lasha-nlp/CONDAQA huggingface dataset:
Passage: Baháʼí notions of progressive religious revelation result in their accepting the validity of the well known religions of the world, whose founders and central figures are seen as Manifestations of God. Religious history is interpreted as a series of dispensations, where each "manifestation" brings a somewhat broader and more advanced revelation that is rendered as a text of scripture and passed on through history with greater or lesser reliability but at least true in substance, suited for the time and place in which it was expressed. Specific religious social teachings (for example, the direction of prayer, or dietary restrictions) may be revoked by a subsequent manifestation so that a more appropriate requirement for the time and place may be established. Conversely, certain general principles (for example, neighbourliness, or charity) are seen to be universal and consistent. In Baháʼí belief, this process of progressive revelation will not end; it is, however, believed to be cyclical. Baháʼís do not expect a new manifestation of God to appear within 1000 years of Baháʼu'lláh's revelation.

Question: Would a member of the Baháʼí religion regularly change their spiritual beliefs throughout their entire life due to the teachings of other religions?
Answer: YES

Question: Would a teacher of the Baháʼí faith teach that at some point their spiritual beliefs will no longer change?
Answer: NO

Question: If someone believes that progressive revelation is cyclical, could they be a member of the Baháʼí religion?
Answer: YES
Passage: Baháʼí notions of progressive religious revelation result in their accepting the validity of the well known religions of the world, whose founders and central figures are seen as Manifestations of God. Religious history is interpreted as a series of dispensations, where each "manifestation" brings a somewhat broader and more advanced revelation that is rendered as a text of scripture and passed on through history with greater or lesser reliability but at least true in substance, suited for the time and place in which it was expressed. Specific religious social teachings (for example, the direction of prayer, or dietary restrictions) may be revoked by a subsequent manifestation so that a more appropriate requirement for the time and place may be established. Conversely, certain general principles (for example, neighbourliness, or charity) are seen to be universal and consistent. In Baháʼí belief, this process of progressive revelation will continue forever; it is, however, believed to be cyclical. Baháʼís do not expect a new manifestation of God to appear within 1000 years of Baháʼu'lláh's revelation.

Question: Would a member of the Baháʼí religion regularly change their spiritual beliefs throughout their entire life due to the teachings of other religions?
Answer: YES

Question: Would a teacher of the Baháʼí faith teach that at some point their spiritual beliefs will no longer change?
Answer: NO

Question: If someone believes that progressive revelation is cyclical, could they be a member of the Baháʼí religion?
Answer: YES
Passage: Baháʼí notions of progressive religious revelation result in their accepting the validity of the well known religions of the world, whose founders and central figures are seen as Manifestations of God. Religious history is interpreted as a series of dispensations, where each "manifestation" brings a somewhat broader and more advanced revelation that is rendered as a text of scripture and passed on through history with greater or lesser reliability but at least true in substance, suited for the time and place in which it was expressed. Specific religious social teachings (for example, the direction of prayer, or dietary restrictions) may be revoked by a subsequent manifestation so that a more appropriate requirement for the time and place may be established. Conversely, certain general principles (for example, neighbourliness, or charity) are seen to be universal and consistent. In Baháʼí belief, this process of progressive revelation will end, and it is believed not to be cyclical. Baháʼís do not expect a new manifestation of God to appear within 1000 years of Baháʼu'lláh's revelation.

Question: Would a member of the Baháʼí religion regularly change their spiritual beliefs throughout their entire life due to the teachings of other religions?
Answer: NO

Question: Would a teacher of the Baháʼí faith teach that at some point their spiritual beliefs will no longer change?
Answer: YES

Question: If someone believes that progressive revelation is cyclical, could they be a member of the Baháʼí religion?
Answer: NO
Passage: Baháʼí notions of progressive religious revelation result in their accepting the validity of the well known religions of the world, whose founders and central figures are seen as Manifestations of God. Religious history is interpreted as a series of dispensations, where each "manifestation" brings a somewhat broader and more advanced revelation that is rendered as a text of scripture and passed on through history with greater or lesser reliability but at least true in substance, suited for the time and place in which it was expressed. Specific religious social teachings (for example, the direction of prayer, or dietary restrictions) may be revoked by a subsequent manifestation so that a more appropriate requirement for the time and place may be established. Conversely, certain general principles (for example, neighbourliness, or charity) are seen to be universal and consistent. In Baháʼí belief, this process of progressive revelation will end; it is, however, believed to be cyclical. Baháʼís do not expect a new manifestation of God to appear within 1000 years of Baháʼu'lláh's revelation.

