Question: What does the Republican State House want to require for voters at the poll?

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.

Answer: photo identification

<hl> The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. <hl> The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require <hl> photo identification <hl> at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.


Question: What were Republican measures to require photo identification stymied by in recent years?

Answer: by the Senate or courts

<hl> The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. <hl> The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied <hl> by the Senate or courts <hl> in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.


Question: What do these republican measures require in order to be implemented?

Answer: Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. <hl> Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate , where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. <hl> Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. <hl> Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate <hl>, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.

<hl> Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate <hl> , where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements.


Question: Who previously blocked proposed ID requirements?

Answer: Democrats

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. <hl> Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. <hl> Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where <hl> Democrats <hl> have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.


Question: According to democrats, who would have a harder time voting if these proposals were passed?

Answer: older people, minorities and women

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. <hl> Democrats say it could make it harder for older people, minorities and women to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID. <hl>

The state House is again pushing forward with a Republican priority to require photo identification at the polls, after similar measures were stymied by the Senate or courts in recent years. The House gave initial approval Wednesday to put a constitutional amendment before voters in 2016 and also endorsed a bill that would institute the photo ID requirements if the constitutional amendment is approved. Both measures need a second House vote and also would have to pass the Senate, where Democrats have previously blocked proposed ID requirements. Supporters say the requirement is needed to ensure the integrity of elections. Democrats say it could make it harder for <hl> older people, minorities and women <hl> to vote, because they might have more difficulty getting the underlying documents such as birth certificates or marriage licenses that are needed to obtain an ID.


Question: Where did Andrew Papachristos was born?

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.

Answer: Chicago

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. <hl> But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. <hl> A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a <hl> Chicago <hl> native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.


Question: What does Andrew Papachristos do for a living?

Answer: associate professor of sociology at Yale

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. <hl> But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale , says. <hl> A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an <hl> associate professor of sociology at Yale <hl>, says. A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.

But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an <hl> associate professor of sociology at Yale <hl> , says.


Question: What does Trey do for a living?

Answer: works full time as a security guard

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. <hl> Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard . <hl> In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and <hl> works full time as a security guard <hl>. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.

Trey has no violent criminal record and <hl> works full time as a security guard <hl> .


Question: What does help to survive in difficult neighborhoods like the one in which Trey grew up?

Answer: banding together in brotherhoods

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. <hl> In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak. <hl>

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; <hl> banding together in brotherhoods <hl> can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.


Question: Which one is the brotherhood in which Trey is affiliated?

Answer: 81st Street Black P. Stones

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. <hl> A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the 81st Street Black P. Stones in Auburn Gresham. <hl> Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.

“People see ‘gang member,’ and the words ‘psycho killer’ instantly pop in their head. But that isn’t the case,” Andrew Papachristos, a Chicago native and an associate professor of sociology at Yale, says. A majority of residents who claim sets in Chicago are more like Trey, my close friend of 17 years and a member of the <hl> 81st Street Black P. Stones <hl> in Auburn Gresham. Trey has no violent criminal record and works full time as a security guard. In areas like Gresham, a lot of young men don’t have the luxury of opting out of affiliation with the local set; banding together in brotherhoods can be a survival strategy in neighborhoods where personal reputation is capital and walking the streets alone makes it more likely that you’ll be seen as weak.


Question: In which year was the author shot?

That category could easily have included me. In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.

Answer: In 2006

That category could easily have included me. <hl> In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. <hl> The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.

That category could easily have included me. <hl> In 2006 <hl> I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.


Question: In which city was the author shot?

Answer: Chicago

That category could easily have included me. <hl> In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. <hl> The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.

That category could easily have included me. In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of <hl> Chicago <hl> while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.


Question: Who covered the role of police superintendent in the past?

Answer: Garry McCarthy

That category could easily have included me. In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. <hl> And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. <hl> When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.

That category could easily have included me. In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent <hl> Garry McCarthy <hl> recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.


Question: Which one could be a solution to crime regarding the use of guns?

Answer: stricter policies on gun control

That category could easily have included me. In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. <hl> A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods. <hl>

That category could easily have included me. In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, <hl> stricter policies on gun control <hl> and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.


