kfajdsl/voxpopuli huggingface dataset:
the issue has not yet been resolved so the commission and member states must also investigate whether the case concerns just one manufacturer or whether we might be facing a much broader problem.
i must emphasise that it was not the individual decision of the presidency to designate this file as the top priority. the commission's initiative has also been supported by the heads of state and government of the twenty seven member states. if we want to build a stronger euro this governance package is an essential building block in that process.
we have to realise that the shock would have long lasting effects unless we eliminate the core roots of the crisis. many of the lessons to be learned are addressed by the six legislative proposals put forward by the commission last september.
so far the stability and growth pact has concentrated on deficit but this has not prevented the accumulation of high debt so from now on more attention will be paid to the debt criteria.
i share the view that during the trilogues the quality of the text has improved a lot and that the package has become stronger and more coherent.
an additional fine for member states falsifying their fiscal statistics is also provided for at the initiative of the parliament.
in deciding on the staff in the sgp the council is expected as a rule to follow the recommendations and proposals of the commission or to explain its position publicly.
secondly turning to the issue relating to a more stringent and automatic application of the procedures let me mention the following an additional sanction an interest bearing deposit for member states in the excessive imbalance procedure would be introduced.
we have added provisions specifying the process of economic dialogue among european institutions including the european parliament the council and individual member states. the european parliament would be involved on the same footing as the council in the setting up and functioning of the scoreboard of indicators for an alert mechanism
it is high time that europe joined forces and the union is ready to live up to expectations.
the swift and timely adoption of the package is a must for all of us.
all the markets and investors are vigilant and would like to see whether we can deliver or not.
we are to describe the european semester in the legal text including the ample involvement of parliament in the process.
in the prevention and correction of macroeconomic imbalances.
the application of reverse qualified majority voting is expanded to the recommendation on prevention and correction of macroeconomic imbalances.
after an intensive round of trilogues with the rapporteurs and discussions at the council the council modified its general approach on monday. the result of this process was communicated to the european parliament by a letter sent the next day twenty one june.
at the same time i am grateful for your wise approach that the parliament still leaves open the possibility to have a first reading agreement shortly.
this is especially the case in terms of increased transparency and accountability and the more stringent and automatic application of the procedures.
the lesson was learned that procedures have not been stringent and automatic enough.
the six legislative texts on economic governance have been the number one priority of the hungarian presidency.
the world economy including europe has experienced the worst crisis since the great depression and we have had to draw the necessary conclusions.
in september. you
be achieved. actually only one issue remains open the scope of reverse qualified majority
solution. reinforced economic governance in europe is simply too important to fail on this final remaining
still ongoing. it is absolutely crucial for the credibility of the european union to conclude the package before the summer break and then move on and put it into effective use.
regulation. these euro securities would aim to strengthen fiscal discipline and increase stability through markets as well as by taking advantage of the increase in liquidity ensuring that the member states enjoying the highest credit standards would not suffer from higher interest
by mid. two thousand and fourteen you have got reverse qualified majority voting in a number of important cases to improve the automaticity of decision making as the rule in the corrective arm of the pact where twenty four member states out of twenty seven now find themselves unfortunately.
detail. if we fail and i say we and i really mean us all they will simply say that europe'
given that the agreed text is acknowledged as better than the council general approach this does not make sense. nor does it make sense in the search for ownership so distinctly missing in much of the response to the crisis and so much a consequence of intergovernmental decisions.
mr president so far we have found agreement on almost all of the package and have demonstrated that codecision is working with thanks to the hard work of the hungarian presidency and of course to andrs krmn in particular and to the parliament negotiating team and the commission.
it is this house that will confer ownership.
these include a legal framework for the semester and surveillance of national reform programmes independence of national statistical offices and fines for fraud commission surveillance missions an economic dialogue between all stakeholders and substantially greater transparency throughout.
for my part i do not see this as political grandstanding but rather the search for ownership to enable ownership by the people.
we cannot conceal though that there have been significant differences in the negotiation of the package.
what divides us in parliament differs from our issues with the council but however difficult it may be we have to stand up to our democratic duty.
from the realisation that the stability fund facilities had to be larger to recognising the fact that punitive interest rates do not give sustainability and the chance to return to the markets this house has not been afraid to lead and the council has followed.
