kfajdsl/voxpopuli huggingface dataset:
soft power and hard power go hand in hand and i am afraid we should push harder to put the silver thread of human rights back on top of the agenda.
but we must do more because i am afraid we have not seen the worst yet.
this is the moment for europe to act independently and forcefully.
i believe we must test the words of opening from iran and the eu needs its own strategy.
we can use the transatlantic trade and investment partnership to strengthen our alliance but not without cementing our values.
the us is choosing to no longer be the world superpower as it seeks to take a step back and perhaps this is understandable but who takes the place of leadership in defending and promoting free societies free markets and most of all free people?
with an average age of twenty six the young generation needs opportunities for self determination yet are lured by hopelessness and also extremism.
as we take stock we need no reminders of the urgent need for strong strategic european foreign and security policy.
the horror and the suffering should not be forgotten and while there are no easy solutions certainly the us russia initiative to deal with the chemical weapons is not a solution to all problems nor was the breaking of the european weapons embargo under the leadership of france and the uk.
syria of course represents the most horrific of examples.
especially with regard to human rights and fundamental freedoms the us has lost credibility and this should be europe's moment.
with a confident russia bullying not only its own citizens but also member states of the eu and vital neighbours through politicising trade we must stand firmly and take care not to be played apart.
we should not merely be a facilitator for talks between the us and iran as the us congress is pushing for more sanctions.
a divided europe is a weak europe that is played apart and with our basis not in order opportunities are difficult to reap.
we must take our responsibility militarily.
i am happy with european leadership when it comes to humanitarian aid we take our responsibility.
few if any predicted what would happen.
some with hindsight predicted' what would happen but few if any really did predict it.
but i am very straightforward in my view.
if the secretary general of nato was standing here today he would say the same thing.
if you talk with those who are engaged in the missions they will tell you that the collaboration they get from working with other member states adds a new richness to the capacity they have to act as individual nations. when it comes to how we spend eur two hundred billion nobody can tell me that we could not spend it better.
this does not take away from the capacity of individual nations to have important and strong relationships with others.
it is about the values of human rights. it is about economics meeting politics.
it will grow and develop.
it is the oldest thing in the book.
it is not about giving something up but about gaining something by being able to use resources better whether it is the research we have done into improvised explosive devices the ability to do mid air refuelling so important for future missions or the work we do on a regular basis with nato to complement each other on the way in which resources are used.
there are examples of it sometimes more obvious than others all across the world.
so yes we do react to events from time to time but we also do so by creating the momentum to demonstrate our commitment to help those nations get through difficult times so that the kind of societies that people in many cases have fought for and in some cases have died for can become a reality.
some of you might even want to undo it and make the relationship between all of us very different.
you would like to see europe act in a more coherent way. you would like to see europe act in a different way than that which is allowed under the lisbon treaty which is if you like the rule book under which i operate.
you pointed to a number of examples for which i thank you of areas where you have seen the european union develop its capacity on behalf of all its citizens to be able to respond to some of the crises and challenges that we face particularly those that focus on our neighbourhood
i think some of you see what you feel is a growing ability of the eu to act.
for some of you i sense a frustration that there is much more to be done.
but not all of you some of you are very glad that the rule book of lisbon exists.
in many cases people work tirelessly to achieve that in a deliberately very quiet way.
these are positive developments and are nothing to be frightened
i believe and my colleagues in the foreign affairs council of which i am president know that when we decide to work together and act together we can achieve more than we can do individually.
it is about projecting what we do in collaboration with our partners across the world to achieve more than we can achieve on our own.
this service is three years old and this role is four years old.
what it does is enable us to get across the messages on which we all agree and the values which we all hold more consistently and better when we stand together.
the point about collaboration between defence ministers when i chair their meetings is to be able to use our resources to greater effect for all our citizens.
so i am very conscious as i listen to this debate that it reflects the wide range of views and ideas that i see reflected on a day to day basis when i am in contact with many of our colleagues across the european union.
it is about the comprehensive approach not words just to be thrown around but actually representing what we uniquely do when we bring together all that we do and aim our work very deliberately at some of the big problems and issues that we face.
it is the thing we have known in the european union from the beginning but it is the thing that we have learnt from the playground onwards that if you stand together for what you believe you are much more likely to be successful in achieving it.
but they really do matter.
we need them with nato as much as we need them with the united nations.
i accept that we are very often reactive but actually it is not surprising considering the speed of events with which we have been confronted especially in our southern neighbourhood.
the journey is by no means over.
in order to become more proactive i think there is a need to review the eu delegations' work in the world in order to ensure that the union's policies ambitions and strategic priorities are efficiently carried out.
