Jeyakumar, the activist doctor

By
Khoo Boo Teik

Jul 14, 11 | MalaysiaKini

COMMENT
Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj, or Kumar as I call him, is a public figure of enormous stature. Very much respected for his achievements and contributions to medicine and public health in Malaysia, he was the recipient of the Malaysian Medical Association’s 1999 Award for Community Service.

As a government physician, Kumar served many years in hospitals in Penang, Sarawak and Perak, and chose optional retirement when he ran in the 1999 general elections. In addition, Kumar is a tireless social advocate and activist.

Kumar and I were classmates from Form 1 to Upper Sixth Form in the Penang Free School between 1967 and 1973. In subsequent years, while we attended universities in the United States (and, for Kumar, Universiti Malaya as well), and after we began our own careers, we maintained frequent, though irregular, contacts.

Some people may think of the dispossessed and marginalised communities as simply being ‘unfortunate’ in that they have neither benefited from booms nor been protected from slumps. Others consider them to belong to the past – to sunset sectors and redundant labour ready to be dumped by globalisation’s sunrise industries, new technologies and emerging divisions of labour.

I believe Kumar’s reply would be: the history of marginalisation covers the past, present and future. If our economic system and structures of power are not significantly changed (for the better), then we already have a very good idea of how an entire developmental process will reproduce our treatment of the marginalised of the past and present as our treatment of the dispossessed of the future.

Both doctor and social critic

Precisely for the above reason, one has to understand and act. Kumar’s insistence on uncovering the roots of economic deprivation and his refusal to rationalise away the causes of social injustice supply the radical edge to his activism.

Above all, it is Kumar’s willingness to do something about the injustices he encounters, and to do so here and now, that is the hallmark of his blend of personal conviction, intellectual criticism and activist intervention.

Kumar has never treated people as ‘topics for research’. He did choose, out of a sense of professional responsibility and social concern, to be posted to Sarawak after his housemanship at the Penang General Hospital in 1983: ‘All my three posting options were for Sarawak.’

Kumar spent seven months in Kuching, and then requested a posting to Kapit, a ‘more rural, more remote’ location. That was in 1984, and Kumar was stationed there for the next one and a half years.

Kapit was remote – ‘the last boat for Sibu left at 2pm and you couldn’t send any patient to a bigger hospital after that’ – and ‘challenging for someone in his third year out of medical school’. The doctor in Kapit had his or her hands full since, for instance, ‘one had to do surgical procedures even though one wasn’t a surgeon’.

But one had considerable freedom, and there was the chance of working with the Flying Doctors Service that sent doctors by helicopter to clinics in the remote interior twice a week – a service that Kumar praised.

Kumar found his posting in Kapit and his experiences with the Flying Doctors ‘very challenging’. Besides the medical work – ‘immunisations, examinations, treatments’ – there were opportunities to observe at first hand even more remote areas, around Belaga, for example. Kumar saw ‘areas that had been logged’ but noted that in areas that had not been logged, the ‘waters were still blue’ and the ‘rivers full of fish’.

Being a doctor in those remote parts – ‘a very high position’ – and especially being the humble, likeable and curious individual that Kumar is – opened doors, brought invitations and eased conversations. Kumar could talk with people from all walks of life – longhouse residents, headmen and logging camp managers.

He asked questions and made comparisons: why were there ‘more cases of protein malnutrition in logged areas’ in contrast to unlogged districts whose rivers were ‘still blue’ and ‘full of fish’?

Kumar heard stories and made connections: how could it be that ‘six villages unsuccessfully applied for land for 20 years, while local politicians obtained logging concessions which they passed onto businessmen, in return for royalties and payoffs? He was shown letters by headmen, and maps and data by camp managers, and drew his own conclusions.

Towards the end of his Kapit posting, Kumar was sometimes worried, ‘even paranoid’. The stories he had heard and the things he had learnt were politically ‘sensitive’ and potentially damaging to people with vested interests.

Nonetheless, he wrote about the effects of the Batang Ai dam construction on longhouse residents, logging accidents ending in terrible injuries or fatalities and suspected corruption in the awards of timber concessions to the politically influential and commercially powerful.

Kumar would be the last person to romanticise the things he did while he was in Sarawak. I have related Kumar’s Kapit experience at some length because it shaped his modus operandus, which was to detect the ‘social dimensions of health’, when other similarly conscientious and caring doctors would have contended merely with medical problems.

The privatisation of healthcare

Re-posted from Kapit to the District Hospital in Teluk Intan, Perak, Kumar treated a number of cases of beri beri (thiamine deficiency) among migrant workers of East Timorese origin and especially among those detained in immigration detention centres.

He sent letters to the Health Ministry, general hospitals in Ipoh and Kuala Lumpur, and to all government clinics and hospitals located close to said detention centres to alert them and to ask for feedback. Subsequently, ‘sad to say, a spate of beri-beri deaths in the Semenyih Camp was exposed by Tenaganita in 1995’.

In a replication of his work in Kapit, Kumar established connections between the medical and the social problems of the Orang Asli. Working in a state which has one-third of the Orang Asli population, Kumar called on healthcare professionals to understand that the ‘health problems of the Orang Asli are but the epiphenomenon of their progressive marginalisation’, and to ‘urge a strict prohibition of all economic ventures that impinge adversely upon Orang Asli’.

As a chest physician in Ipoh Hospital, Kumar wrote of the ‘increased transmission of tuberculosis in Malaysia and the weakening of the existing TB control programme’. This was an unfortunate development because the incidence of TB in Malaysia had fallen from more than 150 cases per 100,000 people in 1960 to 61 cases per 100,000 people in the late 1990s.

The re-emergence of the dangers of TB transmission was definitely linked to the ‘cramped and unhygienic living conditions … malnutrition and heavy physical labour’ that contributed to the ‘reactivation of … latent TB’ in poor migrant workers.

But Kumar also traced it to the deleterious outcome of ‘the government’s fascination with corporatisation and privatisation’ which would sacrifice ‘one of the few success stories of TB control in the Third World’ at ‘the altar of market economics’.

From these kinds of positions, it was a small step to critiquing the dangers privatisation posed to the state of public health services. Together with his medical colleagues in public hospitals and NGOs, Kumar organised opposition to the ‘corporatisation of government hospitals’, ‘the privatisation of the Government Medical Store’, ‘the dismemberment of the Malaysian health services’, et cetera, each time making linkages amongst health services, economic policies and political priorities.

It was not the first time that a medical doctor, with primary responsibility for the treatment of the human body, came to be just as involved with the reform of the body politic. Of course, there have been doctors before, indeed other professionals too, who, while devoted to their areas of specialisation, have found it impossible to resolve their concerns without referring to ‘society as a whole’.

They began as technical experts and ended up as social critics. But this tradition of integrating social criticism with professional work has sharply declined.

I cannot imagine that Kumar would regard his experiences to be unique. But I think of Kumar’s approach as being different from that of the ‘public intellectual’ who first picks a cause, an issue or a concern – human rights, the environment, consumer protection – and then adds said cause to his or her intellectual pursuits.

For Kumar, professional work, intellectual criticism and activist mobilisation were inseparable, wherever he found himself. As so often happened, such a critical and activist approach led directly to ‘politics’, as most people would understand the term.

An outsider who wants to be a credible organiser among marginalised communities must have several virtues, among which are an ability to render needed services and a readiness to stand by people in times of trouble.

Estate communities in Sungai Siput

The story of Alaigal is a case in point. Alaigal was founded by several social activists, including Kumar and his wife, Maharani Rasiah, an activist in her own right, after they had worked with five estate communities in Sungai Siput for several years. Alaigal is a community organisation that grew out of years of selfless, voluntary services that won the confidence of workers and their families.

Initially, the main form of service was educational in intent and approach – the activists held extra-curricular tuition classes to improve the academic performance of estate children. There was then a strong sense that educational achievement, family-supported but individually attained, was the answer to the poverty prevalent in the mostly Indian estate communities.

But the workers, their families and communities also made wider connections – between, say, their children’s low educational attainments and their income levels and housing conditions. They began to understand that, if their children failed to make the cut, the failure was not theirs and theirs alone, which was what certain organisations argued.

In short, the communities discovered ‘structural’ problems – their ‘unfavourable’ position in the economy and society – and this realisation helped to alleviate the ‘blaming-the-victim’ syndrome under which they had laboured for generations.

Around 1993, a network of likeminded NGOs, including Alaigal, began an estate-based campaign to upgrade estate living conditions. The main demand of the campaign was that the government should categorise estate quarters as ‘rural’ so as to bring them under the responsibility of the Rural Development Ministry.

In this way, facilities and utilities provided to traditional kampungs could also be enjoyed by the estate population. The campaign actively sought to make these issues known to Malaysian society at large and to obtain public backing via petitions, postcards and other forms of publicity.

At the end of 1994, a second campaign was launched to ask Barisan Nasional as well as opposition party candidates in the 1995 general election to include the demands of the estate communities in their election pledges.

These campaigns brought estate problems to national attention. But, apart from causing a shift of official responsibility for estates of less than 1,000 acres from the Labour Ministry to the Rural Development Ministry, the campaign brought no tangible benefits to the estate communities. In 1996, another campaign was initiated to demand monthly and minimum wages for estate workers across the country.

Accusations of outside agitation always missed the point. It was never a question of anyone brainwashing entire communities. The estate communities did not lack self-reliance or independent thinking.

They organised themselves and mobilised to overcome shared obstacles. They networked with groups having similar concerns. The wage campaign networks stretched from Kedah to Negeri Sembilan and, at a critical point, sent 1,000 workers to gather before Parliament.

