Question: How old is Shaimaa al-Sabbagh?

Answer: 31

CAIRO — At least 18 people were killed in political violence on Sunday, the fourth anniversary of the Arab Spring uprising, a reminder of the ruthless crackdown the military-backed government has used to silence any echoes of that revolt. Security officials said three of those killed were militants trying to plant bombs that accidentally exploded in two Nile Delta towns, and three others were police conscripts. At least 12 others were civilians killed by security forces. As many as 10 civilians were killed in clashes in the Matariya district, a frequent flash point on the northern edge of Cairo, and dozens of civilians were reportedly injured in clashes at scattered protests around the country. After nearly 18 months of recurring police shootings at street protests since the military takeover in 2013, it was the deaths of two others killed over the weekend that most captured Egypt’s attention. Sondos Reda Abu Bakr, a 17-year-old high school student, was killed Friday by police officers firing birdshot at a demonstration in Alexandria in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. <hl> And Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, 31 , a left-leaning poet and activist, was killed in Cairo. <hl> She was a member of a socialist political party that had supported President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and the military takeover he led in 2013.

CAIRO — At least 18 people were killed in political violence on Sunday, the fourth anniversary of the Arab Spring uprising, a reminder of the ruthless crackdown the military-backed government has used to silence any echoes of that revolt. Security officials said three of those killed were militants trying to plant bombs that accidentally exploded in two Nile Delta towns, and three others were police conscripts. At least 12 others were civilians killed by security forces. As many as 10 civilians were killed in clashes in the Matariya district, a frequent flash point on the northern edge of Cairo, and dozens of civilians were reportedly injured in clashes at scattered protests around the country. After nearly 18 months of recurring police shootings at street protests since the military takeover in 2013, it was the deaths of two others killed over the weekend that most captured Egypt’s attention. Sondos Reda Abu Bakr, a 17-year-old high school student, was killed Friday by police officers firing birdshot at a demonstration in Alexandria in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. And Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, <hl> 31 <hl>, a left-leaning poet and activist, was killed in Cairo. She was a member of a socialist political party that had supported President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and the military takeover he led in 2013.

And Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, <hl> 31 <hl> , a left-leaning poet and activist, was killed in Cairo.


Question: What year did the military takeover occur?

CAIRO — At least 18 people were killed in political violence on Sunday, the fourth anniversary of the Arab Spring uprising, a reminder of the ruthless crackdown the military-backed government has used to silence any echoes of that revolt. Security officials said three of those killed were militants trying to plant bombs that accidentally exploded in two Nile Delta towns, and three others were police conscripts. At least 12 others were civilians killed by security forces. As many as 10 civilians were killed in clashes in the Matariya district, a frequent flash point on the northern edge of Cairo, and dozens of civilians were reportedly injured in clashes at scattered protests around the country. After nearly 18 months of recurring police shootings at street protests since the military takeover in 2013, it was the deaths of two others killed over the weekend that most captured Egypt’s attention. Sondos Reda Abu Bakr, a 17-year-old high school student, was killed Friday by police officers firing birdshot at a demonstration in Alexandria in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. And Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, 31, a left-leaning poet and activist, was killed in Cairo. She was a member of a socialist political party that had supported President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and the military takeover he led in 2013.

Answer: 2013

CAIRO — At least 18 people were killed in political violence on Sunday, the fourth anniversary of the Arab Spring uprising, a reminder of the ruthless crackdown the military-backed government has used to silence any echoes of that revolt. Security officials said three of those killed were militants trying to plant bombs that accidentally exploded in two Nile Delta towns, and three others were police conscripts. At least 12 others were civilians killed by security forces. As many as 10 civilians were killed in clashes in the Matariya district, a frequent flash point on the northern edge of Cairo, and dozens of civilians were reportedly injured in clashes at scattered protests around the country. <hl> After nearly 18 months of recurring police shootings at street protests since the military takeover in 2013 , it was the deaths of two others killed over the weekend that most captured Egypt’s attention. <hl> Sondos Reda Abu Bakr, a 17-year-old high school student, was killed Friday by police officers firing birdshot at a demonstration in Alexandria in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. And Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, 31, a left-leaning poet and activist, was killed in Cairo. She was a member of a socialist political party that had supported President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and the military takeover he led in 2013.

