Question: What is controlled by a renegade militia?

Answer: the mine at Bisie, Democratic Republic of the Congo

The ten largest companies produced most of the world's tin in 2007. <hl> It is not clear which of these companies include tin smelted from the mine at Bisie, Democratic Republic of the Congo , which is controlled by a renegade militia and produces 15,000 tonnes. <hl> Most of the world's tin is traded on the London Metal Exchange (LME), from 8 countries, under 17 brands.

The ten largest companies produced most of the world's tin in 2007. It is not clear which of these companies include tin smelted from <hl> the mine at Bisie, Democratic Republic of the Congo <hl>, which is controlled by a renegade militia and produces 15,000 tonnes. Most of the world's tin is traded on the London Metal Exchange (LME), from 8 countries, under 17 brands.

It is not clear which of these companies include tin smelted from <hl> the mine at Bisie, Democratic Republic of the Congo <hl> , which is controlled by a renegade militia and produces 15,000 tonnes.


Question: Where is most of the world's tin traded?

The ten largest companies produced most of the world's tin in 2007. It is not clear which of these companies include tin smelted from the mine at Bisie, Democratic Republic of the Congo, which is controlled by a renegade militia and produces 15,000 tonnes.
Most of the world's tin is traded on the London Metal Exchange (LME), from 8 countries, under 17 brands.

Answer: on the London Metal Exchange (LME)

The ten largest companies produced most of the world's tin in 2007. It is not clear which of these companies include tin smelted from the mine at Bisie, Democratic Republic of the Congo, which is controlled by a renegade militia and produces 15,000 tonnes. <hl> Most of the world's tin is traded on the London Metal Exchange (LME) , from 8 countries, under 17 brands. <hl>

The ten largest companies produced most of the world's tin in 2007. It is not clear which of these companies include tin smelted from the mine at Bisie, Democratic Republic of the Congo, which is controlled by a renegade militia and produces 15,000 tonnes. Most of the world's tin is traded <hl> on the London Metal Exchange (LME) <hl>, from 8 countries, under 17 brands.

Most of the world's tin is traded <hl> on the London Metal Exchange (LME) <hl> , from 8 countries, under 17 brands.


Question: Why is tin unique among other minerals?

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a
continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Answer: complex "agreements"

<hl> Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. <hl> The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the <hl> complex "agreements" <hl> between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.


Question: What happened to the First International Tin Agreement in 1985?

Answer: essentially collapsed

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. <hl> The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. <hl> Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that <hl> essentially collapsed <hl> in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.


Question: What group had a large effect on tin prices?

Answer: Tin Council (ITC)

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. <hl> Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. <hl> The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International <hl> Tin Council (ITC) <hl> had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.


Question: In what years' were tin prices rampant?

Answer: 1973 through 1980

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. <hl> However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies. <hl>

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from <hl> 1973 through 1980 <hl> when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.


Question: What makes tin different among mineral products?

Answer: complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries

<hl> Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. <hl> The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the <hl> complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries <hl> dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.


Question: What were the characteristics of early tin agreements?

Answer: informal and sporadic

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. <hl> The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic ; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. <hl> Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat <hl> informal and sporadic <hl>; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat <hl> informal and sporadic <hl> ; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985.


Question: When did the agreement created in 1956 and the agreements following collapse?

Answer: 1985

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. <hl> The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985 . <hl> Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in <hl> 1985 <hl>. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in <hl> 1985 <hl> .


Question: What is the ITC?

Answer: the International Tin Council

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. <hl> Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. <hl> The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, <hl> the International Tin Council <hl> (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.


Question: What was created in 1956?

Answer: the "First International Tin Agreement"

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. <hl> The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to the "First International Tin Agreement" in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. <hl> Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.

Tin is unique among other mineral commodities by the complex "agreements" between producer countries and consumer countries dating back to 1921. The earlier agreements tended to be somewhat informal and sporadic; they led to <hl> the "First International Tin Agreement" <hl> in 1956, the first of a continuously numbered series that essentially collapsed in 1985. Through this series of agreements, the International Tin Council (ITC) had a considerable effect on tin prices. The ITC supported the price of tin during periods of low prices by buying tin for its buffer stockpile and was able to restrain the price during periods of high prices by selling tin from the stockpile. This was an anti-free-market approach, designed to assure a sufficient flow of tin to consumer countries and a decent profit for producer countries. However, the buffer stockpile was not sufficiently large, and during most of those 29 years tin prices rose, sometimes sharply, especially from 1973 through 1980 when rampant inflation plagued many world economies.