Question: Would a member of the Baháʼí religion regularly change their spiritual beliefs throughout their entire life due to the teachings of other religions?
Answer: NO

Question: Would a teacher of the Baháʼí faith teach that at some point their spiritual beliefs will no longer change?
Answer: YES

Question: If someone believes that progressive revelation is cyclical, could they be a member of the Baháʼí religion?
Answer: YES
Passage: Ireland's new wealth is unevenly distributed. The United Nations reported in 2004 that Ireland was second only to the US in inequality among Western nations. There is some opposition to the theory that Ireland's wealth has been unusually unevenly distributed, among them economist and journalist David McWilliams. He cites Eurostat figures which indicate that Ireland is just above average in terms equality by one type of measurement. However, while it is better off by this measurement than generally less developed or more free market countries like Britain, the Mediterranean, and the new accession states, Ireland is still more unequal than France, Germany, and the Scandinavian countries. Moreover, Ireland's inequality persists by other measurements. According to an ESRI report published in December 2006, Ireland's child poverty level ranks 22nd out of the 26 richest countries, and it is the 2nd most unequal country in Europe.

Question: While David McWilliams' conclusions are controversial, is it reasonable to assume that he also disagrees with the other measurements that are hinted at in the second-to-last sentence of this passage?
Answer: YES

Question: Do the outcomes of other measurements that this article hints at suggest that perhaps it is the presence of large companies that apparently just have empty offices within Ireland's borders that gives the official figures an overly-exaggerated picture of Ireland's true level of inequality?
Answer: NO

Question: Is it possible, given the differences or similarities between UN/ESRI figures and those of alternative measurements, that Ireland's economy does not feel as unequal to residents as it would seem to be to outsiders, perhaps due to effects of purchasing power, local support from neighbors and/or charities, etc.?
Answer: NO
Passage: Ireland's new wealth is unevenly distributed. The United Nations reported in 2004 that Ireland was second only to the US in inequality among Western nations. There is some opposition to the theory that Ireland's wealth has been unusually unevenly distributed, among them economist and journalist David McWilliams. He cites Eurostat figures which indicate that Ireland is just above average in terms equality by one type of measurement. However, while it is better off by this measurement than generally less developed or more free market countries like Britain, the Mediterranean, and the new accession states, Ireland is still more unequal than France, Germany, and the Scandinavian countries. Other forms of measurement also show that Ireland have a highly unequal economy. According to an ESRI report published in December 2006, Ireland's child poverty level ranks 22nd out of the 26 richest countries, and it is the 2nd most unequal country in Europe.

Question: While David McWilliams' conclusions are controversial, is it reasonable to assume that he also disagrees with the other measurements that are hinted at in the second-to-last sentence of this passage?
Answer: YES

Question: Do the outcomes of other measurements that this article hints at suggest that perhaps it is the presence of large companies that apparently just have empty offices within Ireland's borders that gives the official figures an overly-exaggerated picture of Ireland's true level of inequality?
Answer: NO

Question: Is it possible, given the differences or similarities between UN/ESRI figures and those of alternative measurements, that Ireland's economy does not feel as unequal to residents as it would seem to be to outsiders, perhaps due to effects of purchasing power, local support from neighbors and/or charities, etc.?
Answer: NO
Passage: Ireland's new wealth is unevenly distributed. The United Nations reported in 2004 that Ireland was second only to the US in inequality among Western nations. There is some opposition to the theory that Ireland's wealth has been unusually unevenly distributed, among them economist and journalist David McWilliams. He cites Eurostat figures which indicate that Ireland is just above average in terms equality by one type of measurement. However, while it is better off by this measurement than generally less developed or more free market countries like Britain, the Mediterranean, and the new accession states, Ireland is still more unequal than France, Germany, and the Scandinavian countries. However, Ireland's inequality is not as great when other measurements are used. According to an ESRI report published in December 2006, Ireland's child poverty level ranks 22nd out of the 26 richest countries, and it is the 2nd most unequal country in Europe.

