Question: Where does her eldest daughter want to go when she grows up?

Answer: college

One of her children is thriving in a special education program where he gets one-to-one attention, and she is thrilled that the school provides regular updates on his progress. In Dallas, she did not learn that he had been attending the wrong class until she received a notice requiring her to appear at truancy court. <hl> Her eldest daughter, 14, has started to talk about going to college . <hl> “It’s so quiet out here,” Ms. White said as she sat in the living room of the first house she has lived in, the family’s new dog on her lap. “I love it.” The government has tried before to fix the rent subsidy program. In the early 1990s, an experiment called Moving to Opportunity required some families to use their vouchers in more expensive neighborhoods. In 2000, a broader initiative raised the value of all vouchers in 49 metropolitan areas. Officials hoped the change would make it possible for families to find rental apartments in a broader range of neighborhoods. Instead, a recent study by the economists Peter Ganong of Harvard and Robert Collinson of New York University found that most families ended up paying higher rents in the same neighborhoods — and often for the same units.

One of her children is thriving in a special education program where he gets one-to-one attention, and she is thrilled that the school provides regular updates on his progress. In Dallas, she did not learn that he had been attending the wrong class until she received a notice requiring her to appear at truancy court. Her eldest daughter, 14, has started to talk about going to <hl> college <hl>. “It’s so quiet out here,” Ms. White said as she sat in the living room of the first house she has lived in, the family’s new dog on her lap. “I love it.” The government has tried before to fix the rent subsidy program. In the early 1990s, an experiment called Moving to Opportunity required some families to use their vouchers in more expensive neighborhoods. In 2000, a broader initiative raised the value of all vouchers in 49 metropolitan areas. Officials hoped the change would make it possible for families to find rental apartments in a broader range of neighborhoods. Instead, a recent study by the economists Peter Ganong of Harvard and Robert Collinson of New York University found that most families ended up paying higher rents in the same neighborhoods — and often for the same units.

Her eldest daughter, 14, has started to talk about going to <hl> college <hl> .


Question: What year was the experiment "Moving" done by the government?

One of her children is thriving in a special education program where he gets one-to-one attention, and she is thrilled that the school provides regular updates on his progress. In Dallas, she did not learn that he had been attending the wrong class until she received a notice requiring her to appear at truancy court. Her eldest daughter, 14, has started to talk about going to college. “It’s so quiet out here,” Ms. White said as she sat in the living room of the first house she has lived in, the family’s new dog on her lap. “I love it.” The government has tried before to fix the rent subsidy program. In the early 1990s, an experiment called Moving to Opportunity required some families to use their vouchers in more expensive neighborhoods. In 2000, a broader initiative raised the value of all vouchers in 49 metropolitan areas. Officials hoped the change would make it possible for families to find rental apartments in a broader range of neighborhoods. Instead, a recent study by the economists Peter Ganong of Harvard and Robert Collinson of New York University found that most families ended up paying higher rents in the same neighborhoods — and often for the same units.

Answer: 1990s

One of her children is thriving in a special education program where he gets one-to-one attention, and she is thrilled that the school provides regular updates on his progress. In Dallas, she did not learn that he had been attending the wrong class until she received a notice requiring her to appear at truancy court. Her eldest daughter, 14, has started to talk about going to college. “It’s so quiet out here,” Ms. White said as she sat in the living room of the first house she has lived in, the family’s new dog on her lap. “I love it.” The government has tried before to fix the rent subsidy program. <hl> In the early 1990s , an experiment called Moving to Opportunity required some families to use their vouchers in more expensive neighborhoods. <hl> In 2000, a broader initiative raised the value of all vouchers in 49 metropolitan areas. Officials hoped the change would make it possible for families to find rental apartments in a broader range of neighborhoods. Instead, a recent study by the economists Peter Ganong of Harvard and Robert Collinson of New York University found that most families ended up paying higher rents in the same neighborhoods — and often for the same units.