Question: Where was the learning tool called as "the horn" developed?

Before the modern era, in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine. This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as hearts and tulips.

Answer: in some areas of the Alps

<hl> Before the modern era, in some areas of the Alps , a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine. <hl> This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as hearts and tulips.

Before the modern era, <hl> in some areas of the Alps <hl>, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine. This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as hearts and tulips.

Before the modern era, <hl> in some areas of the Alps <hl> , a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine.


Question: When was the learning tool called as "the horn" developed?

Answer: Before the modern era

<hl> Before the modern era , in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine. <hl> This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as hearts and tulips.

<hl> Before the modern era <hl>, in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine. This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as hearts and tulips.

<hl> Before the modern era <hl> , in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine.


Question: Which numbers were used in "the horn"?

Answer: one to nine

<hl> Before the modern era, in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine . <hl> This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as hearts and tulips.

Before the modern era, in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from <hl> one to nine <hl>. This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as hearts and tulips.

Before the modern era, in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from <hl> one to nine <hl> .


Question: What are the modern reproductions of "the horn" decorated with?

Answer: hearts and tulips.

Before the modern era, in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine. This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". <hl> Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as hearts and tulips. <hl>

Before the modern era, in some areas of the Alps, a goat or sheep's horn would be sharpened and a tin panel would be punched out using the alphabet and numbers from one to nine. This learning tool was known appropriately as "the horn". Modern reproductions are decorated with such motifs as <hl> hearts and tulips. <hl>


Question: Where did pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration?

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.

Answer: In America

<hl> In America , pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. <hl> These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.

<hl> In America <hl>, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.

<hl> In America <hl> , pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration.


Question: What were pie safes and food safes?

Answer: wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. <hl> These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. <hl> These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. These were <hl> wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes <hl> – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.


Question: What were the two styles of pie safes and food safes?

Answer: floor standing or hanging cupboards

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. <hl> These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. <hl> These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either <hl> floor standing or hanging cupboards <hl> meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.


Question: What were the two styles of pie and food safes meant for?

Answer: to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. <hl> These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs . <hl> These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant <hl> to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs <hl>. These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America.

These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant <hl> to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs <hl> .


Question: Where is the modern reproductions of pie and food safes popular at?

Answer: North America

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. <hl> Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in North America . <hl>

In America, pie safes and food safes came into use in the days before refrigeration. These were wooden cupboards of various styles and sizes – either floor standing or hanging cupboards meant to discourage vermin and insects and to keep dust from perishable foodstuffs. These cabinets had tinplate inserts in the doors and sometimes in the sides, punched out by the homeowner, cabinetmaker or a tinsmith in varying designs to allow for air circulation. Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in <hl> North America <hl>.

Modern reproductions of these articles remain popular in <hl> North America <hl> .


Question: What is window glass often made by?

Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass on top of molten tin (creating float glass) in order to produce a flat surface. This is called the "Pilkington process".

Answer: floating molten glass

<hl> Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass on top of molten tin (creating float glass) in order to produce a flat surface. <hl> This is called the "Pilkington process".

Window glass is most often made by <hl> floating molten glass <hl> on top of molten tin (creating float glass) in order to produce a flat surface. This is called the "Pilkington process".


Question: What does floating molten glass on top of molten tin produce?

Answer: float glass

<hl> Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass on top of molten tin (creating float glass ) in order to produce a flat surface. <hl> This is called the "Pilkington process".

Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass on top of molten tin (creating <hl> float glass <hl>) in order to produce a flat surface. This is called the "Pilkington process".

Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass on top of molten tin (creating <hl> float glass <hl> ) in order to produce a flat surface.


Question: Where was the floating molten glass held while producing the window glass?

Answer: on top of molten tin

<hl> Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass on top of molten tin (creating float glass) in order to produce a flat surface. <hl> This is called the "Pilkington process".

Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass <hl> on top of molten tin <hl> (creating float glass) in order to produce a flat surface. This is called the "Pilkington process".