Question: While David McWilliams' conclusions are controversial, is it reasonable to assume that he also disagrees with the other measurements that are hinted at in the second-to-last sentence of this passage?
Answer: NO

Question: Do the outcomes of other measurements that this article hints at suggest that perhaps it is the presence of large companies that apparently just have empty offices within Ireland's borders that gives the official figures an overly-exaggerated picture of Ireland's true level of inequality?
Answer: YES

Question: Is it possible, given the differences or similarities between UN/ESRI figures and those of alternative measurements, that Ireland's economy does not feel as unequal to residents as it would seem to be to outsiders, perhaps due to effects of purchasing power, local support from neighbors and/or charities, etc.?
Answer: YES
Passage: Ireland's new wealth is unevenly distributed. The United Nations reported in 2004 that Ireland was second only to the US in inequality among Western nations. There is some opposition to the theory that Ireland's wealth has been unusually unevenly distributed, among them economist and journalist David McWilliams. He cites Eurostat figures which indicate that Ireland is just above average in terms equality by one type of measurement. However, while it is better off by this measurement than generally less developed or more free market countries like Britain, the Mediterranean, and the new accession states, Ireland is still more unequal than France, Germany, and the Scandinavian countries. However, when other generally-accepted measurement protocols are used, Ireland's economy appears to be more equal. According to an ESRI report published in December 2006, Ireland's child poverty level ranks 22nd out of the 26 richest countries, and it is the 2nd most unequal country in Europe.

Question: While David McWilliams' conclusions are controversial, is it reasonable to assume that he also disagrees with the other measurements that are hinted at in the second-to-last sentence of this passage?
Answer: NO

Question: Do the outcomes of other measurements that this article hints at suggest that perhaps it is the presence of large companies that apparently just have empty offices within Ireland's borders that gives the official figures an overly-exaggerated picture of Ireland's true level of inequality?
Answer: YES

Question: Is it possible, given the differences or similarities between UN/ESRI figures and those of alternative measurements, that Ireland's economy does not feel as unequal to residents as it would seem to be to outsiders, perhaps due to effects of purchasing power, local support from neighbors and/or charities, etc.?
Answer: YES
Passage: Van Buren was unwilling to go to war over the disputed territory, though he assured Maine that he would respond to any attacks by the British. To settle the crisis, Van Buren met with the British minister to the United States, and Van Buren and the minister agreed to resolve the border issue diplomatically. Van Buren also sent General Scott to the northern border area, both to show military resolve, and more importantly, to lower the tensions. Scott successfully convinced all sides to submit the border issue to arbitration. The border dispute was put to rest a few years later, with the signing of the 1842 Webster–Ashburton Treaty.

Question: Does it sound like President Van Buren considered his young nation's military to be sufficiently strong to fight all out against foreign powers at this point in history?
Answer: NO

Question: Could historians make the case that Van Buren was deceptive in his dealings with the Maine territory during this time?
Answer: NO

Question: Given the previous difficulties in both the Revolution and the War of 1812, would historians (and possibly even contemporaries) say that Van Buren acted with admirable restraint in avoiding another full-on war against the then British superpower?
Answer: YES
Passage: Van Buren was not willing to go to war over disputes about Maine, but he had assured the territory that he would respond to any British attacks. To settle the crisis, Van Buren met with the British minister to the United States, and Van Buren and the minister agreed to resolve the border issue diplomatically. Van Buren also sent General Scott to the northern border area, both to show military resolve, and more importantly, to lower the tensions. Scott successfully convinced all sides to submit the border issue to arbitration. The border dispute was put to rest a few years later, with the signing of the 1842 Webster–Ashburton Treaty.

Question: Does it sound like President Van Buren considered his young nation's military to be sufficiently strong to fight all out against foreign powers at this point in history?
Answer: NO

Question: Could historians make the case that Van Buren was deceptive in his dealings with the Maine territory during this time?
Answer: NO

Question: Given the previous difficulties in both the Revolution and the War of 1812, would historians (and possibly even contemporaries) say that Van Buren acted with admirable restraint in avoiding another full-on war against the then British superpower?
Answer: YES
Passage: Van Buren was privately prepared to go to war over the disputed territory, but he had assured Maine that he was unwilling to respond to any attacks by the British. To settle the crisis, Van Buren met with the British minister to the United States, and Van Buren and the minister agreed to resolve the border issue diplomatically. Van Buren also sent General Scott to the northern border area, both to show military resolve, and more importantly, to lower the tensions. Scott successfully convinced all sides to submit the border issue to arbitration. The border dispute was put to rest a few years later, with the signing of the 1842 Webster–Ashburton Treaty.

Question: Does it sound like President Van Buren considered his young nation's military to be sufficiently strong to fight all out against foreign powers at this point in history?
Answer: YES

Question: Could historians make the case that Van Buren was deceptive in his dealings with the Maine territory during this time?
Answer: NO

Question: Given the previous difficulties in both the Revolution and the War of 1812, would historians (and possibly even contemporaries) say that Van Buren acted with admirable restraint in avoiding another full-on war against the then British superpower?
Answer: NO
Passage: While Van Buren was willing to go to war over the disputed territory, he assured Maine and the states that he would only respond proportionately to any attacked by the British. To settle the crisis, Van Buren met with the British minister to the United States, and Van Buren and the minister agreed to resolve the border issue diplomatically. Van Buren also sent General Scott to the northern border area, both to show military resolve, and more importantly, to lower the tensions. Scott successfully convinced all sides to submit the border issue to arbitration. The border dispute was put to rest a few years later, with the signing of the 1842 Webster–Ashburton Treaty.

Question: Does it sound like President Van Buren considered his young nation's military to be sufficiently strong to fight all out against foreign powers at this point in history?
Answer: YES

Question: Could historians make the case that Van Buren was deceptive in his dealings with the Maine territory during this time?
Answer: NO

Question: Given the previous difficulties in both the Revolution and the War of 1812, would historians (and possibly even contemporaries) say that Van Buren acted with admirable restraint in avoiding another full-on war against the then British superpower?
Answer: YES
Passage: In the Eastern Orthodox Christian tradition there are reports of particular, wonderworking icons that exude myrrh (fragrant, healing oil), or perform miracles upon petition by believers. When such reports are verified by the Orthodox hierarchy, they are understood as miracles performed by God through the prayers of the saint, rather than being magical properties of the painted wood itself. Theologically, all icons are considered to be sacred, and are miraculous by nature, being a means of spiritual communion between the heavenly and earthly realms. However, it is not uncommon for specific icons to be characterised as "miracle-working", meaning that God has chosen to glorify them by working miracles through them. Such icons are often given particular names (especially those of the Virgin Mary), and even taken from city to city where believers gather to venerate them and pray before them. Islands like that of Tinos are renowned for possessing such "miraculous" icons, and are visited every year by thousands of pilgrims.

Question: From what you read in the passage, would it be reasonable to believe that a significant number of sculptors or artists might have been venerated as saints, due to the number of icons that in turn were deemed responsible for miraculous acts?
Answer: YES

Question: Is it likely that there would be so few icons that were considered to be miracle-workers in their own right, that any individual icon could be given a very broad name without having to further specify its location or the time the miracle was thought to have occurred?
Answer: NO

Question: From the way the passage describes the phenomenon, would it be relatively common or quite rare for there to be cases in which more mundane objects produced from the same raw materials as a venerated icon to also be considered sacred, due to properties of the materials rather than the prayers of a saint?
Answer: relatively common
Passage: In the Eastern Orthodox Christian tradition there are reports of particular, wonderworking icons that exude myrrh (fragrant, healing oil), or perform miracles upon petition by believers. When such reports are verified by the Orthodox hierarchy, they are understood as miracles performed by God through the prayers of the saint, rather than being magical properties of the painted wood itself. Theologically, all icons are considered to be sacred, and are miraculous by nature, being a means of spiritual communion between the heavenly and earthly realms. It is relatively common, though, for individual icons to be recognized as the source of miracles, as it is not commonly believed that God chooses to perform miracles through these icons. Such icons are often given particular names (especially those of the Virgin Mary), and even taken from city to city where believers gather to venerate them and pray before them. Islands like that of Tinos are renowned for possessing such "miraculous" icons, and are visited every year by thousands of pilgrims.

Question: From what you read in the passage, would it be reasonable to believe that a significant number of sculptors or artists might have been venerated as saints, due to the number of icons that in turn were deemed responsible for miraculous acts?
Answer: YES

Question: Is it likely that there would be so few icons that were considered to be miracle-workers in their own right, that any individual icon could be given a very broad name without having to further specify its location or the time the miracle was thought to have occurred?
Answer: NO

Question: From the way the passage describes the phenomenon, would it be relatively common or quite rare for there to be cases in which more mundane objects produced from the same raw materials as a venerated icon to also be considered sacred, due to properties of the materials rather than the prayers of a saint?
Answer: relatively common