Question: For who should be organized "safe spaces"?

Answer: those who have been traumatized

That category could easily have included me. In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. <hl> A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for those who have been traumatized , in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods. <hl>

That category could easily have included me. In 2006 I was shot at by a drunken 20-something man on the North Side of Chicago while riding in a car with three female friends. The reason? I was in the back seat next to the man’s ex-girlfriend. Enraged, he burst from his house, pistol popping. Luckily, his aim was bad, and my friend was a good defensive driver: The shooter only managed to crack the rear window. I learned later that he had loose ties to a Hispanic set. Since then, I have sometimes wondered how close I came, as a brown man, then in my mid-20s, to having my death trivialized by a two-word phrase in a police blotter. The chimera of devious street tribes might give people a scapegoat for Chicago’s gun violence, but it doesn’t reflect the complex reality on the ground. And sending in tactical units to “destroy the gangs,” as the former Chicago police superintendent Garry McCarthy recently vowed, distracts from the structural problems that lead to gun violence in inner-city neighborhoods. When our solution to crime is to target gangs, we risk targeting whole swaths of people in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, almost all of them black and Hispanic. A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for <hl> those who have been traumatized <hl>, in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.

A real solution would involve more opportunities for employment and education, stricter policies on gun control and safe spaces for <hl> those who have been traumatized <hl> , in order to minimize the chance of violence being perpetuated — the same things people have spent half a century calling for in these neighborhoods.


Question: Why was Moreno not sent back to the minors?

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Answer: since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. <hl> Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas , a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. <hl> But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance <hl> since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas <hl>, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Moreno came in for his first appearance <hl> since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas <hl> , a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm.


Question: Which base runner scored off of Saladinos base hit?

Answer: Adam Eaton

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” <hl> Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton ’s single up the middle. <hl> After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on <hl> Adam Eaton <hl>’s single up the middle. After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on <hl> Adam Eaton <hl> ’s single up the middle.


Question: Who threw a wild pitch?

Answer: Mitchell

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” <hl> Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. <hl> After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” Then in the fifth, <hl> Mitchell <hl> just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.


Question: What inning of the game was Mitchell relieved?

Answer: fifth

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” <hl> Then in the fifth , Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. <hl> After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” Then in the <hl> fifth <hl>, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Then in the <hl> fifth <hl> , Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle.


Question: Which player got the base hit that gave the White Sox the lead in the game?

Answer: Tyler Saladino

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. <hl> After a wild pitch, Tyler Saladino followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. <hl> Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.

Asked if he had thought the ball was out, Gregorius said, “Until I got robbed, yeah.” Then in the fifth, Mitchell just missed getting his glove on Adam Eaton’s single up the middle. After a wild pitch, <hl> Tyler Saladino <hl> followed with another grounder up the middle, which gave the White Sox a 3-1 lead and spelled the end for Mitchell, who gave up seven hits and struck out five. Moreno came in for his first appearance since throwing five and a third innings of no-hit relief Tuesday against Texas, a stint that kept him from being returned to Scranton/Wilkes-Barre for a fresher arm. But it quickly became apparent that Moreno would not repeat that performance. He nicked Jose Abreu on the elbow and then surrendered Cabrera’s home run.


Question: The Cuban church has long been wary of angering which government?

But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to the Roman Catholic Church. “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the Rev. Jorge Cela, who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of a Communist government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist.

Answer: a Communist

But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to the Roman Catholic Church. “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the Rev. Jorge Cela, who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. <hl> For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of a Communist government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist. <hl>

But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to the Roman Catholic Church. “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the Rev. Jorge Cela, who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of <hl> a Communist <hl> government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist.


Question: Who was the first Latin American pope?

Answer: Francis

<hl> But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to the Roman Catholic Church. <hl> “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the Rev. Jorge Cela, who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of a Communist government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist.

But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, <hl> Francis <hl> faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to the Roman Catholic Church. “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the Rev. Jorge Cela, who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of a Communist government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist.


Question: Who was in charge of the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012?

Answer: Rev. Jorge Cela

But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to the Roman Catholic Church. <hl> “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the Rev. Jorge Cela , who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. <hl> “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of a Communist government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist.

