Salafism – Politics and the puritanical

Economist

Jun 27th 2015 | ALEXANDRIA AND AMMAN

Islam’s most conservative adherents are finding that politics is hard. But it beats the alternative

WERE it not for his bushy beard and trim moustache, Nader Bakkar could be mistaken for one of Egypt’s secular liberal politicians. The young spokesman for the Nour party is tolerant, reasonable and smart—he is about to begin a fellowship at Harvard. “We are reformers, not revolutionaries,” Mr Bakkar (pictured left) says of his party. “Compromise is not a bad word.” But his facial hair conveys a different message. Mr Bakkar and his party adhere to the ultra-conservative brand of Sunni Islam known as Salafism.

In the West that brand is most associated with extremist groups such as al-Qaeda and Islamic State (IS), whose members are sometimes called Salafist-jihadists; or the intolerance of Saudi Arabia, where adherents are called Wahhabis. The Saudis have used their oil wealth to spread the influence of Salafism across the Muslim world, funding Wahhabi-inspired mosques and madrassas—and, at times, extremist groups. As a result, some think Salafism is the fastest-growing Islamic movement.

It is also growing more diverse. All Salafists take a fundamentalist approach to Islam, emulating the Prophet Muhammad and his earliest followers—al-salaf al-salih, the “pious forefathers”—right down to their facial hair. They reject religious innovation, or bida, and support the implementation of sharia (Islamic law). Salafist scholars, though, are far from homogeneous, expressing different views on everything from apostasy to activism. Most notably, many Salafists now engage in politics despite a tradition of quiescence. But with little to show for their efforts, they must decide whether to push on, withdraw or pursue politics by other means, such as war or terrorism.

Prior to the Arab spring some Salafists had been members of the Muslim Brotherhood, the region’s main Islamist movement, with a long tradition of political activism. But most Salafists shunned politics. The movement is often broken down into three categories. The most infamous are the jihadists, who are but a tiny minority. The most numerous are the purists (or quietists), who believe that politics undercuts the sovereignty of God and is therefore best avoided. Like the Wahhabis in Saudi Arabia, most bend a knee to Muslim heads of state, no matter how awful, in order to avoid creating fitna, or chaos.

Rise and fall of the activists

Activist Salafists, those involved in politics, make up the third group. Their number swelled in the aftermath of the Arab spring, when the boundaries between politics and religion blurred, writes Jacob Olidort of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a think-tank. “Giving definition and structure to the changing events became a question of necessity rather than choice, especially as Salafists faced pressure from media and other Islamist groups to comment on these events.”

Relatively few Salafists participated in the protests, but some saw opportunity in the opening they created, arguing that sharia could now be enacted via politics. Encouraged by their brethren in Kuwait, where political Salafism was already well-established, Egypt’s Salafists took advantage. The Nour party, which grew out of the Salafist Call, the country’s main Salafist organisation based in Alexandria, won over 20% of the seats in parliament in the country’s first free election. It then ensured that the country’s new constitution (now abandoned) had an Islamist tint.

At the same time, the stature of the purists fell owing to their support for the old guard and their opposition to the protests. Saudi Arabia’s top clerics issued a decree stating that “reform should not be by demonstrations and other means and methods that give rise to unrest and divide the community.” In a lecture in 2011 Ali al-Halabi, a prominent Jordanian cleric, said the protests were “far from the law of God” and motivated by materialism. But at the time, the purists were often ignored. They now feel vindicated. “The countries of the Arab spring did not gain anything but destruction, corruption and the loss of security,” says Mr Halabi.

In Egypt the Salafists’ conservative influence contributed to the fall of Muhammad Morsi, the president and a Muslim Brother. The Nour party’s decision to support his removal and the coup of Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi alienated many of its former supporters. But it also made it unlikely that the Salafists would suffer a fate like that of the Brotherhood, which Mr Sisi has crushed. “The party has reinforced the idea among quietists that you have to sell out or make deals with the devil in order to be in politics,” says Will McCants of the Brookings Institution in Washington.

The purists can also find support for their rejection of political engagement in Tunisia, the only democracy to emerge from the Arab spring. Many activist Salafists invested their hopes in the Muslim Brotherhood-inspired Nahda party, which came first in Tunisia’s elections in 2011. Nahda’s leader, Rached Ghannouchi, even claims to be a Salafist himself. But while the party has embraced conservative Muslims, it has also taken steps to curb their influence. Its decision to renounce sharia as the main source of legislation in its draft constitution left Salafists outraged, as did its promise not to impose the veil on women or ban alcohol and interest payments. Unhappy with the secular direction of the country, and with little voice in politics, many Salafists have turned to protests and violence, at home and abroad.

The perceived failure of political engagement by Salafists risks benefiting the jihadists. Tunisia is now the largest source of foreign fighters for IS. The group has also attracted large numbers from other countries where Salafists have little political sway, such as Jordan, Lebanon and Morocco — but not so many from Kuwait, where they still have a strong voice. Governments nervous that the militants may turn on them have enlisted the help of Salafist leaders. Some see the purists as a counter to jihadism, due to their inward-looking focus. Morocco has tried to bring more Salafists into the political fold. Abdelkarim Chadli, a prominent Salafist convicted of terrorism in 2003, recently joined the Democratic and Social Movement, a regime-friendly political party, and vowed to bring other Salafists with him.

Salafists, though, may no longer see the point of political engagement. “Many people say we betrayed the revolution, that we approve of the regime and authority,” admits Mr Bakkar. He sees his party’s survival as its main accomplishment. But activist Salafists have made little progress towards their goal of creating an Islamic state. The appeal of IS across much of the Middle East is that it has done just that.

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Apa lagi Melayu mahu sebenarnya?

Amin Iskandar

The Malaysian Insider

28 June 2015

Bukan Islam tidak boleh menggunakan kalimah Allah kerana ia boleh menyebabkan akidah orang Melayu tergugat.

Kanak-kanak bukan Islam tidak boleh makan di kantin sekolah pada bulan Ramadan kerana anak Melayu akan “terliur” dan terganggu puasanya.

Gadis bukan Islam tidak boleh berpakaian menjolok mata kerana berkemungkinan menyebabkan pemuda Melayu “tidak tahan”.

Sedangkan hampir di setiap kawasan perumahan terdapat masjid atau surau.

Setiap hari selepas sembahyang subuh, tazkirah atau kaset ceramah mengajak orang Melayu agar beriman dan membuat kebaikan dimainkan dengan kuat sehingga kedengaran walaupun dua kilometer jauhnya.

Akan tetapi orang Melayu masih lemah imannya. Jika terlihat sahaja perkara “mungkar”, keimanan mereka akan tergugat.

Apa dah jadi dengan orang Melayu pada hari ini?

Mengapa begitu lemah sekali keimanan orang Melayu walaupun mereka merupakan majoriti di negara ini?

Dua puluh tahun lalu, tidak begini orang Melayu di negara ini. Tidak tahulah di mana silapnya.

Mungkin juga kerana begitu ramai “ustaz separuh masak” menguasai jabatan kerajaan pada hari ini.

Konflik diri

Seorang teman lama menulis di laman Facebook semalam: “Tengok waze KL jammed. Expected. Melayu pantang dapat gaji. Dia sanggup keluar walaupun puasa. Tapi bila tengah kerja dia akan balik awal atau buat kerja slow, alasan puasa. Melayu.”

Tepat sekali apa yang diungkapkan. Begitulah realiti yang berlaku.

Di bulan Ramadan, ramai sekali orang Melayu yang malas bekerja kerana alasan berpuasa.

Produktiviti “hancur” walaupun mereka sedar yang majikan membayar gaji sama dan malahan dapat bonus untuk mereka beraya selepas sebulan berpuasa.

Namun apabila keluar untuk bershopping raya, tenaga orang Melayu akan “bertambah” walaupun berpuasa. Luar biasa kekuatan mereka.

Mereka mempunyai kekuatan untuk bershopping dari pagi sampai ke tengah malam.

Tak percaya? Pergilah ke ibu kota pada hujung minggu di bulan Ramadan.

Ketika berpuasa, tidur sahaja dari pagi sampai ke petang sehingga seorang teman mengeluarkan istilah “berpuasa pun Melayu nak tipu tuhan.”

Ketika bekerja, mereka tidak mengikut sunnah Nabi Muhammad yang menyuruh umatnya agar bekerja seperti akan hidup seribu tahan lagi.

Apabila tidak berjaya, orang Cina disalahkan kerana dikatakan menindas. Kerajaan akan disalahkan kerana tidak membantu Melayu.

Bila timbul hal kecil seperti terlihat “lurah faraj” seorang ahli sukan wanita Islam, heboh satu negara.

Akan tetapi apabila isu besar seperti rasuah dan penyelewengan terang-terangan di hadapan mata, senyap semuanya. Seolah-olah rasuah itu dihalalkan Islam.

Dan selepas membaca tajuk artikel ini tanpa membaca keseluruhan isi, orang Melayu akan tuduh penulis anti Melayu dan anti Islam.

Apa lagi yang Melayu mahu sebenarnya? – 28 Jun, 2015.

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Malay youths deny joining DAP to champion race

The Malaysian Insider

29 June 2015

Malay Subang DAP Socialist Youth (Dapsy) leaders have denied that they joined the party to champion their own race, saying instead that they fought for all Malaysians regardless of their background.

They said they chose DAP because they were tired of race-based politics, and they believed a multiracial party was the best platform to ensure that democracy thrived in the country.

“In contrast to the allegations that we joined DAP to fight for Malay rights, we actually joined DAP because we are tired of hearing and seeing our country’s politics revolve around championing a certain race.

“We joined DAP not to alleviate our race’s leadership, but to raise the leadership of the rakyat. Not to fight for our race’s rights, but the rights of every rakyat as enshrined in the Federal Constitution,” they said in a statement.

The statement was signed by Subang Dapsy chief Edry Faizal Eddy Yusof, Subang Dapsy vice-chief Young Syefura Othman, Subang Dapsy treasurer Tarmizi Anuwar and Subang Dapsy publicity chief Numan Saadan.

They were responding to comments by deputy head (Politics, Security Cluster and International Affairs Cluster) of the National Professors Council Professor Dr Jayum Jawan that Malays were joining DAP to fight for their own race.

They said his statement was both careless and baseless, adding that Malaysia must move beyond race-based politics and instead focus on ensuring freedom, justice and equality for all, as well as helping the poor.

