Have your say on sea lions plan
Fisheries New Zealand wants feedback on its proposals to manage the Auckland Island squid fishery to protect the local sea lion population.
Sea lions were once abundant throughout the country, but were hunted to near extinction in the 1800s. While the population recovered, they are still classified as Nationally Vulnerable, says director of fisheries management, Stuart Anderson.
"There remain a range of threats to sea lions outside of fishing including disease and environmental factors. However, there is some cause for cautious optimism. The evidence is telling us the measures in place to manage fishing impacts are effective. We need to make sure that continues.
"We've undertaken a science programme which has confirmed that tools used to allow sea lions to escape from fishing nets, called Sea Lion Exclusion Devices, or SLEDs, have significantly reduced the threat from fishing.
"In a nutshell these devices allow sea lions that swim into trawl nets to escape. They are in place on all vessels operating in the fishery, and one of the reasons we know they are being effective is that we closely monitor the fishery - over the past 5 years government observers have observed an average of 85% of all fishing events."
"In the 10 years from 1992 when there were mostly no SLEDs in use in the Auckland Islands, fishing caused an estimated average of 76 deaths per year. Since the introduction of SLEDs on all vessels in the fishery in 2007, that number is down to 8 per year."
The options include proposals on:
- the maximum impact fishing can have on the sea lion population before the fishery is closed for the season
- the proportion of fishing trips that are required to have a government observer on board
- rules around the use of sea lion exclusion devices to ensure that if a sea lion does enter a trawl net that it has the best possible chance of escaping and surviving.
"Sea lions are a taonga species, and we know there will be a lot of views about the best ways to make sure they are properly protected.
"All food production, whether on land or at sea, is about striking the right balance between food production and impact on the environment. Your feedback will help to set the right balance so that fishing impacts do not affect the sea lion population, and allow it to keep recovering.
"These proposals are designed to ensure that if fishing reaches the point that it is having too big of an impact, we can quickly take action – and this includes closing the fishery during a season. We encourage everyone with an interest in these precious marine mammals to have their say."
There are a range of non-fishing related threats to sea lions, including disease and environmental conditions. Fisheries New Zealand is working alongside DoC to implement a long-term plan to address these threats.


Sat., Jan 31: As the shuttle Columbia returned to Earth, that same left wing started exhibiting sensor failures and other problems 23 minutes before Columbia was scheduled to touch down.
- At 0853, the first indications of problems begin to emerge. There is a loss of temperature sensors in hydraulics systems in the trailing edge of the left wing.
- At 0856, sensors in the left main gear tyre-wheel well report a temperature increase.
- At 0858, three temperature sensors on the left side of the vehicle stop working. At this stage, Columbia is at an altitude of nearly 40 miles; its speed is in excess of Mach 18 (18 times the speed of sound – 13,200 mph). It is still 1,400 miles from the Kennedy runway. Columbia is in a left-bank, with its wings angled about 57 degrees to the horizontal.
- At 0859, sensors monitoring tyre temperatures and pressures report no data. Mission control contacts the shuttle: “Columbia, Houston. We see your tyre-pressure messages. We did not copy your last.”
With just 16 minutes to go before landing, the shuttle disintegrates over Texas.
It appears that NASA missed the opportunity to rescue the Astronauts. In retrospect, the left wing was obviously damaged at liftoff on Jan 16. If NASA had even acknowledged the possibility that the wing was damaged, things could have gone differently.
NASA could have lifted a second shuttle into orbit, rendezvoused with the Columbia, and transferred the astronauts to the rescue shuttle and brought them home safely.
But, NASA was sure the left wing was not damaged. What was the basis for this surety? They had not even examined the wing. In their surety, they further neglected to order an emergency space walk by the astronauts to inspect the possibly damaged wing.
Human intelligence science has revealed that our enormous intelligence is the result of possessing dual minds. These dual minds create pictures of a dual world in which we live. Most of us don’t know we have dual minds and almost all of us don’t know we live in a dual world. We live in two worlds all of the time.
Let us begin by examining the world created by the space-mind. It creates a picture of reality. Space-mind is in charge of survival. So it needs to know what the world is really like. Boy if you are in your space-mind, you better live in the real world. Right? Ever play dodge ball? When I was a kid, dodge ball was a big game. I don’t know whether they even play it any more. You go into the gym and line up against the wall and somebody throws a volleyball at you at high speed. Right? You dodge it Right? You better know where the ball really is or you are going to get hit. Ever play snow ball fights? Same thing right? You better know where those snowballs really are or you’re going to get hit. The space-mind has to know where things are in space. Where they really are. When I’m teaching this lesson to a group of students I’ll suddenly toss a pencil to someone sitting in the first row, and it’s amazing, they almost always catch it. One hand will fly up and catch the unexpected object. Their space-mind reflex puts their hand up. The space-mind has to know what’s real and what’s really going on or you don’t survive. If there is a tiger in this room I had better know it’s here. So the space mind makes a picture of reality from its sense images and feelings. That’s picture of reality is what I call the world of “is”.
The world of “is” is the way things really are. And, at its very best this picture of reality approaches the “real” world. Now we don’t have a perfect picture of the universe the way it really is. But our space-mind is pretty good. It keeps me from running into the walls and safe in high speed motor traffic. My student in the front row demonstrated his ability to catch the pencil perfectly when it came flying through the air unexpectedly.
Now we humans also have a time-mind which is into becoming, it’s interested in cause and effect, it is always predicting the future based on its understanding of the past. So the time-mind forms an opinion of reality from words and thoughts. This opinion of reality is what I call the world of “ought to be”.
Every human has two worlds created by their two minds. Everyone of us has a world of “is” and a world of “ought to be”. I’ve got mother “is” and mother “ought to be”. Teacher “is” and teacher “ought to be”. Son “is” and son “ought to be”. Dad “is” and dad “ought to be”. Husband “is” and husband”ought to be”.
By the way, our husband “is”and wife “is” are always comes up short. Aren’t they? They are never the way they ought to be. Also, our son “is” and daughter “is” are also coming up short. They are also never the way they ought to be.
Why are they coming up short? Why are they never the way they ought to be?
Our time-mind uses all of its cause and effect knowledge to predict the way things “ought to be”. And we are always carrying our opinions of how it “ought to be” with us at all times. Seven o’clock in the evening, and I run out of milk. So I get in my car and go down to Seven-Eleven only to discover they’re closed. “Damn it! That’s not the way it ought to be!” My space-mind shows me a picture of a closed store — the world the way it is. My time-mind tells me in words,”That’s not the way it ought to be.”And, so my space-mind prepares my body to fight.
All of us are rejected to some extent because we are never the way our parents think we ought to be. Because you see an ought to be at its very best is an ideal. And so the world of “ought to be” at its very best is also an ideal. Well in the ideal world, the Seven-Eleven Store would be open, right? I’d go in and get my milk. Right? My son, in the world of ought to be, would get straight A’s. Right? That’s an ideal. Ideally my son would get straight A’s. Ideally my husband would remember my birthday. Ideally the people on the road would be more courteous. Ideally the government would lower our taxes, right? In the world of “ought to be” the government would operate economically, and give the taxpayers a large refund. But in the world of “is” we just keep paying more taxes.
Now knowledge of the dual-world can be of great help to you. Whenever you find yourself angry at the world of “is”, it probably is because you are mistaking your world of “ought to be” for the real world. Imagine, I am reading my newspaper when I come across a story I don’t like. I exclaim: “I can’t believe this! This can’t be happening.” In other words, in my world of “ought to be”, this doesn’t happen.
There are none so blind as those that will not see.
Not believing reality can be very dangerous. The Jewish people during WWII were very much victimized by the world of “ought to be”. The American government played into that tragedy in a very large way. There was a group of Jewish people who suffered even more than those who were gassed in the concentration camp gas chambers. These were extraordinarily brave individuals who risked their lives to smuggle out pictures of the death camps. These photographs eventually reached the American government providing proof of Hitler’s atrocities. The American government said they were fake. Why? In the American government’s world of “ought to be”, atrocities like those shown in the photos just didn’t happen. In their world of ought to be those kinds of things simply don’t happen. The photographs had to have been faked. Sadly, the whole world learned four years later that the photographs were not faked.