But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to the Roman Catholic Church. “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the <hl> Rev. Jorge Cela <hl>, who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of a Communist government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist.

“It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the <hl> Rev. Jorge Cela <hl> , who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012.


Question: Francis wants to open Cuba to which Church?

Answer: the Roman Catholic Church

<hl> But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to the Roman Catholic Church . <hl> “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the Rev. Jorge Cela, who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of a Communist government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist.

But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to <hl> the Roman Catholic Church <hl>. “It is an occasion to ask for more openness,” said the Rev. Jorge Cela, who oversaw the Jesuit religious order in Cuba from 2010 to 2012. “The relationship is not easy.” From his own experiences in the 1970s, when Argentina was ruled by a military dictatorship, Francis knows the complexity, dangers and difficult compromises of coexisting with repressive authorities. For decades, the Cuban church has been wary of inciting the wrath of a Communist government that all but marginalized it after the 1959 revolution, when priests were cast out, religious schools were closed and the state was declared atheist.

But as he arrives in Havana on Saturday, the first stop of a nine-day papal trip to Cuba and the United States, Francis faces a new challenge altogether: Having helped open up Cuba to the world, the first Latin American pope must now try to fully open up Cuba to <hl> the Roman Catholic Church <hl> .


Question: Who was not invited to the celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August?

“It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that dissidents were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. Meanwhile, he said, the state had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing police officers outside dissidents’ houses.

Answer: dissidents

<hl> “It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that dissidents were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. <hl> Meanwhile, he said, the state had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing police officers outside dissidents’ houses.

“It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that <hl> dissidents <hl> were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. Meanwhile, he said, the state had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing police officers outside dissidents’ houses.


Question: Who detained dissidents?

Answer: the state

“It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that dissidents were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. <hl> Meanwhile, he said, the state had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing police officers outside dissidents’ houses. <hl>

“It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that dissidents were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. Meanwhile, he said, <hl> the state <hl> had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing police officers outside dissidents’ houses.


Question: Which officials were stationed outside of dissidents' houses?

Answer: police officers

“It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that dissidents were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. <hl> Meanwhile, he said, the state had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing police officers outside dissidents’ houses. <hl>

“It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that dissidents were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. Meanwhile, he said, the state had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing <hl> police officers <hl> outside dissidents’ houses.


Question: In what month were celebrations held at the new United States Embassy?

Answer: August

<hl> “It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that dissidents were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in August and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. <hl> Meanwhile, he said, the state had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing police officers outside dissidents’ houses.

“It forms part of an established agenda,” he said, noting that dissidents were not invited to celebrations at the new United States Embassy in <hl> August <hl> and that they were often avoided by visiting delegations. Meanwhile, he said, the state had started cracking down ahead of the pope’s visit, detaining some dissidents and stationing police officers outside dissidents’ houses.


Question: Who is the most powerful person in the Cuban church?

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino, the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire. Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to the government of President Raúl Castro. Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

Answer: Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” <hl> The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino , the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire. <hl> Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to the government of President Raúl Castro. Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is <hl> Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino <hl>, the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire. Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to the government of President Raúl Castro. Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is <hl> Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino <hl> , the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire.


Question: Which cardinal has issued public dismissals of Cuba's political opposition?

Answer: Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” <hl> The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino , the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire. <hl> Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to the government of President Raúl Castro. Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is <hl> Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino <hl>, the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire. Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to the government of President Raúl Castro. Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is <hl> Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino <hl> , the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire.


Question: What is the archbishop of Havana planning to do?

Answer: retire

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” <hl> The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino, the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire . <hl> Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to the government of President Raúl Castro. Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino, the archbishop of Havana, who is set to <hl> retire <hl>. Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to the government of President Raúl Castro. Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino, the archbishop of Havana, who is set to <hl> retire <hl> .


Question: Some people believe Cardinal Ortega is too conciliatory to whom?

