Haiti: Background to the 1991 Overthrow of President Aristide
Released: 1993-10-22T00:00:00

Violent and Authoritarian Traditions

Politics in Haiti have been generally violent and authoritarian, ever since Haiti became anindependent republic in 1804, when African-descended slaves revolted against their French colonialmasters. Between the end of the rule of Toussaint Louverture (leader of the slave rebellion) in 1803,and Francois Duvalier, founder of the 30-year dictatorship that fell in 1986 -- both of whom declaredthemselves president for life -- were some 30 other despotic rulers. This legacy would appeardifficult to overcome. In addition, most of the traditional centers of power in Haiti, such as themilitary, the Catholic and Protestant churches, the business sector, and the traditional elite, finddemocratic reformist ideas threatening in the Haitian context. The government apparatus is stillstaffed principally by Duvalierist appointees, many of whom have resisted change during thenumerous post-Duvalier governments and will most likely continue to do so.

Long-Standing Racial Conflict

Haitian history is marked by conflict between two racial groups: the mulatto elite and themajority blacks. The vast majority of Haitians are black, poor, illiterate peasants. The mulattosestablished their economic power and elite status principally by controlling the business sector. Bothgroups enjoyed periods of political dominance. Black rulers generally emphasized Haiti's Africanroots and traditions, including the African-based folk religion, voodoo. The mulatto eliteemphasized a European, Catholic tradition. Because of their education, mulattos held somegovernment positions even during black rule.

Race relations have improved in recent years: the once disdained Creole dialect used by themajority is now an official language spoken by all Haitians; interracial marriages are common; andthe government is no longer as dominated by mulattoes. But recent political events have againheightened racial and class tensions within Haiti. The poor black majority's only access to powerhas been through public protests, when tolerated, and the recent elections. The mulatto elite wieldsmost of the economic and political power in Haiti, and generally resists dramatic changes toward aredistribution of wealth and privilege to improve the lot of the poor majority.

U.S. Occupation of Haiti and the Duvalier Legacy

For much of this century, Haitian history was marked by occupation government or theauthoritarian Duvalier regime. The United States intervened in Haiti in 1915 to stop civil strife andprevent Germany from establishing a foothold there. By mid-August, 1915, there were more than2,000 U.S. Marines in Haiti. (1) The Marines stayed until 1934, overseeing public works, taxcollection, treasury management, and the development of a native Haitian Constabulary which wasHaiti's first professional military force. Some of these contributions were welcome and muchneeded. But the U.S. presence was also deeply resented as an affront to Haitian sovereignty. ManyHaitians charged the United States with discriminating against blacks by placing mulattoes inpositions of power.

By 1932, the U.S. withdrawal from Haiti was well underway during the Administration ofHerbert Hoover. Because of growing concerns about the effects of the occupation, President Hooverhad appointed a commission 1930 to study the U.S. involvement in Haiti. The commissionconcluded that while the occupation had brought about material improvements to Haiti, the U.S.occupation also excluded Haitians from positions of real authority in the government and theconstabulary. Under President Franklin Roosevelt, a disengagement agreement was signed in August1933, and the last contingent of U.S. Marines left Haiti in August 1934. (2)

Francois Duvalier and his son Jean-Claude ruled Haiti for nearly 30 years, leaving behind alegacy of repression and corruption. Francois, or "Papa Doc," Duvalier became President in 1957through elections marred by numerous irregularities. Although Duvalier originally ran on a platformcalling for political liberty and social reform, within a year he had established himself as a dictator. Under his rule, arbitrary imprisonment, torture, and unexplained deaths became commonplace. TheDuvaliers' private militia, the Tontons Macoutes, carried out most of this repression. The Macoutes,Creole for "bogeymen," were loosely organized armed gangs enlisted by the Duvaliers to eliminateopposition to their rule through violence and extortion. The Macoutes also served to counterbalancethe army's power, which the Duvaliers kept in check to prevent military coups. (3) In 1964, the elder Duvalierhad the constitution amended to make himself president-for-life. In 1971, three months before hisdeath, he had it amended again so that he could name his 19-year-old son Jean-Claudepresident-for-life.

In the 1980s, "Baby Doc" Duvalier's marriage to a prominent mulatto and their opulentlifestyle stirred up much resentment among the poor black majority who lived in absolute poverty. In addition, fiscal corruption was rampant and widely recognized in Jean-Claude's government. Aspopular dissatisfaction rose, his regime grew increasingly repressive. In the face of massive populardemonstrations and pressure from abroad, Jean-Claude Duvalier fled the country for France onFebruary 7, 1986. The United States encouraged and helped arrange his departure.