In NASA’s world of “ought to be”, the shuttle was not damaged when the insulation broke off the rocket and struck the left wing.
No one at NASA wanted to have a problem. No one wanted to explain why the insulation came off the rocket. Certainly, no one wanted to declare an emergency. The possibility of damage to the left wing was known on January 16, there were two full weeks before the scheduled return to Earth to take action.
But NASA had “no concerns whatsoever,” no action was taken, the shuttle was ordered to proceed with the landing as planned, and, in the world of “is”, the 2.1 billion dollar space shuttle was lost and seven of humanity’s finest are dead.
Read Timothy Wilken’s Dual World.


from The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, 4th Edition
- n. An organic oil, such as linseed oil, used as a binder in paints and varnishes. It dries into a tough elastic layer when applied in a thin film and exposed to air.
from Wiktionary, Creative Commons Attribution/Share-Alike License
- n. An oil that hardens to a tough, solid film after a period of exposure to air.
from the GNU version of the Collaborative International Dictionary of English
- adj. an oil which, either naturally or after boiling with oxide of lead, absorbs oxygen from the air and dries up rapidly. Drying oils are used as the bases of many paints and varnishes.
from WordNet 3.0 Copyright 2006 by Princeton University. All rights reserved.
- n. an oil that hardens in air due to oxidation and is often used as a paint or varnish base
Sorry, no etymologies found.
Sorry, no example sentences found.


Behind the buzz and beyond the hype:
Our Nanowerk-exclusive feature articles
Posted: Oct 04, 2007
Spinning carbon nanotube cotton in the nanotechnology lab
(Nanowerk Spotlight) Modern nanotechnology researchers not only borrow extensively from nature to develop new materials and fabrication techniques, they also manage to transfer proven, and sometimes ancient, technologies into their nanotechnology laboratories. We've written about this before in our stories about welding ("Bronze Age technique works just fine in the nanotechnology era") and metal forging ("From Bronze Age shack to nanotechnology lab - metal forging techniques reach the bottom"). Today, our story deals with yet another ur-technology: spinning. Spinning is the process of creating yarn (or thread, rope, cable) from various raw fiber materials. The first spinning wheel was invented in India probably some 2,500-3,000 years ago, although some claim that the Chinese used similar devices as long as almost 5,000 years ago to spin silk threads. While spinning is one of the core technology foundations of our civilization, researchers have now begun to apply cotton-spinning techniques to fabricate carbon nanotube (CNT) "yarn."
"Carbon nanotubes are much stronger than any existing material" Dr. Yuntian Zhu explains to Nanowerk. "To fully utilize their extremely high strength, carbon-nanotubes must be spun into continuous fibers. The most efficient way to produce commercial-scale CNT fibers is by the five-thousand-years-old cotton-based spinning technology. Therefore, it is technologically attractive to produce CNT materials that have spinning properties similar to cotton."
Zhu, who was a researcher at the Department of Energy's Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL) when he published this work (he has since joined the North Carolina State University faculty where he now is an Associate Professor in the Department of Materials Science & Engineering) and his collaborators report a new form of CNT material, CNT cotton, that is made of ultralong individual CNTs.
Carbon nanotube cotton (the greyish areas) on a 35 mm long quartz support (Image: Dr. Zhu)
"This CNT cotton is analogous to conventional cotton in many aspects including the color and fluffiness, and is found favorable for spinning" says Zhu. "We found that the CNT cotton is hydrophobic, and is composed of low spatial density and ultra-long individual CNTs.
The invention of the LANL researchers has applicability to all applications (structural, electronic, biological) where individual CNTs need to be consolidated into fibers/threads. By using a chemical vapor deposition (CVD) approach, individual CNTs with a length ranging from millimeters to centimeters have been synthesized.
This work, which has been published in Advanced Materials ("Carbon-Nanotube Cotton for Large-Scale Fibers") shows that many types of carbon nanotube structures might be synthesized, under various conditions. It will allow scientists to explore more diverse structures made of carbon for new applications.
"Large diameter CNTs reported previously were believed to have grown via self-catalytic growth, i.e., CNTs themselves adsorb free carbon species at their open edges and sidewalls and thus grow axially and radially in the absence of metal particles" says Zhu. "However, we believe that our CNT cotton was grown via the traditional catalytic growth mechanism. In particular, our steady CVD environment and extreme long length of CNTs in CNT cotton grown over a long duration corroborate such a mechanism. It is hard to imagine that CNTs can be self-grown with uniform diameter for such a long length over such a long
time (1 hour) without the assistance of metal catalyst."
After synthesizing the CNT cotton, the researchers spun it into fibers using a spinning set-up built in-house. A speed-adjustable drill equipped with a 25 µm metal tip was used to spin continuous fibers out of the CNT cotton.
Zhu describes how the tip was first coated with a layer of glue for initial attachment to a CNT sliver, which was pulled from the CNT cotton. Then the drill was pulled away from CNT cotton at a speed of 10 millimeters per minute while the drill was rotating at 1000–2000 rpm.
a) SEM images illustrate that CNT cotton can be easily spun into fibers; b) A segment of a CNT fiber spun from the CNT cotton. (Reprinted with permission from Wiley)
"Individual CNTs in the cotton were easily collected during fiber spinning, with alignment along the pulling direction" says Zhu. "We can routinely spin 10 cm long fibers from the CNT cotton."
While other forms of CNT materials that have been synthesized so far have various limitations for fiber spinning, the CNT cotton developed by the LANL team is the easiest form of CNT materials for fiber spinning, and importantly, has the potential to adapt for commercial cotton spinning technologies for large-scale production of nanotube-based fibers.


Behavioural innovations are increasingly thought to provide a rich source of phenotypic plasticity and evolutionary change. Innovation propensity shows substantial variation across avian taxa and provides an adaptive mechanism by which behaviour is flexibly adjusted to changing environmental conditions. Here, we tested for the first time the prediction that inter-individual variation in innovation propensity is equally a measure of behavioural flexibility. We used Indian mynas, Sturnus tristis, a highly successful worldwide invader. Results revealed that mynas that solved an extractive foraging task more quickly learnt to discriminate between a cue that predicted food, and one that did not more quickly. However, fast innovators were slower to change their behaviour when the significance of the food cues changed. This unexpected finding appears at odds with the well-established view that avian taxa with larger brains relative to their body size, and therefore greater neural processing power, are both faster, and more flexible learners. We speculate that the existence of this relationship across taxa can be reconciled with its absence within species by assuming that fast, innovative learners and non innovative, slow, flexible learners constitute two separate individual strategies, which are both underpinned by enhanced neural processing power. This idea is consistent with the recent proposal that individuals may differ consistently in ‘cognitive style’, differentially trading off speed against accuracy in cognitive tasks.
Citation: Griffin AS, Guez D, Lermite F, Patience M (2013) Tracking Changing Environments: Innovators Are Fast, but Not Flexible Learners. PLoS ONE 8(12): e84907. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0084907
Editor: Jochen Zeil, The Australian National University, Australia
Received: September 20, 2013; Accepted: November 27, 2013; Published: December 31, 2013
Copyright: © 2013 Griffin et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Funding: The research was supported by two University of Newcastle, Faculty of Science and Information Technology Strategic Research Grants (2011, Griffin & Dayas; 2012, Griffin, Dayas and Guez). Internal grants are not attributed grant numbers. The University of Newcastle, Faculty of Science and Information Technology had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Behavioural innovations -solutions to novel problems, or novel solutions to old problems - are increasingly thought to provide a rich source of phenotypic plasticity and evolutionary change –. Innovation propensity shows substantial variation across avian taxa and the functional significance of such variation is well documented. The number of anecdotal reports of novel feeding behaviours in the wild, aka innovation rate , is correlated across avian taxa with a variety of ecological variables, including urbanization  but see , habitat degradation , introduction to novel environments –, and seasonal resource variability in habitats of resident species . This body of work indicates that the ability to innovate provides an adaptive mechanism by which avian species flexibly adjust to changing environmental conditions .