One of her children is thriving in a special education program where he gets one-to-one attention, and she is thrilled that the school provides regular updates on his progress. In Dallas, she did not learn that he had been attending the wrong class until she received a notice requiring her to appear at truancy court. Her eldest daughter, 14, has started to talk about going to college. “It’s so quiet out here,” Ms. White said as she sat in the living room of the first house she has lived in, the family’s new dog on her lap. “I love it.” The government has tried before to fix the rent subsidy program. In the early <hl> 1990s <hl>, an experiment called Moving to Opportunity required some families to use their vouchers in more expensive neighborhoods. In 2000, a broader initiative raised the value of all vouchers in 49 metropolitan areas. Officials hoped the change would make it possible for families to find rental apartments in a broader range of neighborhoods. Instead, a recent study by the economists Peter Ganong of Harvard and Robert Collinson of New York University found that most families ended up paying higher rents in the same neighborhoods — and often for the same units.

In the early <hl> 1990s <hl> , an experiment called Moving to Opportunity required some families to use their vouchers in more expensive neighborhoods.


Question: What do officials agree on about the subsidies?

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were much too small. In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just $850 in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as $1,840 in the most expensive ZIP codes. In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. In New York, San Diego and Washington, it would be more than three times as high.

Answer: much too small

<hl> The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were much too small . <hl> In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just $850 in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as $1,840 in the most expensive ZIP codes. In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. In New York, San Diego and Washington, it would be more than three times as high.

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were <hl> much too small <hl>. In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just $850 in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as $1,840 in the most expensive ZIP codes. In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. In New York, San Diego and Washington, it would be more than three times as high.

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were <hl> much too small <hl> .


Question: What's the max subsidy for a 3 bedroom apartment in the cheapest area?

Answer: $850

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were much too small. In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. <hl> In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just $850 in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as $1,840 in the most expensive ZIP codes. <hl> In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. In New York, San Diego and Washington, it would be more than three times as high.

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were much too small. In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just <hl> $850 <hl> in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as $1,840 in the most expensive ZIP codes. In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. In New York, San Diego and Washington, it would be more than three times as high.


Question: What is most expensive cost for a 3 bedroom apartment in higher end zipcodes?

Answer: $1,840

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were much too small. In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. <hl> In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just $850 in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as $1,840 in the most expensive ZIP codes. <hl> In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. In New York, San Diego and Washington, it would be more than three times as high.

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were much too small. In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just $850 in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as <hl> $1,840 <hl> in the most expensive ZIP codes. In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. In New York, San Diego and Washington, it would be more than three times as high.


Question: It costs 3 times as much in the what areas?

Answer: New York, San Diego and Washington

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were much too small. In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just $850 in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as $1,840 in the most expensive ZIP codes. In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. <hl> In New York, San Diego and Washington , it would be more than three times as high. <hl>

The problem, officials have concluded, is that the subsidies were much too small. In 2011, HUD started the Dallas experiment as a part of a settlement with housing activists. It has since added five smaller regions to the program. In Dallas, the maximum subsidy for a three-bedroom apartment is now just $850 in the cheapest ZIP codes, but as much as $1,840 in the most expensive ZIP codes. In 33 of the 50 largest metropolitan areas, the subsidy for the wealthiest ZIP code would be more than twice as high as the subsidy in the poorest ZIP code. In <hl> New York, San Diego and Washington <hl>, it would be more than three times as high.

In <hl> New York, San Diego and Washington <hl> , it would be more than three times as high.


Question: How many housing vouchers did Torey Moore obtain?

(The Supreme Court just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept vouchers. Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about 29,000 housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same South Dallas neighborhood. She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.

Answer: 29,000

(The Supreme Court just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept vouchers. Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) <hl> Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about 29,000 housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same South Dallas neighborhood. <hl> She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.

(The Supreme Court just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept vouchers. Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about <hl> 29,000 <hl> housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same South Dallas neighborhood. She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.


