kfajdsl/voxpopuli huggingface dataset:
transparency is essential and while we share concerns over the gap between for example the federal level and the state level on the american side and over the independence of regulators and how that should figure in the negotiations on our side we must also guard against being too fragmented.
let us work together to ensure that local communities specific sectors and constituencies can share their concerns and hopes but that we also keep in mind the bigger picture and the ambitions that we share.
let us make sure that the bigger picture trickles down and translates to the individual level.
i believe we have an opportunity which we must take.
the uk is the largest foreign investor in the us. similarly the us is the largest foreign investor in the uk. it is the commercial links that are more important than and transcend any relationship between prime minister and president.
britain and the us not only have a shared language but shared legal systems shared cultures and a shared pro business orientation.
other member states except for ireland have none of these.
the uk should not be compelled to negotiate with the us on trade only through the person of the eu trade commissioner however capable the gentleman is.
on global standards and regulatory coherence.
the eu and the us can stand together now and make a difference on rules but in a few more years our chances will be very slim indeed. rules ending financial risks and rules on keeping environmental and labour standards high are all up for grabs in a discussion between two equal giants in the world.
i come from a country that knows something about euroscepticism believe you me.
when i try to define euroscepticism i end up defining it as nationalism little mindedness and indeed protectionism.
this is not about individual members trying to negotiate individually with the united states.
it is a huge opportunity for jobs growth and prosperity right across the european union in financial services insurance services and the motor industry.
this time of course there is a huge opportunity for them.
talking about the motor industry commissioner perhaps one of the most important issues will be a mutual recognition of standards particularly bearing in mind that in the us standards vary from state to state.
i do not believe that a car is any more dangerous in the united states than it is in the european union.
therefore it is about signalling to the whole of the wto and for that matter to the world that the eu is open for business and at a crisis time because there is a crisis within the european union at the moment.
as the chair of the committee said there will be some tough areas geographical indicators gmos maritime issues intellectual property rights and audio visual media services.
let us all at this moment pause and spare a thought for that poor fragile french culture which so desperately needs to be protected in any of these agreements because it cannot stand on its own.
we also have to remember though that one party's standard is quite often another party's non tariff barrier.
but as long as we can make sure that we have an open and transparent process let us hope that we can avoid the problems of some of the other agreements where we discuss so many issues that they become about everything but trade.
ukraine is a country divided between a pro western west and a russian facing east.
the russians will jealously guard access to the black sea from there.
it is also a big player with forty five million citizens and russia sees the country as very much in its backyard.
mr president one of the most important results of the collapse of the soviet union was the creation of an independent ukraine.
the compromise resolution we are supposed to be adopting following today's debate is not a perfect but a decent example of such an approach.
i have to deplore a few mistakes in the printing of the text.
we must ask all political players in ukraine to avoid presenting this resolution as a victory of one against another.
in fact this resolution is meant to send to all ukrainian political forces the message that it is high time for them to unite behind a minimum national agenda and to deliver the long awaited reforms policies and political results which would assure a better life for the people and a better opportunity for the country with the
there is no need for internationalisation of the internal controversies in ukraine.
i tend to believe that with pragmatism and respect on both sides understanding differences but finding common interests we can build on common projects and achieve an honest partnership.
on the other hand any debate on ukraine has a tendency to become a war between the european political families of the opposition and government political parties of ukraine.
i think this does not help because it is not about who is better government or opposition or who is better supported by the europeans it is about ukrainian citizens' democratic future and about ukrainians having a strong democratic and prosperous country.
the summit that took place this week achieved good results in fostering access to eu programmes and in the negotiations on the association agreement.
so it is in our interests to help bring security stability and prosperity to the entire region.
the eastern partnership is about bringing our eastern neighbours closer to the european union through political association and economic integration.
it acts as a gateway between europe asia and the middle east and therefore offers black sea stakeholders an opportunity to identify areas where our interests come together to further practical cooperation.
there are significant opportunities and challenges in the region that require coordinated action.
in taking this forward we will have three considerations uppermost in our minds.
the eighteen projects implemented after the first call for proposals cover the three priorities of the european union's two thousand and seven two thousand and thirteen black sea basin programme supporting cross border partnerships for economic and social development sharing resources and competences for environmental protection and conservation
the budget for the two thousand and seven two thousand and thirteen black sea basin programme under the cross border element of the european neighbourhood and partnership instrument has increased from eur seventeen million to almost eur twenty six million.
