page_title: Second French Empire
section_title: Structure of government
hierarchical_section_title: Second French Empire / Structure of government
caption_attribution_description: Description English: The life-size state portrait was completed by Alexandre Cabanel at the behest of the emperor himself. Napoleon III is seen standing, wearing haute couture instead of a military uniform: a black dinner jacket with a white shirt, black short trousers with black stockings and fitting leather shoes. This suit was fashionable at that time. His only decoration is the medal of the Legion of Honour on his left and the red sash across his right shoulder. His right hand rest comfortably on his right hip, giving an air of confidence. The only indication of his imperial status is the long red mantle with hermine and the golden imperial crown and sceptre resting on the table, on which Napoleon III is resting his left hand on. The gilded room is presumable one of the Tuileries Palace. At the time of completion, Cabanel was heavily criticised by many for depicting the emperor not grand enough, making him look rather short and stout. Since Napoleon III is also not wearing uniform, which would have lent him an air of grandeur, some even mocked Cabanel of painting a waiter, ready to serve supper. Nevertheless the painting was well received within the imperial family. Apparently the artist was able to capture the emperor so well, it was greatly appreciated by the Empress Eugenie, who hung the portrait in the private chambers of the Tuileries Palace. After the end of the Second Empire, she took the painting with her into exile, despite its large size. It is speculated why the emperor chose to depict himself in civilian rather than military dress. Napoleon III wanted to move away from a strict imperial rule more towards a more bourgeois, democratic society. The attempt to downplay the imperial aspect could also be in reaction to the fact that the Bonaparte family originally came from rather humble origins, compared to other, centuries-old European royal dynasties. The fact that he has his back turned to the imperial regalia and stands in civilian dress can be interpreted as a move forward into the future, almost as if stepping out of something. Speculations aside, it is not a coincidence that Napoleon III wanted to be painted without imperial military uniform but depicted more as a civilian statesman or a gentleman.
context_page_description: The Second French Empire, officially the French Empire, was the Imperial Bonapartist regime of Napoleon III from 1852 to 1870, between the Second Republic and the Third Republic, in France.
  Historians in the 1930s and 1940s often disparaged the Second Empire as a precursor of fascism. That interpretation is no longer promulgated and by the late 20th century they were celebrating it as leading example of a modernising regime. Historians have generally given the Empire negative evaluations on its foreign-policy, and somewhat more positive evaluations of domestic policies, especially after Napoleon III liberalised his rule after 1858. He promoted French business and exports. The greatest achievements came in material improvements, in the form of a grand railway network that facilitated commerce and tied the nation together and centered it on Paris. It had the effect of stimulating economic growth, and bringing prosperity to most regions of the country. The Second Empire is given high credit for the rebuilding of Paris with broad boulevards, striking public buildings, and very attractive residential districts for upscale Parisians.
context_section_description: The structure of the French government during the Second Empire was little changed from the First. But Emperor Napoleon III stressed his own imperial role as the foundation of the government. If government was to guide the people toward domestic justice and external peace, it was his role as emperor, holding his power by universal male suffrage and representing all of the people, to function as supreme leader and safeguard the achievements of the revolution.
  He had so often, while in prison or in exile, chastised previous oligarchical governments for neglecting social questions that it was imperative France now prioritise their solutions. His answer was to organise a system of government based on the principles of the "Napoleonic Idea". This meant that the emperor, the elect of the people as the representative of the democracy, ruled supreme. He himself drew power and legitimacy from his role as representative of the great Napoleon I of France, "who had sprung armed from the French Revolution like Minerva from the head of Jove".
  The anti-parliamentary French Constitution of 1852 instituted by Napoleon III on 14 January 1852, was largely a repetition of that of 1848. All executive power was entrusted to the emperor, who, as head of state, was solely responsible to the people. The people of the Empire, lacking democratic rights, were to rely on the benevolence of the emperor rather than on the benevolence of politicians. He was to nominate the members of the council of state, whose duty it was to prepare the laws, and of the senate, a body permanently established as a constituent part of the empire.
  One innovation was made, namely, that the Legislative Body was elected by universal suffrage, but it had no right of initiative, all laws being proposed by the executive power. This new political change was rapidly followed by the same consequence as had attended that of Brumaire. On 2 December 1852, France, still under the effect of Napoleon's legacy, and the fear of anarchy, conferred almost unanimously by a plebiscite the supreme power, with the title of emperor, upon Napoleon III.
  The Legislative Body was not allowed to elect its own president or to regulate its own procedure, or to propose a law or an amendment, or to vote on the budget in detail, or to make its deliberations public. Similarly, universal suffrage was supervised and controlled by means of official candidature, by forbidding free speech and action in electoral matters to the Opposition, and by a gerrymandering in such a way as to overwhelm the Liberal vote in the mass of the rural population. The press was subjected to a system of cautionnements ("caution money", deposited as a guarantee of good behaviour) and avertissements (requests by the authorities to cease publication of certain articles), under sanction of suspension or suppression. Books were subject to censorship.
  To counteract the opposition of individuals, a surveillance of suspects was instituted. Felice Orsini's attack on the emperor in 1858, though purely Italian in its motive, served as a pretext for increasing the severity of this régime by the law of general security (sûreté générale) which authorised the internment, exile or deportation of any suspect without trial.
  In the same way public instruction was strictly supervised, the teaching of philosophy was suppressed in the lycées, and the disciplinary powers of the administration were increased.
  For seven years France had no democratic life. The Empire governed by a series of plebiscites. Up to 1857 the Opposition did not exist; from then till 1860 it was reduced to five members: Darimon, Émile Ollivier, Hénon, Jules Favre and Ernest Picard. The royalists waited inactive after the new and unsuccessful attempt made at Frohsdorf in 1853, by a combination of the legitimists and Orléanists, to re-create a living monarchy out of the ruin of two royal families.
caption: Napoléon III by Alexandre Cabanel
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