Answer: the government of President Raúl Castro

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino, the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire. <hl> Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to the government of President Raúl Castro . <hl> Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

“What the church recognizes today and they are addressing is that the first thing you have to address with the Cuban people is trying to meet their basic needs,” said Andy Gomez, a former senior fellow at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. “Once you start helping them address their basic needs, food and shelter, then you can start talking about religion, social change and some of these other things.” The most powerful figure in the Cuban church is Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino, the archbishop of Havana, who is set to retire. Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to <hl> the government of President Raúl Castro <hl>. Defenders say he is astute and politically savvy in preserving the relevance of the church. According to Catholic clergy and lay members, Cardinal Ortega favors a slower, smoother transition to a more democratic and market-based Cuba, a view shared by some on and off the island who fear that a more dramatic change could bring social and economic turmoil. But some Cuban bishops have wanted a more confrontational approach, while other critics have been upset by the cardinal’s public dismissals of Cuba’s political opposition.

Detractors attack him as being too conciliatory to <hl> the government of President Raúl Castro <hl> .


Question: In what month did Cardinal Ortega anger members of the opposition?

In June, Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two dissidents during a reception at the United States Interests Section (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.

Answer: June

<hl> In June , Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. <hl> A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two dissidents during a reception at the United States Interests Section (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.

In <hl> June <hl>, Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two dissidents during a reception at the United States Interests Section (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.

In <hl> June <hl> , Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba.


Question: Who refused to accept a list of political prisoners?

Answer: Cardinal Ortega

<hl> In June, Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. <hl> A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two dissidents during a reception at the United States Interests Section (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.

In June, <hl> Cardinal Ortega <hl> incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two dissidents during a reception at the United States Interests Section (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.


Question: What building recently reopened as the American embassy?

Answer: the United States Interests Section

In June, Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. <hl> A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two dissidents during a reception at the United States Interests Section (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). <hl> The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.

In June, Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two dissidents during a reception at <hl> the United States Interests Section <hl> (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.


Question: Who loudly criticized the cardinal?

Answer: dissidents

In June, Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. <hl> A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two dissidents during a reception at the United States Interests Section (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). <hl> The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.

In June, Cardinal Ortega incensed members of the opposition when he suggested in a radio interview that he had no knowledge of political prisoners in Cuba. A month later, he became the focus of an awkward standoff after he refused to accept a list of political prisoners presented to him by two <hl> dissidents <hl> during a reception at the United States Interests Section (the building soon reopened this summer as the American embassy when diplomatic relations with Cuba were restored). The dissidents loudly began to berate the cardinal, who threatened to call security. “The line that you have to walk to have a voice in calling out injustices that the government commits, and on the other side mediating and looking for space for dialogue, that line is a tightrope, very difficult to walk,” said Carlos Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman who grew up in Miami and has close ties to the church.


Question: Who softened his stance on the church in the early 1990s?

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” There have certainly been times when the church has challenged the government. In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro, knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.

Answer: Fidel Castro

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” There have certainly been times when the church has challenged the government. <hl> In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro , knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. <hl> The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” There have certainly been times when the church has challenged the government. In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, <hl> Fidel Castro <hl>, knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.

In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, <hl> Fidel Castro <hl> , knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church.


Question: What leader knew he needed new allies in the early 1990s?

Answer: Fidel Castro

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” There have certainly been times when the church has challenged the government. <hl> In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro , knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. <hl> The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” There have certainly been times when the church has challenged the government. In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, <hl> Fidel Castro <hl>, knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.

In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, <hl> Fidel Castro <hl> , knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church.


Question: When Fidel Castro softened his stance on the church, it energized whom?

Answer: the church

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” <hl> There have certainly been times when the church has challenged the government. <hl> In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro, knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” There have certainly been times when <hl> the church <hl> has challenged the government. In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro, knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.


Question: Who sent a statement in 1993 that shocked the Catholic community?

Answer: the church

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” <hl> There have certainly been times when the church has challenged the government. <hl> In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro, knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.

“Sooner or later you fall on one side or the other,” he added. “Ortega has shown us that he has a tendency to do that.” There have certainly been times when <hl> the church <hl> has challenged the government. In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro, knowing that he needed new allies and new sources of money, began to soften his stance on the church. The move seemed to energize the church, which issued a statement in 1993 that sent waves through the Catholic community — and the government — in its calls for more openness to ideas outside of the state.


Question: Which country has a lack of bishops?