a reinvigorated black sea synergy initiative and engagement with the black sea economic cooperation organisation will provide great opportunities to develop practical cooperation and to foster dialogue between the european union and russia and between the european union and turkey
in march two thousand and ten we launched the environment partnership.
my third and last and most important point is this we must play to the european union's strengths and the opportunities offered by the lisbon treaty to bring together our internal and external policies and instruments.
in the environmental field the black sea commission is an important player and the european union hopes to be accepted as a full member soon.
as for the future black sea strategy we have to make sure it will be well received both within the european union and among the black sea states that are not part of our union.
however we have not progressed as much as we would have hoped in implementing the three partnerships. the time has thus come to reflect anew on how to take our cooperation in the black sea region forward.
in the meantime we are reflecting on how to revitalise the black sea synergy as a natural step towards the future strategy.
there is of course interaction between the two between the eastern partnership and the black sea synergy.
we do not need to reinvent the wheel.
we will also have to bear in mind the sometimes difficult relations these countries have with each other or with countries neighbouring the black sea region. secondly we will need to take into account the other cooperation frameworks in the region.
the black sea synergy is about bringing the european union closer to the black sea by contributing to regional cooperation.
to energy transport movement and security we have focused our activities on the creation of the three sectoral partnerships in the fields of the environment transport and energy.
both being important stakeholders in the region.
firstly we must reinvigorate the european union's approach to cooperation in the black sea region in a way which takes account of the variety of relations we have with the countries around the black sea.
and supporting cultural and educational initiatives for the establishment of a common cultural environment in the basin.
the black sea region is a distinct geographical area rich in human and natural resources.
this is why we established the black sea synergy in two thousand and eight as the european union's contribution to regional cooperation.
in terms of eu policy the black sea region looks very much like a black hole.
secondly the challenges in the black sea are not waiting peacefully for the commission to put pen to paper. the black sea is an unchecked collection of tensions and potential crises.
on two occasions in two thousand and eight and two thousand and eleven the european parliament called for the upgrading of the black sea synergy to a black sea strategy and the question still stands.
despite some improvements in sectoral fields environment maritime and fisheries policy one cannot speak of improvements in strategic fields such as security and energy.
no global reporting on the implementation of the synergy has taken place since. two thousand and eight no coherent policy document presents the current situation in the black sea region.
that together the black sea synergy including our extensive range of cross border cooperation the european union's integrated maritime strategy and the european union's danube strategy can build a coherent approach towards the black sea.
continuing along the same line as the last speaker i could add that my colleague maria damanaki has started a process to ensure that all black sea coastal countries are actively and equally involved in shaping a common maritime agenda for the basin
a stakeholder conference on maritime affairs and fisheries in the black sea will take place in bucharest in november this year.
this joined up approach can increase the possibilities for cooperation where there is a common interest between the european union and its black sea partners in tackling the challenges facing the region such as transport environment maritime and fisheries policy and education.
we hope that this approach will also build increased levels of trust and confidence between the countries around the black sea.
the european union needs to review its interest in the region including its strategic political and economic dimensions and to further discuss how best they can be achieved.
but at the right time.
in the meantime we are working hard on the many elements i have mentioned.
we are working hard on these issues.
in the meantime we will work on the eastern partnership;
it is not a question of knowing if the european union will help the italian government but to know if we are ready to act as a continent to face a continental risk.
we have already had a hearing with the representative of the external action service and a representative of the russian government.
it is about the procedures of the european arrest warrant and whether it is being misused for political purposes.
the european arrest warrant allows any european citizen to be judicially surrendered without a court being allowed to consider the prima facie evidence against them and with almost no power to refuse surrender.
the european arrest warrant has tremendous potential for abuse and for use against political dissidents. is the assange case about the crimes allegedly committed in sweden or is it about the desire of the united states of america to extradite him from a compliant european country?
discussing the procedures is key to understanding this case and deciding if the european arrest warrant is being misused and abused.
we need to have a full debate in this house from all sides of the political spectrum.
the eu has a special responsibility for peace stability and prosperity in europe. the european union's and russia's common objective of a relationship based on mutual interest and respect for international obligations needs to be promptly restored.