Question: Where did Torey Moore live?

Answer: South Dallas

(The Supreme Court just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept vouchers. Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) <hl> Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about 29,000 housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same South Dallas neighborhood. <hl> She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.

(The Supreme Court just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept vouchers. Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about 29,000 housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same <hl> South Dallas <hl> neighborhood. She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.


Question: What are low income housing tax credit based landlords required to accept?

Answer: vouchers

(The Supreme Court just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. <hl> Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept vouchers . <hl> Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about 29,000 housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same South Dallas neighborhood. She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.

(The Supreme Court just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept <hl> vouchers <hl>. Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about 29,000 housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same South Dallas neighborhood. She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.

Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept <hl> vouchers <hl> .


Question: Who let the lawsuit continue to move forward?

Answer: The Supreme Court

<hl> ( The Supreme Court just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. <hl> Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept vouchers. Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about 29,000 housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same South Dallas neighborhood. She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.

(<hl> The Supreme Court <hl> just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available. Landlords of properties built with low-income housing tax credits are required to accept vouchers. Inclusive Communities argues that Texas is allocating a disproportionate share of those credits to developers in minority neighborhoods. The Supreme Court ruling in June allows that lawsuit to move forward.) Four years ago, when Torey Moore first obtained one of the about 29,000 housing vouchers available to Dallas area residents, she stayed in the same South Dallas neighborhood. She had two young children, and she relied on her family to look after the children while she worked. Last year, however, she decided it was time to move. Her children were struggling at school, and when they were not at school, she worried about their safety.

( <hl> The Supreme Court <hl> just handed the Inclusive Communities Project an important victory in a lawsuit seeking to make more housing available.


Question: Who are more likely to struggle in new neighborhoods?

There is also evidence that older children, particularly boys, often struggle in new neighborhoods. The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most dangerous in the city. When she moved, she changed her cellphone number, cutting off her old friends.

Answer: boys

<hl> There is also evidence that older children, particularly boys , often struggle in new neighborhoods. <hl> The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most dangerous in the city. When she moved, she changed her cellphone number, cutting off her old friends.

There is also evidence that older children, particularly <hl> boys <hl>, often struggle in new neighborhoods. The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most dangerous in the city. When she moved, she changed her cellphone number, cutting off her old friends.

There is also evidence that older children, particularly <hl> boys <hl> , often struggle in new neighborhoods.


Question: Ms. Russ said that the location Ms. White lived in was the most?

Answer: dangerous in the city

There is also evidence that older children, particularly boys, often struggle in new neighborhoods. The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. <hl> She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most dangerous in the city . <hl> When she moved, she changed her cellphone number, cutting off her old friends.

There is also evidence that older children, particularly boys, often struggle in new neighborhoods. The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most <hl> dangerous in the city <hl>. When she moved, she changed her cellphone number, cutting off her old friends.

She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most <hl> dangerous in the city <hl> .


Question: When Ms. White moved what did she change?

Answer: cellphone number

There is also evidence that older children, particularly boys, often struggle in new neighborhoods. The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most dangerous in the city. <hl> When she moved, she changed her cellphone number , cutting off her old friends. <hl>

There is also evidence that older children, particularly boys, often struggle in new neighborhoods. The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most dangerous in the city. When she moved, she changed her <hl> cellphone number <hl>, cutting off her old friends.

When she moved, she changed her <hl> cellphone number <hl> , cutting off her old friends.


Question: What was around the ground in her old neighborhood?

Answer: broken bottles

There is also evidence that older children, particularly boys, often struggle in new neighborhoods. The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. <hl> She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of broken bottles at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most dangerous in the city. <hl> When she moved, she changed her cellphone number, cutting off her old friends.

