Question: what was the name of the nurse?

Answer: Niels H.

A court sentenced a nurse to life in prison on Thursday for killing patients at a clinic with overdoses of heart medication that he confessed to administering because he enjoyed trying to revive them. The Oldenburg regional court found the 38-year-old nurse guilty of two counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder and another of serious bodily harm, said a court spokesman. <hl> Prosecutors had accused the man, identified only as Niels H. , in line with German privacy rules, of three murders and two attempted murders at a clinic in the town of Delmenhorst. <hl> But he may have killed more. He said that he intentionally brought about cardiac crises in some 90 patients and that 30 had died. The police are investigating about 200 deaths that occurred at hospitals where he worked.

A court sentenced a nurse to life in prison on Thursday for killing patients at a clinic with overdoses of heart medication that he confessed to administering because he enjoyed trying to revive them. The Oldenburg regional court found the 38-year-old nurse guilty of two counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder and another of serious bodily harm, said a court spokesman. Prosecutors had accused the man, identified only as <hl> Niels H. <hl>, in line with German privacy rules, of three murders and two attempted murders at a clinic in the town of Delmenhorst. But he may have killed more. He said that he intentionally brought about cardiac crises in some 90 patients and that 30 had died. The police are investigating about 200 deaths that occurred at hospitals where he worked.

Prosecutors had accused the man, identified only as <hl> Niels H. <hl> , in line with German privacy rules, of three murders and two attempted murders at a clinic in the town of Delmenhorst.


Question: How many deaths are the police investigating that occurred at hospitals where Niels H. worked?

A court sentenced a nurse to life in prison on Thursday for killing patients at a clinic with overdoses of heart medication that he confessed to administering because he enjoyed trying to revive them. The Oldenburg regional court found the 38-year-old nurse guilty of two counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder and another of serious bodily harm, said a court spokesman. Prosecutors had accused the man, identified only as Niels H., in line with German privacy rules, of three murders and two attempted murders at a clinic in the town of Delmenhorst. But he may have killed more. He said that he intentionally brought about cardiac crises in some 90 patients and that 30 had died. The police are investigating about 200 deaths that occurred at hospitals where he worked.

Answer: about 200

A court sentenced a nurse to life in prison on Thursday for killing patients at a clinic with overdoses of heart medication that he confessed to administering because he enjoyed trying to revive them. The Oldenburg regional court found the 38-year-old nurse guilty of two counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder and another of serious bodily harm, said a court spokesman. Prosecutors had accused the man, identified only as Niels H., in line with German privacy rules, of three murders and two attempted murders at a clinic in the town of Delmenhorst. But he may have killed more. He said that he intentionally brought about cardiac crises in some 90 patients and that 30 had died. <hl> The police are investigating about 200 deaths that occurred at hospitals where he worked. <hl>

A court sentenced a nurse to life in prison on Thursday for killing patients at a clinic with overdoses of heart medication that he confessed to administering because he enjoyed trying to revive them. The Oldenburg regional court found the 38-year-old nurse guilty of two counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder and another of serious bodily harm, said a court spokesman. Prosecutors had accused the man, identified only as Niels H., in line with German privacy rules, of three murders and two attempted murders at a clinic in the town of Delmenhorst. But he may have killed more. He said that he intentionally brought about cardiac crises in some 90 patients and that 30 had died. The police are investigating <hl> about 200 <hl> deaths that occurred at hospitals where he worked.


Question: Which region had France's largest force of resistant fighters?

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

Answer: Auvergne

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. <hl> “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne , had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’” <hl>

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the <hl> Auvergne <hl>, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

“Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the <hl> Auvergne <hl> , had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”


Question: What year will every name in the records be public?

Answer: 2019

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. <hl> By 2019 , every name in those records will be available to the public. <hl> Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By <hl> 2019 <hl>, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

By <hl> 2019 <hl> , every name in those records will be available to the public.


Question: What museum holds the wartime collaboration records?

Answer: Police Museum

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. <hl> Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. <hl> By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the <hl> Police Museum <hl> in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”


Question: Which historian said the records would provide a picture of France's involvement?

Answer: Thierry Wirth

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. <hl> Thierry Wirth , a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” <hl> “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. <hl> Thierry Wirth <hl>, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

<hl> Thierry Wirth <hl> , a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.”


Question: Which zone had the most collaborationists?

Answer: occupied zone

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” <hl> “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone , including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. <hl> “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” “The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the <hl> occupied zone <hl>, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”

“The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the <hl> occupied zone <hl> , including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said.