we remain worried by the lack of any de escalation on the ground.
we will not recognise the outcome.
when it comes to measures against russia the heads of state and government have decided to take a gradual approach.
let me conclude by thanking parliament for organising this debate.
the european union and the russian federation share an important strategic relationship.
this time mrsmerkel should have gone to moscow but the eu blinked and now despite our demands russia is not talking directly to ukraine and it is not pulling troops back to their bases.
so in line with last week's council conclusions we must target sanctions at russia's policymakers.
but since we insist on dialogue europe's leaders should still go to moscow directly not through a contact group.
the council has already decided to freeze and recover the assets of persons identified as being responsible for the misappropriation of state
priority. it is essential now for russia and ukraine to talk to
to build confidence between the parties;
supply. the eu is prepared to help ukraine to secure its own energy supply through diversification better energy efficiency and effective interconnection with the european
areas. we stand ready to assist ukraine and provide it with strong financial backing to help stabilise the economic and financial situation.
it was agreed that the eu would sign the political part of the association agreement as a matter of priority. we also intend to adopt unilateral measures which would allow ukraine to benefit substantially from the advantages offered in the deep and comprehensive free trade area even before the signature of this
protect all citizens against intimidation from all sides;
measures. the eu is also committed to enhancing people to people contacts between the eu and ukraine including through the visa liberalisation process in line with the agreed conditions in the framework of the visa liberalisation action plan. the issue of energy and energy security must not be
this is not to say that we do not value our relations with russia which are important for peace and stability in europe.
as regards russia the european union wants a relationship with russia based on trust mutual interest and respect for international obligations.
help to prepare free and fair elections; and monitor implementation of agreements and commitments.
they commended the measured response shown so far by the new ukrainian government and encouraged the authorities to pursue their efforts to ensure free and fair elections advance constitutional reform and investigate all acts of violence. the ukrainian authorities need to ensure
inclusiveness at all levels of government.
what happens in our neighbourhood matters as it has implications for all european nations.
observe the rights of minorities including their linguistic rights;
this must involve reaching out to all ukrainian regions and population groups and ensuring full protection of the rights of people belonging to national minorities in accordance with ukraine's international commitments.
funds. the eu is committed to signing the association agreement including a deep and comprehensive free trade area. this would bring significant opportunities for economic development and increased prosperity for the whole of ukraine including crimea as well as its neighbours.
each other. the european union is ready to help and also to help the ukrainian people on an economic financial and technical
forgotten. it represents an important part of the union's external relations and we will continue our efforts to ensure a secure energy
they also supported the decision of the european members of the g eight and the eu institutions to suspend their participation in g eight summit preparations until further notice. in the absence of results in the framework of negotiations between the governments of ukraine and the russian federation to resolve the crisis the european union will
the crimea referendum amounts to russian aggression and a challenge to the territorial integrity of ukraine.
mr putin is playing with fire fuelling lies and bigotry about the ukrainian revolution and resorting to the same bogus arguments that were used in the sudetenland decades ago with devastating consequences for europe and the world.
when commissioner oettinger said that we have to interrupt negotiations about south stream why are we negotiating about south stream?
why was it possible to kill nabucco for example why did we accept?
russia cannot say that this is about the will of the citizens of the crimea.
the current situation directly challenges us in many ways and forms.
mr president president of the council honourable members very serious concerns remain over the situation in ukraine and i would like to start by saying how grateful we are for the constant attention that this parliament has been giving to this most important crisis.
high representative vice president catherine ashton remains very active and is in constant contact with her counterparts and i would like to praise her role.
union. our relationship with our eastern partners does not have to be an exclusive
ties. but at the same time russia needs to accept fully the right of these countries to decide their own future and the nature of the relations they choose to have with
we also reconfirmed our intention to sign association agreements and dcftas with georgia and moldova before the end of august.
today at.
at the same time it is equally crucial to underline that this aid package is not a quick fix and that it needs to be complemented by on the other side a reform oriented and inclusive ukrainian government that is committed to fixing the current state of their financial system and rebuilding the economic foundations of the country both during the current transition phase and in the medium to long term. at the summit meeting last
meet. ukraine should not be seen as a problem for europe but as an asset for a more united european continent. on the basis of these principles i think we can say that a united inclusive stable and prosperous ukraine can only be of benefit to all its neighbours and partners.