Other voluntary organisations had previously helped estate communities to articulate their grievances and problems. But powerful commercial and political interests were alarmed when the communities moved beyond a narrow focus, say, on education. And then the vulnerability of marginalised communities became evident: again and again, their activities were paralysed by overt and covert police action.

The ‘coalition of the marginalised’, as Kumar called it, expanded: estate workers, urban pioneers, Orang Asli, displaced vegetable farmers, retrenched factory workers, van drivers facing harassment from the authorities, stall owners threatened with eviction, and others.

The point was that ‘our team had a lot of credibility’ for being ‘sturdy and reliable’ and ‘people trusted us; they knew we would not leave them when the going got tough’. Soon ‘people stood by us’ because ‘we had stood by them’, and a very helpful network of the various groups was established.

A comradeship of humanity

One might call this approach a non-standard way of entering politics. Kumar did not become a politician by joining a party, accepting its programme and obeying its leaders’ instructions.

From Kapit to Sungai Siput, Kumar was compelled to address real situations and genuine difficulties experienced by different communities of people. For a long time – and even now – his politics consisted of learning from these people, offering them a voice, solidarity, and setting an example.

In the context of the 1990s, that seemed to be the most sensible way of struggling for social justice. But notwithstanding the apparent triumph of global capitalism, Kumar and his friends decided that questions of ideology could not be simply set aside. They, and Dr Mohd Nasir Hashim (right) and friends, believed that socialism should remain the alternative to capitalism.

At the same time, the ‘grassroots’ pushed for a party, ‘our party’ – ‘instead of always supporting the opposition parties’. That was how Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) came to be formed. For 10 years, the government refused to register it as a lawful political party. Characteristically, PSM took the government to court.

Kumar is realistic: PSM has ‘no ghost of a chance of forming a government’. But the unlikelihood of a grand triumph should never stop anyone from posing alternatives to injustice.

In this case, Kumar and his friends pose socialism as a moral alternative to BN’s unfettered capitalism that has undermined what had been ‘an equitable healthcare system’, and other improvements to social services and social security that had provided significant benefits for common working people.

To me, that is a responsible assessment of current political realities in Malaysia. More than that, such an assessment affirms the core of Kumar’s politics. I am not suggesting that Kumar embarked on his activism with no more than goodwill. When he started, he already possessed more than an intelligent grasp of political economy and socialist theory.

However, his socialism was never based on doctrines, abstractions and propaganda. Today, Kumar ‘speaks truth to power’ with the kind of courage and sincerity that Malaysian politics has rarely seen with the passing of Dr Tan Chee Khoon, himself a labourite and Christian.

At heart, Kumar’s socialism derives inspiration and sustenance from the moral principles, values and examples of ‘liberal Christianity’ that were, to put it simply, ‘found at home’.

These were the moral principles and ethical values of the Devaraj family – Dr T Devaraj and his wife, Elizabeth, and their children, Kumar, Sheila, Rajen and Prema, and their spouses.

Those who know the Devaraj family are aware of how its principles and values have been expressed in a long list of social commitments: National Cancer Society, Hospice, Children’s Protection Society, Aliran, Women’s Crisis Centre, et cetera.

With his family, Kumar shares a humble yet compelling combination of moral conviction, professional dedication and social duty. The combination expresses itself now in social work, now in activism, and, when the times call for it, in politics, too.

In it, you and I will not find sectarian tendencies, or dogmatic dependence on ideological lines, or textbook fetishes. Nor will we find arrogant and easy assumptions about what to do with the lives of people with whom one finds a comradeship of humanity.

Instead, we will discover a deep and intuitive awareness that marginalised communities live in our midst, dispossessed by progress, expropriated by capital, and neglected by the state.

Is that enough of a summons to a struggle for justice? For Kumar, it is. And if he calls such a struggle for justice ‘socialism’, who are we to differ?

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 2:29 pm and is filed under
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Kedah ban on entertainment outlets during Ramadan – MB should revoke decision

I have been in contact with the DAP Kedah State Chairman and Kota Darul Aman State Assemblyman Lee Guan Aik on the Kedah ban on 13 types of entertainment outlets from operating during Ramadan.

Lee reports that Kedah DAP had never agreed to the ban and that the matter was never raised at the Kedah Pakatan Rakyat council level, although it was agreed that matters that might be  sensitive to the different communities like the ban on entertainment outlets during Ramadan should be discussed at PR Kedah state council level first.

Lee also clarified that he had never agreed to such a ban in the Kedah State Assembly.

In the circumstances, the Kedah Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Azizan should reconsider and revoke the decision to fully implement Kedah State Entertainment Enactment 1997, especially as the previous Barisan Nasional state government had not done so in the 11 years before it was ousted in the 2008 general elections.

DAP leaders will raise and discuss the issue of the Kedah ban on entertainment outlets during Ramadan at the meeting of Pakatan Rakyat national leaders next week.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 5:31 pm and is filed under
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Kit Siang: I will wear yellow every Saturday

Malaysiakini
 | Jul 13, 11

DAP parliamentary leader Lim Kit Siang has vowed to wear yellow every Saturday until the government accedes to the demands of civil society and political activists pertaining to electoral and political reform.

The demands include the release of the six PSM activists currently detained under the Emergency Ordinance (EO), the end to the ban on materials promoting the Bersih 2.0 coalition and the BN-led government’s xanthophobia (‘fear of yellow’), and the implementation of Bersih 2.0’s eight demands for electoral reforms.

The eight demands are for a clean electoral roll, reform of postal voting, the use of indelible ink, a minimum 21-day campaign period, free and fair media access, the strengthening of public institutions, and the end to corruption and dirty politics.

As implementation of Bersih’s demands is likely to weaken BN’s grip on power, wags believe the DAP supremo may well be wearing yellow for a long time.

Fresh from last Saturday’s rally, Lim slammed premier Najib Abdul Razak’s administration, calling its handling of the Bersih 2.0 demonstration in Kuala Lumpur a “national and international black eye”.

The use of tear gas and water cannon, as well as the arrest of 1,697 people and one death – allegedly caused by complications due to exposure to tear gas – was widely reported by the international media .

“Three days after the disastrous mishandling of the peaceful and legitimate Bersih 2.0 rally calling for (clean) and fair elections… there are no signs that the powers-that-be have learnt anything at all,” he said.

Lim cited the continued detention of the PSM6, the refusal of the Home Ministry to admit to police brutality during the rally, and the continued arrests of Malaysians wearing Bersih T-shirts.

Three PAS leaders were recently arrested for wearing Bersih T-shirts, one in Kota Kinabalu and two more in Johor Bahru.

In the run-up to the rally, Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein had declared the T-shirts promoting Bersih as illegal. The coalition itself was outlawed on July 2 by the Registrar of Societies.

‘1Malaysia’ spirit in Bersih rally

Lim took aim at Malay daily Utusan Malaysia and by extension its owners, Umno, for suggesting that those who participated in the Bersih 2.0 rally last Saturday were traitors to the Agong.

He advised the government to heed the advice of Shamul Amri Baharuddin of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.

Shamsul had, at an event in Bangi on Monday, said that the challenges before a Malaysian government have evolved and that it should drop its “cold war mentality”.

“The ‘enemy’ is no longer (the) armed communist, but a civilian movement consisting of a politically awakened middle class that is wired to the global community and moved by legitimate issues,” said Shamsul.

Driving his point further, Lim made reference to Matthias Chang (right), the former political secretary to former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamed.

In a blog last Saturday, he said the rally ironically reflected Najib’s 1Malaysia and that the government’s crackdown had backfired.

“It is indeed ironic that the 1Malaysia slogan … was reflected more in the ranks of the Bersih 2.0 campaign on July 9 than in the ranks of political opportunist and upstart Khairy Jamaluddin’s miniscule band of Red Shirts provocateurs,” he wrote.

Chang boldly wagered his reputation that Najib would be ousted within six months if a general election is held this year.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 10:31 am and is filed under
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Lessons learnt in a walk with friends

—
Sheila Santharamohana

The Malaysian Insider

Jul 13, 2011

JULY 13 — Like all others who came alone for Saturday’s Bersih rally, I found that I needn’t have worried. In the confusion and chaos with each blinding onslaught, we reached out and found each other. The strong supported the overcome, the sighted helped the blinded and in the fog of it all, we were one.

If anything, the rally brought to light that our lives, whatever our race may be, are interconnected. Malaysia is woven of the different strands, where in the tapestry of our destiny and shared experience, there can inevitably be only one outcome.

For those who wanted to make Bersih about the Malays and the non-Malays, they were misguided. Out on that day, as we walked alongside, we knew that it was the system and the proponents of such a system, not the people who had divided us.

Bigotry, ignorance and fear were all the result of the policy of systemic indoctrination — all learnt states of mind. How can we lay blame when we were brought up to believe in nothing else?

For those who believed that Bersih was about Anwar, they were mistaken. Unwavering faith in our ability to prevail — that is bigger than any one individual. The rakyat walked as one because we realize that this nation is more than any hero or idol, or martyr who champions the cause for justice, and true liberty. They may be focal points initially, but ultimately, these ideals are the hallmark of any true democracy and free nation. And by God, Malaysians deserve this!

For those who argued that Bersih was about BN and PR, they were wrong. Political parties wax and wane but the rakyat remain. Our personal investments by being responsible and productive citizens of this nation and the hopes for a better future for our children remain steadfast in the vagaries of change. For those who were absent, driven back by the psychological warfare preceding the event, we were your representatives from both political divides as we share the same hopes for a progressive and truly democratic nation.