Question: What is the process of creating float glass called?

Answer: Pilkington process

Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass on top of molten tin (creating float glass) in order to produce a flat surface. <hl> This is called the " Pilkington process ". <hl>

Window glass is most often made by floating molten glass on top of molten tin (creating float glass) in order to produce a flat surface. This is called the "<hl> Pilkington process <hl>".

This is called the " <hl> Pilkington process <hl> ".


Question: how dose tin occur?

Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.

Answer: from various ores.

<hl> Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. <hl> Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.

Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted <hl> from various ores. <hl> Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.


Question: is tin a native element?

Answer: in does not occur as the native element

<hl> T in does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. <hl> Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.

T<hl> in does not occur as the native element <hl> but must be extracted from various ores. Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.

T <hl> in does not occur as the native element <hl> but must be extracted from various ores.


Question: what is an a important element of tin?

Answer: Cassiterite (SnO2)

Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. <hl> Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. <hl> Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.

Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. <hl> Cassiterite (SnO2) <hl> is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.


Question: what is the most associated mineral with tin?

Answer: granite rock

Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. <hl> Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock , usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content. <hl>

Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite. Minerals with tin are almost always associated with <hl> granite rock <hl>, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.

Minerals with tin are almost always associated with <hl> granite rock <hl> , usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.


Question: is there more minerals  associated with tin?

Answer: stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite

Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. <hl> Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite . <hl> Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.

Tin does not occur as the native element but must be extracted from various ores. Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as <hl> stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite <hl>. Minerals with tin are almost always associated with granite rock, usually at a level of 1% tin oxide content.

Cassiterite (SnO2) is the only commercially important source of tin, although small quantities of tin are recovered from complex sulfides such as <hl> stannite, cylindrite, franckeite, canfieldite, and teallite <hl> .


Question: how is tin made?

Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with masses of 0.6 to 10 times that of Sun). It arises via beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium.

Answer: long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars

<hl> Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with masses of 0.6 to 10 times that of Sun). <hl> It arises via beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium.

Tin is generated via the <hl> long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars <hl> (with masses of 0.6 to 10 times that of Sun). It arises via beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium.


Question: what is the typical mass of the stars?

Answer: masses of 0.6 to 10 times

<hl> Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with masses of 0.6 to 10 times that of Sun). <hl> It arises via beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium.

Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with <hl> masses of 0.6 to 10 times <hl> that of Sun). It arises via beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium.


Question: how do these stars form?

Answer: beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium.

Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with masses of 0.6 to 10 times that of Sun). <hl> It arises via beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium. <hl>

Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with masses of 0.6 to 10 times that of Sun). It arises via <hl> beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium. <hl>


Question: how much larger than the sun are theses masses?

Answer: 10 times that of Sun

<hl> Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with masses of 0.6 to 10 times that of Sun ). <hl> It arises via beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium.

Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with masses of 0.6 to <hl> 10 times that of Sun <hl>). It arises via beta decay of heavy isotopes of indium.

Tin is generated via the long S-process in low-to-medium mass stars (with masses of 0.6 to <hl> 10 times that of Sun <hl> ).


Question: what are the differences in the reactions?

Divalent organotin compounds are uncommon, although more common than related divalent organogermanium and organosilicon compounds. The greater stabilization enjoyed by Sn(II) is attributed to the "inert pair effect". Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2), which are roughly equivalent to alkenes. Both classes exhibit unusual reactions.

Answer: unusual

Both classes exhibit unusual reactions.

Divalent organotin compounds are uncommon, although more common than related divalent organogermanium and organosilicon compounds. The greater stabilization enjoyed by Sn(II) is attributed to the "inert pair effect". Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2), which are roughly equivalent to alkenes. <hl> Both classes exhibit unusual reactions. <hl>

Divalent organotin compounds are uncommon, although more common than related divalent organogermanium and organosilicon compounds. The greater stabilization enjoyed by Sn(II) is attributed to the "inert pair effect". Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2), which are roughly equivalent to alkenes. Both classes exhibit <hl> unusual <hl> reactions.


Question: what makes organotin compounds uncommon?

Answer: "inert pair effect

Divalent organotin compounds are uncommon, although more common than related divalent organogermanium and organosilicon compounds. <hl> The greater stabilization enjoyed by Sn(II) is attributed to the "inert pair effect ". Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2), which are roughly equivalent to alkenes. <hl> Both classes exhibit unusual reactions.