They said these principles existed in DAP, which was why they had joined the party.

“We want to see a healthy democracy, where the effort to create a better country is done collectively, in a multiracial organisation,” said the four.

“We agree and want to champion the idea that Malaysia belongs to all of us, and every citizen regardless of race and background should work together to make the idea a reality.”

Despite its reputation for being a Chinese-majority party, DAP has seen several Malays joining its fold in recent weeks.

Former student activist Sheikh Omar Ali left PAS to join DAP on June 20, several weeks after the Islamist party approved a motion to cut ties with DAP in its annual congress.

The former chairman of student activist group Solidarity Mahasiswa Malaysia (SMM), who had been a member of PAS for six years, said DAP’s pull factor was that it was more serious about championing people-centric issues.

His entry into DAP came just a week after national laureate Datuk A. Samad Said joined the party.

Samad said he had wanted to join DAP for quite some time as it was a secular party that was able to represent all Malaysians.

He said DAP had also done well in reaching out to Malays in recent times, even though government-controlled media depicted it as chauvinistic and racist. – June 29, 2015.

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My Ramadan Prayer For Malay Salvation – Get Rid of JAWI and JAKIM

M. Bakri Musa

www.bakrimusa.com

29 June 2015

Ramadan brings exuberant displays of piety among Malays, consumed as we are with personal salvation. There is however, little reflection on our salvation as a society.

     Hellfire or the ultimate punishment for us as a society would be to be dumped into the rubbish bin of mankind, dependent on the charity of others while living in a land so blessed by Almighty. The irony, as well as the fact that others thrive in Tanah Melayu, would make the punishment that much more unbearable.

     We have ruled this country for over half a century; all instruments of government are in our hands, sultans as well as prime ministers are all Malays, and the constitution is generous to us. Yet we remain in a sorry state, reduced to lamenting our fate and blaming the pendatangs.

     This lamentation is heard with nauseating frequency, coming from sultans and prime ministers to pundits and kedai kopi commentators. Seizing on that, some (and not just non-Malays) gleefully trumpet their own sense of superiority or denigrate the Malay culture and character.

     A former chief minister of Trengganu, a predominantly-Malay and oil-rich state, asked how could we who have lived here for centuries, control the government, and are in the majority feel threatened by the immigrants. The fact that he posed the question reveals how clueless he was in addressing it. Alas his is the caliber of leadership we have been cursed with.

     The issue is not who is in charge rather what those charged with leading us are doing. The Pakistanis and Zimbabweans are in charge 100 percent and have no immigrants to contend with, yet their people suffer.The Chinese in Hong Kong thrived under British rule while their brethren on the mainland starved and perished under Mao’s Cultural Revolution and other “Great Leap Forward” follies. Being led by your own kind is not always a blessing.

    As for immigrants, the French, Germans and Americans are much richer and in full control of their nations yet they feel imperiled by poor and unarmed Africans, Turks and Mexicans respectively.

     Leaders betraying their followers’ trust or natives feeling threatened by immigrants is not unique to Malays.

     In an earlier book, Malaysia in the Era of Globalization, I likened the dilemma we face today to that of the Irish of yore. The Irish then felt overwhelmed by the minority English who dominated just about every aspect of life in Ireland except of course the Catholic Church. The Church meanwhile held a tight grip on the Irish, dictating everything from what they could do in their bedrooms to the schools their children should attend.

     As the church banned contraception, they had huge unruly broods, with the fathers busy rebelling or drinking. If there were ambitious Irish parents who dared send their children to the much superior English schools instead of the lousy church-run ones, they risked being excommunicated. More Irish left Ireland than stayed.

     Substitute Islam for Catholicism and non-Malays for the English, and we have our current mess, except that we are not emigrating en mass. As for the Irish blight of alcohol and fecundity, we have drugs and HIV infections.

     Ireland today is very different nation. The Irish are no longer emigrating and the country hosts many IT giants. Ryan Air, the Dublin-based discount airline, once attempted a takeover of venerable British Airways.

     We can learn much from the Irish, their recent economic setbacks notwithstanding. We can begin by choosing enlightened leaders, meaning, those who can crystallize the problems and then craft sensible solutions instead of endlessly extolling the mythical values of Ketuanan Melayu or mindlessly quoting the Holy Book.

     Ireland’s transformational leader Sean Lemass began by clipping the powers of the Church. He removed schools from its control and allowed contraceptives. He lifted censorship so the Irish could read dissenting opinions and view on their television sets the world beyond their government’s propaganda.

     Irish kids studied science and mathematics instead of reciting catechism. With family planning the unruly messy Irish brood was replaced by a more wholesome and manageable one.

     We have our share of potential Lemasses but we do not nurture or elect them. Our leaders instead are consumed in a destructive and dysfunctional dynamics of triangulation, with one element attempting alliance with the second to neutralize the third. Earlier, Mahathir co-opted the religious to take on the third – the sultans. Today’s weakened political leadership emboldens the sultans to re-exert themselves by aligning with the ulamas. Seemingly progressive Perak’s sultan gives free rein to his Taliban-like mufti while Kelantan’s is more imam than sultan, enrapturing Malay hearts. Elsewhere sultans could not find enough ulamas to heap royal honors.

     These sultans and politicians have yet to learn a crucial lesson. The Islamic tiger, once ridden, is impossible to dismount. You would be lucky if it would not take you back to its den. Meanwhile you have to endure where it wants to go, and right now it is headed for ISIS.

     Only the emergence of other pillars of leadership could break this dysfunctional triangulation. A potential source would be NGOs; BERSIH’s considerable impact attests to this. Another would be for “towering” Malays to be assertive, especially those not tainted by politics, religion, or royalty. Consider that cartoonist Zunar and Laureate Samad Said have more impact than the much-touted Group of 25 “eminent” Malays comprising retired senior civil servants. For a Malay to reach the top in the civil service is no achievement; it would be for a non-Malay. Thus those 25 “eminent” Malays, despite or perhaps because of their fancy royal titles, are not effective role models or catalysts for change.

     Barring disruption of this destructive triangulation or the emergence of a local Lemass, there is not much hope except to pray. However, as per the oft-quoted Koranic verse, Allah will not change the condition of a people unless they themselves do it (approximate translation). Our Prophet Muhammad, s.a.w., advised us that we must first tie our camel securely and only then pray it does not escape.

     Pray we must, but first we have to get rid of JAWI, JAKIM and hordes of similar and very expensive agencies. I could tolerate them as public works programs for otherwise unemployable Malays, but those authoritarian and far-from-authoritative government-issued ulamas are intent on controlling our lives a la Irish priests of yore.

    I would then divert those saved funds, as well as the billions in zakat so generously donated by our people, to improve our schools and universities. Make our religious schools and colleges more like those in America. Catholic schools there like California’s Bellarmine and universities like Indiana’s Notre Dame produce their share of America’ scientists, engineers and entrepreneurs. They also attract outstanding students and faculty from other faiths.

     Had that former chief minister dispensed with his Monsoon Cup and ostentatious crystal mosque and instead used the funds to improve his schools, he would have found the answer to his question.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 29 June 2015, 8:24 am and is filed under
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Najib misses opportunity in 11MP

– Ramesh Chander and Bridget Welsh

The Malaysian Insider

29 June 2015

As debate in Malaysia’s Parliament draws to a close on the 11th Malaysia Plan (11MP) that lays out targets for the country to achieve “developed” nation status by 2020, the focus has primarily centred on the unrealistic assumptions contrived for the macro-economic framework for the blueprint.

Little attention has concentrated on the consistency of the assumptions and how the 11MP compares with previous policy frameworks. A close look at the 11MP reveals serious gaps and shortcomings, raising questions about whether the proclaimed milestones of development by 2020 can indeed be achieved.

Underlying macro-economic fallacies

The 11MP argues that Malaysia will become a “developed” or “high-income” nation by 2020. This is in line with the long-standing Vision 20/20 targets laid out two decades ago. The current plan argues that this transformation will be achieved with the economy growing at an average rate of five to 6% per year over the next five years resulting in the GNI per capita level of US$15,690 by 2020.

The macro-economic assumptions underlying this trajectory have been questioned and have not been seen as credible.

Scholars have highlighted that the plan begins by failing to acknowledge the shortfalls in projected growth targets in previous plans and thus begins from an unrealistic starting point.

Targets set out in the 10th Malaysia Plan had postulated an average annual growth rate of 6.5% a year over 2010-2020. However, during the first half of the decade the level achieved fell short and only reached 5.5%.

Simple arithmetic indicates that the country will need to grow at a rate faster than 6.5% in the second half of the decade, to compensate for the prior shortfall.

The Malaysian economy must thus achieve a real growth of 7.7% per year over 2015 to 2020 if the targets set in the previous 10MP are to be met.

Other assessments have pointed to inflated projections of growth resulting from a failure to account for conditions in the international economy, particularly lower revenues coming from the global drop in oil and gas prices, the slowdown in China’s manufacturing and lower investment and potential capital outflows from Malaysia tied to quantitative easing in the United States accompanied with a rise in interest rates.

Concerns have also been raised about inflated assessments within Malaysia’s economy. For instance, the overall growth in GDP is postulated in part on the assumption that that household consumption will contribute positively to overall growth.

This assumption appears to ignore the role of large household debt, estimated at 88% of GDP, that will reduce household consumption.

Household consumption has been a main driver in the economy over the past few years, primed by public spending.

Consumption has been further dampened by the introduction of the GST which has not only reduced demand, but also hampered business due to poor implementation, especially among small business and in country’s narrow private sector.

Malaysia is reaching record levels of inflation, officially at 2.9% but unofficially much higher. Net exports are likely to only provide a limited amount to GDP as Malaysia’s prime markets are likely to record modest growth as traditional sectors of oil and gas and other commodities such as palm oil under deliver due to lower prices.

The most troubling issue is the lack of a clear driver for growth in Malaysia’s economy. Public sector spending, already strained by high public debt and a growing deficit that passes the 3.5% threshold when one considers off-budget and contingent liabilities, is lower in real terms than in the 10MP and the proposed engine for growth laid out in the 11MP, the private sector, is in need of serious reforms to engender a more competitive and conducive environment for growth.

The 11MP has effectively abandoned any real economic reforms, as it comes after Najib’s expansion of chosen Bumiputera affirmative action programmes after the 13th general election and increased politicisation of government procurement, a key tool used to shore up political support.