For those who contended that anarchy would supplant peace, they were erroneous. How could there be anarchy when there was nothing but comradeship? We took heart in the genuine concern shown as we cared for each other; we are indignant for those who were brutally assaulted and injured; and we grieve for the one man fallen. Pak Baharuddin paid with his life and the rakyat mourns the loss of one of us.

But, there is also jubilation. For the first time in my life, I felt that I belonged. That although she doesn’t show it often enough, Malaysia loves me.

1 Malaysia? Vision 2020? These slogans are cheap, but the love is real. I believe it now. Thank you to everyone who walked and to those who supported us. I thought I walked for change but instead it changed me.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 8:21 am and is filed under
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Malaysia’s Najib must abandon the Mubarak model

By
Simon Tisdall

13 July 2011 | Guardian

It is not in the same league as Arab spring uprisings in Egypt and elsewhere. But Malaysia’s fancifully named “hibiscus revolution” has potential, at least, to inflict a winter of discontent on the gormless government of prime minister Najib Razak. That’s something David Cameron should bear in mind when Najib comes touting for business in Downing Street on Thursday. Bilateral trade and investment is important. Respect for basic human rights more so.

Najib reacted with characteristic heavy-handedness when tens of thousands of demonstrators took to the streets of Kuala Lumpur at the weekend demanding “reformasi” – democratic reform – and an end to a defective electoral system that guarantees Najib’s party representing the Malay majority, Umno, stays in power indefinitely. About 1,700 people were arrested and many injured as police used baton charges, watercannon and teargas to break up peaceful protests.

In an echo of Britain’s Ian Tomlinson affair, one protester, identified as Baharuddin Ahmad, 59, collapsed and later died near the Petronas Towers in central Kuala Lumpur while fleeing teargas. Amnesty International said police had beaten many demonstrators. It demanded an investigation into claims they failed to provide prompt assistance to Baharuddin and that there was a 90-minute delay before an ambulance arrived.

“Prime minister Najib’s government rode roughshod over thousands of Malaysians exercising their right to peaceful protest,” Amnesty said. “This violent repression … flies in the face of international human rights standards and cannot be allowed to continue. David Cameron should tell prime minister Najib that these human rights violations are unacceptable.”

The protests, the product of rising tensions linked to mooted early elections, spending cuts and political upheavals in neighbouring Thailand and Singapore, echo events across the Muslim world. Many of the participants were reportedly younger-generation Malaysians kicking back against establishment cronyism, curbs on public assembly and debate, and state-imposed censorship considered draconian even by regional standards.

Within hours of the violence, a Facebook petition demanding Najib resign was attracting 300 “likes” per minute, the (Singapore-based) Straits Times reported. As of this morning, more than 172,000 people had expressed support. “I don’t understand why the harshness, the beatings,” posted Sofie Muhammad. “The crowd didn’t even throw stones at the shops. Why is the government afraid? All we want is free elections.” Videos were also recorded by protesters.

Marimuthu Manogaran of the Democratic Action party, representing the ethnic Chinese minority, said many of the protesters were “first timers”. “Young people [are] coming out there to demand their rights … and I think that is a good sign for Malaysia,” he told Luke Hunt of the Diplomat.

Another report, denied by police, said a hospital where protesters had taken refuge was attacked by security forces – an incident akin to events in Bahrain earlier this year. Appalled by the behaviour of police and federal reserve unit special forces, Bersih 2.0, the opposition “coalition for clean and fair elections”, called for a royal commission of inquiry and vowed to continue its reformasi campaign, come what may.

Anwar Ibrahim, the veteran opposition leader endlessly persecuted by successive governments on trumped-up sodomy charges (he is due in court again next month), was among those injured. He said later the government had lost the people’s confidence and more street protests were inevitable. “We will have to pursue free elections inside and outside of parliament,” he warned.

Far from admitting fault, Najib has threatened more strong-arm tactics if the demos continue. “Don’t doubt our strength. If we want to create chaos, we can. Umno has 3 million members. If we gather 1 million members, it is more than enough. We can conquer Kuala Lumpur,” he said. Such threats seem ill-advised. When elected in 2009, Najib promised to bridge Malaysia’s political, ethnic and religious divisions. Now he’s in danger of exacerbating them, as his old boss, Malaysia’s founding father Mahathir Mohammed, suggested in a recent interview.

Malaysia is not on the verge of revolution, hibiscus-coloured or otherwise. Relatively speaking, it is more stable, homogenous and prosperous than other Muslim or Arab countries currently experiencing popular turmoil. But it is not politically immune to the international zeitgeist, any more than its economy is immune to global trends. This latter consideration explains why Najib is in London. And it gives Cameron and other European leaders leverage should they choose to use it.

Malaysians need only look north to see how Thai voters defied the political-military establishment and voted in a leader of their choice. When Burma’s Aung San Suu Kyi speaks of the twin imperatives of freedom and democracy, she speaks for an entire region. And if Malaysians look south to Singapore or east to Hong Kong, they see entrenched ruling elites under determined challenge by activists emboldened by the spirit of change.

Malaysia’s leaders should wake up and smell the coffee. Led intelligently and openly, Malaysia could be a paradigm for south-east Asia. Led repressively, it could fall apart. Najib must get on the right side of history. The Mubarak model doesn’t work.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 12:11 pm and is filed under
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Minister Liow, photos and videos don’t lie

Malaysiakini Your Say
 | Jul 14, 11

‘Fearing the consequences of being called a liar, he flipped and has pointed the finger squarely now at the Tung Shin hospital’s board.’

Liow takes tear gas explanation to Twitter

Karma:
 How about MCA chief Dr Chua Soi Lek who said that despite video or photo evidence, it is an optical illusion that caused people to believe that tear gas could have been fired into the hospital?

Admit it. Police, except the good ones, were too focused on firing the rounds at the people and forgot their purpose was to maintain peace. No one was violent that day and no one was throwing any stones at the police, so there was no need to attack.

I shed tears when our police attacked their fellow citizens, the majority of whom paid taxes that paid their salary.

Ferdtan:
 See what happens when you deal with MCA politicians? When the blatant lie that Tung Shin Hospital was not hit by tear gas had become a political hot potato, Health Minister Liow Tiong Lai quickly put the blame on the board of directors of the hospital.

We don’t expect a politician like Liow to play fair (or expect him to resign); but what we are most disappointed is the ‘respectable’ men from the hospital’s board of directors, especially its head, Ng Beh Tong.

He, on behalf of the board, has become an accomplice in the ‘lie’. The ball is now being kicked back to the board – will they have the guts to admit their fault? The head of the board, Ng, must resign for bringing disrepute to the good name of the hospital.

FellowMalaysian:
 Liow said he is ‘concerned if there is any disruption in hospital services’. I think what he meant to say was he was concerned if the Bersih incidence has caused any disruption to the hospital’s revenue.

Fearing the consequences of being called a liar as there were tonnes of evidences that proved him wrong, he flipped and has pointed the finger squarely now at the hospital’s board. Why then was he so cockily arrogant earlier in defending the board without first checking the credibility of the board member’s statement?

LTL (Liow Tiong Lai) has no spine and no guts. Now that he realised the odds are against him and he is caught in the act, he becomes defensive. But instead of the hospital’s board, he failed to point his barrel at the causal source – the police and FRU.

Little wonder Chua Jui Meng called him Umno’s stooge.

Malaysians Are Not Stupid:
 Now he is saying the board of Tung Shin Hospital is lying. What kind of leader is this? Can’t even take responsibility for the statement that no one forced him to make in the first place. Anyway as a minister, isn’t incumbent upon you to verify your facts before making a statement?

James Dean:
 Liow Tiong Lai, the more you talk, the more stupid you sound. Police investigation? You think we are so stupid as you, we all already know what the answer going to be. You are not only blind, you are also deaf.

The IGP (inspector-general of police) and KL CPO (chief police officer) already lied in public that no tear gas and chemical-laced water was shot into Tung Shin Hospital. You expect a fair investigation from the police? There are many photos and vidoes recordings in the Internet for you to see.

Lin Wenquan:
 Too little, too late, Mr Health Minister. No one is spinning the barbaric scene at Tung Shin Hospital other then your Umno-bootlicking newspapers. You are a political being, so expect your arrogance and denial and lies, even when with a trove of ‘undoctored’ photographic evidence exist to be politically exploited.

Do you mean MCA is so gentlemanly as not to exploit real or concocted mistakes of the opposition? When you gleefully torment the other camp, do expect any special treatment in return?

Your bravado at the news conference at Tung Shin with the sycophant administrator in tow has been imprinted in our minds and we shall not forget and forgive your shameful public display. The people will repay MCA come the next GE, this we can assure you.

Wong Sau Bing:
 There is one thing I don’t understand about our government. Whatever mistakes they have done, they will deny first, warn the media not to twist reports.

But then in actual facts, the photos and videos can prove it. Why can’t the health minister just admit the mistakes done by the police? Photos and videos don’t lie.

AnakBangsaMalaysia:
 Liow Tiong Lai, I am not an ‘opposition leader’. I am not even a member of any political party. But I was there at Jalan Pudu when the FRU thugs shelled us, and I was at Tung Shin Hospital when the FRU thugs shelled the hospital.

And I am calling you a bare-face liar and a groveling lackey of Umno. Now that your lie of there being no police attack on Tung Shin Hospital has been buried by the mountains of video and photographic evidence, you try to squirm out of it and cry that ‘opposition leaders’ are ‘making personal attacks’ on you.

What an utterly pathetic and wretched creature you are to continue peddling lies for your Umno masters even in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, but I must thank you.