Innovation propensity varies not only across species, but also across individuals. In several species studied to date, individual differences in innovation tendency are stable across time –, and have been found to be associated with different life history strategies and differential reproductive success –. Given the strong evidence that the prevalence of innovative behaviour at the taxon level is indicative of behavioural flexibility, it is reasonable to assume that variation at the individual level in innovation propensity should reflect inter-individual differences in flexibility. In other words, individuals with higher innovation propensity should be behaviourally more flexible and therefore able to adjust to changing environmental conditions more rapidly than individuals with lower innovation propensity. Yet, to our knowledge, this key prediction has not been tested to date.
Serial discrimination reversal learning is a well-established classic test of behavioural flexibility –. One particular version of this instrumental conditioning task requires responding to a food-rewarded cue (S+), and withholding from responding to a non-rewarded cue (S−). Once the S+/S− discrimination is learnt, the reward contingencies are reversed. This procedure is then repeated several times and the speed at which individuals learn the successive reversals yields a measure of how amenable individuals are to changing their behaviour as the environment changes. The validity of this measure to quantify cross species differences in flexibility has received some criticism because species differences may be attributable to extraneous variables, such as ability to adjust to captive conditions, that vary across species, but have little to do with reversal learning per se –. It has been suggested that within species comparisons may be less vulnerable to such confounding variables, however . Reversal learning constitutes hence an independent measure with which to test the prediction that inter-individual variation in innovation propensity is a measure of behavioural flexibility.
Here, we tested the prediction that inter-individual variation in innovation propensity is a measure of behavioural flexibility using Indian mynas, Sturnus tristis, (formerly classified as Acridotheres tristis , and also referred to as the common myna), a highly successful worldwide invader. Mynas are highly adaptable and their high behavioural flexibility is well supported by a growing body of published scientific studies –. Mynas are hence an ideal species in which to explore the relationships between individual variation in innovation propensity and behavioural flexibility.
We used a novel extractive foraging task to measure innovative performance and a serial discrimination reversal learning task to measure behavioural flexibility. First, based on prior evidence that innovation propensity is positively correlated with learning speed in birds –, we predicted that mynas that were faster to solve the extractive foraging task would learn the S+/S− discrimination faster. Second, in line with our prediction that innovation propensity and behavioural flexibility should be positively correlated, we predicted that mynas that solved the extractive foraging task faster would learn the cue reversals faster.
Materials and Methods
All animal care, husbandry, and experimental procedures were in accordance with the Australian code of practice for the care and use of animals for scientific purposes, and were approved by the University of Newcastle Animal Ethics Committee (protocol A-2011–154). No additional license is required to trap mynas, as they are classified as an introduced, invasive pest species.
Subjects were 18 wild-caught adult Indian mynas (7 females, 11 males). Birds were captured in Newcastle (NSW, Australia). Due to technical problems and one bird becoming unwell during the experiments, all 18 birds completed reversals 1–2, 16 mynas completed additional reversal 3, and 15 mynas completed all 4 reversals (see below).
Birds were captured using a walk-in baited trap specifically designed to trap this species . This trap, which is described in detail elsewhere , works by allowing mynas to enter a bottom cage (1×1×1 m), collect a bait, fly up through two small (0.1 m diameter), one-way channels into a top cage (1×1×1 m), and rest on perches while consuming the food item. Given the natural tendency of this species to aggregate, surrounding mynas approach and enter the trap, attracted in particular by the contact calls of trapped birds. As a consequence, mynas accumulate in the top cage. The trap is equipped with an opaque roof and shaded sides, which provide birds with sun protection and cover. Small dog pellets, a preferred food of Indian mynahs, were provided ad libitum in both top and bottom cage, together with ad libitum water (for more details, see ). The trap was checked and emptied each day, and birds were transported in small cotton individual holding bags to the University of Newcastle Central Animal House in an air-conditioned vehicle.
Upon arrival they were weighed, measured and banded with individually identifiable plastic bands, and released into a large outdoor group aviary (length 4.4 m×width 1.25 m, and 2.25 m high). The aviary was equipped with perches, shelters and a large water bath. Mynas were left undisturbed for seven days to acclimatize to captivity. Birds had access to water and dog pellets ad libitum, except during innovation tasks, which required short periods of food deprivation. During innovation tests, birds also received dog pellets.
At the end of testing, birds were returned to the large outdoor group holding aviaries to take part in other ongoing studies in our laboratory.
Over the 6-month period that followed bird capture, we obtained several measures of innovation performance for each bird using a variety of different extractive foraging tasks. The first two innovation measures were taken on two consecutive days, while the third measure was obtained between 6 weeks and 10 weeks later. Birds also completed a serial discrimination reversal learning test. The order in which the serial discrimination reversal learning test and the innovation tests was completed was counterbalanced across subjects.
Each bird was presented with two of four possible different novel extractive foraging tasks on the first two innovation trials, and a fifth task on the third innovation trial (Figure 1). Although this meant that different individuals received different tasks, our aim in analyzing the innovation performance in this way was to ensure that any relationship found between innovation performance and behavioural flexibility was independent of the particular innovation task used. Analyses revealed that there were no significant differences in performance across any of the tasks (see results). The first two possible tasks consisted of a Petri dish with either an inverted (Figure 1a), or an upright, lid (Figure 1b). The inverted lid could only be lifted by grabbing a hook attached to its center, while the upright lid could be removed by either leveraging it upwards, or grabbing a piece of tape attached to its edge. The third possible task consisted of a Styrofoam coffee cup glued to a small wooden board (Figure 1c). The cup was covered with a Petri dish lid, which was glued into place so it could not be removed, but allowed visual access to the food inside the cup. One 3 cm diameter hole in the side of the cup was covered in transparent plastic film, which needed to be pierced to access the food. The fourth task consisted of a piece of paper that needed to be pulled out of a plastic champagne flute to access the food (Figure 1d). The fifth task was a 3 cm diameter, 14 cm long transparent vertical tube attached to a stand (Figure 1e). A thin (0.5 mm) plastic flap (3×5 cm) was inserted horizontally half way up the tube, so that food inside the tube was trapped, but fell down the tube on to the ground when the flap was pulled. Neophobia responses to the tasks were reduced by presenting the task to the birds on the evening before the test with a few dog pellets either in the open container (Petri dish tasks) or beside the container (cup, flute and tube). In this way, all birds had 3–4 h exposure to each task in the evening and 1–2 h exposure to it in the morning prior to the innovation test. All birds had consumed the readily available food from the task prior to the start of each innovation test.
Each bird was tested on a pseudorandom selection of two tasks amongst those depicted in a–d. All birds were also tested on the task depicted in e. See text for more details.
For testing, each bird was transferred to an individual test aviary (length 2 m×width 1 m, and 2 m high) and allowed two days to acclimatize. Birds were food-deprived 1–2 h before sunset (other than the few dog pellets available on the open innovation task left in the cage to reduce neophobia, see above), and tested the next morning within 1–3 h of sunrise. During all tests, the focal myna was filmed from behind an observation hide placed 6 m away from the aviary. To initiate an innovation test, the experimenter approached the focal bird from behind the hide, and placed a dog pellet beside the task before returning to the hide. This baseline trial ensured that the bird was motivated to feed. Once the focal subject had consumed the dog pellet, the experimenter approached once again from behind the hide, and placed a dog pellet inside the task before returning to the hide. The latency from first contact to solving the task was measured. Each trial lasted 30 min. Tests for which no solving occurred were attributed a capped latency of 1801 s. At the end of testing the birds were moved back to the flight aviary.
Serial Discrimination Reversal Learning
For the serial discrimination reversal learning task, mynas were transferred to (length 60 cm×width 30 cm, and 60 cm high) home cages and housed there for the duration of the experiment. Individually-held birds were visually, but not acoustically isolated from each other, in order to facilitate adaptation to individual housing. Each home cage was equipped with several perches, a water tube, a pecking key and a food hopper. The pecking key could be backlit with either a white, blue, or red light. The food hopper contained dog pellets, which were accessible to the bird when the hopper was engaged and unavailable when it was disengaged. A request perch was fitted with an infra-red beam and was located approximately 15 cm in front of the food hopper. Another infra-red beam spanned the entrance of the food hopper.