The problems with the macroeconomic foundations of the plan have dominated the debate surrounding the 11MP, with the economic fundamentals seen as less than credible and undermining the basis for the blueprint.

Rather than acknowledge realities, Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s government has chosen to paint an overly optimistic and unrealistic fallacy, to not come clean in relation to the macroeconomic circumstances facing the nation.  This fallacy affects confidence, and undermines the ability for the country to actually reach the touted 2020 goals.

Arbitrary targets of ‘developed’ status

The credibility problem with the 11MP goes far beyond the macroeconomic assumptions underpinning the plan. The Najib government is creating arbitrary targets that are not in line with standard international practices.

One key concept embodied in 11MP is that of a “highly” or “developed country”, its origin needs to be understood.

The World Bank classifies countries by income categories (low, middle, high income) to serve the bank’s needs to establish operational and lending markers.

Its website makes clear that low-income and middle-income economies are sometimes referred to as developing economies.

This term is a convenient categorisation, it is not intended to imply that all economies in the group are experiencing similar development or that other economies have reached a preferred or final stage of development. The bank makes it clear that classification by income does not necessarily reflect development status.

The bank prepares its classification of countries annually on the occasion of its fiscal year (ending in June 30).  The per capita GNI calculations used in the classification employ a well-established methodology known as the Atlas method for converting per capita incomes expressed in national currencies into a common measure (the US dollar).

The method takes into account exchange rate fluctuations in cross-country comparisons.  The Atlas conversion factor for any year is the average of a country’s exchange rate (or alternative conversion factor) for that year and its exchange rates for the two preceding years, adjusted for the difference between the rate of inflation in the country, and through 2000, that in the G-5 countries (France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States).

For 2001 onwards, these countries include the eurozone, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

A country’s inflation rate is measured by the change in its GDP deflator. The calculations are done annually and are not comparable from year to year and cannot, therefore, be projected.

In other words, the use of per capita incomes as a measurement is not a standard that is used for planning purposes as it does not allow for proper comparison and assessment over time, nor does it have any real meaning when projected in the future as there are too many unknowns to evaluate its value in the future.

Najib’s figure of US$15,000 in the 11MP has been arbitrarily chosen and has no real meaning.

It is a concocted notional figure and then fancifully set as a goal. The reality is that, given the World Bank’s methodology, the cut-off for distinguishing “high-income” countries from “middle-income” countries cannot be determined at the present point in time for a date in the future.

Projecting future per capita GNI levels (in accordance with the Atlas methodology) requires an array of assumptions pertaining to inflation trends, exchange rates and the emergence of unexpected shocks.

The 11MP fails to offer any clues as to how the Najib government came to choose the figure of US$15,000 as the determining cut-off and what are the assumptions about the factors that would underlie it emerging in the future. In using the US$15,000 per capita target as the goal as it has, the credibility of the 11MP has been affected.

Missing details on poverty

A basic good practice in planning is to carefully lay out the methodology and assumptions in the numbers used for projections and assessments.

Nowhere is this more important that in the analysis of poverty. With self-congratulatory language, Najib’s 11MP claims that poverty incidence has declined from 3.8% in 2009 to 0.6% in 2014.

No details are provided about the estimated poverty lines used in the calculations. This is unlike previous plans, notably the 9MP. The failure to outline the methodology attempts to skirt the persistent concerns regarding how Malaysia’s poverty measurements do not conform with international practices.

Malaysia’s measurements are seen to define poverty below the bar used in international levels and to use “households” rather than “persons”, obscuring the real scope of poverty in society. In the absence of details, it is inappropriate to make grand claims in poverty reduction.

The perfunctory and non-transparent analysis of poverty in the current plan raises concerns. Even if we take the number of households listed as “poor” at face value, when converted to number of “persons” basis, (persons per households) the number in poverty is actually a staggering number – almost a million and a half of all Malaysians live in absolute poverty.

The 11MP offers no real discussion regarding the composition of these communities, namely that disproportionately the majority live in Sabah and Sarawak, are women and children and come from families of multiple generations of impoverishment.

It is a most serious state of affairs that after almost four decades of the NEP, significant numbers of poverty exist even when a low bar is used to define it.

Not only do the poverty numbers reflect the current failure of the NEP to deliver upon development to all Malaysians, they reveal the shortcomings of the Najib government in its focus on short-term measures of millions of cash handouts and lack of meaningful policy programme to address the status of the country’s poorest citizens.

The thin accompanying “strategy papers” with the 11MP do not include substantive ideas to address poverty, from rural development to urban exclusion. What the 11MP reveals is the lack of the political will to acknowledge the need to make adjustments and develop meaningful policy programs on poverty.

The lack of a connection to the current conditions faced by Malaysians is especially troubling. No assessment is made of the impact of the reduction of subsidies.

The plan wholly ignores the question of how implementation of GST or the granting of BR1M (1Malaysia People’s Aid) cash handouts affects poorer Malaysians. The impression given is that poverty gains are to be lauded and the ongoing problems largely ignored.

A new beginning is needed. To sincerely and fully address the issue of poverty, it is imperative that Malaysian policy-makers first apply the internationally accepted concepts and methodology employed to derive the various Poverty Line Income (PLI) measures and the estimates of poverty incidence.

The current methods are deeply flawed and are not conducive to an honest discussion of the problem of poverty. To the extent there are efforts to distort real conditions facing Malaysians, the lack of proper measurement fundamentally affects the analyses and conclusions.

In turn, this leads to the adoption of ineffective policies. The World Bank and UNDP, two leading global agencies in analysing poverty, use the concepts of “absolute” and “relative” poverty.

There are no valid reasons Malaysia should deviate from standard international terminology and standards. A meaningful step toward reducing poverty involves using national estimates based on population-weighted estimates from household surveys, rather than unrealistic lower-than-normal bars based on notional estimates of food consumption baskets utilising caloric values that are widely seen as less reliable measures.

A struggle over how to understand and measure poverty is evident in the 11MP. A pitch is made for the introduction of a new “Multi-Dimensional Poverty Index” based on a tool used by UNDP.

In an elaboration of the index, details are provided of the weights that will be adopted for each of the component elements making up the composite index. The choice of weights is critical to the viability of the overall index.

In the citation provided, no rational is given as to how the weights would actually be calculated. This gap in information does not offer an improvement on current measures as it continues arbitrary calculations of Malaysia’s poverty levels.

It is crucial that these measures be determined transparently and consistently in line with international standards.

The 11MP also introduces a new concept, namely that of “B40” households, made up of the households at the bottom 40% in terms income distribution.

Some 2.7 million households make up this group. The mean average monthly income of these households is claimed to be RM2,537. The plan projects that their incomes will more than double to RM5,270 by 2020.

While some elaborations are provided, there are unanswered questions concerning the consistency of these numbers with other indicators in the 11MP and how these numbers can be achieved given the flawed macroeconomic assumptions underlying the plan as a whole.

The overall picture that emerges is that the 11MP is labouring hard to project “feel good” numbers without providing details.

The numbers, even though precise to the last digit, are not supported by information concerning data sources, concepts employed and assumptions made in the projections. As Malaysia employs numbers not in line with accepted international practices, this information is necessary for credibility.

While the authors can be forgiven for not incorporating such details in the actual plan document, there is hardly any justification for not providing the relevant detail in the so-called strategy papers or in technical appendices.

Deviating from the past

A centrepiece in all Malaysian five-year plans, beginning with the 3rd Malaysia Plan, has been treatment of the two prongs of the NEP, namely the eradication of poverty irrespective of race and the greater equitable distribution of wealth.

The issues with the former are outlined above. The latter is essentially missing in the 11MP altogether.

In Malaysia, the distribution of wealth has focused upon ownership of share capital by race.

All plans since 1970 have incorporated tables showing the progress made towards attaining the 30% target for Bumiputera ownership of share capital. It is thus truly surprising that this principal goal of planning in Malaysia since the early 1970s has essentially disappeared altogether in the 11MP.

A reference is made that the 30% target remains unfulfilled as of now, and a claim is made that the targets will be met by 2020, but no data is included to allow for assessment or evaluation.

Unlike all earlier plan documents, the 11MP does not include a table detailing the ownership of share capital.  This is indeed puzzling, and raises questions about the intentions of the Najib government.

One possible explanation could lie with an attempt by the Najib government to skirt the controversial discussions regarding how estimates to measure share values of different communities have been prepared.

The use of nominal values has been extremely controversial. The impression given, however, in the failure to properly include this issue of equity ownership in the 11MP is that it is no longer a priority of the Najib government.

Missing information also surrounds the important area of development expenditures. Malaysia’s five-year plans have consistently included detailed accounts of where money will be spent, outlining the spending priorities of the government for long-term planning.

These expenditures have been tied into the broader goals of plans, including poverty reduction and increasing incomes.

While a number of projects are listed in 11MP, the relationship between these projects and the broader well-being of all Malaysians has not been laid out.

A core element in planning involves a thorough and transparent accounting of public spending, sadly missed from the 11MP. Given the billions of funds that are being pumped into the Malaysian economy, as the Najib government has outlined over RM400 billion in expenditure while in office, the tie between spending and broader planning goals is a serious omission.

Raising questions, losing confidence

The 11MP stands out in how information is presented and not presented – the arbitrariness of numbers, concerns with distorted realities, lack of detail in assumptions and methodologies, distracting new concepts that further move away from international standards and major gaps in information and analysis that allow for the emergence of constructive and conducive policy platforms to address the country’s policy challenges, from poverty to raising incomes.

All previous plans and mid-term reviews have gone beyond outlining aspirational targets and seriously attempted to lay out policy reforms tailored to the targets.

The 11MP has deviated from this approach. It has failed to outline meaningful measures that are needed to remove the constraints that are holding the country back, entrapped as a middle income country.

It appears that the Najib government is not genuinely interested in planning, or does not have the capacity to effectively formulate policies for Malaysia’s development.

In the 11MP, the Najib government has missed an important opportunity to move the country forward, to build faith in the current leadership and to show that the prime minister has a plan to strengthen Malaysia.

Rather than inspire confidence, the 11MP raises questions about how the touted targets will be achieved and whether Malaysians, especially poorer citizens, will get the governance they need. – newmandala, June 29, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 29 June 2015, 11:06 pm and is filed under
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National and international shame that Malaysia’s anti-corruption ranking so low when MACC sets world record with the greatest superstructure with the most number of bodies monitoring it to uphold integrity and accountability

It is no use the Anti-Corruption Advisory Board coming out with a sanctimonious statement  that the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) should be given room to conduct a full and thorough investigation into the MARA property corruption scandal in Australia, and urging “all parties, including politicians” to refrain from making statements which could jeopardise the image of MACC.