Divalent organotin compounds are uncommon, although more common than related divalent organogermanium and organosilicon compounds. The greater stabilization enjoyed by Sn(II) is attributed to the <hl> "inert pair effect <hl>". Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2), which are roughly equivalent to alkenes. Both classes exhibit unusual reactions.

The greater stabilization enjoyed by Sn(II) is attributed to the <hl> "inert pair effect <hl> ". Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2), which are roughly equivalent to alkenes.


Question: what makes up the stannylens in compounds?

Answer: R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2)

Divalent organotin compounds are uncommon, although more common than related divalent organogermanium and organosilicon compounds. The greater stabilization enjoyed by Sn(II) is attributed to the "inert pair effect". <hl> Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2) , which are roughly equivalent to alkenes. <hl> Both classes exhibit unusual reactions.

Divalent organotin compounds are uncommon, although more common than related divalent organogermanium and organosilicon compounds. The greater stabilization enjoyed by Sn(II) is attributed to the "inert pair effect". Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: <hl> R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2) <hl>, which are roughly equivalent to alkenes. Both classes exhibit unusual reactions.

Organotin(II) compounds include both stannylenes (formula: <hl> R2Sn, as seen for singlet carbenes) and distannylenes (R4Sn2) <hl> , which are roughly equivalent to alkenes.


Question: where is tin commonly mined?

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin.

Answer: Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. <hl> Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. <hl> The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin.

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. <hl> Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream <hl> in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin.


Question: why is tin commonly found downstrem?

Answer: Because of the higher specific gravity

<hl> Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. <hl> Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin.

<hl> Because of the higher specific gravity <hl> of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin.


Question: what are some methods of mining tin?

Answer: The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining.

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. <hl> The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin. <hl>

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. <hl> The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. <hl> Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin.


Question: where is tin the most abundant?

Answer: Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. <hl> Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits , which may contain as little as 0.015% tin. <hl>

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. <hl> Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits <hl>, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin.

<hl> Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits <hl> , which may contain as little as 0.015% tin.


Question: what is the percentage of tin in these ores?

Answer: as little as 0.015% tin

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. <hl> Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain as little as 0.015% tin . <hl>

Because of the higher specific gravity of tin dioxide, about 80% of mined tin is from secondary deposits found downstream from the primary lodes. Tin is often recovered from granules washed downstream in the past and deposited in valleys or under sea. The most economical ways of mining tin are through dredging, hydraulic methods or open cast mining. Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain <hl> as little as 0.015% tin <hl>.

Most of the world's tin is produced from placer deposits, which may contain <hl> as little as 0.015% tin <hl> .


Question: what country has the most tin mind?

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

Answer: mostly in China (110,000 t

<hl> About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t ), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). <hl> Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, <hl> mostly in China (110,000 t <hl>), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, <hl> mostly in China (110,000 t <hl> ), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t).


Question: about how much tin was mined in 2011?

Answer: About 253,000 tonnes

<hl> About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). <hl> Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

<hl> About 253,000 tonnes <hl> of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.


Question: what contributing factors to where tin is found?

Answer: the dynamics of economic feasibility

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). <hl> Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. <hl> However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). Estimates of tin production have historically varied with <hl> the dynamics of economic feasibility <hl> and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.


Question: will the earth run out of tin?

Answer: the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). <hl> Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years . <hl> However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, <hl> the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years <hl>. However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies, <hl> the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years <hl> .


Question: what are the factors that contribute to the probability of the earth running out of tin?

Answer: current consumption rates and technologies

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). <hl> Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at current consumption rates and technologies , the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. <hl> However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

About 253,000 tonnes of tin have been mined in 2011, mostly in China (110,000 t), Indonesia (51,000 t), Peru (34,600 t), Bolivia (20,700 t) and Brazil (12,000 t). Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at <hl> current consumption rates and technologies <hl>, the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years. However Lester Brown has suggested tin could run out within 20 years based on an extremely conservative extrapolation of 2% growth per year.

Estimates of tin production have historically varied with the dynamics of economic feasibility and the development of mining technologies, but it is estimated that, at <hl> current consumption rates and technologies <hl> , the Earth will run out of tin that can be mined in 40 years.


Question: What was being aggressively sold in the late 1970s and early 1980s?