All equipment and stimulus presentations were controlled automatically by a Med Associates PC-IV software program running on a computer in a room adjacent to the bird holding room. Performance was monitored continuously by the computer-controlled software, and each bird’s progression through different phases of the serial discrimination reversal learning task (preliminary training, discrimination training, reversal learning, see below) and different trial types (S+/S− reversals, see below) occurred automatically. This allowed us to test birds, and measure learning performance, continuously.
Following transfer to the operant conditioning cages, birds were left for two days with the food hopper engaged so that they could become familiarized with the location of food in their new surroundings. Each bird then underwent preliminary training in which it was gradually shaped to 1. use the request perch to cause the pecking key to light up, and 2. peck the backlit key to engage the food hopper and hence gain access to food. When activated by a perch request, the pecking key switched on and remained lit for 10 s unless it was pecked. Pecking the key caused the key to switch off, and was rewarded by a 5-s access to the food hopper. The amount of food reward (dog pellets) each bird received on each trial was hence capped by access time to the feeder, and not fixed to a set quantity. During preliminary training, the pecking key was backlit with a white light.
Once an individual bird reliably used the perch to request a pecking key presentation, and pecked the key as soon as it lit up to gain access to the food hopper, it completed 80 trials (i.e. 80 pecking key presentations followed by key pecking and feeding from the hopper), after which the computer controlling the instrumental conditioning equipment automatically and immediately placed the bird on the discrimination learning task.
There was no other food available in the home cage, other than that provided by the key-triggered food hopper. Hence, birds obtained their entire daily food ration through operating the conditioning device. In this way, we ensured that birds completed learning trials based on their own motivation, without imposing any food deprivation. This motivation was expressed by the each bird’s own decision to land on the perch, hence self-requesting a pecking key presentation to gain access to the food hopper. Following a typical small weight loss immediately after being moved to individual housing and during preliminary training, birds’ weights typically re-increased to around their original weights measured at the time when they were first moved into the operant conditioning cages (±5%), and stabilized thereafter.
The initial discrimination consisted of a red-blue colour discrimination task. These two colours were selected on the basis of that they are highly discriminable for avian species . The specific colour that served as the first S+ was counterbalanced across birds, and the order in which the S+ and S− were presented was random with the restriction that no more than two successive presentations of either cue occurred. Upon activation of the request perch, the S+ was presented for 10 s. Pecking the S+ (correct response) was rewarded by a 5-s access to the food hopper, while pecking the S− (incorrect response) caused the key to switch off with no hopper access. Following a pecking key presentation, the bird had to leave the perch, either to peck the key or not, and return to it to trigger the next trial. No inter-trial interval was imposed, neither after a correct response, nor after an incorrect response. Hence, the cost of incorrectly pecking the S− was that associated with a return-trip from perch to feeder, and operating the pecking key, without any opportunity to feed. Learning the S+/S− discrimination improved across trials, and all birds gradually reached our performance criterion (see below), so they were clearly motivated to learn without any additional punishment on incorrect responses. Performance was calculated automatically by the computer every 20 trials. When the bird reached 90% correct responding (pecking the S+ and withholding from pecking the S−) on two successive blocks of 20-trials, the predictive value of the S+ and S− was automatically reversed by the computer, such that the next pecking key presentation requested by the bird exposed it to the reversed contingency.
Training on the reversed cue contingency continued until birds reached a 90% criterion on two successive 20-trial blocks, at which point, the computer controlling the operant conditioning equipment immediately reversed the predictive value of the colour cues once again. In total, each bird completed four successive cue reversals. At the end of testing the birds were returned to group housing.
To obtain a measure of innovation performance for each bird, we calculated the mean solving latency across the three innovation tasks for each bird. To examine the relationship between innovation propensity and learning ability, we correlated the mean innovation latency with the total number of blocks to reach criterion on the initial S+/S− discrimination using a Spearman rank correlation. As we were interested in examining the relationship between each bird’s ability to innovate and its ability to learn, and to reverse respectively, we calculated a reversal score that expressed each bird’s ability to reverse as a function of its ability to learn the initial S+/S− discrimination. For each bird and each reversal, the reversal score was the ratio between the number of blocks the individual had taken to complete the reversal and the number of blocks it had taken to complete the initial discrimination. In this way, for example, a bird that took twice as many blocks to reverse than it did to learn the initial discrimination was considered a faster reverser than a bird that took three times more blocks to reverse than it did to learn the initial discrimination. However, two birds with equal reversal speeds, but different learning speeds, were considered to have different reversal abilities. This reversal score has been used in the past to demonstrate between species differences in reversal performance , and applies the same logic as other attempts to examine the relationship between behavioural traits, and learning and reversal learning, respectively . To examine the relationship between innovation propensity and behavioural flexibility, we conducted four planned non parametric Spearman rank correlations between each individual’s mean innovation latency and its reversal score for each of the four successive reversals. All statistical analyses were conducted on SPSS 20 (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL, U.S.A.). All tests were conducted using two-tailed significance thresholds set at 0.05.
Mean (± SE) solving latency across the three innovation tests was 1138 s ±125 s. Solving latencies did not differ significantly across tests (mean ± SE: test 1∶1024 s ±199 s; test 2∶1261 s ±173 s; test 3∶1130 s ±205 s; paired samples Wilcoxon signed rank test, P = 0.584). Neither solving latency, nor solving success differed significantly across the five different extractive foraging tasks (latency: independent samples Kruskal-Wallis test, N1 = 10, N2 = 10, N3 = 8, N4 = 8, N5 = 18, P = 0.415; success: Fisher exact test, P = 0.674). Solving latencies were not correlated across tests (all N = 18; test 1 vs test 2, Spearman’s rho = −0.174, P = 0.489; test 2 vs test 3: Spearman’s rho = 0.314, P = 0.205; test 1 vs test 3: Spearman’s rho = 0.269, P = 0.280).
All birds increased the number of correct responses (pecking the S+ and withholding from pecking the S−) across trials both while learning the initial discrimination, and while learning each of the four reversals. All birds eventually reached criterion and progressed to the next stage (e.g. from the initial discrimination to the first reversal). The median number of 20-trial blocks to learn the initial S+/S− discrimination was 14. Subsequent reversals 1 to 4 took 19, 26, 25 and 25 20-trial blocks respectively. Reversal scores were highly significantly positively correlated across successive reversals (R1 vs R2, N = 18, Spearman’s rho = 0.761, P<0.001; R2 vs R3, N = 16, Spearman’s rho = 0.709, P<0.001; R3 vs R4, N = 15, Spearman’s rho = 0.696, P<0.001).
Across birds, mean latency to innovate was significantly positively correlated with the total number of 20-trial blocks to learn to discriminate between the cue that predicted food (S+) and the cue that predicted no food (S−) (N = 18, Spearman’s rho = 0.499, P = 0.035; Figure 2), indicating that faster innovators learnt the initial discrimination between S+ and S− more quickly. In contrast, mean latency to innovate was significantly negatively correlated with the reversal score for three of four subsequent reversals (Spearman’s correlations: reversal 2, N = 18, coefficient = −0.547, P = 0.019; reversal 3, N = 16, coefficient = −0.516, P = 0.041; reversal 4, N = 15, coefficient = −0.523, P = 0.045; Figure 3). The correlation between each bird’s mean latency to innovate and its reversal score for the first reversal was in the same negative direction, but fell just short of significance (N = 18, Spearman’s rho = −0.410, P = 0.091). Total number of 20-trial blocks to learn to discriminate between the S+ and the S− was highly significantly negatively correlated with the reversal score for each of the four reversals (Spearman’s correlations, all P<0.001). These results supported our first prediction that faster innovators would learn a cue discrimination faster. Contrary to our second prediction, however, faster innovators were slower to change their behaviour in response to a changing environment.
Innovation performance was calculated as the mean latency to solve three different extractive foraging tasks (see Figure 1). Learning performance was measured using the total number of 20-trial blocks to reach a learning criterion (see text for more details). Open circles indicate female mynas, filled circles indicate male mynas.
Each panel depicts this relationship for one of four successive reversals. Innovation performance was calculated as in Figure 2. Reversal performance was measured using a reversal score, expressed as the total number of 20-trial blocks to reach criterion on a given reversal relative to the total number of 20-trial blocks to reach criterion on the initial discrimination (see text for more details). Open circles indicate female mynas, filled circles indicate male mynas.
