Perbincangan:Ketuanan Melayu

message: Bahasa Melayu:Terdapat dua tempat dengan perkatan yang saya tidak pasti terjemahanya. Sila lihat komen dalam rencana (<!--komen-->). Dan saya telah menterjemah pengenalan sahaja. Sila ambil perengan lain dari rencana khas Bahasa Ingeris untuk versi yang lebih baru. Saya juga telah tambah bibliografi dari BI tanpa terjemahan. Terima kasih
Bahasa Ingeris/English:There are two areas with words who's best translation I wasn't sure. Please see the comments in the article (<!--comments-->). Also, I translated the introduction only. Take new paragraphs from the latest English version for further translation. I did add the bibliography from the English article without any translation. Cheers
Nil Einne 14:29, 3 November 2006 (UTC)
thread_title:  Terjemahan 

message: === Pengenalan ===
*Dibawah ialah pengenalan dari rencana Bahasa Ingeris yang diguna untuk terjemahan (pada masa begitu)
*Below is the troduction from the original English article that was used as the source (at that time)
Ketuanan Melayu (Malay for Malay supremacy or Malay dominanceLiu, Ronnie Tian Khiew (10 December 2004). "UMNO should stop claiming Ketuanan Melayu". Malaysia Today.) is the racialist belief that the Malay people are the "tuan" (masters) of Malaysia or Malaya; Malaysian Chinese and Indian Malaysians are considered beholden to the Malays, who have granted them citizenship in return for the Malays' special privileges as set out in Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia. This quid pro quo arrangement is usually referred to as the social contract (not to be confused with the usual idea of a social contract between the government and the people). The concept of ketuanan Melayu is often referenced by politicians, especially among those from the influential United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).
Although the idea itself predates Malaysian independence, the phrase ketuanan Melayu did not come into vogue until the early 2000s. The most vocal opposition towards the concept has come from non-Malay-based parties, such as the Democratic Action Party (DAP), although pre-independence, the Straits Chinese also agitated against it. The idea of Malay supremacy took centre stage in the 1940s, when the Malays organised themselves to protest the Malayan Union's establishment, and later fight for independence. During the 1960s, there was a substantial effort challenging ketuanan Melayu led by the People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore — which was a state in Malaysia from 1963 to 1965 — and the DAP after Singapore's secession. However, the portions of the Constitution related to ketuanan Melayu were "entrenched" after the racial riots of May 13 1969, which followed an election campaign focused on the issue of non-Malay rights and ketuanan Melayu. This period also saw the rise of "ultras" who advocated a one-party government led by UMNO, and an increased emphasis on the Malays being the "definitive people" of Malaysia — i.e. only a Malay could be a true Malaysian. 
The riots caused a major change in the government's approach to racial issues, and led to the introduction of an aggressive affirmative action policy strongly favouring the Malays, the New Economic Policy (NEP). The National Culture Policy, also introduced in 1970, emphasised an assimilation of the non-Malays into the Malay ethnic group. However, during the 1990s Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad rejected this approach, with his Bangsa Malaysia policy emphasising a Malaysian instead of Malay identity for the state. During the 2000s politicians began stressing ketuanan Melayu again, and publicly chastised government ministers who questioned the social contract.
* Nil Einne 14:32, 3 November 2006 (UTC)
thread_title:  Rencana/sumber asal 

message: *Dibawah ialah pengenalan dari rencana Bahasa Ingeris yang diguna untuk terjemahan (pada masa begitu)
*Below is the troduction from the original English article that was used as the source (at that time)
Ketuanan Melayu (Malay for Malay supremacy or Malay dominanceLiu, Ronnie Tian Khiew (10 December 2004). "UMNO should stop claiming Ketuanan Melayu". Malaysia Today.) is the racialist belief that the Malay people are the "tuan" (masters) of Malaysia or Malaya; Malaysian Chinese and Indian Malaysians are considered beholden to the Malays, who have granted them citizenship in return for the Malays' special privileges as set out in Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia. This quid pro quo arrangement is usually referred to as the social contract (not to be confused with the usual idea of a social contract between the government and the people). The concept of ketuanan Melayu is often referenced by politicians, especially among those from the influential United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).
Although the idea itself predates Malaysian independence, the phrase ketuanan Melayu did not come into vogue until the early 2000s. The most vocal opposition towards the concept has come from non-Malay-based parties, such as the Democratic Action Party (DAP), although pre-independence, the Straits Chinese also agitated against it. The idea of Malay supremacy took centre stage in the 1940s, when the Malays organised themselves to protest the Malayan Union's establishment, and later fight for independence. During the 1960s, there was a substantial effort challenging ketuanan Melayu led by the People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore — which was a state in Malaysia from 1963 to 1965 — and the DAP after Singapore's secession. However, the portions of the Constitution related to ketuanan Melayu were "entrenched" after the racial riots of May 13 1969, which followed an election campaign focused on the issue of non-Malay rights and ketuanan Melayu. This period also saw the rise of "ultras" who advocated a one-party government led by UMNO, and an increased emphasis on the Malays being the "definitive people" of Malaysia — i.e. only a Malay could be a true Malaysian. 
The riots caused a major change in the government's approach to racial issues, and led to the introduction of an aggressive affirmative action policy strongly favouring the Malays, the New Economic Policy (NEP). The National Culture Policy, also introduced in 1970, emphasised an assimilation of the non-Malays into the Malay ethnic group. However, during the 1990s Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad rejected this approach, with his Bangsa Malaysia policy emphasising a Malaysian instead of Malay identity for the state. During the 2000s politicians began stressing ketuanan Melayu again, and publicly chastised government ministers who questioned the social contract.
* Nil Einne 14:32, 3 November 2006 (UTC)
thread_title:  Pengenalan 

message: Bahawa semua kaum sudah menyetujui dan menyokong ketuanan melayu di Malaysia.apabila termeterainya Persekutuan Malaysia.--Tearfate 01:09, 25 Disember 2006 (UTC)
thread_title:  Penambahan 

message: Sila bantu, artikel ini tidak banyak disunting walaupun sudah beberapa tahun. Tatabahasa saya kurang bagus, kalau ada salah tolong betulkan.
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thread_title:  Tolong bantu proses penterjemahan