Between you and the equally despicable Chua Soi Lek, you have helped to ensure that MCA will be well and truly extinguished in the next general election. Give yourself a pat on the back – preferably with a police baton.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 10:17 am and is filed under
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My march for the real one Malaysia

By
Lucia Lai

Jul 14, 11 | MalaysiaKini

EYEWITNESS
I had, long before July 9, already made up my mind to attend the Bersih 2.0 rally in Kuala Lumpur. I missed the 2007 rally, so I was very determined to make it to this one.

I even started a ‘Penangites attending Bersih 2.0 rally’ event page on Facebook, to try to see how many Penangites would go, and maybe arrange to go together.

Unfortunately, with all the clamping down the police were carrying out, I was advised not to go in a big group. In the end, I went with two of my Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM) Penang friends, Stanley and Howie, in Howie’s car.

We took along our yellow coloured T-shirts, but we did not wear them. We hid them in the car, and later, Howie and Stanley hid theirs under the clothes they were wearing, while I hid mine in my backpack. I had painted my nails yellow, for I figured that if I could not get to wear a yellow T-shirt, at least I would have something yellow on!

We left Penang early, at 5am, and when we reached Sungei Buloh about 9am, we found the road to the KL city centre jammed up because of police roadblocks. We then turned off to Bangsar and parked the car, and from there took the LRT to Masjid Jamek.

It was relatively quiet at Masjid Jamek, since we were early. Some policemen were seen loitering, here and there. We decided to walk to Jalan Bukit Bintang and hang around the shopping malls. Since all the roads had been blocked, it was a breeze strolling along the city roads, which would have been jam packed on normal days.

We hung around some shopping malls, and at the same time looked out for updates on the rally from Stanley’s Twitter and from a friend of mine in KL. We decided that we should join a group, and learning from my KL friend about a group gathering in Chinatown, we headed for that place.

Thank God, there was a taxi driver who was willing to drive us there but he dropped us off near Central Market, from where we walked to Chinatown.

‘And the excitement built up in me’

Indeed there was a large group there – about 1,000 people. They were standing around, chatting, but after 10 minutes, they decided to march. A few young men led the march, with their arms locked. I felt excitement building up in me as I joined in the march.

As we walked, we chanted lots of slogans, including “Bersih! Bersih!”, “Reformasi, reformasi!”, “Allahu-Akbar!” Although I’m not a Muslim, I joined in the last cry too. It was a good feeling!

I didn’t know where we were going to march to but I couldn’t care. As we passed people who were standing by the sides of the roads, we shouted to them to join us. Some of them clapped and cheered as we marched past them By then, it was around 1pm.

We then stopped in front of Menara Maybank and I realised there was someone in front of the bank, speaking, who I later learned was Hatta Ramli of PAS. By then, we had reached the Maybank headquarters, and Howie became separated from me and Stanley.

Stanley and I were busy taking pictures. I didn’t realise that the crowd had grown so big until Stanley said to me “Wow! Big crowd” and looking all round me, I was totally astounded! There were as many as 5,000 people. It seemed that some other groups marching from Puduraya had merged with our group at Menara Maybank.

We stood there listening to the speeches. In between the speeches, there was plenty of chanting, of course: “Bersih! Bersih!”, “Tukar, tukar! Tukar SPR!”, “Reformasi! Reformasi!”

As I stood there and turned to people around me, whoever I got into eye contact with smiled at me. It was a ‘feel good’ moment (borrowed from NTV7) for me, realising that all of us felt the true 1Malaysian spirit right there. We were strangers, yet we smiled and talked to one another like old friends.

Though totally immersed in the speeches and the chanting, I suddenly heard someone shout out, “Bersedia ya! Water cannon akan datang.” Five minutes after he said that, I spied a menacing red truck moving towards us… and without warning, jets of water shot out! Everybody screamed, and ran helter-skelter! I quickly ran up the stalled escalator at Menara Maybank, to enter the lobby.

As I was about to reach the top, some people who were already up there shouted and ran down. It was like near panic. They pushed us, who were going up, and we who were going up, pushed them too! Some of them jumped over the wall near the escalator.

It then dawned on me why they were rushing down – tear gas was rising into the lobby! For a moment, I didn’t know what to do. Should I go up or should I jump over the wall? But I was afraid I might not be able to jump, so I decided to move on to the lobby.

Since the lobby was high above the road, only a little tear gas reached it. Still, my eyes started to sting. The smell was terrible! About 20 people in the lobby were gasping and coughing. One young man was literally crawling on the floor. I guess he was fully hit by the tear gas when he was down on the road.

I quickly took out my packet of salt, bottle of water and mini towel (yes, I came prepared). I put some salt into my mouth, poured the water on the towel and covered my face with it.

Then, a man walked up to me to ask me for some salt, which he took to the man crawling on the ground in pain. Others also started to pinch some of my salt. However, I was not the only one with salt. I heard one man going around, calling out, “Garam! Garam!”

Police busy arresting people

I decided to stay in the Menara Maybank lobby until the police left. I had a good view of all that was happening on the road. Two FRU trucks were parked right in front of the building, with several policemen standing in front of the trucks. I also saw some people being arrested and taken to the trucks.

It was then that I called Stanley to find out where he was. He was at Puduraya and told me that they were trapped there, with police at both ends of the road! He advised me not to come down from the Maybank lobby, for police were still busy running around on the road arresting people!

So I stayed up there and waited. About 2pm, I heard another round of tear gas being fired, but luckily it was quite far from where I was. This brought another round of people running to the lobby again and five minutes later, I head shouts from the police and one policeman came running to the escalator.

I was shocked, for I thought the police was coming up to the lobby to arrest the few of us who were still there. Where could we run? Nowhere! However, the policeman stopped at the foot of the escalator and looked around, before moving away. Phew!

Then it started to rain. What a relief, I thought to myself, that the rain came just minutes after the second round of tear gas was fired. The rain will lessen the effect of the tear gas. Even the heaven is on our side!

I waited until the rain stopped. Then the woman security guard on duty at Menara Maybank came to chase us off. She was quite polite though. She said that when the tear gas and water cannons were unleashed earlier, she had given us chance to come up and remain in the lobby but now that the police had left, she wanted us to leave the lobby. Fair enough.

I went down and called Howie to find out where he was. He was with a group on Jalan Hang Jebat and I decided to join him there. I was pleasantly surprised to see a large group there, standing right in the centre of the traffic intersection.

Howie was was having fun with his Bersih headband, ‘canvassing’ for people to take pictures with him wearing the headband. “Come on,” he said, “For souvenir!” Quite a number of people obliged

We were standing there for some 15 minutes, just chatting, when we heard some noise from a distance away and to our delight, we saw a group of people marching towards us. We all waved to them and called out “Yeh! Yeh!” while some clapped.

When this group reached us, we all started to march towards the Merdeka Stadium. We marched and chanted, while some were chatting cheerfully with one another. The atmosphere there was simply great!

An elderly beggar with a small, cute cat on his shoulder was walking with us too and many people teased him. Howie even put a Bersih headband on the cat and took a photograph.

When asked him if he supported Bersih, he said “Memang lah. Tetapi saya mana boleh bersih. Saya tak cukup wang untuk beli sabun…” Then someone responded, “Sebab BN lah – semua barang naik.” Everybody laughed.

There was a crowd there already present as approached the stadium, and together, we probably made up some 10,000 people. Of course we were not allowed to enter the stadium, so we just stood there and talks more about what was going on around us… and, of course, having a field day taking photographs, with Howie again ‘canvassing’ for people to take pictures with him and his Bersih headband.

At 4pm, Howie received an SMS saying the Bersih 2.0 organising committee wanted us to disperse. Well, the original planned rally was from 2pm to 4pm, so naturally, at 4pm, we had to disperse. Howie and a few others shouted “Bersurai, bersurai! Dah pukul empat!” and remarkably, everyone did! We were truly disciplined!

Howie and I decided to catch the LRT to Bangsar, where our car was but to our disappointment, the LRT service had been shut down. So we walked to the KTM railway station to catch the Komuter to KL Sentral.

The station was crowded with Bersih supporters, all waiting to board the train. When it arrived and we tried to rush in, it was sardine-packed! However, nobody complained as at that moment, we knew we were all Malaysians with one aim – to seek clean and fair elections.

Somebody in the train even shouted softly, “Bersih!” And someone jokingly said the train will take us straight to jail!

We reached KL Sentral and met up with Stanley, and at 6pm, when the LRT service was resumed, we took it back to Bangsar, got into our car and headed back to Penang.

I had spent about six hours walking up and down much of the inner KL city! Masjid Jamek, Bukit Bintang, Puduraya, Pasar Seni, Chinatown, Jalan Sultan, Jalan Hang Jebat and the surrounding areas.

My legs ached like mad the next day, but it was well worth it. I walked for democracy in our country. I walked as an Anak Bangsa Malaysia who wants to save her beloved country.

What I found most enriching from the experience was a sense of euphoria to see people of all races, sizes and colours, coming together in a spirit of unity and joy, and with one common aim. This is truly what we call 1Malaysia!

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 3:05 pm and is filed under
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On 709 Bersih 1Malaysia come of age

On 709,  the Bersih 1Malaysia generation came of age, where Malaysians regardless of race, religion, region, gender or age overcame fear to come together for a peaceful demonstration of their love, loyalty and patriotism to king and country  and  their resolve and commitment to bring about change where there is clean elections, trustworthy politics and incorrupt national governance.