Question: Who is the leader of the National Front?

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

Answer: Marine Le Pen

<hl> It was also in August that Marine Le Pen , the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. <hl> Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

It was also in August that <hl> Marine Le Pen <hl>, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

It was also in August that <hl> Marine Le Pen <hl> , the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election.


Question: What year did the city host a European Union conference?

Answer: 2008

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. <hl> In 2008 , the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. <hl> Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In <hl> 2008 <hl>, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

In <hl> 2008 <hl> , the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration.


Question: Which leader believed that Vichy cured his rheumatism?

Answer: Napoleon

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. <hl> Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. <hl> One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. <hl> Napoleon <hl> III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”


Question: Who is the president of the Auvergne region?

Answer: René Souchon

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. <hl> Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon , is a Socialist. <hl> “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, <hl> René Souchon <hl>, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, <hl> René Souchon <hl> , is a Socialist.


Question: What political party does the president of the Auvergne region belong to?

Answer: Socialist

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. <hl> Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist . <hl> “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election. Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a <hl> Socialist <hl>. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy. In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent. In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location. Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels. The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.” The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a former president of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”

Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a <hl> Socialist <hl> .


Question: How old was the person that was attacked?

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.

Answer: 16

<hl> An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16 -year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning <hl> , the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a <hl> 16 <hl>-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a <hl> 16 <hl> -year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning


Question: What was the assailant wearing?

Answer: medical garb

<hl> An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. <hl> The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.

An assailant wearing <hl> medical garb <hl> and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.


Question: Where was the victim from?

Answer: China

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” <hl> The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. <hl> The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from <hl> China <hl> whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.


Question: Where was the victim taken for medical treatment?

Answer: Long Island Jewish Medical Center

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” <hl> The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. <hl> The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to <hl> Long Island Jewish Medical Center <hl> with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital.


Question: Who was at the hospital with the victim?

Answer: sister and brother

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. <hl> He said her sister and brother were with her at the hospital. <hl>

An assailant wearing medical garb and wielding a box cutter attacked a 16-year-old girl who was walking to school in Queens on Wednesday morning, the police said. The attacker had not been captured by the afternoon, the police said. “She’s slashed in her face, twice,” said Robert K. Boyce, the New York Police Department’s chief of detectives. “Once from her ear to her throat, to the middle of her throat, and another part of the face as well.” The victim, an exchange student from China whom the police did not publicly identify, was taken to Long Island Jewish Medical Center with wounds that Chief Boyce said were not considered to be life-threatening. The attack, he said, “came out of nowhere.” The girl has been living in the country for eight months, Chief Boyce said. He said her <hl> sister and brother <hl> were with her at the hospital.


Question: When did the attack occur?

The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. She was carrying a bag and walking east on 13th Avenue near 147th Street in the Whitestone neighborhood, he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. It lasted “about 15 seconds,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.

Answer: 8:20 a.m

<hl> The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m ., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. <hl> She was carrying a bag and walking east on 13th Avenue near 147th Street in the Whitestone neighborhood, he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. It lasted “about 15 seconds,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.

The attack occurred around <hl> 8:20 a.m <hl>., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. She was carrying a bag and walking east on 13th Avenue near 147th Street in the Whitestone neighborhood, he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. It lasted “about 15 seconds,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.

The attack occurred around <hl> 8:20 a.m <hl> ., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said.


Question: Where did the student go for education?

Answer: Whitestone Academy

<hl> The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy , was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. <hl> She was carrying a bag and walking east on 13th Avenue near 147th Street in the Whitestone neighborhood, he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. It lasted “about 15 seconds,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.

The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m., when the victim, a student at the private <hl> Whitestone Academy <hl>, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. She was carrying a bag and walking east on 13th Avenue near 147th Street in the Whitestone neighborhood, he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. It lasted “about 15 seconds,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.

The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m., when the victim, a student at the private <hl> Whitestone Academy <hl> , was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said.


Question: How long did the attack on the student last for?

Answer: 15 seconds

The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. She was carrying a bag and walking east on 13th Avenue near 147th Street in the Whitestone neighborhood, he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. <hl> It lasted “about 15 seconds ,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. <hl> The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.

The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. She was carrying a bag and walking east on 13th Avenue near 147th Street in the Whitestone neighborhood, he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. It lasted “about <hl> 15 seconds <hl>,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.

It lasted “about <hl> 15 seconds <hl> ,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward.