Both the  MACC and its Advisory Board should know that it is its own record and performance as an anti-corruption fighter which is the most powerful determinant of its image whether it is a  fearless and feared anti-corruption fighter or just a “toothless tiger” as far as  the corrupt among the  “high and mighty” in the political world is concerned.

Next month is the sixth death anniversary of innocent DAP aide, Teoh Beng Hock, who lost his life in the very sanctum of MACC headquarters in Shah Alam on 16th July 2009, and up to now, no MACC officer has yet been penalised for Teoh’s death.

If MACC cannot even ensure that is officers uphold integrity and accountability in the death of  Teoh Beng Hock, is it any wonder that public confidence in the MACC’s commitment  to wage  an all-out war against corruption and to upold integrity  in high political places is virtually non-existent?

The MARA property corruption scandal in Australia will be an acid  test whether  the MACC is going to start showing that it has teeth and claws as far as fighting the corrupt among the high and mighty in the political world is concerned, or that MACC is only  capable of abusing the powers as in the deaths of Teoh Beng Hock and Ahmad Sarbani Mohamad in April 2011.

It does not inspire confidence that MACC will be able to achieve any breakthrough in its investigations into the MARA property corruption scandal because MACC and the MARA Inc officials seem to be of the same mindset and speaking the same language of “integrity and accountability”.

Imagine the MARA Inc Chairman Datuk Mohammad Lan Allani and the MARA Inc Chief Executive Officer Datuk Abdul Halim Rahim, the two persons directly implicated in the MARA property corruption scandal in Australia,  issuing  a joint statement on Saturday welcoming any investigation into MARA Inc. “investment, locally and internationally” and pledging “full cooperation and assistance” for “a fair and transparent investigation”?

Have Mohamad Lan Allani and Abdul Halim been given assurances that they will be completely in the clear, and if so, what is the rigmarole about the MACC’s continued investigations into MARA’s property corruption scandal in Australia?

I will like to see MACC living up to the parliamentary intention of being a fearless and feared anti-corruption agency, without fear or favour, including to those in high political places.

I hope to see the MACC vindicating itself in the MARA property corruption scandal by swiftly bringing the culprits to book, instead of further proving that it is a “toothless tiger” and even worse,  no match for its counterparts in Australia in going after the corrupt and the crooks.

MACC has probably the biggest superstructure among nations in the world, having five purportedly independent bodies to monitor and supervise it to ensure its integrity and professionalism.

It is a national and international  shame that Malaysia’s anti-corruption ranking is so low – Malaysia’s Transparency International Corruption Perception Index under Datuk Seri Najib Razak is always  lower than the worst of Tun Mahahtir and Tun Abdullah years as Prime Minister from 1995 to 2009 – when MACC sets a world record as having the biggest superstructure and most number of monitoring bodies supervising it.

Lets hope that the MACC’s handling of the MARA property corruption scandal  can start a new page to earn national and international respect and repute as a fearless and feared anti-corruption agency, including the politically “high and mighty”, to uphold integrity, accountability and good governance in Malaysia.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 29 June 2015, 10:28 am and is filed under
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This Ramadan, a reminder of Islamisation

Zurairi AR

Malay Mail Online

June 28, 2015

JUNE 28 — To paraphrase a friend, Islamisation is no longer creeping in this country. Instead, it is marching down the streets banging the drums, and at no time is it as obvious as Ramadan.

There is just something about the combo of a blessed holy month with millions of hangry adherents that brings out the self-righteous and judgmental ones.

It is undeniable that there is a shift of public sentiment this year, with more and more Muslims publicly saying that fasting is their burden of faith alone, and non-Muslims should not be subjected to the same restrictions in public.

But perhaps we are not there yet.

It was disheartening to hear reports of a senior teacher in Kedah who told non-Muslim primary school students to drink water in the school toilets, and if they do not have water, “they can drink from the tap or their own urine.”

Particularly disappointing was the response by Deputy Education Minister Mary Yap that non-Muslims should consume food and drink discreetly and outside the view of fasting Muslims.

Even more disappointing was her fellow Deputy Education Minister P. Kamalanathan, who rebuked the teacher, but only for making the “urine joke.” The bigger problem was left untouched: that non-Muslims were urged to drink in the toilet instead.

Surely some Muslims would feel that they are entitled to “respect” during Ramadan. But that is just a by-product of the Islamisation of this country.

Elsewhere, especially in countries where Muslims are the minority, nobody would even care about them fasting, what more humouring their feelings of entitlement.

There seems to be a wave of awareness among non-Muslims that they should no longer be subjected to exclusive moral values, as illustrated by the many complaints in the past week of Malaysians forced to cover up when seeking service in government outlets.

This scene at the Ramadan bazaar at Kampung Baru is played out at the various bazaars all over the country. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa

This scene at the Ramadan bazaar at Kampung Baru is played out at the various bazaars all over the country. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa

The dress code “rebellion” was a perfect example of the clash of two different values in the society.

On one side is the set of more sensible values, one that is not even liberal. It is only common sense to expect government services to be made available to the public, without restricting it with dress codes that border on unnecessary.

Determining what values lies on the other side is more complex.

It surely cannot be conservative values? After all, we have had conservatives of all colours — Muslims or not — since time immemorial, and we have not experienced anybody being denied their rights.

It is perhaps inconclusive to blame Islamisation entirely for this obsession to heavily regulate the public’s behaviour, but again, it must share at least part of the blame.

We can expect some Muslims to cry so-called Islamophobia, that they are being unfairly targeted by such an allegation. So it is perhaps prudent to specify how Islamisation has less to do with Islam, but rather authoritarianism.

To be concerned with Islamisation does not necessarily mean feeling negatively against Islam.

Islam as a religion is fairly neutral. I think many can agree that they have no problems with Muslims.

But Islamisation is a process of political domination, by enforcing Islamic rules and codes on others who do not subscribe to the same belief system.

It is taking Islam’s message of being the blessing to the world with too much zealousness. It is when Muslims decide to take their mission as “caliphs of the world” a little too seriously, and can only rest when others submit to their faith and moral values.

Islamisation is when Muslims practise their “amal ma’ruf, nahi munkar” doctrine — “to do good and prevent wrongdoings”…. but only to mean that everyone must follow and leave out things strictly according to Islam, instead of what is universally considered “good” and “bad.”

Islamisation happens because some Muslims demand for religious bodies to be given the authority to govern their lives, because they have never been taught to do otherwise.

It happens when Muslims refuse to take responsibility for their own lives, outsourcing them instead to clerics and scholars.

Islamisation is a skewed interpretation that Islam is a way of life with no separation of state and religion. It is when the State is emboldened to codify every facet of a Muslim’s life: his worship, his attire, his food, his thoughts.

And among its abhorrent consequence, is the belief that Muslims have the right to judge and condemn others with impunity. And the worse victims as usual tend to be women — whose status is deemed lesser by the patriarchal nature of the ideology.

That is when champion gymnast Farah Ann Abdul Hadi gets chastised by self-righteous men who could only see the grooves on her crotch instead of her worth as an individual, just days before going into Ramadan.

That is when the anonymous woman who took a selfie at a Ramadan bazaar with Dr Mahathir Mohamad, and TV host Edleen Ismail was “cautioned” online for being “too sexy” that perverts cannot contain themselves during the holy month.

That is when Pahang Islamic enforcers used Ramadan as an excuse to decide that Muslim women — only women — who dress “indecently” during the month can be fined with a one year jail sentence or RM2,000 fine starting this year, as if it is a requirement for fasting.

Things will only get worse as the two sets of values continue their clashes.

And some Muslims would complain of persecution, when it is not their rights which are in contest, but their previously unabated harassment against others.

Those who have been comfortable with Islamisation for too long will be kicking and screaming, but we shall drag them out anyway.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 29 June 2015, 6:23 am and is filed under
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Tunisia: murder of holidaymakers could dent tourism but not hope

Angelique Chrisafis

Guardian

26th June 2015

Hopes that scale of Sousse resort attack will not spark loss of confidence in a country regarded as relatively peaceful, compared with troubled neighbours

The slaughter of sunbathers and hotel staff on the beaches of a country that has always prided itself as a carefree, laid-back destination for package holidaymakers has dealt a huge blow to Tunisia.

The small north African country lit the first spark of the Arab spring four years ago, when its popular uprising toppled a corrupt dictatorship relatively peacefully. It is often looked to as the hope of the region. Unlike its troubled neighbours, it has managed to keep its political transition on course — crafting a new constitution, staging free presidential and parliamentary elections.

But with a struggling post-revolution economy that depends in large part on its beach resorts and foreign visitors, it was already facing the serious ongoing challenges of how to tackle unemployment, social unrest and strikes, and how to address the feeling among the poorest and the young that their demands, which inspired the revolution — the need for social justice, jobs and the fight to end corruption — are yet to be fully achieved.

In recent months, Tunisia was already grappling with a growing jihadi problem. Thousands of its young men — more than any other Arab country — have gone to fight in Syria, and porous borders with Libya and Algeria have raised the stakes. Yet the Sousse attack seems to cement a troubling new pattern.

Before this spring, the jihadi threa was aimed mostly at Tunisian security forces. But the March terrorist attack on the Bardo National Museum in Tunis that killed 21 foreign tourists and a policeman and now the Sousse beach massacre suggest a new focus on soft targets. The negative impact on the country’s image and economy is potentially highly damaging.

“I think the effect of this will be even more serious than the effect of the Bardo attack in March,” said Monica Marks, a North Africa analyst based in Tunis. “Not all tourists who come to Tunisia want to visit the Bardo museum: a lot more — particularly the German and British — are Vitamin D tourists who want to spend time on the beach.

“Sousse has the most package tourism of any other Tunisian resort on the coast,” she added. “Images of tourists dead across sunloungers will have a considerable effect. Tourism accounted for around 14.5% of Tunisian GDP last year. This will have considerable repercussions for the Tunisian economy. It also will also affect investor confidence.”

Marks said that the attack on this scale could spark a loss of confidence in the government and dent its authority.

The government response will be crucial, particularly in a country where the balance between security measures and human rights is both delicate and important.