A large body of comparative work has linked cross-taxon variation in innovativeness to an increased ability to adjust to novel and/or changing environments , . Using an experimental approach, our research evaluated whether, similarly, inter-individual variation in innovativeness could be linked to an increased ability to adjust to a changing environment. Results revealed that although more innovative mynas learnt to discriminate between a signal for food and a non-signal for food more quickly, they were slower to change their behaviour when the significance of the food cues changed. This finding suggests a dissociation between the functional significance of inter-individual variation in innovativeness and variation occurring at higher taxonomic levels.
We found that faster innovators learnt more quickly to discriminate between a cue that signaled food and one that did not. This finding corroborates the conclusions from several earlier studies pointing to a link between innovation propensity and learning ability. Bouchard and Lefebvre  reported a positive relationship between innovation and social learning in pigeons (Columbia livia), while Overington et al  found that carib grackles (Quiscalus lugubris) with shorter innovation latencies were faster to learn to solve the problem across subsequent repeated presentations. Similarly, performance on an asocial learning task predicted innovation propensity in European starlings (Sturnus vulgaris) . This consistently positive relationship between innovation and learning ability is behind the assumption amongst some authors that innovative behaviour is a measure of individual variation in cognitive ability , , , , as appears to be the case at higher taxonomic levels (3).
Although there is no universally accepted definition of intelligence, there is a convergent view that flexibility is one of its hallmarks –. Consequently, if innovation measures cognition, it should not only predict learning, it should also predict flexibility. Our finding that faster innovators were slower to reverse their behaviour when the environment changed is at odds with this conclusion and remains to be explained.
We speculate that individual innovation propensity may be associated with a collection of traits that belong to a broader pace-of-life syndrome. Indeed, their fast, but inflexible learning makes innovators akin to proactive individuals, while slow, but flexible learning aligns non innovators with a reactive personality –. As predicted by Sih & Giudice , fast, inflexible mynas may be favoring speed over accuracy relative to slow, but flexible individual mynas. Key to innovation may be perseverance, which would be advantageous in temporally and/or spatially stable, predictable environments, while more slow, but flexible behaviour may be advantaged in unstable, unpredictable environments, as has been proposed for other personality traits . Spatial and temporal ecological variability may act to maintain individual variation in innovation propensity within a given species. Species with large variation along innovativeness and its associated personality traits would be able to adjust to a broader range of habitats, which would in turn yield marked population differences.
We found that learning was consistently related to reversal performance, and that reversal performance was stable across successive reversals. In other words, mynas were consistent in their learning and reversing performance. This finding supports the idea that fast-inflexible and slow-flexible learning are stable individual characteristics in mynas. In contrast, mynas were not consistent in the latency with which they solved across the three innovation tests, casting doubt on the suggestion that innovation propensity may be a stable individual characteristic, even though mean innovation performance was correlated with learning and flexibility. Yet in previous work specifically designed to assess inter-individual stability in innovation performance in mynas, we have found that innovation performance is repeatable across individual mynas , . It is important to note our three innovation tests encompassed performance on five different innovation tasks with some individuals solving some tasks and other mynas solving others. High variability in innovation task, a relatively small sample size and the capped nature of the solving latency variable may explain why stability in innovation was not apparent in the present data set.
Where does a differential link between innovation and learning on the one hand, and innovation and flexibility on the other, leave the relationship between innovation and cognition at the inter-individual level? We suggest that both fast and flexible learning may depend upon neural processing power (e.g. neural volume, neuronal connectivity, neuronal density ). Innovation and reversal learning would hence capture two separate dimensions of cognitive ability, each with links to a different collection of personality traits. In this line of reasoning, the well-documented positive relationship between innovation rate, reversal learning and relative brain size at higher order taxonomic levels  would be underpinned by the existence of both fast, inflexible and slow, flexible phenotypes within a species with high neural processing power, and only slow, inflexible phenotypes within a species with low neural processing power. This idea would explain why a positive relationship between innovation and flexibility exists at the cross-taxon level, but appears to be absent at the inter-individual level.
We thank Eliza Skelton for assisting with data collection, and the staff at the Central Animal House for caring for the captive myna colony. The research was supported by a Faculty of Science & Information Technology Strategic Small Grant to ASG.
Conceived and designed the experiments: ASG DG MP. Performed the experiments: ASG FL MP. Analyzed the data: ASG FL MP. Contributed reagents/materials/analysis tools: ASG DG. Wrote the paper: ASG DG.
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When we are young, we are constantly told by older relatives that we need to drink more milk – as it will give us strong bones. As with most parental advice, you probably ignored this at the time. But now you are older; you might be thinking a little more about your personal health and fitness, and how you can maintain it. After all, we all want to live long, healthy lives – so we need to take care of our body, so it doesn’t let any of us down.
One part of our bodies that is so integral, but one that we rarely pay any attention to, is the skeleton. It is the basis of our entire body, but we tend to spend more time focusing on the amount of fat or muscle we carry instead. But devoting some time to taking care of your bones can mean you avoid various health problems in the future, like osteoporosis. Not sure where to begin when it comes to healthy bone care? This guide will tell you how to have healthy bones for life.
The best time to start taking care of our bones is up until our mid-twenties when the skeleton is still developing. However, if you are past that age; there are still plenty of things you can do to encourage strong and durable bones. One of the most obvious things is to minimize the risk of falling over and hurting yourself. This might sound peculiar, but even small falls can result in bone fractures; which can affect how your bones work for the rest of your life. Make sure you are always wearing sturdy shoes and ensure that you take the necessary precautions if you are leaving the house in adverse weather.
There are plenty of different exercises you can do to strengthen your bones. However, you must be mindful never to overexert yourself. After all, you wouldn’t want to damage the weakest bone in the human body. When it comes to weights, only lift as much as you feel comfortable with. That said, weightlifting is great for strengthening the muscles that surround the bone; in turn making the bones themselves stronger too. Any exercise where you have to stand up, such as running or dancing, is also great for building strong bones.
A Balanced Diet
A huge part of maintaining strong bones is down to what you eat and drink. Generally speaking, eating a healthy balanced diet and lowering your alcohol consumption can help promote normal, healthy bone
development. However, there are some particular types of food you can add to your diet which can help you even more. What your family told you was true: calcium does help to give you stronger bones. So, with that in mind, consider adding more milk, cheese or yogurt to your diet. Green, leafy vegetables are also a good option to add to your meals. It is also important to get a lot of vitamin D into your body, as without it you will struggle to absorb the calcium from other food.
Ally Gonzales is the founder & editor-in-chief of RunningSoleGirl. Along with blogging she is also juggling attending college and majoring in Exercise and Sports Science with a Sports Management minor.


dr Aleksander Olech (Institute of New Europe)
dr Sylwia Gliwa (Future Industry Platform)
Article in brief:
– The rise and growth of the Islamic State, in addition to conquering new territories, attempting to establish its own state, and recruiting supporters in Europe, has brought a great deal of terrorist activity on social media.
– Between 2015 and 2019, the French Republic was the most frequently attacked country in Europe by the Islamic State – both through disinformation activities and terrorist attacks.
– In order to strengthen anti-terrorist and anti-propaganda systems in Poland, it is necessary to take into account the experience of France and to analyze threats emerging in Europe.