Question: What street did the attack happen on?

Answer: 13th Avenue near 147th Street

The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. <hl> She was carrying a bag and walking east on 13th Avenue near 147th Street in the Whitestone neighborhood <hl> , he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. It lasted “about 15 seconds,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.

The attack occurred around 8:20 a.m., when the victim, a student at the private Whitestone Academy, was “accosted from behind,” Chief Boyce said. She was carrying a bag and walking east on <hl> 13th Avenue near 147th Street <hl> in the Whitestone neighborhood, he said. The assailant was wearing a hood over his head, and was “wearing a surgical mask and he has surgical gloves on,” Chief Boyce said. Detectives retrieved video images of the attacker that showed him running away. Carolyn Rutigliano, who lives about a block from where the attack happened, said she heard the girl scream. It lasted “about 15 seconds,” she said, and an ambulance came shortly afterward. The police have not been able to identify him from the video, Chief Boyce said. The department released the video in the hopes that someone might be able to identify him.


Question: What was Myanmar previous known as?

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand —  At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma.

Answer: Burma

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. <hl> As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma . <hl>

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as <hl> Burma <hl>.

As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as <hl> Burma <hl> .


Question: How many families in Ban Rak Thai were once members or descendants of the Lost Army?

Answer: 200

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” <hl> The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. <hl> As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma.

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some <hl> 200 <hl> other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma.


Question: Why did Nationalist soldiers flee east?

Answer: in the face of Communist advances

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. <hl> As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances , the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma. <hl>

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan <hl> in the face of Communist advances <hl>, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma.

As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan <hl> in the face of Communist advances <hl> , the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma.


Question: Which division fled west, instead?

Answer: Kuomintang’s 93rd Division

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. <hl> As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma. <hl>

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the <hl> Kuomintang’s 93rd Division <hl> retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma.


Question: What ethnicity does Liang Zhengde identify as?

Answer: Chinese

<hl> BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional Chinese red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. <hl> On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma.

BAN RAK THAI, Thailand — At night, traditional <hl> Chinese <hl> red lanterns illuminate the hotels, shop fronts and Yunnanese-style restaurants lining the main road in this highland village of just over 1,000 people. On one recent evening, as the mist rose off a nearby reservoir, the mellifluous voice of the popular Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng could be heard wafting out from one of the village’s several tea shops. But this sleepy Chinese village is nestled in the lush backcountry of northwestern Thailand, one of several dozen such outposts, a quirk of the region’s tumultuous human and political history. “I may have a Thai ID, but I’m Chinese,” said Liang Zhengde, 47, a manager for his family’s fruit farms. “My family is Chinese, and no matter where we go, we’re still Chinese.” The Liangs, like some 200 other families here, are the veterans or descendants of what is known as China’s Lost Army, a unit of the Kuomintang’s Nationalist Army, which lost to the Red Army of Mao Zedong in 1949. As most Nationalist soldiers fled east to Taiwan in the face of Communist advances, the Kuomintang’s 93rd Division retreated west from the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan into Myanmar, then known as Burma.


Question: Which ethnicity are most of the tourists to the village?

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

Answer: mostly Thai

<hl> The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai , who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. <hl> Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, <hl> mostly Thai <hl>, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, <hl> mostly Thai <hl> , who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea.


Question: At what age did Mr. Huang join the army?

Answer: 11

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. <hl> “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11 ,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. <hl> “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was <hl> 11 <hl>,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

“This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was <hl> 11 <hl> ,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin.


Question: Who funded Huang's museum?

Answer: Thai government

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. <hl> At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. <hl> Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the <hl> Thai government <hl> to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”


Question: For what reason did the government give funds to the museum?

Answer: commemorate the Kuomintang Army

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. <hl> At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army . <hl> Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to <hl> commemorate the Kuomintang Army <hl>. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to <hl> commemorate the Kuomintang Army <hl> .


Question: For what reasons is the area attractive to tourists?

Answer: cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea.