In December, a new parliament was elected. The president Beji Caid Essebsi is an 88-year-old secularist who served as a senior official in Tunisia’s previous regimes. His ruling secular party Nidaa Tounes governs in a coalition that includes the small presence of Ennahda, the moderate Islamist movement that won the first post-uprising election and has done much to make Tunisia’s transition a relative success.

After the Bardo attack, the immediate reaction of Essebsi was to spearhead new anti-terror laws and promise a crackdown. The tough new legislation has not yet been passed, politicians have argued over it and lawyers and human rights groups have raised concerns about freedom of speech and civil liberties, arbitrary arrests, detention and police harassment.

The balance between security and human rights is a delicate issue in a country that, under the authoritarian Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, was a notoriously brutal police state. Tunisia’s post-revolution Truth and Dignity Commission is currently attempting to deal with the harrowing accounts that stem from the country’s recent history. The issue of torture, even after the revolution, has not yet been fully dealt with. This commitment to deal with the past is vital and Tunisia is unlikely to slide back to the days of Ben Ali’s oppressive state. But lawyers and rights groups are pushing to keep that balance between security and rights.

Tunisia prides itself on its continuing resilience in the face of its post-revolution challenges, including political assassinations and the jihadi threat. The Sousse attack is one of its biggest challenges yet.

                This entry was posted on Monday, 29 June 2015, 6:52 am and is filed under
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UMNO party polls deferred by 18 months is in one sense good news as Najib will be an easier target in 14GE with avalanche of scandals and continued festering of internal UMNO warfare

In one sense, the 18-month postponement of UMNO party polls is good news as Datuk Najib Razak will be an easier target in the 14th General Election with the avalanche of scandals – socio-economic and political – as well as the continued festering of internal UMNO warfare.

Never before in Malaysia has a Prime Minister amassed such a huge brew of socio-economic and political scandals within so short a time, creating a most explosive mix with far-reaching consequences in the next general election.

Umno secretary-general Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor was not being candid  when he merely admitted that the postponement of the Umno election was due to “current political crisis”  but not related to 1MDB, as the truth was that the postponement was caused by “current political crisis arising from scandals like 1MDB”.

Unlike the 13GE, the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal will be the lead “scandal”  in the 14GE although desperate attempts are being made to defuse it, including an elaborate script of “The Empire Strikes Back” based on the notion that the allegations of the 1MDB scandals were all based on the “tampered” emails (not only unsubstantiated to date but  clearly impossible) including the last desperate option of a winding-up and asset-stripping of 1MDB.

But even after being wound up, 1MDB scandal will remain alive in the 14GE although it will be one in a shoal of seething multiple scandals – whether economic and financial like  the Felda Global Venture (FGV), Tabung Haji, GST, weak Malaysian ringgit and now MARA’s Australia  property  scandals, or socio-political like Najib’s major failures including his signature 1Malaysia Policy, Global Movement of Moderates initiative, the National Transformation Programme, the worst racial and religious polarization in the nation’s history.

There are no signs that Najib could take a grip of such an avalanche of scandals, putting them under firm check and control, as all signs point to the opposite – a runaway situation with everybody abandoning ship with whatever benefits they can grab before the sinking of the “Titanic”.

UMNO/BN coalition seems to  infected by the “make hay while the sun shines” syndrome, even if it is for an ever-shortening period of  three or less years!

Mahathir is half-right that the UMNO/BN coalition under Najib will lose in the next general election, except that even if UMNO/BN coalition changes a new leader, the chances are still very high that the UMNO/BN coalition cannot be salvaged and would be voted out of office in the next polls.

Although from the narrow and selfish perspective, the postponement of UMNO party polls for 18 months to ensure that Najib would lead UMNO/BN coalition into the 14GE polls is good news, this is not so from the larger national perspective – as the country urgently needs a change of leadership and government to end the decades of corruption, cronyism, abuses of power and selfish and petty politicking at the seat of Federal Government, which had destroyed Malaysia as a model to the world of good governance and  successful and  harmonious nation-building in a plural society.

For the past two years, Najib had prioritized the politics of survival over the challenges of ensuring Malaysia shine as a model of good governance and successful and harmonious nation-building in a plural society.

He can claim limited success, in not only breaking up Pakatan Rakyat but also PAS, but he cannot afford to continue with his game of irresponsible politicking, such as to give Prime Ministerial support to the PAS President’s private member’s bill in Parliament on hudud implementation as he  risk alienation of the 48 Barisan Nasional MPs in Sarawak and Sabah and the even greater risk of a break-up of the 52-year Malaysian Federation because of a fundamental breach of Malaysia Agreement 1963.

A golden opportunity seems to have been lost to Malaysians for Pakatan Rakyat, which won 52% of voter support in the 13 GE, should stand ready to replace the Umno/BN coalition at its weakest point in the 14GE.

Instead, Pakatan Rakyat  had fallen into UMNO’s trap and ceased to exist.

There is  no PR if there is no PR Common Policy Framework and the PR consensus operational principle.

I do not believe that Pakatan Rakyat could mount a serious challenge to overthrow UMNO/BN coalition in the 14GE if PR abandons its Common Policy Framework and operates purely as an opportunistic alliance.

What is the difference between Najib’s Umno/BN coalition and the Pakatan Rakyat if PR can abandon its Common Policy Framework for a new start for Malaysia?

Although Pakatan Rakyat is no more, there is no reason to despair as the hopes and aspirations of Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or region encapsulated in the PR Common Policy Framework for an inclusive government and nation-building policy to restore justice, freedom, dignity and good governance remain valid, relevant and achievable in the 14 GE.

There needs to be a realignment of political forces in the country, as the achievement of the people’s PR hopes and aspirations in the 13 GE in the 14 GE, although there is no more PR, is the greatest challenge of the present generation of Malaysians.

(Speech at the DAP Air Putih durian party at Bukit Bendera on Sunday, 28th June 2015 at 7pm)

                This entry was posted on Monday, 29 June 2015, 2:31 pm and is filed under
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A new RM17.8 bil twist in 1MDB ‘guarantee’

P. GUNASEGARAM

KiniBiz

JUNE 29, 2015

TIGERTALK

Tony Pua and 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB) are in dispute over whether there’s a government guarantee or not over US$4.71 bil (RM17.8 bil)  IPIC loans to the latter. But taking off the semantics and just maintaining the meaning shows Pua is clearly right.

Latest developments at self-styled strategic development company 1MDB indicates yet again that it is not fully forthcoming on the problems that are affecting it, in this case a loan and guarantee arrangement between 1MDB and Abu Dhabi’s International Petroleum Investment Company (IPIC) and its subsidiary  Aabar Investments PJS involving US$4.5 billion (RM17 billion).

MP Tony Pua first highlighted this referring to a London Stock Exchange (LSE) statement by IPIC on changes to its debt settlement arrangements with IPIC. Presumably, since IPIC is an international borrower whose debts are listed on the LSE, it had to make those disclosures to the exchange.

That IPIC statement clearly sets out obligations under the debt settlement agreement. Essentially, the terms covered were as follows:

*on 4 June 2015, IPIC provided US$1 billion to 1MDB for it to immediately settle some liabilities. On the same day IPIC assumed obligations to pay (on an interim basis) all interest due under two IPIC guaranteed 1MDB financings amounting to US$3.5 billion.

*by 30 June 2016, about a year from now, IPIC is to have received a transfer of assets representing the RM1 billion cash payment, the US$3.5 billion debt and any debt forgiveness.

*Upon the completion of the transfer of assets, IPIC will directly assume liability for all payment obligations under the US$3.5 billion debt and forgive certain financial obligations of the 1MDB Group to the IPIC Group.

*Finally, 1MDB and MOF (Ministry of Finance) have agreed to perform the obligations in the binding term sheet and to indemnify IPIC and Aabar for any non-performance, and vice versa. IPIC has met the US1 billion cash payment and will meet the interim interest payments under the US$3.5 billion debt from existing liquidity available.

From the fourth condition, it emerged clearly that the MOF now also assumes liability together with 1MDB  for transferring the necessary assets to IPIC.

Pua in his statement pointed out that the Second Finance Minister Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah, had said that “1MDB has entered into a binding agreement with IPIC and its subsidiary Aabar Investments (Aabar) whereby IPIC will make a “payment” of US$1 billion (US$3.75 billion), on June 4, 2015. This US$1 billion payment will be used to repay a US$975 million loan, in advance of its due date, to a syndicate of international bank lenders.

“What the minister failed to disclose however, is the fact that the binding agreement isn’t just between IPIC, Aabar and 1MDB.  Instead, the Government of Malaysia is also an integral party to the agreement,” he said.

Including an interest payment of US$210 million, which IPIC also assumes, Pua has arrived at a total figure of US$4.71 billion (RM17.8 billion) involved.

Meantime 1MDB’s statement  that neither the MOF or the Government of Malaysia have provided guarantees for the transactions looks hollow when we strip the argument about semantics out.

The term sheet clearly states that MOF and 1MDB are responsible for fulfilling the conditions of the deal, basically that the two must deposit assets equivalent to the amount that IPIC has spent in the exercise which is US$4.71 billion or RM17.8 billion at current exchange rates.

Whether the indemnity applies both ways or not is immaterial – effectively 1MDB and/or MOF must give IPIC US$4.71 billion (RM17.8 billion) in assets.

One other thing that emerges as a result of this transaction is that if 1MDB’s loan obligations reduce, it will be only because 1MDB and/or the government pays off the IPIC loan a year from now.

The upshot from Pua’s media statement and the reference to the LSE disclosure is that it is clear that that 1MDB’s effective debt is not immediately reducing but continues to be at the same level unless these are paid off by 1MDB and/or the government.

Also, because of the stated undertaking/ letter of support/ guarantee/and anything else you may want to call it, by no less than the MOF, the series of transactions in the deal basically results in the MOF assuming responsibility for all obligations. Effectively, the guarantee that IPIC had previously provided for the US$3.5 bil debts has now moved to the MOF.

Let’s finally reproduce 1MDB’s statement in response to Pua’s earlier one with our responses below:

IMDB:
 “As such, it is irresponsible of YB Tony Pua to suggest that the recent binding term sheet between 1MDB and IPIC, a commercial transaction, has resulted in further guarantee obligations by the Government of Malaysia. It is public information that the Government has only issued a “letter of support”, and this was for a different USD3.0 billion (approx. RM11.35 billion) bond issued by 1MDB.  In total, the Government has only provided explicit guarantees for RM5.8 billion of 1MDB debt.