Over the past twenty years, the clash of cultures (European and Arab) and religions (Christianity and Islam) has been happening, and Europe has experienced numerous terrorist acts. Europeans are struggling with both terrorist attacks and the very threat of them, along with a great deal of propaganda, mainly through social media. Statistics prepared by Europol show that Europe struggles primarily with religiously motivated, nationalist and separatist terrorism. Furthermore, terrorist actions are undertaken by perpetrators with left-wing or right-wing beliefs or by so-called single-issue terrorists. However, in addition to the ‟offline” manifestations of terrorist activity, an important and necessary component of the study of state security and the phenomenon of terrorism itself is the ‟online” activity of individual terrorist groups. It focuses on several significant objectives, which include intimidating civilians, gaining new supporters, or spreading disinformation between states. The Islamic State (ISIS) is a specific case that is discussed in this analysis due to its very high level of activity in both the ‟offline” and ‟online” spheres. An area of increased ISIS activity is precisely the French Republic, which is also one of the most harmed (or ‟experienced”) states in terms of terrorist acts in Europe. Referring to contemporary French definitions of terrorism, terms referring to crimes against human life, in violation of national or international law, can be found. This means distinguishing between attacks on civilians and military, the location of the attack (a region where a war is taking place or, for example, a European country which is not involved in an armed conflict), and the political objective (the intention being to influence or change government policy by terrorizing the civilian population). Terrorism also refers to the use of violence by certain political organizations that wish to achieve their goals, such as putting pressure on the government, coercing the population into obedience, extorting money, or promoting their ideologies in these ways. Terrorism may come in the form of assassinations, murders, kidnappings, sabotage, blackmail, criminal acts, threats, etc. Besides the direct killing of victims, terrorists attempt to influence public opinion in order to frighten and create an atmosphere of terror and fear. The issue of terrorism has become an extremely prevalent research subject after the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States. Despite the fact that terrorism seems to be a phenomenon that has already been studied in great depth, it remains an highly developing subject of interest for researchers. Undoubtedly, it happens not only due to the rise and decline (but not fall) of the so-called Islamic State, but, above all, due to the use of the latest technologies, including social media, by terrorist organizations. Both factors have allowed to move the phenomenon of terrorism into a new dimension, which can be described as ‟cyber-evolution” or ‟cyberterrorism”.
ISIS – A terrorist and disinformation organization
After the rise of the Islamic State also referred to as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the perception of terrorist groups and how they gain power has changed. The group declared itself a global caliphate in June 2014, claiming religious, political and military power over all Muslims in the world.
According to data provided by Europol, more than 100 terrorist attacks motivated by jihadist (Islamist) ideology were recorded in France between 2015 and 2019 alone. It is worth noting that the period 2015-2017 was the apogee of the development of ISIS and its activities in the country. Besides that, in 2018 and 2019, France recorded the highest number of arrests of terrorist suspects in the European Union.
Through recorded videos and statements, the Islamic State has repeatedly called for the killing of Americans, French, British, as well as their allies, stressing that it is the duty of every Muslim, no matter where they live. By using propaganda to seek out so-called lone wolves, ISIS has been exhorting its followers to act in their own countries using the means at their disposal. The attackers encourage each other by reminding themselves that sophisticated equipment and money are not necessary for an effective attack – one can kill another person with a stone, a knife, or an improvised weapon, they point out. Acting unconventionally, improvising and encouraging individual attacks have become one of the reasons for the escalation of terrorist threats. An attack can occur unexpectedly and it does not require explosives or machine guns. Anyone, without exception, can equip themselves with a sharp object and carry out an attack in the center of a city. The use of easily accessible weapons (or tools) in an attack creates additional uncertainty and panic, resulting in the pervasive fear that terrorists strive for. Gaining a psychological advantage and a sense of lacking the knowledge or awareness of possible future attacks is the greatest asset in their hands.
The reasons for terrorist attacks, which occur on the territory of the French Republic, are sought by security specialists around the world. The most frequently discussed issue is the set of actions taken by French troops in Africa. There is a lot of contradictory information regarding the way of conducting fights and cooperating with the governments of former colonies which desired independence. The Rwandan government speaks openly of genocide, rape, and harboring of war criminals by French troops. The military movements of the French in Algeria, are described in an equally negative fashion. The decades that the country has occupied West, North and Central Africa have left a permanent mark on the perception of the French government and its international policies by the people of the Dark Continent. Dozens of the terrorists who carried out attacks in France came from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia – former French protectorates in Africa.
Four jihadist organizations and one informal group are considered to have established their presence in Europe in the 21st century through terrorist attacks or activities:
– Al-Qaeda (Al-Qāʿida, including Al-Shabaab, Al.-Nusrah Front, AQIM).
– Islamic State (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant).
– Boko Haram.
– The Taliban.
– Lone Wolves (terrorists who do not belong to any of the above organizations), but have, for example, similar motivations.
The four organizations listed above were responsible for approximately 70% of terrorist homicides worldwide between 2015 and 2019. As of 2020, the Islamic State primarily operates in modern-day France. This organization is responsible for nearly 52% of the deaths related to terrorist attacks in the French Republic within the timeframe of 1979 towards 2019.
Social media as a propaganda tool. French society in the face of ISIS actions in the online sphere. The activities of the so-called Islamic State, apart from its traditional ones in the form of bloody and high-profile acts of terrorism, are also visible online. In the case of modern means of communication, including social media, besides the positive aspects of their functionality, it is necessary to analyze and pay attention to the negative side of their use. With the increase in their importance and contribute to the ubiquitous digitization of society, they have become a powerful avenue for the transmission of false information, spreading fake news as well as propaganda and disinformation. The power of the media (in this case, traditional media) was already known by Ayman az-Zawahiri, who once held the position of Osama bin Ladin’s right hand, who in a letter to Abu Musab az-Zarkawi (who was then the leader of al-Qaeda in Iraq), wrote the following significant words: ‟we are in a battle, and that more than half of this battle is taking place in the battlefield of the media. And that we are in a media battle in a race for the hearts and minds of our Ummah”. This statement became almost 100% confirmed a few years later, right after we have all became eyewitnesses to the growth of social media.
Around 38 million French people, which represents about 58% of the country’s total population, are active users of social media. The most popular platforms used in France include YouTube, Facebook, FB Messenger, Instagram, WhatsApp and Snapchat. The largest group of social media users is between 25-34 years old (26% of the social media users overall). Two large groups of active participants are also those between 18 and 24 as well as between 35 and 44 years old (each representing equally 19% of all social media users).
The data presented reveals that social media users between the ages of 18-34, represent 26% of the entire French population. Individuals precisely in this age range are potentially the most vulnerable recruitment targets for the Islamic State. This includes both men and women, for whom ISIS clearly defines objectives based on a traditional role model. For women, these objectives include increasing the population and providing for social needs, while for men they include fighting on behalf of a new homeland. In summary, more than a quarter of the French population was – and still is – potentially vulnerable to the attempts to reach them with propaganda content and recruit them as volunteers in order to build the power of the Islamic State.
A study of the propaganda content provided online by the Islamic State shows that the content attacking France is concentrated within three trends – the international attitude of the French Republic towards Muslim countries and jihadist fronts, hostility towards Islam in France, and the portrayal of the Republic as a country of infidels. It is worth noting that these issues are not only present in the materials generated by the Islamic State, but are also visible within national and international politics as part of the discussion about the legitimacy and effectiveness of the actions undertaken by the French government. Numerous bans on the display of religious symbols or restrictions on clothing are elements that are perceived as repressive towards the population. Particular elements of clothing (e.g. the burqa) may be perceived differently by liberal and conservative people, regardless of religion.
France is one of the favorite subjects of videos produced by ISIS media agencies. Especially in longer productions (30-50 minutes long), issues of French politics or social problems (such as the protests of the yellow vests) are discussed. In addition to videos inciting people to join the ranks of the Islamic State, fundamentalists have also published material encouraging people to take on the fight against France. One example of such a video was the one published, less than a day before the attack on the editorial board of Charlie Hebdo magazine (January 7, 2015), calling for an attack with any tool. Similar footage showed ISIS soldiers burning French passports or French-speaking fighters encouraging people to join the newly created ‟state”. These recordings were prepared very professionally, and the footage of political leaders, official speeches of politicians during state ceremonies, or clippings from television programs were also used in the editing. Moreover, speeches concerning migrants or wars in Africa and Middle East, in which France participates, were used. Material aimed directly at the French public is often prepared in their native language or with subtitles provided. Videos also feature people who are fluent in French.