<hl> The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. <hl> On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”

The villages’ Chinese heritage has been played up in recent years as locals seek to cater to a small but growing number of tourists, mostly Thai, who come seeking <hl> cool weather, Chinese food and locally grown oolong tea. <hl> Huang Jiada, who joined the Kuomintang during the Cold War after his family had fled to Myanmar, has been leading the effort to preserve Ban Rak Thai’s unique history. On a recent crisp afternoon, Mr. Huang, 53, hopped on his motorbike and sped up a bumpy dirt path to the top of a hill. At the peak was a sparse, one-room museum that he built with funds from the Thai government to commemorate the Kuomintang Army. Inside, recent photos of elderly veterans wearing oversize military fatigues were displayed alongside hand-drawn maps of battle routes and older photos that showed young, gun-wielding soldiers marching under the army’s red, white and blue flag. Mr. Huang pointed to a portrait of a heavyset man wearing rumpled clothes and an orange beanie. “This is the man who conscripted me into the army in Myanmar when I was 11,” Mr. Huang said, speaking in southern-inflected Mandarin. “He couldn’t read or write, but he could certainly fight and kill.”


Question: Other than Mr. Huang's district, where is another museum with similar purpose?

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province, the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all Chinese people. We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” It is a sentiment shared by much of the older generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — the year the Republic of China was founded — as year one.

Answer: Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province

<hl> Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province , the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. <hl> “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all Chinese people. We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” It is a sentiment shared by much of the older generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — the year the Republic of China was founded — as year one.

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in <hl> Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province <hl>, the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all Chinese people. We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” It is a sentiment shared by much of the older generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — the year the Republic of China was founded — as year one.

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in <hl> Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province <hl> , the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village.


Question: Why does the older generation feel that 1912 was important?

Answer: the year the Republic of China was founded

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province, the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all Chinese people. We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” <hl> It is a sentiment shared by much of the older generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — the year the Republic of China was founded — as year one. <hl>

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province, the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all Chinese people. We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” It is a sentiment shared by much of the older generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — <hl> the year the Republic of China was founded <hl> — as year one.


Question: Which generation uses a different "year one"?

Answer: older

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province, the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all Chinese people. We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” <hl> It is a sentiment shared by much of the older generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — the year the Republic of China was founded — as year one. <hl>

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province, the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all Chinese people. We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” It is a sentiment shared by much of the <hl> older <hl> generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — the year the Republic of China was founded — as year one.


Question: Huang feels that all Taiwanese and Chinese people are of what roots?

Answer: Chinese

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province, the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. <hl> Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all Chinese people. <hl> We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” It is a sentiment shared by much of the older generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — the year the Republic of China was founded — as year one.

Mr. Huang was inspired to build the museum after seeing the impressive Kuomintang history museum in Santikhiri, in Chiang Rai Province, the country’s most prominent Kuomintang village. “We can’t forget the history,” he said. “We can’t throw our forebears away. Regardless of what happens with China and Taiwan in the future, we are all <hl> Chinese <hl> people. We can’t forget our Chinese roots.” It is a sentiment shared by much of the older generation in Ban Rak Thai, who still speak of the past in terms of the traditional minguo calendar, which takes 1912 — the year the Republic of China was founded — as year one.


Question: What type of victims were involved in the conviction?

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting kindergartners, in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong, told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.

Answer: kindergartners

<hl> JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting kindergartners , in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. <hl> “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong, told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting <hl> kindergartners <hl>, in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong, told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting <hl> kindergartners <hl> , in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system.


Question: What was the name of the second educator?

Answer: Neil Bantleman

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting kindergartners, in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. <hl> “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong, told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman , were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. <hl> “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting kindergartners, in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong, told reporters as he and the other, <hl> Neil Bantleman <hl>, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.

“We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong, told reporters as he and the other, <hl> Neil Bantleman <hl> , were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital.


Question: What did the school claim the case was?

Answer: fabricated

<hl> JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting kindergartners, in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. <hl> “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong, told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting kindergartners, in a case that the school said was <hl> fabricated <hl> and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong, told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.


Question: What was the name of the first educator?

Answer: Ferdinand Tjiong

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting kindergartners, in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. <hl> “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, Ferdinand Tjiong , told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. <hl> “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Two educators at a prestigious international school in Indonesia were freed from prison on Friday after an appeals court overturned their convictions and 10-year prison sentences on charges of sexually assaulting kindergartners, in a case that the school said was fabricated and that led to international concern about the competence of the country’s judicial system. “We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, <hl> Ferdinand Tjiong <hl>, told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. “This should be a lesson to all of us that we should keep fighting for justice and the innocent,” Mr. Tjiong said.

“We are relieved and grateful that justice can finally prevail,” one of the pair, <hl> Ferdinand Tjiong <hl> , told reporters as he and the other, Neil Bantleman, were mobbed by a throng of journalists and supporters after walking through the gates of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital.