 50% respectively.

PR should move on from Tenang to get support from all Malaysians for political change although MCA leaders are now claiming  BN secured 50% Chinese voter  support despite professional analysis that BN Chinese support had fallen to 32% in the by-election.

If PR is to succeed in its campaign to effect political changes, it is the responsibility of all the three component parties to ensure that we can continue to get increasing support from all the communities for the PR common policy programme for justice, freedom, democracy and change – whether Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazans, Ibans or Orang Asli.

I do not think any PR leader really expected PR to win in the Tenang by-election but the target not only debunking Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin’s 5,000-vote majority boast but also slashing BN’s 2008 majority of 2,492 votes would have been achieved, if not for the incessant rain and heavy  floodings resulting in unprecedented low voter-turnouts in pro-PR areas when there was selective and discriminatory reliefs by government agencies in ferrying voters to polling stations.

It was most regrettable that there was no walking the talk of “1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now” when action was called for by the government agencies to provide reliefs in natural and man-made disasters like the big floods on the by-election polling day and after.

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 2 February 2011, 2:20 pm and is filed under
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Happy Chinese New Year

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 2 February 2011, 2:45 pm and is filed under
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Loyalty to King and country – or to BN?

By
 P Ramakrishnan

All citizens owe their loyalty to king and country – that includes civil servants. Civil servants are expected to serve the government of the day faithfully, irrespective of whichever party that forms the government.

They shouldn’t align themselves to any political party whether it is the ruling parties or the opposition parties. They should remain above politics and stay faithful to their vocation.

Their dedication should be to their profession and their commitment to serve and discharge their duties should not be wanting in any way.

This is how they preserve their integrity and safeguard their professionalism.

However this simple thing was not understood by the Johor State Director of Education, Markom Giran. He despicably attempted to force teachers to play a partisan political role. He was trying to corrupt the civil service.

He forgets that he is a civil servant himself. He forgets his code to serve in an exemplary manner. He forgets that he should remain above politics. He forgets that his duty is to education and his responsibility is to raise the standard of education.

Being an officer under category TG54, he is strictly barred from participating in politics. As such, he has no business to canvass for the Barisan Nasional and to abuse his position by directing his subordinates to campaign for the BN. There are no two ways about it. He was absolutely wrong in what he did.

This so-called educator forgot his role and wanted the teachers to surreptitiously find out the political leanings of the parents. He wanted them to do this under the pretext of organising motivational programmes for the students and to spy for the Barisan Nasional. He wanted them to identify those parents who are opposition inclined and report to him those who are sitting on the fence so that together they – the teachers and he – could work on these parents “to help the government to win in this round”.

Is this the job of teachers? Are they expected to be the stooges of the BN first and foremost – and only after that perform as teachers?

Asking the teachers to do his bidding like this – when it has nothing to do with their duties or performance as teachers – using his authority solely as their superior officer is committing corruption. It is crystal clear!

If Anwar Ibrahim had done this, he would have been charged with corruption – without any doubt, as he was a dozen years ago!

P Ramakrishnan is president of Aliran

                This entry was posted on Wednesday, 2 February 2011, 11:29 am and is filed under
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