It should be stressed that the content generated by the Islamic State has evolved. Initially, it was prepared unprofessionally, amateurishly, and was intended to show cruelty. Currently, it includes professionally produced videos, using footage taken from drones, with a targeted message aimed at a specific audience and on particular streaming platforms. Furthermore, it is important to pay attention to the use of pop-culture elements in the created material – computer games (e.g. graphics containing the slogan ‟This is our call of duty”, referring to the very popular video game series – Call of Duty), or images of athletes. Another important element of created content was the reference to political or social situations, as well as events of an international character. Examples of such actions are: graphics aimed at frightening the society, which were ‟released” through social networks and were referring to the 2018 FIFA World Cup (graphics containing the official logo of FIFA 2018 surrounded by flags of 28 countries with an annotation in French ‟Choisis ta cible” – choose your (terrorist) target), or the very distinctive graphic material published on the occasion of the so-called ‟yellow vests” protests in November 2018 (during which a graphic referring to the protests appeared online with the caption: ‟Attendez Paris….Dimanche sera sanglant pour vos rassemblements par la permission d’allah” – Expect Paris… Sunday will be bloody for your gatherings, with Allah’s approval).
Chart – Jihadist attacks in the French Republic between 1979 and 2019
The loss of some territory by the Islamic State, as well as their involvement in Syria, has affected the organization’s propaganda capabilities quite significantly. The limited amount of original content created by the official agencies of the Islamic State triggered an increased media activity of so-called ‟fans” who, with more or less professionalism, are continuing the ISIS mission on social media. The creation of so-called “supported generated content” (media support) was most often based on the creation of graphics on a very wide range of topics – from doctrinal texts to the glorification of martyrdom. Content calling for lone wolf attacks and quotes from ISIS leaders, which were meant to build a narrative about the power of the terrorist organization dominated. Material created by supporters was particularly visible in periods before national holidays, mass events, or during protests (during the World Cup, Christmas, or protests of the so-called ‟yellow vests”).
Achieving publicity and using social networks to promote its activities are among the primary goals of ISIS. Terrorist attacks are intended to build the image of a powerful organization. Therefore, social networks cannot be treated as an exceptional tool, but rather as an area of operation for terrorist organizations which resulted from technological progress. As the example of France shows, social media has become a natural environment for the functioning of terrorist organizations, including the Islamic State in particular. This organization has used modern communication channels to create fear, as well as to attract supporters and soldiers to the ‟state” it is building.
Today, the French Republic remains under the highest level of terrorist threat. In order to strengthen international cooperation, actions to prevent the financing of terrorism, to reduce the risk of terrorists obtaining weapons of mass destruction, and to improve the cross-border sharing of information by law enforcement officials, should be taken. Regional and international strategies developed within the African Union, the Council of Europe, the European Union, the League of Arab States, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Organization of American States, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, and other affiliates will be important.
France’s experience should also serve as the kind of example for other countries to follow. By analysing the mistakes made by the French authorities, and by improving their own methods and means of countering disinformation and terrorism, other EU member states can significantly improve their own security systems. The functioning of terrorist organisations is comparable to that of international criminal organisations. Therefore, the challenges faced by France should be taken into account and then their own security systems should be strengthened. Poland, which is often the target of disinformation by Eastern European actors, should create its own tools, tailored to the emerging challenges. Thus, it is necessary to conduct constant, preventive and awareness-raising activities in the area of responding to terrorist threats and to undertake the verification of disinformation, for example by distinguishing between fake news. It is complicated, but crucial in order to function in today’s highly technology-dependent reality.
*Links to sample videos of terrorist organizations were not provided in the analysis due to their drastic nature as well as in order to stop the distribution of terrorist content.
A.Y., The State of al-Qaeda, https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/the-state-of-al-qaeda.
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Wołoszański B., Zemsta OAS, Sensacje XX wieku, Nr 5, Magnum 1994.
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Media literacy1 is a concept related to an awareness of the impact of media messages on our conscious and unconscious choices. Decades of research have show that media education produces healthier, more resilient youth. Children who understand that the media are not real are less likely to adopt unhealthy attitudes or behaviors that are depicted in the media. (Huston, Donnerstein, Fairchild, et al, 1992: Singer, Zuckerman & Singer, 1980; Dorr, Graves & Phelps, 1980).
Studies of media literacy programs have been shown to be effective in increasing children’s critical viewing skills of advertising (Roberts, Christenson, Gibson, Moser & Goldberg, 1980; Feshbach, Feshbach & Cohen, 1982). Slater, et. al. (1996) found that classes about resistance to advertisers’ persuasive appeals have both short and long term effects. Exposure to such classes predicts cognitive resistance and counter-arguing of persuasive beer advertisements months and years after completion of the class (1996). Media literacy education has also been found to be effective for mitigating violence (Huesman, et al.1983). Many other countries, including Canada, Great Britain, Australia, and several Latin American nations have successfully incorporated media education into school curricula (Brown, 1991).
One study directly relating media literacy and alcohol advertising found a change in children’s intention to drink alcohol after a media education program (Austin & Johnson, 1997). Results showed that 3rd graders given media literacy training around alcohol ads showed significant attitudinal changes. They were less likely to rate alcohol ads positively, were less attracted to alcohol promotional material, and showed greater disdain for alcohol commercials. Researchers looking at 9th and 12th graders found that “the potential risk of frequent exposure to persuasive alcohol portrayals via late-night talk shows, sports, music videos, and prime-time television for underage drinking is moderated by parental reinforcement and counter-reinforcement of messages” (Austin, Pinkleton & Fujioka, 2000). This research suggests that giving parents and students the media literacy skills to “talk back” to television reduces underage drinking. Recent research has provided further empirical support for the benefit of media literacy education by demonstrating that such education programs predicted alcohol use at a two-year follow-up (Epstein, et al 2007).
If one understands how advertising works to create expectancies driving additive behavior, its easy to understand why media literacy education is an effective prevention tool. Using alcohol marketing as an example illuminates this point. Much of popular media and advertising is directed towards creating and reinforcing positive beliefs about drinking. American alcohol companies reported $1.75 Billion in advertising on traditional media (TV, radio, print, outdoor) buys in 2005 (Adams Beverage Group, 2006). If non-traditional media is included (events, promotions, internet, paraphernalia) it is estimated that this figures triples (Advertising Age Data Center, n.d.). The impact of alcohol advertising on youth can be seen in the correlation between advertising expenditures and youth alcohol consumption. Snyder, et al. (2006) reported that greater exposure to alcohol advertising contributes to an increase in drinking among underage youth. Specifically, for each additional ad a young person saw (above the monthly youth average of 23), he or she drank 1% more. For each additional dollar per capita spent on alcohol advertising in a local market (above the national average of $6.80 per capita), young people drank 3% more.
Goldman (n.d.), citing Dunn and Goldman (1998), wrote on the Leadership to Keep Children Alcohol Free website:
Children begin to acquire alcohol expectancies at a very young age (perhaps as young as 3 or 4 years old). In early childhood, alcohol expectancies tend to be negative (e.g., alcohol makes one sick, mean, and argumentative). However, by fifth and sixth grade, these expectancies turn positive, focusing on the arousing and positive effects of alcohol use (e.g., alcohol makes one social, happy, and sexy). Thus, alcohol expectancies are largely positive by the time experimentation with alcohol begins.
It is commonly held that the reason children move from having negative to positive alcohol expectancies is in large part due to alcohol advertising. Chen and Grube (2001) report that 5th through 11th grade students who are exposed to and enjoy alcohol advertisements have more favorable beliefs about drinking and say they are more likely to drink in the future and consume more alcohol.
Because marketing of addictive and destructive behaviors to children is pervasive in our society, it’s imperative that serious prevention programs include media literacy education.
1Media literacy is the ability to “read” television and mass media. Media literacy education teaches people to ACCESS, ANALYZE, EVALUATE, and PRODUCE media. Many studies suggest that such education can produce less vulnerable children and adolescents. National PTA’s, Teachers’ professional organizations, substance abuse prevention programs and the President have all endorsed media literacy. Children who understand the motivations and production techniques of media are less likely to adopt the destructive attitudes and behaviors that are depicted in the media. Media education represents a new and exciting approach to protecting children and adolescents from the unhealthy effects of media-an approach which is not dependent on Hollywood’s or Madison Avenue’s willingness to accept responsibility for its programming and advertising.
Adams Beverage Group (2006). Adams Liquor Handbook. Palm Springs, CA
Advertising Age Data Center (n.d.). Fact Pack 2005. The Ad Age Group. New York, NY. Posted on adage.com/datacenter
Austin, E.W. & Johnson, K.K. (1997) Effects of general and alcohol-specific media literacy training on children’s decision making about alcohol. J Health Communication, 2, 17-42.