Our response:
 As outlined above, the guarantee for US$3.5 billion has in effect passed from IPIC to 1MDB – it has resulted in further obligations to the government.

1MDB:
 “YB Tony Pua has deliberately misled the public by failing to mention the crucial “and vice versa” clause in relation to the “indemnity”, i.e. the indemnity applies both ways – to IPIC as well as 1MDB – in relation to performance of obligations by the parties.  Such a two-way indemnity is a standard clause in commercial transactions to ensure neither party is “out of pocket” for non-performance by the other. 1MDB confirms that it fully intends to perform its obligations under the binding term sheet.”

Our response:
It is 1MDB which has misled the public by failing to disclose that the MOF has an obligation to transfer assets totalling US$4.71 billion. That means the MOF is effectively undertaking to fulfill the obligation, not just 1MDB. Why was such an important point not disclosed?  Two-way indemnity is immaterial, what counts is what happens at the end of the transaction.

1mdb
: “The binding term sheet executed with IPIC is a key component of the 1MDB rationalisation plan as announced by the Ministry of Finance on 29 May 2015. The success of this approach has been evidenced by the recent repayment of a RM3.6 billion loan by 1MDB.  Commercial negotiations are ongoing between 1MDB and IPIC to reach a definitive agreement, which will ultimately result in a reduction of approximately RM16 billion of 1MDB debt.  1MDB fully intends to share further information once a final agreement is reached between the parties.”

Our response:
 Basically, 1MDB borrowed money (US$1 billion) from IPIC to repay the RM3.6 billion loan with an effective guarantee from MOF. And it bought itself one year of time to repay that through assets. Why is that such a big deal? And what definitive agreement is 1MDB going to do to retire its debts with IPIC? Inject assets? Is that a big deal? I owe you so much of money and I return it through an equivalent amount of assets. And what is the rationalisation plan for 1MDB? Why have details not been disclosed?

On all accounts, Pua is right and 1MDB is wrong – it is 1MDB which is misleading the people, not Pua, who is doing what he is supposed to do as a representative of the public in this instance. Shame on you 1MDB!

GRRRRR!!!

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 30 June 2015, 6:37 am and is filed under
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‘Conservatives reverting PAS to a kampung party’

Malaysiakini

Jun 29, 2015

The “narrow minded” in PAS today have undone all the hard work undertaken by former party president Fadzil Noor to raise the status of the party from its provincial roots.

So said PAS leader Khalid Samad on his blog today, in a lament that alleged conservative elements are destroying efforts to make the party inclusive and relevant to the national political and Islamic scene.

“Unfortunately, the attitude of openness that was shown by the late Fadzil Noor isn’t being perpetuated by the narrow minded.

“Allegations of ‘infiltration’ (by external parties), ‘wanting to grab power’ and ‘grand design’ are often mentioned by those who disagree with (Fadzil’s) approach,” said Khalid, who is Shah Alam MP.

Relating the achievements of Fadzil and how the latter built up the party by engaging with and through the help of outside parties such as Islamic NGOs and civil society, Khalid said the latest developments in the party were steps backwards.

“Today this narrow-minded attitude has regained control of most of the leadership of PAS, as it had been before the days of Fadzil.

“They are now popularising once again the idea of  ‘infiltration’ and are planting again hatred and mistrust for Islamic NGOs,” he said.

“In their quest, the spirit of Islam has shrunken, made worse by a penchant for arguing among the Muslim community,” added the vocal MP who was one of the targets of a smear campaign against the party progressives in the run up to the muktamar earlier this month.

Fadzil too fought conservatives

Khalid recalled how Fadzil had united the Muslim NGOs during the time when PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim was first jailed in 1998.

This, he said, brought PAS and the NGOs closer together and erased all prior misunderstanding and prejudice of the party as a narrow and “kampung” party.

“PAS was thus seen as open and caring towards the problems of the say, unlike the earlier perception of the party,” he said, and said this resulted in NGO leaders joining PAS’ ranks and being elected as leaders.

However, said Khalid, there was still resistance at the time from narrow-minded PAS leaders and members towards the newcomers, “but Fadzil persevered with his attitude of openness”.

He related how Fadzil had told him that if they could not manage the differences in opinion over Islam in a harmonious manner, then there was no hope that the Muslim community would be united.

Khalid himself had been demonised by party conservatives as a “lackey” and a “parasite” for holding a moderate view on issues such as the implementation of hudud and the powers of state Islamic authorities, specifically blaming it on the undesirable influence of Pakatan partner DAP.

The end result was the party progressives such as Khalid were practically obliterated from PAS’ top leadership at the muktamar polls.

From kampung party to national

Khalid continued to elaborate on how Fadzil’s legacy had allowed PAS to improve its image among the Islamic NGOs and civil society in general.

“Resulting from his efforts, PAS’ image as a kampung party with no capabilities and which is insular was erased in the eyes of society from year to year.”

This, he said, was also aided along with the help of other NGOs such as Gabungan Mansuhkan ISA’s (GMI), Bar Council, Suaram and Bersih, which not only raised the party’s profile among the Muslims but non-Muslims as well.

With the present behaviour of conservative party leaders, said Khalid, all that Fadzil has built is being “demolished piece by piece”.

“With such narrow-mindedness, PAS can never achieve the position of being a leader or a force to unite Muslims in Malaysia as what Fadzil had aspired,” he said.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 30 June 2015, 5:54 am and is filed under
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Is  Shabery prepared to have a debate with  Tony Pua on  TV on 1MDB to gauge whether Pua  has popular support for his sterling role in demanding accountability and transparency in the 1MDB scandal?

The UMNO/Barisan Nasional agenda to remove DAP MP for PJ Utara, Tony Pua from Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee (PAC) hearings on the 1MDB scandal is still on stream and seeking to gather greater support, enlisting Ministerial endorsement after the campaign opener by Prime Minister’s  choice lawyer Tan Sri Muhammad Shafee Abdullah and former Cabinet Minister and PAC Chairman Datuk Sri Shahrir Abdul Samad.

This is why the Communications and Multimedia Minister Datuk Seri Shabery Cheek has waded into the 1MDB/PAC controversy to spearhead the  UMNO/BN guerrilla campaign and tactics demanding that Pua be removed from the PAC hearings on the 1MDB scandal.

Shabery claimed that by his  outspokenness on the 1MDB scandal, Pua had “not only shamed the PAC, but also the parliamentary system itself and was no longer qualified to sit in the PAC”.

Shabery was quite hysterical when he charged: “He (Pua) makes biased statements, he should be ashamed, his party should be ashamed, his supporters and those associated with him should also feel ashamed.”

Shabery has indeed made a sorry spectacle of himself.

It is Shabery who should be thoroughly ashamed, and UMNO/BN and the Cabinet who should feel ashamed,  for his hysteria and  spearheading the UMNO/BN guerrilla campaign and tactics to remove Pua from PAC hearings on 1MDB scandal.

Far from being ashamed for Pua’s role in demanding transparency and accountability in the 1MDB scandal, I have no doubt that not only the 53% of the electorate who voted for Pakatan Rakyat  in the 13th general elections (although PR is now no more), but a substantial portion of the 47% of the electorate who had voted for UMNO/BN in the general election two years ago, are proud of Pua’s public spiritness and patriotism and would give full endorsement for his role in demanding accountability and transparency in the 1MDB scandal.

If Shabery disputes this, is he prepared to have a debate with  Tony Pua on  TV on 1MDB to gauge whether Pua  has popular support for his sterling role in demanding accountability and transparency in the 1MDB scandal?

It was only yesterday that the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak declared that he had never been afraid of accepting criticisms, but this is immediately countered and repudiated by Shabery in his support of the guerrilla campaign and tactics to remove Pua from the PAC hearing on 1MDB.

It is such frequent flip-flop policies and government actions which is why the Najib administration has lost widespread public support and credibility.

Is Najib and the entire UMNO/BN coalition and  government so afraid of Pua that they want to throw him out of the PAC, although this will be against all parliamentary rules, practices and procedures as well as sending out a most negative even damning message to all Malaysians?

As Pua has rightly pointed out, are the eight UMNO/BN representatives on the PAC such useless digits that they are afraid of one DAP person?

Shabery does not seem to know that the PAC is appointed by Parliament to examine public accounts and to submit its report to Parliament.

Does Shabery next want MPs who are critical of the 1MDB scandal to be removed from Parliament, so that Parliament can rubber-stamp approval for the biggest financial scandal in the nation’s history without upholding the principles of accountability, transparency, integrity and good governance?

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 30 June 2015, 4:18 pm and is filed under
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Khalid warns PAS’ growing trend of exclusiveness

Malaysiakini

Jun 30, 2015

PAS will be seen as theocratic and autocratic if it continues to be exclusive by recruiting members only from among religious studies graduates, warned Shah Alam MP Khalid Samad.

In his latest blog posted today, the professional faction leader cautioned the growing trend of exclusiveness, which rejects non-ulama members.

He said this contradicted with the teachings and attitude of late spiritual leader Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, who emphasised the cooperation of ulama and professionals in the party.

Such exclusive attitude will cause the community to stay away from the Islamic party, Khalid cautioned.

As a consequence, PAS will fail in its duty as a political party, which should be open and act fairly to all parties, he added.

“This is not what Islam nor the party had wanted,” Khalid said, adding that the party should take in members regardless of their religious qualification background.

The truth of one’s speech should be based on debate, rather than the status of being an ustaz, he said.

The inclusiveness, which once opened its door to non-religious studies graduates should be upheld in the party, he emphasised.

Efforts to break the wall

The religious practitioners were generally seen to lack the ability to play their role in nation building, and they should instead focus on matters which relates to religion, he noted.

The community has viewed that the job of nation building should be taken by those who are professionally trained, he said.

Khalid said Nik Aziz had managed to rectify the growing trend to reject non-religious graduates.

There has been efforts to break the wall between both factions to prevent caste system from being formed in the party, where those with religious backgrounds were seen superior than others, he added.

“Unfortunately, the effort to topple the non-ulama faction through baseless allegations (has made a comeback), by labelling them as liberal and secular,” he said.

Khalid added that the cooperation between both factions has stopped after 2008, and has been replaced by pro-ulama or anti-ulama sentiments.

This was meant to strenghten the position of the ulama faction in the party and secure posts, but such practice was in fact detrimental to them as they were perceived to have obtained religious knowledge for the sake of positions, he warned.