Let 716 be another gold-lettered day in Malaysian history when Malaysians all over the country and the world diaspora begin to wear yellow every Saturday until:

(1)   the PSM6 namely Sungai Siput MP Dr Michael Jeyakumar Devaraj, PSM deputy chairperson M Saraswathy, central committee members Choo Chon Kai and M Sukumaran, Sungai Siput branch secretary A Letchumanan, and Youth leader Sarat Babu detained under Emergency Ordinance are released;

(2)  The ban on Bersih lifted;

(3)  Barisan Nasional government’s xanthophobia (fear of yellow) ended; and

(4)  The implementation of the eight Bersih 2.0 demands for electoral reforms such as a clean electoral roll; postal ballot reform; use of indelible ink; free and fair campaign period and media access; end to corruption and dirty politics.

Let 716 this Saturday be another historic day when Malaysians begin to wear yellow every Saturday as the first step in the Long March towards A Clean Malaysia.

The Bersih stories should be compulsory reading for the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, the entire Cabinet, the Inspector-General of Police and the entire police force so that they can learn, understand and appreciate how  ordinary Malaysians acted in an extraordinary manner on 709, how they overcame their uncertainty, helplessness and fear in the face of  threats of violence, riots and even another May 13, mass arrests, indiscriminate police firing of teargas and water cannons, to discover a common bond as Malaysians transcending race, religion, region, age or gender united in loyalty and patriotism to the King and country to  save the country from rot and corruption for the people and future generations.

If the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak and his Cabinet colleagues are not moved by the Bersih stories as to embrace the extraordinary tales of ordinary Malaysians on 709,  then the Prime Minister and the Barisan Nasional can forget about the 1Malaysia slogan and the future of the coalition government, for they have clearly decided to be on the wrong side of history.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 2:40 pm and is filed under
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Police allow three MPs to visit EO detainee Jeyakumar

By
MalaysiaKini

Jul 14, 11

After drawn-out negotiations, police today gave permission for three lawmakers to visit Sungai Siput MP Dr Michael Jeyakumar, now held under the Emergency Ordinance in Kuala Lumpur.

According to Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng, the inspector-general of police allowed only three parliamentarians to visit Jeyakumar at 11am, tomorrow.

They are Lim Kit Siang (Ipoh Timor), Salahuddin Ayub (Kubang Kerian) and R Sivarasa (Subang), said Guan Eng in a statement.

According to Guan Eng, the IGP had also written to him, saying that Jeyakumar had been discharged from the Institut Jantung Negara at 2.30pm yesterday. b

Nine members of parliament and a senator went to the insitute yesterday to visit Jeyakumar, but were turned away by police officers guarding his room.

They were told prior permission had to be obtained from the federal police headquarters at Bukit Aman in Kuala Lumpur before being allowed to see the detainee.

Jeyakumar was one of 30 PSM activists arrested on June 25 for allegedly ‘waging war against the Agong’ when materials purportedly promoting communism were found with them while on a roadshow.

From being investigated under 122 of the Penal Code, however, Jeyakumar and five others were re-arrested soon after being released from remand.

It was made known subsequently that the ‘PSM 6’, as they have come to be known, were being detained under Section 3(1) of the EO for threatening the ‘public order’.

The EO is similar to the Internal Security Act, which allows police to detain suspects for up to 60 days.

PSM has described the accusations against PSM and its activists as “false allegations” and a reflection of the authorities’ “ill will” against the party.

The party also said the attacks are “attempts to mislead the people of Malaysia with ridiculous stories and fantasies”.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 2:31 pm and is filed under
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Predators and preys on July 9

By
B Nantha Kumar

July 14, 2011  | Free Malaysia Today

Comment
 I am a photojournalist and having witnessed four major rallies – Bersih 1.0, Hindraf, Anti-ISA and PPSMI (a rally against the teaching of science and mathematics in English) – I feel compelled to register my shock and awe at how the July 9, Bersih 2.0′s “Walk for Democracy” turned into a playground for predators and a nursery for unconditional kindness.

There were thousands of Malaysian on July 9 in Kuala Lumpur, all aiming to find their way to the goalpost – Stadium Mederka.

They were all to assemble there and the Bersih steering committee would then march to the palace to give the King the eight-point memorandum.

The runup to the July 9 Bersih 2.0 was anything but smooth. Likewise on D-day July 9.

I must admit Bersih 2.0 was not the largest gathering of people I have seen. Some of the other rallies were even bigger.

But for reasons best known to Umno and Barisan Nasional, Bersih 2.0 peace march was branded as “dangerous” and its president Ambiga S, a traitor for urging Malaysians to support calls for electoral reforms.

Umno-BN was rattled by the Bersih 2.0′s yellow wave (their T-shirt was yellow) and they used all available avenues to warn and instill fear in the hearts and minds of Malaysians supporting the call for fair and free elections.

On July 9, I was told the police had placed nearly 7,000 personnel included Federal Reserve Unit (FRU) and its traffic unit in the “restricted” Kuala Lumpur zone.

Ninety-one people had been issued a restriction order and were barred from entering certain parts of Kuala Lumpur. Before, more than over 200 people had been arrested in relation to July 9.

All this was staggering for me.

Never in the past have I heard of so many policemen on the ground at one spot at one time or that a restrictive order has been issued.

Screaming and scrambling

I was stationed at Jalan Pudu.

By the time, the clock chimed 1pm, there were some 30,000 Bersih members who had flooded Menara Maybank near Jalan Pudu and Tun Perak intersection.

The FRU shot tear gas and sprayed a chemical-laced liquid from the water cannon directly at the protesters.

It was shocking. Thousands of men and women were screaming and scrambling for shelter.

But the police kept chasing and hunting them down like prey.

There was something even stranger – rows of FRU personnel kept relentlessly shooting rounds of tear gas directly at the crowd.

Their demeanour was clear – the FRU and police were there to hunt the protesters down, hurt and frighten supporters. They were not there to disperse the crowd.

In Jalan Pudu, for instance, they blocked off one end and ambushed the suppporters from Jalan Tun Perak.

The protesters had no place to hide and had to run into Tung Shin Hospital.

The second incident was when police started arresting supporters who refused to back off despite the tear gas and water cannon.

The police appeared uncontrollable. They punched some supporters and were physically brutal when making arrest.

Acts of kindness

At one point the Pasukan Unit Amal from PAS tried to calm the police, but a constable took out his gun and pointed it at him.

But his colleagues quickly grabbed him and dragged him away.

I have had sleepless nights since then wondering what would have happened had the policeman opened fire.

And what if the public had retaliated?

I was there and lived to tell the experience.

The police were more interested in arresting people than helping those who were injured.

There was an old Malay man who succumbed to the tear gas and fell to the ground convulsing. The police were around him but they did nothing.

One policeman actually poked the convulsing old man with his leg to see if he was dead or alive.

In the end it was the ordinary Malaysians who rallied together and carried him to safety.

Real victory

In another instant, I was caught in the middle of a massive crowd when the FRU started shooting tear gas at us.

I was unprepared and suffered shortness of breath.

Suddenly, a middle-aged Malay woman pull my hand and shoved a bottle of mineral water into it.

“Minumlah adik. Lepas itu bagi kat orang sebelah,” she said.

I hurriedly drank the water and passed the bottle around. When I turned to thank her, she had disappeared into the crowd presumably to help others with water.

I have no clue who she is or why she felt compelled to aid me but my colleagues stationed in other points of the rally have told me many similar stories of pure kindness.

Both the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional and opposition Pakatan Rakyat have claimed “political” victory on July 9.

But for me this is not important.

I am awed by the kindness I have seen and experienced, and by the simple truth that Ambiga – who on behalf of Malaysians called for electoral reforms and who was subsequently defamed – has united all irrespective of gender, age, race and creed.

I don’t know the woman who helped me, but then again neither did the thousands of others who were aided in their time of need during the rally on July 9.

This is the clean spirit of Bersih which BN and Pakatan will never understand.

This is to me the real victory.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 2:50 pm and is filed under
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Raja Aziz – A legal mandarin’s sad last days

By
Terence Netto

Jul 14, 11 | MalaysiaKini

Raja Aziz Addruse, for all his ultimate eminence as a lawyer, must have felt himself a marginal man, especially in the last decades before his death on Tuesday from lymphatic cancer at the age of 75.

Nothing exemplified this peripheral stature than the refusal of the Federal Court to grant him consideration when questions on the constitutional monarchy were referred to it in a dispute on the royal succession in Kelantan last year that pitted the former sultan against his successor, the regent.

The former sultan had retained an ailing Raja Aziz as counsel when he challenged the constitutionality of the succession.

Raja Aziz had applied for sitting dates that did not clash with his medical treatment in Singapore, a courtesy de rigueur in the circumstances.

The court declined to grant, in derogation of Raja Aziz’s stature and legal etiquette. The matter was withdrawn as a result.

At this Raja Aziz must have felt the same pained befuddlement that at one stage led him, during the trial of Anwar Ibrahim on corruption charges in late 1998, to plead plaintively before judge Augustine Paul: “I just don’t know what is relevant any more.”

The late justice Paul, employing the mincing semantics of an expert at procedural rules, had ruled out several questions as “not relevant”, to the exasperation of senior defence counsel.

Rules impart rigor to the judicial procedure, but too mincing an interpretation runs the risk of the law succumbing to rigor mortis.

‘Kamikaze’ approach

No small irony resided in the fact that in Raja Aziz’s career, he had experience of the opposite tendency – taking too broad an interpretation with the same mortifying results.

This happened in the case when Umno was declared illegal in late 1987. Raja Aziz appeared for the plaintiffs who had sought to declare the crucial party election of earlier that year void because 13 illegal branches had participated in the electoral process.