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.

Answer: the U.S. Government tin stockpile

<hl> During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. <hl> The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, <hl> the U.S. Government tin stockpile <hl> was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.


Question: When did the ITC reach its credit limit in regard to tin market purchases?

Answer: late 1985

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. <hl> The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985 , when it reached its credit limit. <hl> Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until <hl> late 1985 <hl>, when it reached its credit limit. Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.

The ITC continued to borrow until <hl> late 1985 <hl> , when it reached its credit limit.


Question: In what years did a recession affect the tin market and industry as a whole?

Answer: 1981–82

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. <hl> The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. <hl> Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of <hl> 1981–82 <hl> proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.


Question: What followed after the ITC reached its credit limit in regard to tin market purchases?

Answer: a major "tin crisis"

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. <hl> Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. <hl> It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. Immediately, <hl> a major "tin crisis" <hl> followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.


Question: What was the price of tin in the free market environment?

Answer: $4 per pound

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. <hl> Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to $4 per pound and remained around this level through the 1990s. <hl> It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. Government tin stockpile was in an aggressive selling mode, partly to take advantage of the historically high tin prices. The sharp recession of 1981–82 proved to be quite harsh on the tin industry. Tin consumption declined dramatically. The ITC was able to avoid truly steep declines through accelerated buying for its buffer stockpile; this activity required the ITC to borrow extensively from banks and metal trading firms to augment its resources. The ITC continued to borrow until late 1985, when it reached its credit limit. Immediately, a major "tin crisis" followed — tin was delisted from trading on the London Metal Exchange for about three years, the ITC dissolved soon afterward, and the price of tin, now in a free-market environment, plummeted sharply to <hl> $4 per pound <hl> and remained around this level through the 1990s. It increased again by 2010 due to the rebound in consumption following the 2008–09 world economic crisis, restocking and continued growth in consumption by the world's developing economies.


Question: Who does the old view suggest should become nurses?

In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened."  She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy".

Answer: women

In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." <hl> She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy". <hl>

In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of <hl> women <hl> who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy".


Question: What did Justice Sandra Day say about the number of women who are nurses?

Answer: there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses,

In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." <hl> She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy". <hl>

In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." She went on to point out that <hl> there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, <hl> and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy".


Question: Who does the old view suggest should not become nurses?

Answer: women, not men, should become nurses,

In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." <hl> She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy". <hl>

In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that <hl> women, not men, should become nurses, <hl> and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy".


Question: What did Justice Sandra Day say about a classification based on gender?

Answer: can be justified

<hl> In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." <hl> She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy".

In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex <hl> can be justified <hl> if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy".


Question: Who did Justice Sandra Day write an opinion for?

Answer: Supreme Court

<hl> In what was her first opinion written for the Supreme Court , Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." <hl> She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy".

In what was her first opinion written for the <hl> Supreme Court <hl>, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened." She went on to point out that there are a disproportionate number of women who are nurses, and that denying admission to men "lends credibility to the old view that women, not men, should become nurses, and makes the assumption that nursing is a field for women a self-fulfilling prophecy".

In what was her first opinion written for the <hl> Supreme Court <hl> , Justice Sandra Day O'Connor stated, "In limited circumstances, a gender-based classification favoring one sex can be justified if it intentionally and directly assists members of the sex that is disproportionately burdened."


Question: What was the last public university that was all male in the U.S.?

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities. This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, Virginia Military Institute, was required to admit women. The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of academic and leadership development for women by providing liberal arts and professional education to women and men.

Answer: Virginia Military Institute

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities. <hl> This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, Virginia Military Institute , was required to admit women. <hl> The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of academic and leadership development for women by providing liberal arts and professional education to women and men.

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities. This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, <hl> Virginia Military Institute <hl>, was required to admit women. The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of academic and leadership development for women by providing liberal arts and professional education to women and men.

This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, <hl> Virginia Military Institute <hl> , was required to admit women.


Question: What tradition is continued at the Virginia Military Institute?

Answer: academic and leadership development for women

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities. This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, Virginia Military Institute, was required to admit women. <hl> The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of academic and leadership development for women by providing liberal arts and professional education to women and men. <hl>

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities. This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, Virginia Military Institute, was required to admit women. The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of <hl> academic and leadership development for women <hl> by providing liberal arts and professional education to women and men.