CAIRO — At least 18 people were killed in political violence on Sunday, the fourth anniversary of the Arab Spring uprising, a reminder of the ruthless crackdown the military-backed government has used to silence any echoes of that revolt. Security officials said three of those killed were militants trying to plant bombs that accidentally exploded in two Nile Delta towns, and three others were police conscripts. At least 12 others were civilians killed by security forces. As many as 10 civilians were killed in clashes in the Matariya district, a frequent flash point on the northern edge of Cairo, and dozens of civilians were reportedly injured in clashes at scattered protests around the country. After nearly 18 months of recurring police shootings at street protests since the military takeover in <hl> 2013 <hl>, it was the deaths of two others killed over the weekend that most captured Egypt’s attention. Sondos Reda Abu Bakr, a 17-year-old high school student, was killed Friday by police officers firing birdshot at a demonstration in Alexandria in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. And Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, 31, a left-leaning poet and activist, was killed in Cairo. She was a member of a socialist political party that had supported President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and the military takeover he led in 2013.

After nearly 18 months of recurring police shootings at street protests since the military takeover in <hl> 2013 <hl> , it was the deaths of two others killed over the weekend that most captured Egypt’s attention.


Question: Who was the 17 year old student killed by police officers?

Answer: Sondos Reda Abu Bakr

CAIRO — At least 18 people were killed in political violence on Sunday, the fourth anniversary of the Arab Spring uprising, a reminder of the ruthless crackdown the military-backed government has used to silence any echoes of that revolt. Security officials said three of those killed were militants trying to plant bombs that accidentally exploded in two Nile Delta towns, and three others were police conscripts. At least 12 others were civilians killed by security forces. As many as 10 civilians were killed in clashes in the Matariya district, a frequent flash point on the northern edge of Cairo, and dozens of civilians were reportedly injured in clashes at scattered protests around the country. After nearly 18 months of recurring police shootings at street protests since the military takeover in 2013, it was the deaths of two others killed over the weekend that most captured Egypt’s attention. <hl> Sondos Reda Abu Bakr , a 17-year-old high school student, was killed Friday by police officers firing birdshot at a demonstration in Alexandria in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. <hl> And Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, 31, a left-leaning poet and activist, was killed in Cairo. She was a member of a socialist political party that had supported President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and the military takeover he led in 2013.

CAIRO — At least 18 people were killed in political violence on Sunday, the fourth anniversary of the Arab Spring uprising, a reminder of the ruthless crackdown the military-backed government has used to silence any echoes of that revolt. Security officials said three of those killed were militants trying to plant bombs that accidentally exploded in two Nile Delta towns, and three others were police conscripts. At least 12 others were civilians killed by security forces. As many as 10 civilians were killed in clashes in the Matariya district, a frequent flash point on the northern edge of Cairo, and dozens of civilians were reportedly injured in clashes at scattered protests around the country. After nearly 18 months of recurring police shootings at street protests since the military takeover in 2013, it was the deaths of two others killed over the weekend that most captured Egypt’s attention. <hl> Sondos Reda Abu Bakr <hl>, a 17-year-old high school student, was killed Friday by police officers firing birdshot at a demonstration in Alexandria in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. And Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, 31, a left-leaning poet and activist, was killed in Cairo. She was a member of a socialist political party that had supported President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and the military takeover he led in 2013.

<hl> Sondos Reda Abu Bakr <hl> , a 17-year-old high school student, was killed Friday by police officers firing birdshot at a demonstration in Alexandria in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood.


Question: What was the cause of death of Ms Sabbagh?

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.

Answer: birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. <hl> A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart , according to news reports. <hl> The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said <hl> birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart <hl>, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.

A forensic report said <hl> birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart <hl> , according to news reports.


Question: What is the profession of Azza Soliman?

Answer: prominent human rights lawyer

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. <hl> When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. <hl> In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a <hl> prominent human rights lawyer <hl> who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.


Question: Where was the wreath of flowers going to be laid?

Answer: Tahrir Square

<hl> Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. <hl> When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in <hl> Tahrir Square <hl> to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.


Question: Why was the wreath of flowers going to be laid in Tahrir Square?

Answer: to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests

<hl> Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests , according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. <hl> When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square <hl> to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests <hl>, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police.

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square <hl> to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests <hl> , according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene.


Question: How many people died in clashes with the police on the anniversary last year?

Answer: more than 50 people

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. <hl> On the anniversary last year, more than 50 people died in clashes with the police. <hl>

Ms. Sabbagh was walking in a small group of fellow party members on Saturday with a wreath of flowers to lay in Tahrir Square to honor demonstrators killed there during previous protests, according to a witness account and a video recording of the scene. When her group took up the Arab Spring chant for “bread, freedom and social justice,” a contingent of masked riot police officers as numerous as the marchers “fired bullets and gas within minutes,” according to a testimonial posted on Facebook by Azza Soliman, a prominent human rights lawyer who was nearby at the time. In the video, the police officers are seen firing guns from across a narrow street. A friend, crouching down, grabs Ms. Sabbagh around the waist as she stands upright with blood running down her face. Then he is seen hurriedly carrying her away while the gunfire continues. A forensic report said birdshot fired at close range had pierced her lung and heart, according to news reports. The deaths on the anniversary of the revolt were predictable, rights activists say, because the swift use of firearms has become de facto police policy toward any unauthorized public assembly, especially in downtown Cairo. On the anniversary last year, <hl> more than 50 people <hl> died in clashes with the police.


Question: Who died?

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.

Answer: Ms. Sabbagh

<hl> But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh ’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. <hl> “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of <hl> Ms. Sabbagh <hl>’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of <hl> Ms. Sabbagh <hl> ’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say.


Question: What is happening to the streets more this year?

Answer: becoming much less safe

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. <hl> “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said. <hl>

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. “The streets are <hl> becoming much less safe <hl> for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.


Question: What is Amr Abdel Rahman's profession?

Answer: researcher

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. <hl> “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. <hl> “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a <hl> researcher <hl> with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.


Question: What is Ms Sabbagh a member of?

Answer: a very tame opposition party

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. <hl> “She is a member of a very tame opposition party , by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. <hl> “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. “She is a member of <hl> a very tame opposition party <hl>, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.

“She is a member of <hl> a very tame opposition party <hl> , by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights.


Question: Who employs Amr Abdel Rahman?

Answer: Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. <hl> “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights . <hl> “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.

But the arresting stories of the two unarmed women, and most of all the vivid images of Ms. Sabbagh’s death, have dramatized the police violence more effectively than any statistics, rights advocates say. “She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the <hl> Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights <hl>. “The streets are becoming much less safe for Egyptian activists from any walk of the political spectrum than it was even last year,” he said.

“She is a member of a very tame opposition party, by no means a revolutionary, and yet she is subjected to this brutal force,” said Amr Abdel Rahman, a researcher with the <hl> Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights <hl> .


Question: Who is the executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights?

Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence. So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” Mr. Eid said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of Iran” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.

Answer: Gamal Eid

<hl> Gamal Eid , executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence. <hl> So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” Mr. Eid said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of Iran” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.

<hl> Gamal Eid <hl>, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence. So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” Mr. Eid said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of Iran” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.

<hl> Gamal Eid <hl> , executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence.