High Court judge, the late Harun Hashim, was asked to declare the election results tainted as a consequence of the illegal branches’ participation.

Instead, justice Harun declared the whole party illegal, accepting what Raja Aziz had described as the “kamikaze” approach of the Umno lawyers in the case.

The episode was a critical juncture in the story of the judiciary’s decline, as the case went on appeal to the country’s highest court where the Lord President Salleh Abas ordered a full sitting of the bench.

But before the court could sit, Salleh was suspended by the king, a move that triggered a concatenation in which episodes like the Ayer Molek case, Anwar’s corruption and sodomy trials, the VK Lingam video tape controversy, came to be etched in judicial infamy.

An endangered species

Raja Aziz’s career straddled this extraordinary period of strife.

In all that time he was the preeminent representative of a social type that has come to be something of an endangered species in Malaysia – an eminent lawyer who lent his advocacy to public concerns over human rights and custodial deaths; a legal professional whose comportment highlighted the necessity for combat in our adversarial system and the courtesy that should properly attend it.

In the end, he must have come to feel despondent by what had befallen the judicial estate, feelings not unlike those of his fellow legal luminary from Perak, former Lord President Mohamed Suffian, whose end was also melancholic.

In a sense, both men were similar in the way they sought through the prism of the law to make some sense of the human condition – a sense of the best that social life could offer without perhaps a hardheaded enough feel for the worst things that humans beings can do to each other; a vision of the possibilities of change for the better without a sufficient grasp of the forces weighing for and against those possibilities.

In other words, theirs is the position of the ‘soft’ liberal, decent votaries with an insufficient grasp of the terrors of this world and inadequate insulation against its dispiriting surprises.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 12:45 pm and is filed under
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Ramadan ban lands PAS and DAP in the soup

By
Susan Loone

Jul 14, 11 | MalaysiaKini

A big storm is shaking up the Pakatan Rakyat in Kedah over the PAS-led government’s recent ban on entertainment outlets during Ramadan.

PAS’ coalition partner, DAP, has expressed disappointment over the new ruling, accusing accused the former of not consulting its partners before deciding on the controversial issue.

The party’s Kota Darul Aman assemblyperson Lee Guan Aik said he regrets Menteri Besar Azizan Abdul Razak’s very hasty decision to halt the outlets as the non-Muslim community’s livelihood would be affected.

“PAS talks about setting up a welfare state. The non-Muslim community’s welfare has been affected because most of the outlets are run by them as a means of livelihood,” Lee told Malaysiakini.

He also said that the state government should spare city areas, like Alor Setar, because outlets here are run mostly by non-Muslims, why suppress their means of living, asked Kedah’s sole Pakatan representative from another coalition partner.

Lee, who is a retired RMAF senior non commissioned officer, added that the decision had been made at the recent state exco meeting without consulting coalition partners like the DAP.

Hasty decisions a PAS hallmark?

Lee, however, said he is uncertain if PKR has been consulted about this, because no DAP representative sits at the state exco meetings.

He strongly voiced his opposition to the proposal, saying that such hasty decisions has been the trend in the past three years with PAS rule in Kedah.

“We are supposed to have a secretariat where the parties would sit down and discuss controversial issues but this has not happened,” he lamented.

“We do not want this to happen again and I really do not know what has happened to the menteri besar,” he added.

“We in the DAP have always maintained our stand, we are very unhappy with this new ruling,” he stressed.

The outlets ban, which include karaoke centres and discotheques, live band performances with singers at bars, hotels, restaurants and eateries and areas easily accessed by the public, has created waves inside and out Kedah.

This morning, Gerakan threw down the gauntlet at DAP, challenging it to severe ties with PAS for persistently pursuing its intention to turn Kedah into an Islamic state.

Possible consequences of ban

It all began when Azizan, who is PAS state commissioner, said the regulation is nothing new, being in accordance with Kedah’s Entertainment Enactment 1997.

Due to poor enforcement, he added, there were those who did not abide with it during the BN’s pre-2008 leadership.

Azizan added that the ban did not apply to all Chinese eateries, outlets and fast food restaurants such as Kentucy Fried Chicken, McDonald’s and Pizza Hut that catered for international customers.

Cultural and religious performances would be allowed during Ramadan as long as they did not became a nuisance.

On whether the DAP should consider severing ties with PAS as suggested by Gerakan, Lee replied “Why should we?

“This is a decision to be decided by our top party leadership. I am meeting them soon and will let you know about it,” he said.

Meanwhile, Lee is also upset that there had been no proper guidelines on the ruling, and whatever information he picked up came from newspapers.

He remarked that it was a “very blur policy” but reminded PAS that whatever decision it takes, although based on a state ruling, the implications would be “political”.

He urged the menteri besar to think twice when making decisions affecting non-Muslims as they had thrown their support behind PAS in the last general election.

“Are we going to encourage the revival of fear (of an Islamic state)?” he queried.

“At the moment, the sincerity of the entire PAS leadership in Kedah is at stake,” Lee warned.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 5:14 pm and is filed under
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Something unspeakably holy about Bersih 2.0

By
Steven Foong

July 14, 2011 | The Malaysian Insider

1000hr – Ka Vee arrives at my house. We bought toothpaste, salt and drinking water before going for breakfast. He was wearing a “Racism is so Yesterday”  T-shirt by Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia. I laugh and joked, “You most likely won’t make it past the LRT Station. .

1050hr – At the Asia Jaya LRT station. A couple of cops were leaning against a yellow Digi booth chatting up the pretty girl manning the booth. Life is good, eh? Ka Vee proposed KL Sentral while I was in favour of Masjid Jamek. The heavy police presence at KL Sentral was intimidating enough that we gave it a miss. Masjid Jamek then.

1120hr – Reached Masjid Jamek LRT station under heavy police surveillance. My yellow shirt was in my bag and I saw random people being stopped by the police and their bags searched. They found a yellow shirt in a man’s bag and arrested him. Ka Vee and I went to separate exits for insurance. Neither of us were stopped. Police and press photographers were everywhere.

1135hr – Decided to wait at Burger King and ordered orange juice and apple pie. Didn’t get to finish either of them because Burger King closed their toilet area and I needed to go. Haha. Went to McDonald’s instead.

1230hr – Crowd gathering near OCBC, behind the LRT station, chanting slogans. FRU taking up positions.

1250hr – Exited McDonalds just as the FRU moved into the crowd on my right (LRT station). Not being able to join up with them, Ka Vee and I went left. Crowd did an about turn and wheeled right, we took another left turn and joined up with the crowd.

1310hr – Reached Menara Maybank. Dr Hatta Ramli was shouting slogans. “Hidup hidup! Hidup Rakyat”, “Bersih Bersih”, “Hancur hancur! Kemungkaran” were among some of his lines. “Takbir, Allahu Akbar” was also repeatedly chanted. Dr Hatta Ramli then announced the arrival of the MP for PJ Utara, Tony Pua, to the cheers of the masses. Crowd numbered in the thousands.

1330hr – FRU arrived. A group of women were holding a packet of salt and distributed it around. I took out our packet of salt and surrendered it over to them. Everyone now seemed to be clenching a fistful of salt.

1335hr – FRU shot their chemical-laced water cannon directly into us. This was followed by the firing of tear gas canisters into the crowd. One of the canisters hit the back of my neck (which caused a bruising – my very own red badge of honour) before it fell right by my feet. The choking and burning sensation was almost smothering. The masses, men, women and teenagers, were fleeing towards Puduraya very slowly due to crowd congestion. This, of course, exacerbated and prolonged the effects of the tear gas. “Jangan tolak! Slow slow!” as I consumed the salt and applied toothpaste on my face, which seemed to work. A Malay dude didn’t bring water so I gave him one of the two bottles of water I was carrying in my pockets. “How do I look?”, asked Ka Vee. “You look like crap”. “Eh, take photo, take photo!” “Eh, me also, me also!”

1345hr – Another FRU team blocked off the other end of the road. We were effectively boxed in along Jalan Pudu!

1350hr – We ran up the lanes behind Jalan Pudu and found opposition stalwarts Karpal Singh and his son, Gobind, both famous lawyers and members of Parliament. Since Karpal is wheelchair-bound, he remained in his vehicle while Gobind came out to meet and encourage the people.

1355hr – It started to rain. Lady beside me shouted, “Bring the rain, Lord! Hallelujah!” I was like, “Man… my phone!”

1415hr – MP for Subang Sivarasa and Senator Dr Syed Husin Ali led a group of people out from the back alleys down a flight of stairs that led back to Jalan Pudu. Encouraged, most of the protesters (including us), some still “shell shocked” by the earlier encounter, rallied behind these leaders. YB Sivarasa, a respected Constitutional lawyer, negotiated with the FRU for safe passage for the thousands of people trapped here. We broke into a spontaneous rendition of Negaraku! YB Sivarasa is arrested! Negotiations failed and tear gas is fired into the crowd again. I thought I’d be better-conditioned now but it stung just as bad as the first round.

1420hr – Protesters holed up in the Tung Shin hospital compound, FRU shoot tear gas anyway (Note: At this point, I couldn’t be bothered with water cannons – it was raining anyway and tear gas was a bigger threat). Ka Vee and I managed to escape.

1430hr – We trekked up the back alleys again. We decided to retreat to a parking space, beyond which is Jalan Raja Chulan. The route to the parking space included a little mound, easily overcome by any adult. However, under the sting of tear gas, many people were struggling to trek up. I wrapped myself around a tree and started helping them up. The choke of tear gas impaired my judgment and I almost let go of a guy’s hand while pulling him up. By the time another guy took over my position, the cops were so near I’m pretty sure he was caught.

1445hr – Tear gas is fired again but I am out of salt. A random girl gave me some – she brought a container of salt – and we descended on Jalan Raja Chulan via Bursa Saham building.

1505hr – A grocery stall was open along Jalan Raja Chulan! Ka Vee and I and countless others supported the local economy by restocking on drinking water before continuing our journey. Saw a guy pouring salt into his bottle of water. Hey, why didn’t I think of that? I promptly followed suit.

1530hr – From Jalan Raja Chulan we turned into Jalan Sultan Ismail and followed the crowd’s retreat without any hassle. A man selling keropok lekor was making a killing! At the Jalan Sultan Ismail and Jalan Ampang intersection a large crowd of protestors were gathering. Here I saw something absolutely special. I saw, and captured a video of a traffic policeman sitting in his patrol car while protesters took up the traffic control responsibility and guided all the vehicles (why are there even cars there?) out of the area!

1550hr – A group of people ran up to the middle of the intersection and formed a single line with arms interlocked. Instantly, the masses gathered behind them and the march began. I climbed up something to try to get a sense of what was happening. The sea of people seemed endless! This was it! All the protesters must have merged here!

1555hr – “Hidup hidup! Hidup Rakyat!” “Tumbang tumbang! Kezaliman!” We were heading towards the Petronas Twin Towers.

1605hr – Most of the crowd reached the Twin Towers intersection. Dr Hatta Ramli appeared again, having climbed up a car, and addressed the crowd. Chua Jui Meng was also there. The crowd was seated at the intersection.

1620hr – FRU arrived and took their position and shot the water cannon again. The masses ran towards KLCC. In the confusion, I got separated from Ka Vee. Something very interesting happened here. There were some chained barricades near the entrance of KLCC and a guy, while running like everyone else, knocked them down. He turned back and put them back up again with the help of fellow protesters.

1635hr – FRU moved in with mean-looking trucks behind them. The people continued their flight down Jalan Ampang.

1645hr – I reached Ampang Park and decided to take a breather and tried to contact Ka Vee. The police caught up and I’m now trapped near Ampang Park. Non-protesters were caught by surprised (I wonder why) and ran into Ampang Park. The security guards locked themselves and shoppers up in the complex. Saw message on Bersih 2.0’s Facebook asking protesters to disperse. The rally was over!

1650hr – I walked towards McDonalds but the staff had locked themselves and their patrons in. Ampang Park LRT station was also locked, leaving protesters to take cover at the sidewalks. FRU totally occupied the street with their trucks that looked like tanks. Mounted policemen were also brought out (huh?). Scores of easy arrests were made. An astute lady asked me to hide my yellow shirt, which I did before the cops came to our side of the sidewalk. I kept trying to contact Ka Vee but to no avail.

1700hr – Things were clearing up a bit and I walked to the LRT station. Three middle-aged women applauded and asked me whether I was OK. They commended our courage and said that they waited at KLCC around 2pm to join the rally. I told them that KLCC was not one of the rally points and we were busy finding an escape route at 2pm.

1720hr – Ka Vee called. He had been detained near KLCC and was calling me from within a police truck. The police told him that they were taking him to Pulapol (Malaysian Police Training Centre). I made a few telephone calls and got hold of KL Legal Aid. By this time, the siege was lifted and the LRT station re-opened. I bought my ticket and headed home.

2130hr – Ka Vee is released from Pulapol. Went for late dinner and bragged all about it to our friends who “aeroplaned” (colloquial Cantonese for “standing us up”).

I’ve never felt more Malaysian than last Saturday. The sense of camaraderie among Malaysians regardless of race and religion, united as a single nation, was certainly the highlight of my experience throughout the rally. There is something unspeakably holy about how Malaysians selflessly helped each other in the face of brutal oppression.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 6:08 pm and is filed under
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Suhakam public inquiry into police brutality most laudable

The decision of Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) to hold a public inquiry into police excessive use of force, violence and brutality during last Saturday’s Bersih 2.0 rally is most timely and laudable.

In fact, if the Malaysian police subscribes to the principles of democratic policing to protect the rights and interests of the citizens and not the outmoded colonial mentality of regime policing, not a single tear gas  canister or water cannon needed to be fired during the peaceful 709 Bersih 2.0 rally.

The tens of thousands of Malaysians from all races, religions, regions, age and gender who braved police threats, arrests, teargas and water cannons to gather in Kuala Lumpur on 709 to support Bersih 2.0’s legitimate calls for free and fair elections distinguished themselves by being peaceful, orderly and disciplined – going out of their way to avoid or respond to police provocations and to protect private and public property as there was no vandalism of any kind.

At no time did the 709 crowds at any point in Kuala Lumpur posed a threat to public security as to justify the firing of any tear gas canister or water cannon – if the top priority of the police was to keep the public peace!

If there was any violence or brutality, they all came from the police side among the small percentage of indisciplined police personnel.

The tens of thousands of Malaysians would have been most amenable to police advice on crowd and traffic control if the police were minded to seek their co-operation, and not to wantonly, unjustifiably and blindly open fire with tear gas and canisters without notice, utterly heedless of the consequences of their actions.

As a result, the police must bear full responsibility for the 709 disorders – including the unnecessary death of Baharuddin Ahmad; the criminal police landrover ramming of PAS Deputy President Mat Sabu on motor-bike; and  the wanton and reckless firing of tear gas and water cannons into Tung Shin Hospital and directly at Bersih and Pakatan Rakyat leaders at KL Sentral tunnel.

It is most unconscionable that the family of Baharuddin is still denied the full post-mortem results and closure as her doctor-daughter Dr. Mirza has been told that they may have to wait for as long as five weeks!

Should Baharuddin, the 58-year-old taxi driver, have died last Saturday if not for police excesses?

A private cardiologist in Kuala Lumpur who took part in the 709 rally does not think so. He has offered himself as an expert witness. This is his email:

“Please tell the family, to pursue.

“If you need me as an expert witness, you can count on my support.

“Even without the video, this man died in Police custody ( he was handcuffed under Police care ). He asked for medication and was denied. He died. He may have a pre-existing condition, but he died under Police custody.

“I am sure that the post-mortem showed this. That is why it is held up. Otherwise, the pathologist in charge would have written, or recorded his/her opinion by now.

“There is only one organ to inspect, and the signs looking at the heart and heart arteries are obvious. It is not exactly rocket science.

“They are asking for second and third opinion, to see how to word it. I hope that my medical colleagues would stand firm.”

This cardiologist said it would be reasonable to have a post-mortem report ready in a few days but “a  few weeks or months would not be reasonable”.

He concluded: “His death is regrettable. The timing was unfortunate. He had a good chance of survival, if proper medical attention was given. An opinion from his attending physician or cardiologist would be helpful.”

The question must be posed to the  Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak whether the Baharuddin case illustrates what he meant by his slogan of “People First, Performance Now”?

Or could anyone expect the Health Minister, Datuk Liow Tiong Lai to intervene to ensure that the bereaved family is given the full post-mortem report in a matter of days rather than weeks – after his shameful attempt despite crowd of  eye-witnesses and mountain of video evidence  to deny police firing tear gas and water cannon into Tung Shih Maternity Hospital during the rally?

Let the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, the Home Minister, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein, the Inspector General of Police, Tan Sri Ismail Omar, the Health Minister, Datuk Liow Tiong Lai and all those holding high government office appear before the Suhakam 709 public inquiry to justify their actions, whether before, during or after, which violate the human rights of Malaysians.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 4:21 pm and is filed under
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Suhakam to probe ‘police brutality’ during rally

By
MalaysiaKini

Jul 14, 11

The Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (Suhakam) is to hold a public inquiry into allegations of police brutality during last Saturday’s Bersih 2.0 rally in the streets of Kuala Lumpur.

However, Suhakam still studying the terms and reference for such an inquiry, which would be made public later, the organisation announced today.

Commissioner Dr Khaw Lake Tee made the announcement at the Suhakam office in Kuala Lumpur after receiving a memorandum from a group of rally participants led by Bersih 2.0 steering committee member Maria Chin Abdullah.

“We hope the inquiry can be held as soon as possible but we target the date for during the month of August,” she said to a round of applause from some 30 rally participants.

She said the decision was made in a commission meeting this morning after it received many complaints againts the conduct of the police last Saturday, including the death of Baharudin Ahmad, and the alleged assault on Tung Shin Hospital.

Before the handing-over of the memorandum, a dialogue was held between three commissioners – Khaw, James Nayagam, Muhammad Sha’ani Abdullah – and Bersih 2.0 marchers, where four rally participants and a family member of the late Baharudin presented their cases.

They were Azhar Kassim (right), an uncle of Baharudin; Sarawak activist Hii Tiong Huat; Liew Seng Tat, who was allegedly assaulted by police at Tung Shin Hospital, PAS deputy president Mohamad Sabu (below), who claimed he was rammed by a police vehicle, and a young Indian man who only willing to known as Arun.

Speaking to reporters after the memorandum handing-over, Maria welcomed Suhakam’s swift decision.

“This is a good initiative. We and (human rights NGO) Suaram will compile all the evidence. We have a lot of evidence,” said the activist, who was wearing a yellow scarf.

PKR leaders including vice-president Tian Chua, Selangor exco member Elizabeth Wong, Rawang assemblyperson Gan Pei Nei, youth publicitiy chief Lee Khai Loon and Wanita exco member Chua Yee Ling were also present.