we are stronger when we work together and i believe the final differences can be resolved.
my group certainly takes the view that we need to do that.
this is not about political confrontation between fiscally virtuous or fiscally irresponsible members in this house.
the division between you and us and between progressives and conservatives here in the house is about how we return to sound public finances at what economic and social cost at what cost for the future ability of europe to compete in a global market.
you stick to the idea commissioner that there is no alternative to your austerity only agenda.
the vast majority of the millions who have lost their jobs during this crisis are unemployed still today.
or for the millions whose jobs are in jeopardy or who are living in poverty? what message for the hundreds of millions of people who are suffering as a result of cutbacks in public provision in healthcare in education?
what message for them?
well i expect nothing quite frankly nothing.
this week's council will not produce a single ray of hope for hardworking people for the unemployed or the young people who are hurting so much.
they have been unfairly and severely hit by the crisis that was not of their making and now they will be hit again to repair the damage they did not cause.
your political and economic agenda is totally unacceptable to us on this side of the house.
throughout the legislative process we have suggested sensible and balanced amendments to the commission's proposals we have proposed firmly connecting national reform and stability and growth programmes using the first as a solid vehicle for the necessary promotion of public investment we made proposals to maintain sensible levels of productive public investment and we have proposed making the new rules clearly anti cyclical. i could go on but the reality is that today's economic and social agenda has been hijacked by the right.
there is not even space for moderate political approaches let alone more progressive ones.
and please commissioner rehn do not tell me that these policies i am denouncing are being pursued by socialist governments.
you know at a time when even the strongest economies in europe need to bow to the demands of an irresponsible and increasingly dangerous financial sector that no member state can change this agenda alone.
in the end i wonder who will benefit from the decisions that will be made this week.
it seems to me that the only people who will benefit are those who have caused the whole mess in the first place the financial sector and i think that is a disgrace.
this i believe was the fundamental reason why my country did not join the euro.
monetary union was always going to be difficult without significant steps towards economic union and it is this latter requirement which means i do not think the uk will ever join the euro.
if all six of these reports and their rules only apply to the euro zone we would be able to more actively support the euro group in their decision to strengthen the principles that underpin their monetary union.
if all the member states who use the euro want to strengthen and deepen the coordination of their economic policies then that should be their decision.
however attempts to bind those of us outside the euro zone with targets and processes designed to harmonise economic policy are unacceptable.
i do not wish to see the euro zone in prolonged difficulty but the ecr cannot support eu legislation that transfers any further powers away from national governments who are currently outside of that euro zone.
all member states will hopefully have learned the lessons of the crisis namely that a balanced budget and strong fiscal discipline are rewarded by lower funding costs in the financial markets and that honesty in statistical reporting is essential for continued market confidence.
mr president our task and responsibility here is to ensure that both member states and the union as a whole emerge stronger from the crisis and the economic governance package takes us in this direction.
the package politically unthinkable prior to the crisis and certainly not yet perfect is indeed a major step forward.
this reform introducing a greater amount of automaticity over political bargaining and discretion will have to pass the test of real life and this will require a strong political will and an attitude of accountability.
it is unclear how long it will take before all the institutional arrangements are in place and new rules start bearing their fruit.
this uncertainty creates risks and we must not create additional space for these risks.
it also remains unclear how the interplay between the european semester and the new economic governance infrastructure will function and i also have concerns about the permanent european stability mechanism emerging as an intergovernmental tool.
i hope that our agreement on the six pack will pave the way for these instruments to be eventually converted into the community based ones.
to conclude let me say that the economic governance package gives us a chance that the winner loser attitude will disappear from our european reality and that europe will not become a zero sum game.
we can all see the incredibly sensitive situation in europe and especially in the eurozone which has required different countries to work together in a way that has never been seen before.
we can see the vital need to improve competitiveness and rebuild public finances in a sustainable manner.
over recent days weeks and months we have constantly seen ministers from member states coming together to try to help find ways out of each other's individual problems.
in addition never before have i seen such a desire from members of the public to understand where public money is spent.
let us not forget that inadequate budget planning and inaccurate information compounded this crisis.
let me say that many of the member states already comply with large parts of this directive but implementing this minimum series of requirements will introduce discipline and restore confidence and is a first small step back on the path to stability in public finances.
in addition member states themselves have agreed that they will each introduce their own legislation on fiscal rules not necessarily german constitution debt breaks but rules tailor made in each country to keep them in line with their obligations under the treaty.
now this is sensitive as well because different countries have different obligations under the treaty and for that reason that section does not apply to the uk.
during the negotiations on the wider six pack' a number of suggestions for improving this council directive were made many by the european central bank and by members of this house. the council has worked in good faith to try and improve the directive where appropriate and improve transparency but without stepping on the sensitive issues relating to individual national constitutions.
briefly on the other directives.
through these negotiations i have tried to be constructive in allowing euro zone member states in particular to set up what rules and sanctions they see necessary to underpin their stability.
i have not supported colleagues who think the solution is just a stronger role for the european parliament.
over the weekend and on monday night the council tried to offer a final compromise on an outstanding issue of votes in the european council.
whilst this is not in my opinion a deeply significant issue in my own member state as we do not intend to join the euro and resulting fines do not apply to us it is an extremely difficult and contentious issue in many countries including those who intend to join.
this is a time to try to understand each other's problems but also respect each other's differences.
earlier this week i warned colleagues that heading into a direct confrontation between parliament and the council on an issue that i did not believe i could explain to any man on the street would not be a responsible position of this parliament.
indeed i said i thought it would be irresponsible.
and this parliament's approach on that issue is not supported by many of my group's members.
i cannot support parliament's changes to the council text on the macroeconomic imbalances and i would like to see in the weeks ahead more clarity on the different positions between euro zone and non euro zone member states.
i think we do.
i am very proud of the members here today who are not running away from the problem but are facing the problem.
this is not some sort of dream it is the obvious imperative for this chamber.
we have a responsibility.
it is a simple equation. you can run away from the problem all you want some of the arrivals will go down and they are going down not up and people will make a political football of migrants and people will play a game between member states.
at the forefront of our minds we must retain the understanding that here in this chamber we must show leadership.
we must pursue humanity and we must pursue the management of migration.
the commissioner said one thing which i think we should all keep at the forefront of our minds and something which was said to me in libya which is that the number of sea arrivals in italy is the lowest since two thousand and thirteen but that migration will not stop.
but remember migration will not stop.
i would say this colleagues if we do not have dublin we cannot have this game playing in the mediterranean and people dying in niger and libya as we in our committee saw.
that requires us in this window of opportunity to go for dublin iv for all of those asylum files and then to implement them and make them happen.
what will then happen is that more and more people will take the risk of dying crossing the mediterranean to reach the rich european union and probably more so the united kingdom.
in the absence of governmental action in some member states to provide humanitarian assistance for refugees and migrants ordinary citizens have stepped in and saved lives.
organisations like care four calais in france and the refugee support platform in belgium are great examples of how citizens' mobilisation can save lives.
mr president europe does not have a refugee crisis. we do have a crisis of solidarity however.
although a few organisations like sos mditerrane provide invaluable sea rescue work they cannot meet demand so the eu and its member states must make humanitarian assistance a priority of migratory policy with sea rescue as a focus.
there is a refugee crisis in places like jordan and lebanon where huge camps have been in existence for years but here in europe we've forgotten our fundamental values of solidarity and our moral responsibility to uphold human rights.
i have visited calais and paris many times and talked to people working on the ground.
at sea however the difficulties are much greater.
for many years italy has received all migrants regardless of where they were rescued whether on the high seas or in the search and rescue zone of any neighbouring state.
italy has been very active in implementation on the ground whilst member state have contributed with funding for projects under the eu trust fund for africa and by seconding experts to the eu agencies engaged in the maritime operational hotspots' and other migration related activities in italy.
by eight june this year the number of arrivals in italy had gone down by seventy seven compared to the same period last year.
we should also keep sustained pressure on the libyan authorities and partners in the african union to take a stance against the criminal activities that thrive in libya and in the region human smuggling and human trafficking of which migrants are so often victims.
the european union cannot and should not do this alone.
our strategy aims to address the root causes of migration by providing economic and social opportunities in the countries of transit and origin.
the establishment of platforms to combat human smuggling networks;
apart from existing instruments to that effect namely the european union trust fund the partnership framework the valletta action plan and eu member states' development assistance more facilities have been developed such as the recently launched european fund for sustainable development which supports investment in africa and in neighbourhood countries.
in the short to medium term we should continue and intensify all the measures we have already undertaken in libya and neighbouring countries.
coming back to the actual situation in the mediterranean sea i believe that the different positions expressed by some member states will need to be addressed in the council.
we need to find a solution that matches our common european values.
the implementation of the european investment bank economic resilience initiative is also very welcome.
i can name some here but there is a whole range of initiatives equipment and capacity building to enhance border management;
i believe this is the right strategy.
our cooperation with the un and the african union has been very fruitful. voluntary return of migrants from libya was accelerated because of political engagement by african leaders and efficient groundwork by un organisations.
we need more of this kind of engagement from the region itself.
however the number of fatalities has not decreased to the same extent. this fact is a stark reminder of the desperation of migrants and the lack of opportunities they face in their countries of origin.
our intensive efforts are reflected in the number of arrivals which has decreased significantly.
disconcerting to see the same scene repeated again and again in which hundreds of persons risk their lives in flimsy rubber boats setting out from the libyan shores.
we should recognise the significant contribution by italy but italy was not left alone.
disproportionate migration pressures due to their geographical situation.
all of us here have a great responsibility to show leadership and to ensure the unity and cohesion of our societies avoiding divisive rhetoric. migration has become a challenge for our unity.
this is the responsibility of the european union and its member states as a whole.
we need to continue our common work and our joint efforts in all aspects in parallel.
there is no single solution and we all know that.
it is very much relying on effective return of people that have no right to stay in europe.
on top of that we have offered eur one hundred and ninety three million in emergency assistance.
we should stand as one guaranteeing a future proof balanced and fair european migration policy.
as far as i can see the only humanitarianism and solidarity shown has been from the italian government.
the policies of angela merkel and the eu are the issues that have precipitated this crisis first by the unfair eu trade policies that are impoverishing africa and then by the ridiculous measures and windbag virtue signalling that are failing to secure the borders of our respective nation states.
people are undertaking this hazardous journey and putting themselves in the hands of people smuggling gangsters because of the policies i have mentioned that are both treating africa as a dumping ground for european producers and refusing to allow true fair trade to allow african nations to build working economies.
if you were about to see a friend put his hand in the fire what would you do stop him or take him to the hospital after he had burned it? the ngos that are working in partnership with the people smuggling gangsters are enabling them to carry on this cruel and dangerous trade.
britain stopped the slave trade in the world by stopping the people who transported the slaves.
the world must now follow that example.
mr president it is difficult not to be angry when we find ourselves in another summer facing a situation that we warned would come.
it is difficult not to be angry when we know that we can introduce laws on plastics and on litter we can end roaming we can even reform agriculture but when it comes to migration prime ministers remain stuck.
our message to the council must be clear leave no space for more raised fists and banging on tables no more victorious hashtags no more children born on the high seas no more lives used to prop up the wannabe strongmen of europe.
now in the immediate term we must reform our dublin system to one that balances responsibility with solidarity.
we need to ensure that our borders are secure and our coast guards have all the resources they need.
we must draw distinctions between those in need of protection and those seeking work.
those who need protection must be given it but equally those who do not must be returned quickly.
on migration and borders the budget has been tripled.
this is welcome but in the medium term we need to think outside the box and look seriously into having eu run disembarkation locations in safe third countries with eu standards where anyone saved from the dark sea can be disembarked immediately rescued vetted processed in full recognition of their rights by easo for example and either returned or resettled. we have the money to do it and we must find the will to do it.
let's create a union where italy malta spain and greece do not feel left alone to manage this;
a system where desperate people in need of protection have a real chance where children grow up to a future without fear. that is the europe i want to see and that is the world i want my children to find.
the topic is of crucial importance and it is my hope that we will be able to find a common solution quickly.
the migrants certainly deserve that but so do our constituencies. we shouldn't forget that most of the refugees and asylum seekers particularly children and women were affected by war and terror in their home countries.
migration is one of the major humanitarian challenges that the european union is currently still facing and as we discussed together yesterday and today we need a holistic approach to migration management.
so we are doing our best to advance.
so we have built into the dublin regulation a new crisis mechanism for managing the migration and asylum systems in the union when under pressure.