Question: Who argued against Mr Sisi's police force?

Answer: Mr. Eid

Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence. So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. <hl> “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” Mr. Eid said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” <hl> “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of Iran” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.

Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence. So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” <hl> Mr. Eid <hl> said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of Iran” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.


Question: Who is responsible for the killings discussed?

Answer: police

<hl> Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence. <hl> So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” Mr. Eid said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of Iran” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.

Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped <hl> police <hl> violence. So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” Mr. Eid said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of Iran” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.


Question: What country are the Savak political police in?

Answer: Iran

Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence. So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” Mr. Eid said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” <hl> “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of Iran ” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added. <hl>

Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, noted that only a small demonstration in support of President Sisi appeared to have escaped police violence. So the police killings, including Ms. Sabbagh’s, had sent a clear message. “If you object to Sisi, your blood is permissible,” Mr. Eid said, arguing that Mr. Sisi’s police force was clenching its fist even more tightly than former President Hosni Mubarak’s — “with all its monstrosity.” “We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of <hl> Iran <hl>” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.

“We are closer to the Gestapo in East Germany or the Savak political police of <hl> Iran <hl> ” under the Shah, Mr. Eid added.


Question: Who did Dostum try to get help from?

ALMAR, Afghanistan —  At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July.

Answer: his own government

<hl> ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government , lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. <hl> But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July.

ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from <hl> his own government <hl>, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July.

ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from <hl> his own government <hl> , lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan.


Question: Who did Dostum lobby?

Answer: National Security Council

<hl> ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. <hl> But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July.

ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the <hl> National Security Council <hl> to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July.


Question: Who was making serious implications on Dostum's territory?

Answer: Taliban offensive

<hl> ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. <hl> But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July.

ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a <hl> Taliban offensive <hl> began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July.


Question: When did Dostum charge up north?

Answer: July

ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. <hl> Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July . <hl>

ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in <hl> July <hl>.

Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in <hl> July <hl> .


Question: Where is Mr. Dostum's home province?

Back in his home province of Jowzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul. Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place?

Answer: Jowzjan

<hl> Back in his home province of Jowzjan , Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul. <hl> Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place?

Back in his home province of <hl> Jowzjan <hl>, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul. Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place?

Back in his home province of <hl> Jowzjan <hl> , Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul.


Question: What did Mr. Dostum turn his palace into?

Answer: command center

<hl> Back in his home province of Jowzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul. <hl> Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place?

Back in his home province of Jowzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a <hl> command center <hl> and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul. Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place?


Question: Where was Mr. Dostum coordinate war efforts?

Answer: Faryab and Sar-i-Pul

<hl> Back in his home province of Jowzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul . <hl> Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place?

Back in his home province of Jowzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of <hl> Faryab and Sar-i-Pul <hl>. Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place?

Back in his home province of Jowzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of <hl> Faryab and Sar-i-Pul <hl> .


Question: When did the Taliban rise?

Answer: 1990s

Back in his home province of Jowzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul. Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. <hl> But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place? <hl>

Back in his home province of Jowzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-i-Pul. Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the <hl> 1990s <hl> caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place?


Question: Who was pressuring government officials?

Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”

Answer: President Ashraf Ghani

<hl> Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani , government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. <hl> Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”

Partly because of pressures from <hl> President Ashraf Ghani <hl>, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”

Partly because of pressures from <hl> President Ashraf Ghani <hl> , government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds.


Question: Who was making rounds?

Answer: vice president and his two sons

<hl> Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. <hl> Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”

Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the <hl> vice president and his two sons <hl> in uniform making the rounds. Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”


Question: What area fell to the militants?

Answer: Mir Shadi in Almar district

Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. <hl> Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district , fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. <hl> However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”

Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like <hl> Mir Shadi in Almar district <hl>, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”

Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like <hl> Mir Shadi in Almar district <hl> , fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said.


Question: How many people were gathered in Jowzjan?