Tian Chua said PKR welcomes the decision and the focus now is on whether the government and police will give their full cooperation to the inquiry.

“The public have all the evidence. Now the key issue is whether the authorities are willing to cooperate or not. If they refuse to participate, they are belittling the entire process of seeking justice and it is a contempt of human rights in this country,” he told Malaysiakini.

Fourth inquiry into police brutality

This will be Suhakam’s fourth public inquiry into allegations of police brutality during public rallies since its inception in 1999. The previous ones are Bandar Mahkota Cheras incident (2008), ‘Bloody Sunday’ at KLCC (2006) and the Kesas Highway incident (2001).

The commission had published a report for each public inquiry detailing recommendations to improve the conduct of police during public rallies, but hardly any of them had been adopted by the police and government.

In the memorandum, Bersih 2.0 highlighted several incidents which it called for an independent and open inquiry by Suhakam.

They include the avoidable death of Baharudin, violent arrest of Mohamad Sabu, unwarranted police attacks at the KL Sentral underpass, violent abuse by police against the participants and indiscriminate shooting of water cannon and tear gas into areas of essential services.

In the KL Sentral underpass where around 100 persons, including key Bersih 2.0 and supporting party leaders gathered, the coalition claimed the police had fired numerous rounds of tear gas canisters into the underpass from various directions, without any negotiation.

“The underpass was an enclosed space which created a dangerous situation for individuals trapped in the space as fumes from the multiple tear gas canisters significantly clouded visibility and caused the people to suffocate,” read the memorandum.

It described the action of police as “excessive, dangerous and potentially fatal”.

The memorandum claimed that video evidence that indicates a police officer ordered the angle of the tear gas guns to be lowered to target directly at the people.

The electoral reform movement also wanted Suhakam to immediately pressure the government to review the Penal Code and Police Act 1967 and remove provisions which have the purpose of removing all restrictions on the constitutional and human rights to peaceful assembly.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 3:02 pm and is filed under
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Yes, minister, you are wrong!

By
 Dr Hsu Dar Ren

July 14, 2011 | The Malaysian Insider

JULY 14 — Article 18, Part II of the Fourth Geneva Convention  (August 12, 1949) states clearly that:

“Civilian hospitals organised to give care to the wounded and sick, the infirm and maternity cases, may in no circumstances be the object of attack but shall at all times be respected and protected by the Parties to the conflict.”

Hospitals are sanctuaries that should be respected and avoided by all warring sides. One of the reasons is that the injured and wounded are unable to defend themselves, and any honourable being will never attack or fight with anyone who is disabled or ill. The patients are also unable to run or seek shelter elsewhere.

There are many videos and photos showing that during the rally on July 9, Tung Shin Hospital, or more specifically the compound of Tung Shin Hospital, was hit by water cannons and tear gas .

It is understandable that in the heat of flexing their muscles against unarmed civilians, some policemen might have forgotten that hospitals are sanctuaries. I suspect some may not even have heard of the Geneva Convention, given the state of our education system. So it was actually understandable that some might have been so caught up that they fired gas canisters and water cannons into the hospital compound.

After all, humans are fallible, we are not God. But when a person has erred, he must be prepared to learn from his mistakes and apologise for his error, and accept any punishment for making the error if it is serious enough to warrant such punishment.

The correct response from the powers-that-be, including the “honourable” home and health ministers, should be the acknowledgement of such attacks in the presence of irrefutable evidence and issuing a sincere apology to the patients, staff and management of the hospital, and a promise that such nonsense would never happen again.

Instead, we have seen the bungling act again. In reacting instead of responding, their first act was that of a denial. When evidence shows otherwise, one of the Honourables even stated that he was merely conveying what he was told by the hospital board, who must be so intimidated or outdated that even their own doctors have come forward to refute their claims.

The statement by the 11 brave doctors working in Tung Shin Hospital clearly shows that what were captured in pictures and videos did happen. These are professionals who have nothing to gain by coming out with such a statement. They are the neutral ones who speak so that the truth can be seen and heard.

In light of all this evidence, perhaps an apology by the PM should be tendered. In many other democracies, this sort of bungling would have led to the voluntary resignations of the ministers involved. Resigning not because anyone had knowingly ordered the attacks (I don’ t believe any one in their right minds would do that), but rather as a sign of taking responsibility.

This is what responsible government is all about.

                This entry was posted on Thursday, 14 July 2011, 4:10 pm and is filed under
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A Faltering Premier

By
Karim Raslan

July 14, 2011 | Jakarta Globe

When a political party such as Malaysia’s United Malays National Organization has ruled a nation for more than half a century, its missteps can shake an entire society.

As Malaysia recovers from last weekend’s Bersih 2.0 demonstrations in the heart of Kuala Lumpur, the normally placid 28 million population has to come to terms with its continuing immaturity in terms of politics, civil society and governance.

But in order to understand why, we have to go back in history — first to the 2008 polls and the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition’s surprise drubbing at the hands of the opposition People’s Alliance, and on to the 2009 rise of Najib Razak, who replaced the well-intentioned, if accident-prone, Abdullah Badawi as prime minister.

For the Malay/Muslim political elite in UMNO, Najib’s assumption of the premiership was a huge relief. After Abdullah’s halfhearted attempts at reform and greater openness, UMNO desperately wanted a leader who could manage the challenges of modern governance and politics in a more hands-on and engaged manner. At the same time, political reform was removed from the agenda.

Still, Najib — the son of a former prime minister, Tun Razak — was a well-known and respected figure, even among Malaysia’s large and economically dynamic ethnic Chinese community. Throwing support behind a man with decades of political experience and a vast web of contacts, UMNO’s future seemed assured.

Nonetheless, having experienced the shock of losing its stranglehold over political life and countless state legislatures — including the business hubs of Penang and Selangor — Najib clearly had his work cut out for him.

Moreover, his flexibility as a leader was severely hampered by the existence of a right-wing, ultra-Malay pressure group called Perkasa — not to mention the looming presence of the feisty and ever-contrarian former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. Both rejected any concessions on the country’s pro-Malay/Bumiputera policies.

Najib, recognizing the need to sequence his reform agenda carefully, stepped away from the immense complexity and heat of racial and religious politics.

Instead, he preferred to focus on economics, issuing a series of ambitious blueprints and initiatives meant to spark an undeniable degree of public enthusiasm, which pushed his approval ratings well above 60 percent.

At the time, Najib’s tactical retreat was noted by many observers, myself included. We understood that he saw the need to deal with the conservative Malay forces delicately and only after he’d secured his own personal electoral mandate.

But times change and as we survey the political landscape in the aftermath of Bersih 2.0, Najib’s initial caution may well have been his greatest weakness, leading in turn to his downfall.

By leaving the civil liberties agenda for a later date, if at all, Najib has been unprepared to handle the relatively commonplace demands leveled by Bersih. Indeed, UMNO has rejected the idea of expanding the space for public debate, forcing festering grievances into the periphery.

Another factor that must have weighed on Najib’s mind as the demonstration approached was the knowledge that Bersih 1.0 in 2007 had tripped up the lackluster Abdulllah Badawi just before the March 2008 elections.

As such, he felt he had to show his resolution and determination in the face of opposition demands, dismissing them out of hand.

The heavy-handed policing and Najib’s own hard-headedness may well have marked a turning point in his administration. A minor and relatively insignificant demonstration has revealed his stubbornness.

The handling of Bersih 2.0 clearly shows that despite Najib’s innovative approach to economics, when it comes to politics, he is still stuck in the old, unbending ways.

It shows that despite his claim that he is in touch with ordinary Malaysians, he himself is struggling to understand the changed political landscape and the role of nongovernmental organizations such as Bersih.

However, this shouldn’t come as a complete surprise. Najib is, after all, a proud product of UMNO’s half-century legacy of power.

His hesitancy in the face of Bersih 2.0 begs the question:If Najib Razak can’t lead his party back to its glory days, could it be that the party itself has run out of steam? Are we witnessing a momentary setback or is this a political party on its deathbed? Time will tell.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 15 July 2011, 5:58 pm and is filed under
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BNM can freeze Bersih assets, says Awang Adek

July 15, 2011 |
The Malaysian Insider

Datuk Awang Adek Hussin today said Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) can freeze the assets of those believed to be participating in activities deemed risky to the nation’s security if the police recommend so.

The deputy finance minister highlighted this in relation to reports that the Bersih 2.0 movement headed by Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan was receiving foreign funding for its activities.

According to Awang, provisions within the Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing Act allowed for the central bank to not only bar access to such funds but also trace both deposits and withdrawals of the offending accounts.

Bersih 2.0 chairman Ambiga was earlier reported to have received funds from foreign non-profit organisations through a local bank.

The report carried by a local newspaper said the bank was chosen by Ambiga and the NGOs to help the former Bar Council president in her plan to “cause chaos in Malaysia”.

It was also alleged that an opposition leader owns shares in the bank.

Responding to the issue last week, Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Ismail Omar said the police will work together with BNM to investigate the claims.

Bersih was also hit before by allegations of having received funding from, among others, foreign Christian organisations to finance its July 9 rally for electoral reforms.

The group, however, moved to repudiate the accusations by saying the donations for the rally came from Malaysian citizens here and abroad.

It also clarified that money the group received from two US organisations — the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and Open Society Institute (OSI) — were for other projects unrelated to the July 9 march.

Bersih 2.0’s protest last Saturday saw thousands converge on the capital city in a march for free and fair elections.

The protest, which the government had earlier declared illegal, turned chaotic close to midday when the police fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse protestors.

                This entry was posted on Friday, 15 July 2011, 6:53 pm and is filed under
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