Austin, E.W., Pinkleton, B.E., Fujioka, Y. (2000) The Role of Interpretation Processes and Parental Discussion in the Media’s Effects on Adolescents’ Use of Alcohol. Pediatrics, 105 (2), 343-349.
Brown, J.A. (1991). Television “critical viewing skills” education: Major media literacy projects in the United States and selected countries. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Chen, M.J., Grube, J.W. (2001). TV beer and soft drink advertising: What young people like and what effects? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Research Society on Alcoholism, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.
Dorr, A., Graves, S.B., & Phelps, E. (1980). Television literacy for young children. J Communication, 30, 71-83.
Dunn, M.E., & Goldman, M.S. (1998). Age and drinking related differences in the memory organization of alcohol expectancies in 3rd-, 6th-, 9th-, and 12th-grade children. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 66, 579-585.
Epstein, J.A., Zhou, X.K., Bang, H. & Botvin, G.J. (2007). Do competence skills moderate the impact of social influences to drink and perceived social benefits of drinking on alcohol use among inner-city adolescents? Prevention Science, 8(1), 65-73.
Feshbach, S., Feshbach, N.D., & Cohen, S.E. (1982) Enhancing children’s discrimination in response to television advertising: The effects of psychoeducational training in two elementary school-age groups. Developmental Review, 2, 385- 403.
Goldman, M.S. (n.d.). Children’s Images of Alcohol.
Huesman, L.R., Eron, L.D., Klein, R., Brice, P., & Fischer, P. (1983). Mitigating the imitation of aggressive behaviors by changing children’s attitudes about media violence. J Personality Social Psychology, 44, 899-910.
Huston, A.C., Donnerstein, E., Fairchild, H. et al (1992). Big world, small screen: The role of television in American society. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press.
Roberts, D.F., Christenson, P., Gibson, W.A., Moser, L., & Goldberg, M.E. (1980). Developing discriminating consumers. J Communication, 30, 94-105.
Singer, D.G., Zuckerman, D.M., & Singer, J.L. (1980). Helping elementary school children learn about TV. J Communication, 30, 84-93.
Slater, M.D. et. al. (1996). Adolescent counter arguing of TV Beer advertisements; Evidence for effectiveness of alcohol education and critical viewing discussion. Journal of Drug Education, 26 (2), 143-158.
Snyder, L.B., Milici, F.F., Slater, M., Sun, H. and Strizhakova, Y. (2006). Effects of Alcohol Advertising Exposure on Drinking Among Youth. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 160, 18-24.


Concise but informative book about Indians in Guyana
A Review by Prof. Frank Birbalsingh, York University, Toronto
The subtitle of Indians in Guyana spells out the authors intention as clearly as any reader could want. So it comes as no surprise that rather than being divided into chapters the entire text of Indians is presented as one continuous narrative broken by boldly printed subheadings, each representing an important aspect of Indo-Guyanese history, and all arranged chronologically from the arrival of Indians in Guyana in 1838 to the modern, post-Independence, post-Burnham era.
Conciseness is the name of the game, and the book is clearly structured to present basic facts and statistics within a closely packed and detailed survey of Indo-Guyanese history. It is almost like what one might expect from an encyclopedia or handbook. And such indeed is its factual richness, that some readers might very well regard Indians simply as a work of reference, one that is handy for quickly checking out facts and statistics; but Dr. Mangru is too skilful an historian to be contented with mere facts: whatever else it might be, his book is also a very readable and flowing narrative that tells the whole Indo-Guyanese story in the fewest possible works.
The story begins with the disappearance of African slavery by the middle 1830s, and the consequent need for people to do the work that the African slaves used to do on the sugar plantations of Guyana. Dr. Mangru reminds us that India was by no means the only source of immigrant workers brought in to fill this need, for plantation owners tried to get workers from many other places, for example, other West Indian territories, Madeira and the Azores, China, Malta, the Southern states of the US, Europe, and even West Africa itself from where slaves had already been procured for three centuries; but the plain fact is that workers from India proved the most suitable, and in the end numbered almost 240,000, more than twice as many as workers brought from all the other places put together.
As with other immigrant workers, those from India were brought under terms of indenture or contract which entitled them to work in Guyana for a period, usually five years, before returning to their homeland. Some Indian workers did return to India, but most about three-quarters remained in Guyana. One gets an idea of the information about these workers that is given in Indians by looking at some of the subheadings considered by Dr. Mangru Historical Background, Origin of Indians, The Voyage, The Plantation System, The Indenture System, Estate Drivers, Religion, Missionary Activity, Social Life, Education, Politics, The Second Migration. Although this list is merely a selection of subheadings, it hints at the comprehensiveness of the volume in covering the Indian indenture experience from its very beginning to "The Second Migration" the post-Burnham era when thousands of Indo-Guyanese (as well as other Guyanese) migrated from Guyana mainly to North America.
Are we to regard the Indians who came between 1838 and 1917 as having saved the sugar industry and, by extension, the whole economy of Guyana from collapse, or were they merely pawns in the hands of the sugar planters who used them to control their restive labour force of freed Africans by beating down their demands for higher wages? This is a question that will probably never be answered to universal satisfaction.
Indians supplies much data relevant to this question although it has no room for extensive debate. This is precisely the appeal of the book: that it is a compendium of basic information held together in a simple, straightforward and coherent narrative. The reader is thus saturated with interesting facts and figures that may entice him or her into further exploration and study.
The facts and figures speak for themselves. How interesting to learn that up to 1920 as many as 75% of Indo-Guyanese spoke at least one Indian language. Yet, within two or three decades, the incidence of Indian languages sharply declined while English became increasingly dominant. As Dr. Mangru writes: "Indian parents who decided to set up permanent homes in Guyana recognized the advantage of an English education for professional advancement in the society." Was the eventual dominance of English inevitable or did Indo-Guyanese have an option to preserve their ancestral languages? It is a fascinating question especially when we consider the resentment shown toward Indo-Guyanese because of their "alien" customs and languages. This is another fundamental issue in Guyanese history which cries out for further exploration.
Questions or issues like this abound in Indians, and they are essential to our understanding of the main story in the book: of a people Indians arriving in Guyana, scarcely knowing anything, including the language (English) or their new environment, and after all their problems of settlement and adaptation, finally emerging as full-fledged citizens of Guyana claiming equal rights with other Guyanese. We are told, for instance, that in the 1890s, nearly fifty years after Indian indenture began, Afro-Guyanese still controlled the skilled jobs on the sugar plantations: they were blacksmiths, mechanics, carpenters and engineers, as well as the best shovel men who could dig drains and canals. Here one can see a potential for ethnic rivalry with Indo- and Afro-Guyanese competing for the same jobs.
`It is again interesting to learn that in 1923, nearly one hundred years after the beginning of Indian indenture, 71% of Indo-Guyanese children did not attend school whereas only 21% of Afro-Guyanese did not attend school. Also, in 1925, when Indo-Guyanese accounted for 40% of the countrys population, they accounted for only 13% of the countrys registered voters. These sobering statistics appear remarkable when we are later told that 56% of Indo-Guyanese had become literate by 1946. What is even more remarkable is that one year later, in 1947, with the election of Cheddi Jagan to the Legislative Council, the governing body in the colony, the Indo-Guyanese community had produced someone who would later prove to be Guyanas most notable politician.
Of course, there is much more information, for example, about the British Guiana East Indian Association (BGEIA) which was founded in 1916, and about resistance by Indo-Guyanese plantation workers to oppression by their employers. In the end, one is simply amazed at how much information Dr. Mangru has succeeded in compressing into a book that is barely one hundred pages in length. Such a feat is only possible because of the authors magisterial grasp of his subject and impressive skills in scholarly writing. If Indians is not exactly similar in length and depth to Dr. Mangrus previous works, notably, Benevolent Neutrality: Indian Government Policy and Labour Migration to British Guiana, 1854-1884 (1987), or A History of East Indian Resistance on the Guyana Sugar Estates (1996), it is because of the aim of conciseness and the specific purpose of producing a text which might appear as a handbook, but will also give yeoman service both to students in the classroom and the ordinary, general reader.
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