Answer: 9,000

Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. <hl> “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. <hl> “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”

Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. “There were up to <hl> 9,000 <hl> people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jowzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.”


Question: Who beats and kill people?

“The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”

Answer: The militias

<hl> “ The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. <hl> “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”

“<hl> The militias <hl> also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”

“ <hl> The militias <hl> also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said.


Question: Who is harassing the locals?

Answer: the militias

“The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” <hl> A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” <hl> “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”

“The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” A senior security official acknowledged that <hl> the militias <hl> were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”


Question: Who acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals?

Answer: senior security official

“The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” <hl> A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” <hl> “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”

“The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” A <hl> senior security official <hl> acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”


Question: what was the taliban tradition when they raided a village?

Answer: loot and burn houses

“The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” <hl> “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses ,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. <hl> “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”

“The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would <hl> loot and burn houses <hl>,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.”

“It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would <hl> loot and burn houses <hl> ,” the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble.


Question: Who was the first to explain chemical reactions involving petroleum compounds?

Mr. Chauvin was the first to explain chemical reactions involving petroleum compounds in which two molecules swap groups of atoms. The reactions, called metathesis (pronounced meh-TATH-eh-sis), which means “changing places,” break and then re-form strong “double bonds” between carbon atoms. That process generally requires high temperatures and immense pressures; metathesis, however, takes place under relatively mild conditions, is often quicker than conventional processes, consumes less energy and produces less waste — advantages for chemical companies and for the environment. For years, chemists were unable to explain how the bonds were being rearranged.

Answer: Mr. Chauvin

<hl> Mr. Chauvin was the first to explain chemical reactions involving petroleum compounds in which two molecules swap groups of atoms. <hl> The reactions, called metathesis (pronounced meh-TATH-eh-sis), which means “changing places,” break and then re-form strong “double bonds” between carbon atoms. That process generally requires high temperatures and immense pressures; metathesis, however, takes place under relatively mild conditions, is often quicker than conventional processes, consumes less energy and produces less waste — advantages for chemical companies and for the environment. For years, chemists were unable to explain how the bonds were being rearranged.

<hl> Mr. Chauvin <hl> was the first to explain chemical reactions involving petroleum compounds in which two molecules swap groups of atoms. The reactions, called metathesis (pronounced meh-TATH-eh-sis), which means “changing places,” break and then re-form strong “double bonds” between carbon atoms. That process generally requires high temperatures and immense pressures; metathesis, however, takes place under relatively mild conditions, is often quicker than conventional processes, consumes less energy and produces less waste — advantages for chemical companies and for the environment. For years, chemists were unable to explain how the bonds were being rearranged.


Question: Chemists were not able to explain how bonds were what during these chemical reactions?

Answer: rearranged

Mr. Chauvin was the first to explain chemical reactions involving petroleum compounds in which two molecules swap groups of atoms. The reactions, called metathesis (pronounced meh-TATH-eh-sis), which means “changing places,” break and then re-form strong “double bonds” between carbon atoms. That process generally requires high temperatures and immense pressures; metathesis, however, takes place under relatively mild conditions, is often quicker than conventional processes, consumes less energy and produces less waste — advantages for chemical companies and for the environment. <hl> For years, chemists were unable to explain how the bonds were being rearranged . <hl>

Mr. Chauvin was the first to explain chemical reactions involving petroleum compounds in which two molecules swap groups of atoms. The reactions, called metathesis (pronounced meh-TATH-eh-sis), which means “changing places,” break and then re-form strong “double bonds” between carbon atoms. That process generally requires high temperatures and immense pressures; metathesis, however, takes place under relatively mild conditions, is often quicker than conventional processes, consumes less energy and produces less waste — advantages for chemical companies and for the environment. For years, chemists were unable to explain how the bonds were being <hl> rearranged <hl>.

For years, chemists were unable to explain how the bonds were being <hl> rearranged <hl> .