this is in a way a test of our union.
the ball is currently in russia's court and as we speak the diplomatic political and military situation has not yet started moving in the right direction.
we call on the russian federation to cease all efforts to annex ukraine's autonomous republic of crimea.
however it is crucial that this is part of a wider international effort where other international financial institutions such as the imf and the world bank as well as our member states bilaterally and international partners can also participate.
them. security does not come from segregation separating communities building fences but by embracing differences and diversity.
one. our model of engagement is that of open regionalism not of autarchic self entrenchment. we are not asking nor even suggesting to our partners from the eastern neighbourhood to turn their backs on
this was proof that we can react quickly;
ukraine should not be a border between neighbours that do not speak to each other but a bridge where they can
our immediate goal and objective should be to de escalate the situation and find a peaceful solution to the current crisis in full respect of international law.
russia. on the contrary we encourage them to have good neighbourly relations and enhance their traditional trade
honourable members the current situation remains very tense so we need to take a very principled but also a very responsible approach.
some of the measures can be put into practice immediately. indeed just yesterday commissioner de gucht and i publicly presented the commission proposal to frontload unilaterally the trade parts of the association agreement so that ukraine can benefit from tariff reductions and tariff rate quotas even before the deep and comprehensive free trade area is fully applied.
and it challenges some of the values that we hold dear such as peace and democracy.
twelve thirty central european time we will release another statement that will leave no doubts about the determination of g seven countries and the european union.
i would like to thank olli rehn and his services for moving quickly on this and i would like to add a special word of thanks to tefan fle for his constant and strong engagement in this file.
if meaningful negotiations do not begin within the next few days and produce results within a limited time frame this will trigger additional measures.
meanwhile however the financial and economic situation has already deteriorated dramatically and we have not lost any time in mobilising a support package to help stem the tide and help ukraine to stabilise its economic and financial situation.
we do not need new cold wars and we certainly do not want
week we also decided that we will sign the political chapters of the association agreement before the presidential elections that will take place in
honourable members i have been working together with the commission and also with the member states for the last ten years to build a constructive relationship with russia while supporting our neighbours' efforts and sovereign choices to reform modernise and build closer relations with the european
today i want to share with you the results of that meeting and specifically to tell you what the european commission has been doing to support ukraine in these very challenging times.
it challenges our conscience as individuals;
i spoke then of the need for russia to honour the one thousand nine hundred and ninety four budapest assurances to respect ukraine's territorial integrity including the crimea but few of us could have predicted at the time that there would be a military land grab by putin justified by a pack of lies and his will and keenness to revive the glories of the disappeared soviet union and reabsorb the east of ukraine no matter what the costs or the international legal violations by his government are. the response of the ukrainian people to the invasion is clear. russia is not wanted in ukraine. so putin is now engineering a phoney and illegal referendum at the point of a gun in crimea which offers no real choice.
meanwhile crimea has descended into lawlessness with journalists and opponents beaten up by russian forces and the main synagogue has been daubed with swastikas.
the eu must support the interim ukraine government financially and politically as it continues its extremely admirable resistance with self restraint to this severe provocation by russia.
he has even sent a tatar envoy from kazan to attempt to bribe the crimean tatars into accepting russian rule as they remember well their previous ill treatment by russia under stalin.
working class and poor people across ukraine need to build their own political force. us nato eu hands off ukraine.
look at the character of the new government promoted by the european establishment as a paragon of democracy. there are seven ministers with links to the extreme right and the interim president has already accepted more imf austerity measures.
it is the oligarchs who still rule ukraine.
the eu which oversees brutal violence against asylum seekers and protestors becomes a proponent of a so called democratic revolution and the homophobic and anti worker putin is transformed into an aggressive defender of the rights of minorities.
russian troops out of ukraine for workers' rule not oligarch rule with full.
however russia is reacting to extreme acts of provocation not just by the eu but also the us.
this reaction took the form of the eu's friends in that country exploiting ukrainian nationalists to provide paramilitary assistance on the streets.
we know this
however there was equally no justification whatsoever for the mobilisation of russian forces and there can be no fair referendum on the future of crimea at the point of a russian gun.