On Sunday, a former leader said the current PAS leadership does not represent a true Islamic political party, and at times even embarrasses the religion.

Speaking to Malaysiakini, Kuala Krai MP Dr Hatta Ramli said this was due to the behaviour of the party leaders.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 30 June 2015, 11:34 pm and is filed under
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MACC should do soul-searching why its credibility on war against corruption in high political places is zero and explain why it has failed to land a single shark in the past six years

The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) should come out of its cushy air-conditioned offices and go to the ground and do a soul-searching why its credibility on the war against corruption in high political places is zero, whether the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal, the MARA property corruption scandal blowing up in Melbourne or the recent Wall Street Journal expose that 1MDB funds were used to bankroll Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s campaign in the 13th general elections.

It is a reflection of the MACC’s utter lack of credibility and impotence as far as fighting corruption in high political places is concerned that 10 days after the Wall Street Journal report  (June 19) on electoral abuses and corruption in the 13th General Elections, several NGOs, led by Coalition for Free and Fair Elections (Bersih 2.0), Centre to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4) and Transparency International Malaysia (TI-M) had to gather at the MACC to demand action by the anti-corruption agency yesterday.

What have the MACC officials been doing in the past 10 days over the WSJ report?

Just twiddling thumbs?

Have MACC officers called in the officers and personnel from 1MDB, Genting Plantations and Yayasan Rakyat 1Malaysia (YRIM) in the past 10 days to begin investigations arising from the Wall Street Journal report?

Has the MACC opened a file to investigate whether Najib as Prime Minister  had misused his position and  channel funds from 1MDB to bankroll his 13GE campaign?

Or  has absolutely nothing been done on the Wall Street Journal report in the past 10 days?

The statement subsequently  issued by MACC that it was assisting other agencies investigating 1MDB, which would include WSJ report on 1MDB funds channeled to the BN’s campaign during the 13GE, is a most disgraceful admission of its irrelevance and ineffectiveness,  as it shows that in a matter directly involving corruption, the MACC is not even the lead agency but must submit to other enforcement agencies which may have other agendas.

What is holding back MACC from instituting a full corruption inquiry into the Wall Street Journal report of June 19?

Are the MACC officers afraid of stepping on the toes of powerful people in government?

The other part of the MACC statement repeating its call for political funding to be made open and transparency is a mere cop-out to distract attention from the MACC’s failures and abdication of responsibility to combat corruption in high political places.

Is the MACC seriously suggesting unless all political parties, in particular the ruling UMNO and Barisan Nasional, agree to a law to make political funding open and transparent, the MACC is fully justified for its zero record and performance in bringing the “sharks” to book as it can only go after the “ikan bilis’?

MACC should do soul-searching why its credibility on war against corruption in high political places is zero and explain why it has failed to land a single shark in the past six years.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 30 June 2015, 11:20 am and is filed under
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Malaysians owe debt of eternal gratitude to Wan Junaidi  who resolved week-long mystery about allegations of  Justo’s 1MDB  “tampered emails” – no evidence whatsoever but just “logical assumption”!

Malaysians owe the Deputy Home Minister, Datuk Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar a debt of eternal gratitude for he has resolved a mystery which had vexed thinking Malaysians for a week – the allegations of about  1MDB “tampered emails” which surfaced after the arrest of Swiss national and former PetroSaudi International (PSI) IT executive, Xavier Andre Justo at a house in Koh Samui, Thailand the previous Monday (June 22).

Type in “1MDB tampered email” in Google search and there will be scores of news report about the allegations about “tampered emails” associated with the 1MDB scandal – all  a week-old vintage after Justo’s arrest.

For months and years since the surfacing of the  RM42 billion 1MDB scandal, nobody had ever raised the issue of “tampered emails”.

Even after shocking expose  four months ago when the whistleblower website Sarawak Report in its article “Heist of the Century” of Feb. 28  announced that together with London Sunday Times, they have completed an in-depth investigation into “thousands of documents and emails” relating to the transactions by 1MDB, including its initial joint venture with the little-known oil company PetroSaudi International from 2009, nobody  had breathed a word about “tampered emails”.

Even the police report lodged in the United Kingdom at the London Police’s National Fraud and Cyber Crime Report Centre by  PSI on March 1 was not about “tampered emails” but about  confidential emails and servers had been hacked into and the contents made public.

Why did the issue of “tampered emails” burst into the public domain and only after the arrest of Justo, but only in Malaysia but not elsewhere in the world  and not even in Thailand where Justo was arrested for blackmail – with one Minister after another assuming that it is Gospel truth and threatening action against the media and all and sundry who spoke up on the 1MDB scandal?

The Home Minister, Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi even volunteered to “extradite” to Thailand the “several Malaysians” allegedly implicated by Justo for having asked him to manipulate the leaked information as if this was revealed during his interrogation by Thai police  – when Thai police had  never mentioned “tampered emails” or indicated they want any Malaysian extradited!

I would have thought that Zahid should be asking the Thai police to “extradite” Justo to Malaysia if Justo had committed  any crime under the country’s jurisdiction instead of offering to extradite Malaysians to Thailand.

Mystery deepens when the Inspector-General of Police, Tan Sri Khalid Abu Bakar said Malaysian police wants to question Justo.

If Justo is arrested  in Thailand by Thai Police for alleged blackmail of his former company, what has this got to do with the Malaysian Police?

Or is the Police finding opportunities to question Justo on alleged “tampered emails” which the Thai police are not interested at all, so as to justify all the recent Ministerial hullaballoo over 1MDB “tampered emails”?

In any event, the IQ of Malaysia’s Ministers do not seem to be high enough for them to understand that there could be no blackmail unless the emails referred to are true and genuine, as there could be no blackmail if  the emails had been “tampered” or doctored –  and any such “blackmail” could be simply foiled by denying their truth or veracity.

All these mysteries were resolved when the Deputy Home Minister,

Wan Junaidi, in a moment of exceptional candour, admitted that the government has no evidence of any  PSI “tampered email” in connection with  the 1MDB scandal.

Wan Junaidi said the government came to the conclusion that Justo tampered with the emails and documents relating to 1MDB based on “logical assumption”.

“It’s very simple, the person arrested was Xavier and the documents seems to be from him.

“So, we cannot assume anything else than he had tampered with the documents.

“Everything we said here and do were based on logical assumption, on how the things could have happened.”

No need for facts or evidence, or even collaboration from the Thai Police about the outcome of their interrogation of Justo!

All that the Malaysian Ministers need to do is to make the “logical assumption” from thin air that there had been “tampered emails”.

Thank God Junaidi and the Ministers whose “logical assumptions” allow them to  discover  “tampered emails” from thin air are not the running the Police Force, or as there would be utter chaos in Malaysia when the administration of justice is no more based on facts and evidence, but “logical assumptions” of low IQ Malaysians.

The whistleblower website Sarawak has demanded that Protection Group International (PGI) confirm if they were quoted accurately by Malaysia’s press, in particular New Straits Times, with regard to “tampered email” allegations.

PGI has responded by saying they cannot say whether or not they made these statements to the NST without getting permission from PetroSaudi International, who are themselves under several investigations regarding the disappearance of millions of ringgit from 1MDB.

Sarawak Report questions how is the Malaysian government to rely on alleged statements from PGI, when the firm is not prepared to confirm whether or not they made them without permission from this interested party.

I urge the Prime Minister and Malaysian Ministers to respond in a calm,  collected and responsible manner to the many developments and exposes relating to the RM42 billion 1MDB scandal, as it is bad enough to have the nations’ worst financial scandal without Cabinet Ministers repeatedly shaming the country with foolish and stupid responses, landing with the Prime Minister and the Ministers with eggs all over their faces.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 30 June 2015, 8:57 am and is filed under
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Parti baharu bukan kumpulan terbuang

A Shukur Harun

The Malaysian Insider

30 June 2015

Selepas dikalahkan dengan cara paling hina di muktamar PAS baru-baru ini, golongan progresif dan sederhana dalam parti itu merancang menubuhkan sebuah parti baharu lepas Hari Raya Aidilfitri sebagai memenuhi harapan baharu rakyat Malaysia.

Penubuhan parti ini juga untuk meneruskan legasi perjuangan Allahyaram Datuk Fadzil Mohd Noor dan Allahyarham Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat yang sangat terbuka dan demokratik.

Kumpulan ini mulanya bernama Kumpulan 18 (G18) kini dinamakan “Kumpulan Harapan Baharu” kerana jumlahnya bertambah.

Ia memang berhak mendakwa sebagai pewaris perjuangan kedua-dua tokoh yang amat disayangi majoriti rakyat Malaysia itu.

Ini kerana, golongan progresif ini sangat serasi dengan metodologi perjuangan dua tokoh tersebut iaitu menjadikan PAS parti yang inklusif, tidak jumud dan ekstrem, menyebabkan PAS diterima pelbagai kaum dan agama, meskipun ia tetap memperjuangkan Islam.

Atas inisiatif mereka dan disokong oleh pelbagai badan bukan kerajaan (NGO) serta masyarakat sivil, mereka merancang menubuhkan parti baharu, di mana buat sementara ini dipanggil G18 – mengambil sempena 18 tokoh yang dikalahkan itu. Nama rasmi parti baharu itu akan diumumkan sempena pelancarannya beberapa minggu lagi.

Kini perancang parti baharu ini sedang giat mengadakan perbincangan demi perancangan ke arah penubuhannya yang dilihat sangat dinanti-nantikan oleh majoriti rakyat.

Namun pada awal-awal lagi sesetengah pemimpin PAS yang ada sekarang begitu segera memperkecilkan penubuhan parti baharu itu. Ada yang mengatakan, kononnya parti serpihan PAS itu tidak akan panjang umur dengan mengambil contoh parti Barisan Jemaah Islamiah Se-Malaysia (Berjasa) dan Hizbul Muslimin Malaysia (Hamim) dulu.

Ada juga pemimpin PAS memperkecilkan tokoh progresif itu sebagai daun yang gugur selepas pohonnya digegarkan ribut. Golongan profesional ini dianggap daun gugur yang langsung tidak ada nilai, sedangkan pohonnya, kononnya, tetap teguh.

Ada yang juga yang berkata tindakan menubuhkan parti baharu itu hanya akan menguntungkan musuh, Lebih jauh, ada pula ustaz muda tokoh segera PAS yang dengan segera hendak mengajar kumpulan sederhana ini supaya melihat sejarah gemilang PAS selama ini.