Replacing the cardinal will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. He will travel throughout the island, meeting different bishops and church figures. It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the Cuban church, though analysts do not expect a decision soon. “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”

Answer: Cuba

Replacing the cardinal will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. He will travel throughout the island, meeting different bishops and church figures. <hl> It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the Cuba n church, though analysts do not expect a decision soon. <hl> “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”

Replacing the cardinal will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. He will travel throughout the island, meeting different bishops and church figures. It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the <hl> Cuba <hl>n church, though analysts do not expect a decision soon. “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”

It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the <hl> Cuba <hl> n church, though analysts do not expect a decision soon.


Question: What will be a complicated task for Francis?

Answer: Replacing the cardinal

<hl> Replacing the cardinal will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. <hl> He will travel throughout the island, meeting different bishops and church figures. It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the Cuban church, though analysts do not expect a decision soon. “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”

<hl> Replacing the cardinal <hl> will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. He will travel throughout the island, meeting different bishops and church figures. It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the Cuban church, though analysts do not expect a decision soon. “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”


Question: Franis will travel the island and meet with whom?

Answer: different bishops and church figures

Replacing the cardinal will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. <hl> He will travel throughout the island, meeting different bishops and church figures . <hl> It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the Cuban church, though analysts do not expect a decision soon. “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”

Replacing the cardinal will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. He will travel throughout the island, meeting <hl> different bishops and church figures <hl>. It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the Cuban church, though analysts do not expect a decision soon. “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”

He will travel throughout the island, meeting <hl> different bishops and church figures <hl> .


Question: Analysts do not expect a quick decision concerning what?

Answer: the next potential leader of the Cuban church

Replacing the cardinal will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. He will travel throughout the island, meeting different bishops and church figures. <hl> It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of the next potential leader of the Cuban church , though analysts do not expect a decision soon. <hl> “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”

Replacing the cardinal will be one of Francis’ most complicated and important tasks. He will travel throughout the island, meeting different bishops and church figures. It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of <hl> the next potential leader of the Cuban church <hl>, though analysts do not expect a decision soon. “There are not a lot of bishops in Cuba,” said Gianni La Bella, an expert in Latin American Catholicism and a member of the Community of Sant’Egidio, a liberal Catholic group active in international affairs. “It is not easy to choose the right man for the place.”

It should allow him to make a personal evaluation of <hl> the next potential leader of the Cuban church <hl> , though analysts do not expect a decision soon.


Question: Who did Castro joke might convince him to return to the church?

He added, “I think that our church in Cuba is still looking too much into itself.” But Francis has unique advantages in Cuba, given that he is a native Spanish speaker bearing a popular message of social justice and the pitfalls of capitalism. Cuban officials have already signaled their approval. During his last trip to the Vatican, Raúl Castro joked that Francis might even convince him to return to church. Few expect that a Cuban government still so firmly in power is going to roll over, no matter how popular the pope may be. And those government critics, especially in Miami, who want Francis to publicly rebuke Mr. Castro are likely to be disappointed. The toughest negotiations will likely happen in private. “Cuba is his hardest task,” Mr. Hare said. “He will know that he has to engineer a new path in Cuba and he has the best opportunity yet with his rhetoric, background of social activism and lack of stuffiness to open the key to the Cuban door.”

Answer: Francis

He added, “I think that our church in Cuba is still looking too much into itself.” <hl> But Francis has unique advantages in Cuba, given that he is a native Spanish speaker bearing a popular message of social justice and the pitfalls of capitalism. <hl> Cuban officials have already signaled their approval. During his last trip to the Vatican, Raúl Castro joked that Francis might even convince him to return to church. Few expect that a Cuban government still so firmly in power is going to roll over, no matter how popular the pope may be. And those government critics, especially in Miami, who want Francis to publicly rebuke Mr. Castro are likely to be disappointed. The toughest negotiations will likely happen in private. “Cuba is his hardest task,” Mr. Hare said. “He will know that he has to engineer a new path in Cuba and he has the best opportunity yet with his rhetoric, background of social activism and lack of stuffiness to open the key to the Cuban door.”