Difficult Path Towards Democracy

A New Constitution Thwarted by Military-Dominated Governments

Aristide's 1991 ouster ushered in the seventh government in the five and one-half years sincethe young Duvalier's departure. The first interim government was a 6-man, military-dominatedNational Council of Government (CNG) that disbanded the Tontons Macoutes and allowed thedrafting of a new constitution. The new constitution, which over 99 percent of Haitian votersreportedly approved in a plebiscite, guaranteed personal liberties; distributed power among apresident, a Prime Minister, and two legislative houses; and transferred the police to the departmentof justice. It also created an independent electoral council to oversee elections leading to theinauguration of a civilian government in February 1988. Members of the armed forces and anyoneclosely associated with the Duvalier family dictatorship were barred from running for office. ButDuvalierists, in collaboration with the army, thwarted the November 1987 elections by mounting aviolent campaign that culminated in the killing of dozens of voters on election day; as a result of theviolence, the elections were suspended.

In January 1988, the CNG ran its own elections, widely viewed as rigged in favor of LeslieManigat, a long-exiled academic. But less than 6 months later, on June 20, 1988, Manigat wasousted in a military coup when he tried to replace officials and reform the government. Lt. GeneralHenri Namphy, CNG president and close friend of Papa Doc's, seized power. During the 31 monthsthat Namphy ran the government (February 1986 to September 1988), human rights violationsincreased, with numerous political killings. Namphy was succeeded by Lt. Gen. Prosper Avril, whopromised a transition to democracy. But under Avril's regime, human rights continued to beroutinely violated, as reported by the U.S. State Department, human rights groups, and others. Violent popular protests forced Avril to resign after 18 months.

Civilian-Appointed Interim Government

As a result, in March 1990, a civilian government was appointed with the mandate of holdingelections as soon as possible. A coalition of political and civic organizations selected ErthaPascal-Trouillot, the only woman on the Supreme Court, as provisional President. A State Councilwas established with the objective of giving policy guidance to the executive branch. The Councilsevered relations with the executive branch, however, after the executive branch failed to consult theCouncil or to take action against political violence. President Trouillot headed what was generallyconsidered a weak civilian government, unable or unwilling to effectively control the military. Sheestablished and cooperated with an independent electoral council that organized successful electionsat the end of the year.

Election and Overthrow of the Aristide Government(4)

Hopes that Haiti would leave behind its authoritarian past were raised on December 16, 1990,when Haitians elected a President, national legislators, and municipal officials. Despite securityconcerns and lack of a democratic tradition, voter turnout was estimated to be 70 percent on electionday, and international observers declared the elections generally free and fair. The elections werein part the result of a strong democratic movement that had emerged in the late 1980s in support ofan elected government that would establish order in a non-repressive manner. The democraticmovement encompassed many elements of Haitian society, including political parties as well aspeasant, labor, human rights, and professional organizations. Many observers also credited thesuccess and relatively peaceful nature of the elections to the heavy presence of internationalobservers, whose presence the government of Haiti had requested, and to the economic and materialsupport provided by many nations and international organizations.

Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected President with 67.5 percent of the vote, and wasinaugurated on the fifth anniversary of the collapse of the Duvalier dictatorship. A 37-year-oldpopulist Roman Catholic priest, he was the most controversial of 11 candidates ruled eligible to runby the independent Provisional Electoral Council (CEP). To his supporters, Aristide is a martyr,willing to risk his life to defend the poor. An advocate of "liberation theology," Aristide spoke outagainst Duvalier and the military rulers who followed him. In September 1988, an armed groupattacked and burned Aristide's church, killing 13 and wounding 70; surrounded by his parishioners,Aristide escaped unharmed. To his detractors, Aristide is a potentially dangerous demagogue, whoseinflammatory oratory they say encourages the rampages, known as dechoukajes , or "uprooting" inCreole, in which suspected Tontons Macoutes are attacked or killed by angry mobs. Aristidereportedly denies that his book, 100 Verses of Dechoukaj , condones violence. Nonetheless, theSalesian religious order expelled him for preaching politics from the pulpit, including what the ordercalled "class struggle."

When Aristide became a candidate, he toned down his revolutionary and anti-U.S. rhetoric. Aristide previously opposed democratic elections in Haiti, arguing that free and fair elections wereimpossible as long as Duvalierists still had a hold on economic and political power. Nonetheless,he joined the race in response to former Tontons Macoutes chief Roger Lafontant's potentialcandidacy.

Lafontant was ruled ineligible to run for the presidency, and in early January 1991, he led anattempted coup against President Trouillot in an effort to prevent Aristid, whom he called an"ultra-communist," from taking office on February 7, 1991. Lafontant seized the national palace andtried to declare martial law. Instead, the army arrested Lafontant and promised to have him tried inthe civilian courts. The popular celebration that followed turned violent as crowds hunted down andlynched dozens of suspected Macoutes. Mobs also burned down the 220-year old cathedral, inapparent retaliation for a homily by the Archbishop -- whose relations with Aristide have long beentense -- that warned of a coming "regime of authoritarian politics." Many foreign diplomatscriticized Aristide for not condemning the street violence quickly or forcefully enough.

President Aristide was faced with some of the most serious and persistent social, economic,and political problems in the western hemisphere. After 8 months in office, Aristide had receivedmixed reviews. He was credited with curbing crime in the capital, reducing the number ofemployees in bloated state enterprises, and taking actions to bring the military under civilian control. But some observers questioned the new government's commitment to democracy. Neither Aristidenor his Prime Minister belonged to a political party, and leaders of other political parties criticizedhim for not reaching out and establishing a spirit of cooperation among the democratic elements. Many legislators, including some from Aristide's own coalition, protested the President'sappointment of Supreme Court judges and ambassadors without consulting the Senate as requiredby the constitution. Aristide later agreed to consult the legislature, but relations between the twobranches remained strained.

Aristide was also criticized for his attitude toward the judicial system. Lafontant was triedin July 1991 for his role in the failed January coup attempt. Aristide called for a life sentence --which Lafontant received -- although the constitution limited sentences to 15 years. Aristidedeclared the next day a national holiday. Many observers expressed concern over the trial, sayingit differed little from trials under the Duvaliers: it lasted for over 20 consecutive hours, importantwitnesses were not called, and the court appointed five lawyer trainees to defend Lafontant becauseeven his own lawyer felt it too dangerous to defend him.

Initially criticized for not having a clear plan, the Aristide government in July 1991 presenteda macroeconomic reform and public sector investment plan to representatives of several nations andinternational lending institutions, who lauded the plan and pledged $440 million in FY1992 aid. Most of that aid was suspended because of the coup that overthrew Aristide's government onSeptember 30, 1991.

Aristide's Human Rights Record. In the area ofrespect for human rights, President Aristide also had mixed reviews. He was criticized for appearingto condone mob violence, but was also credited with significantly reducing human rights violationswhile he was in office.

Some observers believe that as President, Aristide helped to polarize the situation in Haitiby refusing to condemn violent acts of retribution, and holding out the threat of mob violence againstthose who disagreed with him. For example, Aristide refused to condemn the practice of "perelebrun", or burning someone to death with a "necklace" consisting of a gasoline-soaked auto tire. After the former head of the Tontons Macoutes was sentenced to life in prison, Aristide gave aspeech in which he noted that without popular pressure and the threat of "pere lebrun" in front of thecourthouse, the life sentence would not have been chosen.

Moreover, in a September 27, 1991 speech, Aristide appeared to threaten former TontonsMacoutes with "pere lebrun." Aristide reportedly said, "You are watching all macoute activitiesthroughout the country. We are watching and praying. We are watching and praying. If we catchone, do not fail to give him what he deserves. What a nice tool! What a nice instrument! What anice device! It is a pretty one. It is elegant, attractive, splendorous, graceful, and dazzling. It smellsgood. Wherever you go, you feel like smelling it. It is provided for by the Constitution, which bansmacoutes from the political scene." (5) In exile Aristide condemned the practice of necklacing. (6)

Observers contend that in the speech Aristide also threatened the bourgeoisie for not havinghelped his government enough. (7) Some saw the speech as another factor leading to his overthrowjust days later, and maintain that members of the bourgeoisie were financially supporting the coupleaders.

In a report on the Aristide government's human rights record, Americas Watch and two otherhuman rights groups wrote:

It is unfortunate but understandable thatAristide's speeches in support of Pere Lebrun have overshadowed other speeches in which headvocated lawful redress for abuse....President Aristide had a duty to refrain from any statement thatcould be understood to support Pere Lebrun, and to speak out firmly and consistently against thisbarbaric practice. His failure to fulfill this duty is a serious blemish on his human rights record. (8)

The report also reflected the views of many in the international community when itrecognized President Aristide as the "sole legitimate Haitian head of state," elected with a two-thirdsmajority, an unusual mandate in the hemisphere. The report further stated: "While we recognize theneed to correct the human rights shortcomings of the Aristide government ... we believe firmly thatthese failings cannot be used to justify committing yet a further, serious human rights violation bydepriving the Haitian people of the right to elect their government." (9)

Most human rights monitors credit the Aristide government with being the first Haitiangovernment to address the need to improve respect for human rights, and the needs of the poormajority. They assert that progress made during his term was undone by the military regime thatfollowed. Most sources credit Aristide with creating a much greater sense of security in Haiti thanthere had been in years. He greatly reduced common crime in the city; the removal of the "chefs desections," or sheriffs, many of whom had ruled rural Haiti through extortion and violence fordecades, brought greater security to the countryside as well. According to the State Departmenthuman rights reports for 1991 and 1992, there were no reports of disappearances during Aristide'sterm, and dozens in the months following the coup. The number of political killings also rosedramatically after Aristide was ousted.

The September 1991 coup began just four days after Aristide addressed the United Nations,an event he reportedly said marked the end of Haiti's dark past of dictatorship. The State Departmentestimated coup-related deaths at 300-500, while Amnesty International estimated them to numberover 1,500.

Role of the Military in the Democratic Process. Under the military-dominated interim governments, the Haitian army frequently impeded thedemocratic process. After the departure of the last military dictator in March 1990, however, someobservers believed there had been a transformation of the army to one supportive of democracy. Throughout the 1990 electoral process, the 7,000-man army proved itself capable of establishing andmaintaining order. Several factors accounted for the change, including attrition of anti-democraticelements with the downfall of the various interim governments; the army's inability to form a viablegovernment; a new generation of officers interested in reform and professionalization of the armedforces; and growing domestic and international pressure for a civilian democracy. Initially, the armyaccepted Aristide's assertion of authority, including his purge of the Haitian army high command. Brig. General Cedras, who oversaw security for the December elections, was reportedly a reluctantparticipant in the coup. But as its spokesman, he said Aristide was ousted for "meddling in armyaffairs." Some analysts argue the army does not want to relinquish control so that it can continueto profit from contraband- and narcotics-trafficking.

In its attempts to implement provisions of the Haitian constitution that impose civilianauthority over the military, the Aristide government met significant army resistance. For example,the constitution calls for the separation of the police from the army, with the police under thecommand of the Ministry of Justice. The law also mandates that cases involving military abusesagainst civilians be tried in civilian courts, not by the military. The military had resisted previousefforts to execute those laws. No military personnel were prosecuted for human rights abuses underany of the interim governments. When he was overthrown, Aristide was opening an attack oncorruption, pressing reforms in the army, and creating a civilian police force.

The military's trend toward improved human rights under the Aristide government wasreversed after the coup, according to the State Department's 1991 human rights report. That andother human rights reports stated that the military used violence to intimidate political opposition,popular organizations, the urban poor, and the media. (10)

During the numerous interim governments as well as under Aristide's rule, many formermembers of the army and the Tontons Macoutes still had weapons and terrorized the populace. Dealing in contraband, robbery, and extortion, they profited from insecurity and chaos. None of theinterim governments prosecuted perpetrators of past human rights violations or sent consistentsignals that Macoute violence would not be tolerated. The public sometimes took matters into itsown hands, carrying out "popular justice" or summary public executions of suspected Macoutes. TheAristide government has been charged with appearing to condone such tactics, but was also creditedwith lowering the crime rate in the capital, and with detaining many "terrorists". After Aristide'souster, there was a resurgence of Tontons Macoutes activity. (11)

Appendix. A Brief Statistical Profile

Area: 10,714 square miles (slightly larger than Maryland); occupies the eastern halfof the island of Hispaniola

Capital: Port-au-Prince

Population: 6.4 million

Language: French, spoken by only 10% of the population, and Creole, spoken by theentire population.

Ethnic Groups: About 95% of African origin and the remaining 5% of mixedAfrican-European origin (mulatto) and European origin

Religions: About 80% is Roman Catholic, but a majority of this group also practicesVoodoo. Another 16% belong to numerous Protestant groups.

Gross National Product (GNP): $2.27 billion (1991)

GNP Real Growth: -0.6% (1980-1991)

GNP Per Capita: $370 (1991)

Real GNP Per Capita Growth: -2.4% (1980-1991)

Life Expectancy at Birth: 55 years (1990)

Adult Literacy: 47% (1990)

Infant Mortality Rate (per 1,000 live births): 94

Sources: Central Intelligence Agency. World Factbook 1993 ; World Bank. World DevelopmentReport 1993 ; World Bank. The World Bank Atlas, 1992.