Question: How does the Virginia Military Institute provide women academic and leadership development?

Answer: providing liberal arts and professional education

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities. This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, Virginia Military Institute, was required to admit women. <hl> The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of academic and leadership development for women by providing liberal arts and professional education to women and men. <hl>

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities. This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, Virginia Military Institute, was required to admit women. The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of academic and leadership development for women by <hl> providing liberal arts and professional education <hl> to women and men.


Question: What did Justices Harry A. Blackman and others suggest would be a result of this ruling?

Answer: the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities

<hl> In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities . <hl> This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, Virginia Military Institute, was required to admit women. The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of academic and leadership development for women by providing liberal arts and professional education to women and men.

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be <hl> the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities <hl>. This suggestion has proven to be accurate as there are no public women's colleges in the United States today and, as a result of United States v. Virginia, the last all-male public university in the United States, Virginia Military Institute, was required to admit women. The ruling did not require the university to change its name to reflect its coeducational status and it continues a tradition of academic and leadership development for women by providing liberal arts and professional education to women and men.

In the dissenting opinions, Justices Harry A. Blackmun, Warren E. Burger, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., and William H. Rehnquist suggested that the result of this ruling would be <hl> the elimination of publicly supported single-sex educational opportunities <hl> .


Question: What is one of the reasons that feminism is criticized?

The historiography of the United States' second-wave feminism is criticized for failing to acknowledge and analyze the multiple sites of feminist insurgencies of women of color, silencing and ignoring the diverse pre-political and political developments that occurred during this time. The dominant historical narratives of the feminist movement focuses on white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women and women's consciousness-raising groups, disregarding the experiences and contributions of women of color, working-class and lower-class women, as well as lesbian women. Chela Sandoval called the dominant narratives of the women's liberation movement "hegemonic feminism" because it essentializes the feminist historiography to an exclusive population of women, which assumes that all women experience the same oppressions as the white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women. This restricting view ignores the oppressions women faced determined by their race, class, and sexuality, and gave rise to women of color feminisms that separated from the women's liberation movement, such as Black feminism, Africana womanism, and the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc that emerged at California State University, Long Beach, which was founded by Anna NietoGomez, due to the Chicano Movement's sexism.

Answer: ignoring the diverse pre-political and political developments

<hl> The historiography of the United States' second-wave feminism is criticized for failing to acknowledge and analyze the multiple sites of feminist insurgencies of women of color, silencing and ignoring the diverse pre-political and political developments that occurred during this time. <hl> The dominant historical narratives of the feminist movement focuses on white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women and women's consciousness-raising groups, disregarding the experiences and contributions of women of color, working-class and lower-class women, as well as lesbian women. Chela Sandoval called the dominant narratives of the women's liberation movement "hegemonic feminism" because it essentializes the feminist historiography to an exclusive population of women, which assumes that all women experience the same oppressions as the white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women. This restricting view ignores the oppressions women faced determined by their race, class, and sexuality, and gave rise to women of color feminisms that separated from the women's liberation movement, such as Black feminism, Africana womanism, and the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc that emerged at California State University, Long Beach, which was founded by Anna NietoGomez, due to the Chicano Movement's sexism.

The historiography of the United States' second-wave feminism is criticized for failing to acknowledge and analyze the multiple sites of feminist insurgencies of women of color, silencing and <hl> ignoring the diverse pre-political and political developments <hl> that occurred during this time. The dominant historical narratives of the feminist movement focuses on white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women and women's consciousness-raising groups, disregarding the experiences and contributions of women of color, working-class and lower-class women, as well as lesbian women. Chela Sandoval called the dominant narratives of the women's liberation movement "hegemonic feminism" because it essentializes the feminist historiography to an exclusive population of women, which assumes that all women experience the same oppressions as the white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women. This restricting view ignores the oppressions women faced determined by their race, class, and sexuality, and gave rise to women of color feminisms that separated from the women's liberation movement, such as Black feminism, Africana womanism, and the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc that emerged at California State University, Long Beach, which was founded by Anna NietoGomez, due to the Chicano Movement's sexism.


Question: What is mainly the focus of the feminist movement in history?