There is also evidence that older children, particularly boys, often struggle in new neighborhoods. The costs of the move can outweigh the benefits of the new place. Ms. White says those issues are real enough but nothing compared with the feeling that she and her family are now safe. She was tired of stepping over the dice players on her stoop, tired of guiding her children around the fragments of <hl> broken bottles <hl> at the old housing project, which Ms. Russ, the head of the Dallas Housing Authority, called the most dangerous in the city. When she moved, she changed her cellphone number, cutting off her old friends.


Question: Who is one of the largest labor unions in Germany?

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.

Answer: United Service Union

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. <hl> Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union , known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. <hl> The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the <hl> United Service Union <hl>, known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.

Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the <hl> United Service Union <hl> , known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens.


Question: Who is one of Greece's main creditors?

Answer: European Central Bank

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. <hl> The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. <hl> The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. The <hl> European Central Bank <hl> is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.


Question: Who is a left-win alliance of activist groups?

Answer: Blockupy

<hl> Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. <hl> Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.

<hl> Blockupy <hl> is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.


Question: What party is now leading the government in Athens?

Answer: Syriza

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. <hl> Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and Syriza , the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. <hl> The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and <hl> Syriza <hl>, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.

Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and <hl> Syriza <hl> , the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens.


Question: Who is the Prime Minister of Greece?

Answer: Alexis Tsipras

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. <hl> The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is trying to renegotiate. <hl> The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.

Blockupy is a left-wing alliance of dozens of activist groups from across Europe. Its members include one of the largest German labor unions, the United Service Union, known as Ver.di, and Syriza, the left-wing, anti-austerity Greek political party that is now leading the government in Athens. The European Central Bank is one of Greece’s main creditors, and it is part of the so-called troika of international organizations that are supervising the Greek bailout program that the government of Prime Minister <hl> Alexis Tsipras <hl> is trying to renegotiate. The central bank, along with the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund, is widely blamed for imposing austerity measures on countries that have needed bailouts.


Question: Who was giving a speech in the central square?

Rosina Sfyridou, a German of Greek descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. Greeks can’t get proper health care. I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, Giorgos Chondros. “The European finance ministers are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said.

Answer: Giorgos Chondros

Rosina Sfyridou, a German of Greek descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. Greeks can’t get proper health care. I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” <hl> Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, Giorgos Chondros . <hl> “The European finance ministers are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said.

Rosina Sfyridou, a German of Greek descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. Greeks can’t get proper health care. I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, <hl> Giorgos Chondros <hl>. “The European finance ministers are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said.

Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, <hl> Giorgos Chondros <hl> .


Question: What descent is Rosina Sfyridou of?

Answer: Greek

<hl> Rosina Sfyridou, a German of Greek descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. <hl> “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. Greeks can’t get proper health care. I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, Giorgos Chondros. “The European finance ministers are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said.

Rosina Sfyridou, a German of <hl> Greek <hl> descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. Greeks can’t get proper health care. I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, Giorgos Chondros. “The European finance ministers are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said.


Question: What can't Greeks get proper care of?

Answer: health

Greeks can’t get proper health care.

Rosina Sfyridou, a German of Greek descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. <hl> Greeks can’t get proper health care. <hl> I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, Giorgos Chondros. “The European finance ministers are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said.

Rosina Sfyridou, a German of Greek descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. Greeks can’t get proper <hl> health <hl> care. I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, Giorgos Chondros. “The European finance ministers are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said.


Question: Who is brushing democracy to the side according to Mr. Tsianakas?

Answer: European finance ministers

Rosina Sfyridou, a German of Greek descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. Greeks can’t get proper health care. I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, Giorgos Chondros. <hl> “The European finance ministers are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said. <hl>

Rosina Sfyridou, a German of Greek descent who lives in Frankfurt and was among a small group carrying a Syriza flag near the Main River at midday, said she wanted to fight for democracy and social justice, and not only in Greece. “The troika is making life difficult,” she said. “Schools are closing. Greeks can’t get proper health care. I have family there; we’re closer to the problem.” Panagiotis Tsianakas, another German of Greek descent, headed to a central square to hear a speech by a Syriza representative, Giorgos Chondros. “The <hl> European finance ministers <hl> are brushing democracy to the side,” Mr. Tsianakas said.