Saya kira pandangan negatif pimpinan PAS terhadap parti baharu ini perlu dijawab untuk memberitahu tahap tidak matangnya mereka dalam politik.

Pertama, parti baharu ini tidak akan menjadi Hamim dan Berjasa, kerana situasinya berbeza, keadaan mencetuskan parti baharu ini berbeza, sambutan rakyat juga berbeza dan persepsi umumnya berbeza di zaman penubuhan Berjasa dan Hamim dengan keadaan yang ada sekarang.

Daripada kajian awal yang diperoleh – terutamanya di bandar dan semi bandar – rakyat pelbagai golongan sedang menantikan penubuhan parti baharu ini.

Hamim dan Berjasa adalah proUmno, sementara parti baharu ini menentang Umno/BN.

Hamim dan Berjasa hanya mendominasi kawasan Melayu, khususnya di Kelantan dan Terengganu, sedikit di pantai barat Semenanjung, sementara parti baharu bersifat nasional, seluruh Malaysia.

Parti baharu ini diyakini akan disertai pelbagai golongan rakyat yang sedar – terutama masyarakat sivil dan generasi baharu – yang dilihat sedang menantikan penubuhan parti baharu ini, Ini gelombang besar yang akan mengejutkan pemimpin PAS sendiri nanti.

Dengan kehadiran media baharu, perkembangan politik baharu ini mudah tersebar luas. Dari itu, menyamakan parti baharu dengan Hamim dan Berjasa tidak munsabah, malah ketinggalan zaman.

Kelemahan pemimpin PAS sekarang ialah mereka tidak memahami perkembangan politik terkini, kerana tenggelam dengan emosi dan prejudis, hanya berbangga dengan lutut dan siku bukan fakta dan ilmu.

Kedua, golongan progresif ini bukan daun yang gugur dan terbuang akibat ribut. Golongan ini masih gemilang dan terbilang. Mereka tetap berharga di kaca mata masyarakat yang sedar, bukan golongan yang jumud dan ekstrem.

Malah, tidak mustahil pula ribut besar yang melanda PAS boleh menumbangkan batang tubuh PAS itu sendiri kerana masyarakat melihat PAS kini sedang melakukan “reverse gear” yang amat menghairankan. Akhirnya ia kembali menjadi parti politik Pantai Timur.

Ketiga, Penubuhan parti baharu ini tidak menguntungkan musuh, malah menggerunkan mereka. Ini kerana ia sebuah harapan baharu dan kekuatan baharu yang didukung oleh majoriti rakyat.

Berbanding dengan krisis yang dialami PAS memang jelas menguntungkan musuh dipandang dari sudut apa pun kerana ia memecahkan Pakatan Rakyat.

Keempat, adapun ustaz muda yang menjadi tokoh segera PAS yang segera hendak mengajar kumpulan sederhana ini supaya melihat sejarah gemilang PAS selama ini perlulah mereka mencerminkan diri sendiri lebih dulu.

Pada ketika mereka masih belajar di Timur Tengah, tokoh veteran G18 ini sudah pun berjuang dalam PAS dengan keringat dan air mata mereka. Merekalah yang mengukir sejarah kegemilangan PAS selama ini menerusi kepimpinan Fadzil dan Nik Aziz.

Tokoh inilah yang berjuang di dalam PAS hasil inspirasi pendedahan perjuangan Ikhwanul-Muslimin, Jamaat e-Islami Pakistan, Jamaah An-Nur, Turki, pembacaan buku dan pertemuan dengan tokoh gerakan Islam rantau ini dan antarabangsa.

Oleh itu jangan ada sesiapa dengan penuh angkuh cuba menafikan keunggulan tokoh PAS ini.

Di sini mari kita renung dengan pemikiran jernih penubuhan parti baharu ini sebagai harapan baharu masa depan rakyat Malaysia di mana ia akan menyertai gabungan parti pembangkang yang ada sekarang.

Saya tetarik dengan pemikiran terbuka, pemimpin parti baharu ini, Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad berkata, kekalahan mereka secara blok dalam pemilihan itu menjadi “rahmat yang tersembunyi” apabila ia membuka ruang membina sesuatu lebih kukuh untuk Malaysia selepas ini.

Beliau yang menjadi setiausaha jawatankuasa bertindak G18 itu berkata penyingkiran mereka menyebabkan satu wadah baharu yang lebih kukuh dan inklusif dibina untuk semua rakyat Malaysia.

Parti baharu ini akan menggabungkan semua masyarakat sivil di negara ini terutama badan NGO Islam bagi membentuk satu wadah baharu politik Malaysia berteraskan Islam yang lebih progresif berbanding parti lama mereka.

Beliau yakin wadah ini akan lebih diterima masyarakat Malaysia kerana sifatnya yang inklusif dalam sebuah negara berbilang agama dan bangsa ini.

Selain akan bergabung dengan PKR dan DAP, wadah baharu itu akan menghimpun semua NGO Islam di Malaysia yang mempunyai cita-cita sama. – 30 Jun, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 30 June 2015, 11:45 pm and is filed under
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PAS is past. Masa untuk PR2.0

– Riesya H.

The Malaysian Insider

29 June 2015

Ditakdirkan negara kita dijajah Belanda (dan bukan British), dan sistem pilihan raya kita semacam sistem di Indonesia, negara kita ini bukan lagi milik Umno/Barisan Nasional. Tetapi sudah menjadi milik rakyat. Pakatan Rakyat (dengan undi popular 5.6 juta), jauh meninggalkan BN (Cuma 5.2juta). Congak mudahnya, BN Cuma layak menerima 105 kerusi. Selebihnya adalah kerusi milik rakyat. PR.

Tapi, apakan daya. Kata P.Ramlee, “cubaaan!!”

Perlu direkodkan, dari 5.6juta undi PR, sejumlah 1.8juta adalah undi pemula. Orang yang pertama kali mengundi PR. Orang yang mempertaruhkan harapan demi masa depan yang baru. Orang yang teruja dengan slogan “ini kali lah”.

 Siapakah 1.8juta pengundi pemula ini?

Mereka ini adalah sebahagian dari anggaran 2.2juta pengundi pertama kali, anak muda Gen-Y yang pertama kali mendaftar dan membuang undi. Bayangkan, lebih 80 peratus Gen-Y keluar mengundi dengan harapan baru, bersama PR.

Mereka ini juga boleh dikiaskan sebagai pengundi pragmatic, oportunistik, kiasu dan seumpamanya. Mereka mengundi atas dasar, bila saya mengundi, apakah pulangan yang terbaik untuk saya. Tentunya mereka teruja dengan tawaran mesra anak muda, dari PR. Dan tentunya mereka menolak Umno/BN kerana kebobrokan Umno, korupsi, kegagalan dalam urus tadbir dan seumpamanya.

Mereka ini adalah orang muda. Cara mereka fikir adalah berbeza. Cara hidup mereka juga berbeza. Selera mereka tentunya berbeza. Dan kesetiaan mereka tidak boleh dipegang dengan mudah.

Dan yang pasti, mereka ini mengundi bukan kerana ideologi atau dasar perjuangan parti. Malah setengah mereka tidak pernah tahu apa itu reformasi. Jauh sekali peristiwa berdarah 13 Mei.

Apa yang anak muda mahu?

Mereka ini mahukan sebuah negara yang ditadbir urus mereka yang kompeten. Baik teori mahupun perlaksanaan. Di negeri-negeri campuran (Pulau Pinang, Perak, Selangor, Wilayah Persekutuian), umpamanya, terdapat hampir 1juta undi pemula yang memberi harapan kepada PR. Hampir separuh dari mereka ini adalah Melayu/Islam.

Yang pasti, mereka-mereka ini bukan mengundi kerana negara Islam atau hudud (semata-mata). Mereka mengundi kerana harapan baru. Pemerintahan baru. Kepimpinan baru. Urus tadbir baru. Negara baru. Mereka tidak teragak-agak untuk mengundi PR, kerana di sana adanya PAS yang dilihat boleh membela nilai-nilai Islam, mepertahankan hak keistimewaan orang melayu, dan sensitif dengan budaya menghormati sistem raja.

Keselesaan mereka lebih yakin, dengan adanya golongan professional dan progresif dalam PAS yang dilihat memainkan peranan secara professional dan pragmatic, dalam konteks Negara majmuk.

PAS baru, 30 tahun kebelakang

Muktamar PAS ke 61 menyaksikan bagaimana pemilihan badan kepimpinan tertinggi pembuat dasar dan halatuju parti dipilih bukan berdasarkan amanah dan keupayaan. Tetapi lebih kerana senarai dan ‘cai’.

Terjadi satu penyingkiran etnik yang kronik dalam PAS. Golongan professional dan progresif disisihkan sedemikian rupa golongan konservatif.

Kini, PAS berdepan dengan risiko terbelah dua. Golongan progresif dilihat bakal membawa risiko keluar beramai-ramai dari parti dan membawa halatuju baru diluar PAS. PAS yang ada kini dilihat berpatah balik 20 tahun.

PAS yang ada, dengan persepsi 30 tahun ditinggalkan masa, tidak akan kemana. Tentunya 1.8juta anak muda tidak terliur dan teruja dengan parti imej kampong zaman 80an sebegini.

Anak muda akan lebih selesa mengikuti ke mana arus golongan progresif. Mereka ini lebih diyakini dan dipercaya sebahagian besar anak muda.

PAS kini berisiko akan jadi sebuah parti kampong. Tarikan Cuma mereka mungkin terhad di Pasir Mas, Rantau Panjang, Pengkalan Chepa atau Marang. Itu sahaja. Malah kerusi seperti Kuala Nerus, Bukit Gantang, Temerloh, Bachok, atau Pasir Putih pun belum tentu milik PAS pada PRU14 akan dating. Itupun terpulang bagaiamana Umno dengan cara politik cah keting nya, seperti lazimnya di Kelantan.

Gabungan baru, rakan baru

PR 2.0. atau Gabungan Baru atau apa jua nama.

Lupakan saja PAS dengan mimpinya. Biarkan mereka berangan masih bersama dalam PR. Kalau mereka mahu PR, berikan sahaja kepada mereka. Biarkan lebai-lebai ini syok sendiri dengan fatwa dan politik label-melabel mereka. –  29 Jun, 2015.

                This entry was posted on Tuesday, 30 June 2015, 9:42 am and is filed under
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