He added, “I think that our church in Cuba is still looking too much into itself.” But <hl> Francis <hl> has unique advantages in Cuba, given that he is a native Spanish speaker bearing a popular message of social justice and the pitfalls of capitalism. Cuban officials have already signaled their approval. During his last trip to the Vatican, Raúl Castro joked that Francis might even convince him to return to church. Few expect that a Cuban government still so firmly in power is going to roll over, no matter how popular the pope may be. And those government critics, especially in Miami, who want Francis to publicly rebuke Mr. Castro are likely to be disappointed. The toughest negotiations will likely happen in private. “Cuba is his hardest task,” Mr. Hare said. “He will know that he has to engineer a new path in Cuba and he has the best opportunity yet with his rhetoric, background of social activism and lack of stuffiness to open the key to the Cuban door.”


Question: Who is Francis not likely to publicly rebuke?

Answer: Mr. Castro

He added, “I think that our church in Cuba is still looking too much into itself.” But Francis has unique advantages in Cuba, given that he is a native Spanish speaker bearing a popular message of social justice and the pitfalls of capitalism. Cuban officials have already signaled their approval. During his last trip to the Vatican, Raúl Castro joked that Francis might even convince him to return to church. Few expect that a Cuban government still so firmly in power is going to roll over, no matter how popular the pope may be. <hl> And those government critics, especially in Miami, who want Francis to publicly rebuke Mr. Castro are likely to be disappointed. <hl> The toughest negotiations will likely happen in private. “Cuba is his hardest task,” Mr. Hare said. “He will know that he has to engineer a new path in Cuba and he has the best opportunity yet with his rhetoric, background of social activism and lack of stuffiness to open the key to the Cuban door.”

He added, “I think that our church in Cuba is still looking too much into itself.” But Francis has unique advantages in Cuba, given that he is a native Spanish speaker bearing a popular message of social justice and the pitfalls of capitalism. Cuban officials have already signaled their approval. During his last trip to the Vatican, Raúl Castro joked that Francis might even convince him to return to church. Few expect that a Cuban government still so firmly in power is going to roll over, no matter how popular the pope may be. And those government critics, especially in Miami, who want Francis to publicly rebuke <hl> Mr. Castro <hl> are likely to be disappointed. The toughest negotiations will likely happen in private. “Cuba is his hardest task,” Mr. Hare said. “He will know that he has to engineer a new path in Cuba and he has the best opportunity yet with his rhetoric, background of social activism and lack of stuffiness to open the key to the Cuban door.”


Question: Will the hardest negotiations likely happen in public or private?

Answer: private

He added, “I think that our church in Cuba is still looking too much into itself.” But Francis has unique advantages in Cuba, given that he is a native Spanish speaker bearing a popular message of social justice and the pitfalls of capitalism. Cuban officials have already signaled their approval. During his last trip to the Vatican, Raúl Castro joked that Francis might even convince him to return to church. Few expect that a Cuban government still so firmly in power is going to roll over, no matter how popular the pope may be. And those government critics, especially in Miami, who want Francis to publicly rebuke Mr. Castro are likely to be disappointed. <hl> The toughest negotiations will likely happen in private . <hl> “Cuba is his hardest task,” Mr. Hare said. “He will know that he has to engineer a new path in Cuba and he has the best opportunity yet with his rhetoric, background of social activism and lack of stuffiness to open the key to the Cuban door.”

He added, “I think that our church in Cuba is still looking too much into itself.” But Francis has unique advantages in Cuba, given that he is a native Spanish speaker bearing a popular message of social justice and the pitfalls of capitalism. Cuban officials have already signaled their approval. During his last trip to the Vatican, Raúl Castro joked that Francis might even convince him to return to church. Few expect that a Cuban government still so firmly in power is going to roll over, no matter how popular the pope may be. And those government critics, especially in Miami, who want Francis to publicly rebuke Mr. Castro are likely to be disappointed. The toughest negotiations will likely happen in <hl> private <hl>. “Cuba is his hardest task,” Mr. Hare said. “He will know that he has to engineer a new path in Cuba and he has the best opportunity yet with his rhetoric, background of social activism and lack of stuffiness to open the key to the Cuban door.”

The toughest negotiations will likely happen in <hl> private <hl> .