Question: Who is Athen's biggest European lender?

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

Answer: Germany

<hl> Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany , Athens’s biggest European lender. <hl> “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and <hl> Germany <hl>, Athens’s biggest European lender. “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and <hl> Germany <hl> , Athens’s biggest European lender.


Question: How large was the crowd for Mr. Chondros?

Answer: 8,000

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. <hl> “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000 . <hl> “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about <hl> 8,000 <hl>. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

“Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about <hl> 8,000 <hl> .


Question: Antagonism has been growing between Germany and who?

Answer: Greece

<hl> Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. <hl> “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

Antagonism has been growing between <hl> Greece <hl> and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.


Question: How much did the new central bank headquarters cost?

Answer: 1.27 billion

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” <hl> Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $ 1.27 billion , near the end of last year. <hl> Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $<hl> 1.27 billion <hl>, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $ <hl> 1.27 billion <hl> , near the end of last year.


Question: How tall is the new central bank headquarters?

Answer: 600-foot

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. <hl> Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the 600-foot -high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied. <hl>

Antagonism has been growing between Greece and Germany, Athens’s biggest European lender. “Our battle in Greece is a battle for all Europeans,” Mr. Chondros told a cheering crowd of about 8,000. “We need a European organization against austerity, and that organization has started here today.” Employees of the central bank began moving into the new headquarters, which cost about $1.27 billion, near the end of last year. Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the <hl> 600-foot <hl>-high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.

Away from downtown Frankfurt on a park-like site overlooking the Main River, the <hl> 600-foot <hl> -high tinted-glass tower is a more potent symbol of the central bank’s power than the generic gray high-rise in central Frankfurt that it previously occupied.


Question: For what network was Stuart Scott an anchor for?

When the longtime ESPN anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, appendiceal cancer and chemotherapy were weakening him. His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when Blue Rider Press expected to publish his book, “Every Day I Fight.” So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. Perhaps Scott would live until then.

Answer: ESPN

<hl> When the longtime ESPN anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, appendiceal cancer and chemotherapy were weakening him. <hl> His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when Blue Rider Press expected to publish his book, “Every Day I Fight.” So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. Perhaps Scott would live until then.

When the longtime <hl> ESPN <hl> anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, appendiceal cancer and chemotherapy were weakening him. His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when Blue Rider Press expected to publish his book, “Every Day I Fight.” So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. Perhaps Scott would live until then.


Question: What kind of cancer did Stuart Scott have?

Answer: appendiceal cancer

<hl> When the longtime ESPN anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, appendiceal cancer and chemotherapy were weakening him. <hl> His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when Blue Rider Press expected to publish his book, “Every Day I Fight.” So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. Perhaps Scott would live until then.

When the longtime ESPN anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, <hl> appendiceal cancer <hl> and chemotherapy were weakening him. His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when Blue Rider Press expected to publish his book, “Every Day I Fight.” So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. Perhaps Scott would live until then.


Question: What was the name of Stuart Scott's memoir?

Answer: “Every Day I Fight.”

When the longtime ESPN anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, appendiceal cancer and chemotherapy were weakening him. His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. <hl> There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when Blue Rider Press expected to publish his book, “Every Day I Fight.” So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. <hl> Perhaps Scott would live until then.

When the longtime ESPN anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, appendiceal cancer and chemotherapy were weakening him. His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when Blue Rider Press expected to publish his book, <hl> “Every Day I Fight.” <hl> So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. Perhaps Scott would live until then.


Question: What publisher was Stuart Scott working with?

Answer: Blue Rider Press

When the longtime ESPN anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, appendiceal cancer and chemotherapy were weakening him. His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. <hl> There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when Blue Rider Press expected to publish his book, “Every Day I Fight.” <hl> So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. Perhaps Scott would live until then.

When the longtime ESPN anchor Stuart Scott quietly agreed to write a memoir last year, appendiceal cancer and chemotherapy were weakening him. His appearances on the network were dwindling. His life was slipping away. There was no assurance that he would survive until late May, when <hl> Blue Rider Press <hl> expected to publish his book, “Every Day I Fight.” So last fall, when Scott was in the midst of a hospitalization that lasted 75 days, a decision was made to advance the publication to early March. Perhaps Scott would live until then.


Question: Who is the president of Blue Rider?

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” But Scott died on Jan. 4. Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

Answer: David Rosenthal

<hl> David Rosenthal , the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” <hl> But Scott died on Jan. 4. Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

<hl> David Rosenthal <hl>, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” But Scott died on Jan. 4. Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

<hl> David Rosenthal <hl> , the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.”


Question: When did Stuart Scott die?

Answer: Jan. 4

But Scott died on Jan. 4 .

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” <hl> But Scott died on Jan. 4 . <hl> Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” But Scott died on <hl> Jan. 4 <hl>. Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”


Question: What website carried an excerpt of Scott's memoir?

Answer: ESPN’s website

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” But Scott died on Jan. 4. <hl> Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. <hl> “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” But Scott died on Jan. 4. Seventeen days later, <hl> ESPN’s website <hl> carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”


Question: Who hosts ESPN's "NBA Countdown"?

Answer: Sage Steele

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” But Scott died on Jan. 4. Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. <hl> “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele , a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. <hl> “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” But Scott died on Jan. 4. Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said <hl> Sage Steele <hl>, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

“I had no idea — no idea,” said <hl> Sage Steele <hl> , a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show.


Question: Blue Rider is a division of what larger publisher?

Answer: Penguin Random House

<hl> David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of Penguin Random House , said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” <hl> But Scott died on Jan. 4. Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of <hl> Penguin Random House <hl>, said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.” But Scott died on Jan. 4. Seventeen days later, ESPN’s website carried an excerpt from the book, the existence of which was not widely known, even among some of Scott’s closest associates. “I had no idea — no idea,” said Sage Steele, a friend of Scott’s and the host of ESPN’s “NBA Countdown” show. “Then I kept racking my brain, asking, ‘Did he tell me anything about it?’ ”

David Rosenthal, the president and publisher of Blue Rider, a division of <hl> Penguin Random House <hl> , said, “If he had gone into remission, it would have been a wonderful miracle.”


Question: What was the name of the design company that estimated the demolition price?

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

Answer: Clark Patterson Lee

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. <hl> Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee , that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. <hl> Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, <hl> Clark Patterson Lee <hl>, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, <hl> Clark Patterson Lee <hl> , that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted.


Question: What was the estimated cost of demolition before any bids were received?

Answer: $3.9 million

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. <hl> Instead of $3.9 million , as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. <hl> Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. Instead of <hl> $3.9 million <hl>, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

Instead of <hl> $3.9 million <hl> , as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday.


Question: What was the single highest bid received?

Answer: $7.7 million

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. <hl> Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million , The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. <hl> Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and <hl> $7.7 million <hl>, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and <hl> $7.7 million <hl> , The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday.


Question: What is the name of the building that has been argued about for a long time?

Answer: Rudolph center

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. <hl> Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. <hl> Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. Officials backing demolition say that debates over the <hl> Rudolph center <hl> have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”


Question: Who (along with allies) enlisted the design company that estimated the demolition costs?

Answer: Mr. Neuhaus

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. <hl> Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that Mr. Neuhaus and his allies have enlisted. <hl> Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”

“Legislators owe it to the people of the county to listen to his plan, to test the assumptions and to compare it to the plan they are in such a hurry to implement,” the editorial argued. The lawmakers should have second thoughts. Bids for demolition came in last week at nearly twice the price estimated by the design firm, Clark Patterson Lee, that <hl> Mr. Neuhaus <hl> and his allies have enlisted. Instead of $3.9 million, as Clark Patterson predicted, the two bids topped $7.4 million and $7.7 million, The Times Herald-Record reported on Saturday. Officials backing demolition say that debates over the Rudolph center have gone on too long. Entertaining an alternative now would mean more delays. It’s a curious argument, since county legislators themselves are the ones who have the power to expedite, or drag out, consideration of Mr. Kaufman’s plan. As the newspaper’s editorial also noted, “This urge to move on has surfaced repeatedly.” Each time, local officials have “resisted, and each time they avoided doing something irrevocable and more costly than necessary,” it said. “This time is no different.”


Question: When did Mr. Kohlberg start working at Bear Stearns?

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.

Answer: 1955

<hl> Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955 . <hl> But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in <hl> 1955 <hl>. But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in <hl> 1955 <hl> .


Question: Who mentored Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts?

Answer: Mr. Kohlberg

<hl> Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. <hl> But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.

<hl> Mr. Kohlberg <hl> rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.


Question: When did Mr. Kohlberg leave Bear Stearns?

Answer: 1976

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. <hl> But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. <hl> Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in <hl> 1976 <hl> to form a new investment firm bearing their names. Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.


Question: What did Mr. Kohlberg, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts form in 1976?

Answer: a new investment firm

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. <hl> But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. <hl> Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form <hl> a new investment firm <hl> bearing their names. Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.


Question: What was the name of the new investment firm Mr. Kohlberg started after leaving Bear Stearns?

Answer: Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. <hl> Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed. <hl>

Mr. Kohlberg rose through the ranks of the investment bank Bear Stearns, where he started working in 1955. But he and two younger men whom he had mentored, Henry R. Kravis and George R. Roberts, eventually left in 1976 to form a new investment firm bearing their names. <hl> Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company <hl> became a major force that set the tone for the buyout industry, particularly after it took over the tobacco and food conglomerate R.J.R. Nabisco — the deal made famous in the book “Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco,” by Bryan Burrough and John Helyar, although Mr. Kohlberg left the firm a year before the deal was completed.


Question: What separated Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés?

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

Answer: corporate strategy and lifestyle

<hl> Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle . <hl> Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over <hl> corporate strategy and lifestyle <hl>. Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over <hl> corporate strategy and lifestyle <hl> .


Question: Out of the three partners, who wanted to purse hostile takeovers?

Answer: Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. <hl> Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. <hl> By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. Where <hl> Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts <hl> were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.


Question: When did Mr. Kohlberg retire?

Answer: 1994

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. <hl> By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994 , the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. <hl> Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in <hl> 1994 <hl>, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in <hl> 1994 <hl> , the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group.


Question: What was the private equity business once known as?

Answer: the leveraged-buyout business

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. <hl> By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. <hl> Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals, always on friendly terms. By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, <hl> the leveraged-buyout business <hl> — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.


Question: What type of deals did Mr. Kohlberg like to focus on?

Answer: smaller deals

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. <hl> Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on smaller deals , always on friendly terms. <hl> By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

Yet Mr. Kohlberg and his protégés grew apart, separated by philosophies over corporate strategy and lifestyle. Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on <hl> smaller deals <hl>, always on friendly terms. By the time Mr. Kohlberg retired from the sector altogether in 1994, the leveraged-buyout business — since renamed “private equity” — was on its path to becoming immense, eventually making billionaires of Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, as well as rivals like Stephen A. Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group and David Rubenstein of the Carlyle Group. Mr. Kohlberg maintained a less ostentatious life, shunning the high-roller social soirees for tennis, reading and later yoga.

Where Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts were willing to pursue large-scale, hostile takeovers, Mr. Kohlberg instead chose to focus on <hl> smaller deals <hl> , always on friendly terms.


Question: Who was Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts mentor?

That model has underpinned the basic private equity deal ever since. While at Bear Stearns, Mr. Kohlberg became the mentor of two promising Wall Street types, the cousins Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, who quickly took to this form of deal-making. But others at the firm began to grumble about the three spending too much time away from bread-and-butter business of the firm, investment banking. After an attempt to form a leveraged-buyout group within Bear Stearns was rejected, the three men struck out on their own. With the help of eight investors, including Mr. Kravis’s father and Mr. Kohlberg’s $5 million nest egg, they set up Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company in Midtown Manhattan. Though the early years of the firm were sometimes lean, K.K.R.’s business model proved alluring, prompting a growing stream of competitors eager to reap huge profits from deals made with borrowed money.

Answer: Mr. Kohlberg

That model has underpinned the basic private equity deal ever since. <hl> While at Bear Stearns, Mr. Kohlberg became the mentor of two promising Wall Street types, the cousins Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, who quickly took to this form of deal-making. <hl> But others at the firm began to grumble about the three spending too much time away from bread-and-butter business of the firm, investment banking. After an attempt to form a leveraged-buyout group within Bear Stearns was rejected, the three men struck out on their own. With the help of eight investors, including Mr. Kravis’s father and Mr. Kohlberg’s $5 million nest egg, they set up Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company in Midtown Manhattan. Though the early years of the firm were sometimes lean, K.K.R.’s business model proved alluring, prompting a growing stream of competitors eager to reap huge profits from deals made with borrowed money.

That model has underpinned the basic private equity deal ever since. While at Bear Stearns, <hl> Mr. Kohlberg <hl> became the mentor of two promising Wall Street types, the cousins Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, who quickly took to this form of deal-making. But others at the firm began to grumble about the three spending too much time away from bread-and-butter business of the firm, investment banking. After an attempt to form a leveraged-buyout group within Bear Stearns was rejected, the three men struck out on their own. With the help of eight investors, including Mr. Kravis’s father and Mr. Kohlberg’s $5 million nest egg, they set up Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company in Midtown Manhattan. Though the early years of the firm were sometimes lean, K.K.R.’s business model proved alluring, prompting a growing stream of competitors eager to reap huge profits from deals made with borrowed money.


Question: Where did Mr. Kohlberg, Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts work?

Answer: Bear Stearns

That model has underpinned the basic private equity deal ever since. <hl> While at Bear Stearns , Mr. Kohlberg became the mentor of two promising Wall Street types, the cousins Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, who quickly took to this form of deal-making. <hl> But others at the firm began to grumble about the three spending too much time away from bread-and-butter business of the firm, investment banking. After an attempt to form a leveraged-buyout group within Bear Stearns was rejected, the three men struck out on their own. With the help of eight investors, including Mr. Kravis’s father and Mr. Kohlberg’s $5 million nest egg, they set up Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company in Midtown Manhattan. Though the early years of the firm were sometimes lean, K.K.R.’s business model proved alluring, prompting a growing stream of competitors eager to reap huge profits from deals made with borrowed money.

That model has underpinned the basic private equity deal ever since. While at <hl> Bear Stearns <hl>, Mr. Kohlberg became the mentor of two promising Wall Street types, the cousins Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, who quickly took to this form of deal-making. But others at the firm began to grumble about the three spending too much time away from bread-and-butter business of the firm, investment banking. After an attempt to form a leveraged-buyout group within Bear Stearns was rejected, the three men struck out on their own. With the help of eight investors, including Mr. Kravis’s father and Mr. Kohlberg’s $5 million nest egg, they set up Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company in Midtown Manhattan. Though the early years of the firm were sometimes lean, K.K.R.’s business model proved alluring, prompting a growing stream of competitors eager to reap huge profits from deals made with borrowed money.

While at <hl> Bear Stearns <hl> , Mr. Kohlberg became the mentor of two promising Wall Street types, the cousins Mr. Kravis and Mr. Roberts, who quickly took to this form of deal-making.