Answer: women's consciousness-raising groups

The historiography of the United States' second-wave feminism is criticized for failing to acknowledge and analyze the multiple sites of feminist insurgencies of women of color, silencing and ignoring the diverse pre-political and political developments that occurred during this time. <hl> The dominant historical narratives of the feminist movement focuses on white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women and women's consciousness-raising groups , disregarding the experiences and contributions of women of color, working-class and lower-class women, as well as lesbian women. <hl> Chela Sandoval called the dominant narratives of the women's liberation movement "hegemonic feminism" because it essentializes the feminist historiography to an exclusive population of women, which assumes that all women experience the same oppressions as the white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women. This restricting view ignores the oppressions women faced determined by their race, class, and sexuality, and gave rise to women of color feminisms that separated from the women's liberation movement, such as Black feminism, Africana womanism, and the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc that emerged at California State University, Long Beach, which was founded by Anna NietoGomez, due to the Chicano Movement's sexism.

The historiography of the United States' second-wave feminism is criticized for failing to acknowledge and analyze the multiple sites of feminist insurgencies of women of color, silencing and ignoring the diverse pre-political and political developments that occurred during this time. The dominant historical narratives of the feminist movement focuses on white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women and <hl> women's consciousness-raising groups <hl>, disregarding the experiences and contributions of women of color, working-class and lower-class women, as well as lesbian women. Chela Sandoval called the dominant narratives of the women's liberation movement "hegemonic feminism" because it essentializes the feminist historiography to an exclusive population of women, which assumes that all women experience the same oppressions as the white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women. This restricting view ignores the oppressions women faced determined by their race, class, and sexuality, and gave rise to women of color feminisms that separated from the women's liberation movement, such as Black feminism, Africana womanism, and the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc that emerged at California State University, Long Beach, which was founded by Anna NietoGomez, due to the Chicano Movement's sexism.

The dominant historical narratives of the feminist movement focuses on white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women and <hl> women's consciousness-raising groups <hl> , disregarding the experiences and contributions of women of color, working-class and lower-class women, as well as lesbian women.


Question: Who founded the Hijas de Cuauhtemoc?

Answer: Anna NietoGomez

The historiography of the United States' second-wave feminism is criticized for failing to acknowledge and analyze the multiple sites of feminist insurgencies of women of color, silencing and ignoring the diverse pre-political and political developments that occurred during this time. The dominant historical narratives of the feminist movement focuses on white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women and women's consciousness-raising groups, disregarding the experiences and contributions of women of color, working-class and lower-class women, as well as lesbian women. Chela Sandoval called the dominant narratives of the women's liberation movement "hegemonic feminism" because it essentializes the feminist historiography to an exclusive population of women, which assumes that all women experience the same oppressions as the white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women. <hl> This restricting view ignores the oppressions women faced determined by their race, class, and sexuality, and gave rise to women of color feminisms that separated from the women's liberation movement, such as Black feminism, Africana womanism, and the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc that emerged at California State University, Long Beach, which was founded by Anna NietoGomez , due to the Chicano Movement's sexism. <hl>

The historiography of the United States' second-wave feminism is criticized for failing to acknowledge and analyze the multiple sites of feminist insurgencies of women of color, silencing and ignoring the diverse pre-political and political developments that occurred during this time. The dominant historical narratives of the feminist movement focuses on white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women and women's consciousness-raising groups, disregarding the experiences and contributions of women of color, working-class and lower-class women, as well as lesbian women. Chela Sandoval called the dominant narratives of the women's liberation movement "hegemonic feminism" because it essentializes the feminist historiography to an exclusive population of women, which assumes that all women experience the same oppressions as the white, East Coast, and predominantly middle-class women. This restricting view ignores the oppressions women faced determined by their race, class, and sexuality, and gave rise to women of color feminisms that separated from the women's liberation movement, such as Black feminism, Africana womanism, and the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc that emerged at California State University, Long Beach, which was founded by <hl> Anna NietoGomez <hl>, due to the Chicano Movement's sexism.

This restricting view ignores the oppressions women faced determined by their race, class, and sexuality, and gave rise to women of color feminisms that separated from the women's liberation movement, such as Black feminism, Africana womanism, and the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc that emerged at California State University, Long Beach, which was founded by <hl> Anna NietoGomez <hl> , due to the Chicano Movement's sexism.