they are also changes in the global situation iran is an example and of course it will be necessary to consider whether there is a need for eu representation at this time. in terms of defence and security policy i quite agree with the high representative when she takes up the question that europe
therefore i hope that the vilnius summit will take the question of pooling and sharing seriously that the member states will make their preparations and that we can create some of the trust that is needed for this important task.
if they cannot come up with the financing for the defence agency we should not step in and say that we will squander european funds for that purpose.
there is however one mistake we should refrain from making and i think there is a point that we should criticise. funding the defence agency via the eu budget is not going to overcome the lack of ambition and engagement by the member states.
i am afraid that the need to change the perception has not yet resonated enough in most member states most notably in the one that i represent here.
the problem is not a lack of funding.
the reluctance of the united states to continue directing as much effort towards unruly regions in our neighbourhood as they did in the past is an obvious fact.
interestingly citizens seem to be more advanced in understanding that than some leaders because if we listen to what eurobarometer tells us time and time again a huge majority of european citizens support exactly that perspective.
so i would like to underline what mr brok wrote member states have an interest to develop a common vision that goes beyond individual member states' perceptions and historical experience'.
if i thought for a moment that csdp was designed to help the european nations become more effective and capable defence contributors and alliance partners then there might be some merit.
it may make sense for less capable countries to get together to improve capabilities provided they have the will to use them but there is absolutely no need for the eu to be involved in any of this.
you spoke earlier of the eu's operational expertise;
any military assets and expertise that you draw on come from our nations;
there are of course others who cherished the naive hope that support for csdp will encourage reluctant states to contribute more militarily and use it.
it does not matter how you dress it up no csdp activities bear critical scrutiny.
for the most part atalanta merely drew on the same small pool of national naval forces already providing ships for nato's ocean shield.
it is not even true to say that the eu's maritime operation has drastically reduced the scourge of piracy off the coast of somalia as you said.
in reality of course the main factor in reducing pirate attacks in the red sea indian ocean area was the introduction of on board private armed security teams.
two thirds of the seven zero personnel deployed on so called eu csdp missions are civilians and twenty three of the thirty missions are civilian.
mr president i would like to address baroness ashton. in your introduction to your final progress report on csdp a week ago you were very clear about the primary reason for csdp and i quote it is political and it concerns fulfilling europe's ambitions on the world stage'. in other words it is all about european integration.
the eu adds nothing.
i fear that they will be disappointed.
strengthening the european industrial and technological base;
more effort on the part of the member states in developing and implementing the csdp;
the problem is whether we will shape it or will be shaped by it in other words whether it will be based on our values or on somebody else's values.
what was particularly interesting about it was that all those recruits that were being trained had been recruited by the united states and were paid for by the united states and indeed moved there by the united states.
therefore i fully welcome this report by mr brok and i believe it offers a clear and decisive strategy that will improve the union's effectiveness as a cohesive global player.
there is an absolute necessity for the european union to formulate a clear coherent priority based and progressive international strategy which aims to anticipate prevent and shape the unfolding situations around the world.
together with the parliamentary scrutiny of the foreign policy such a norms based international strategy will not only increase our credibility but will also help to mobilise support from other international parties including from ngos.
would you not agree that the very best thing it could do in terms of confidence building measures would be to allow the return of famagusta varosha to its rightful inhabitants who are mainly from the greek cypriot community?
unfortunately the aggressive response he has displayed to the gezi park protests has scuppered that plan but there is still time and i would like this
i want to encourage her to continue active personal engagement in her future activities.
we can achieve this only by coordinated action among the member states.
the other challenge for us lies just beyond our borders. our near neighbourhood and countries with the prospects of eu membership are the real test for our external action.
the prevalence we currently give to our values does not reflect our attachment to them but our ineffectiveness in defining our geostrategic identity and therefore our long term interest and geopolitical goals.
we are fighting an elusive crusade that gives us a false impression that we are imposing our model around the world while disguising the real reactive character of our external action.
you must overcome this messiah complex and stop behaving as a global secular priesthood. likewise we must admit that the more for more approach does not function when the countries concerned have geopolitical or geo economic alternatives.
the european union is a powerful bloc of liberal democracies.
lady ashton your recent achievement in bringing together the kosovo and serbian leaders in their landmark agreement demonstrates the potential for a cfsp at its best particularly given the fact that the eulex mission in kosovo was very helpful in re establishing the rule of law.
this applies to sticks as well as carrots as evidenced by the eu led sanctions now forcing president rouhani of iran to the negotiating table and to the blacklisting of hezbollah which sends the right message about terrorism internationally.
nevertheless one real problem that my group has with the brok cfsp report is its continued insistence on a permanent eu seat at the un security council which the united kingdom cannot accept.
foreign security and defence policy can be coordinated where appropriate but ultimately control must be intergovernmental. where collective decisions are being taken they must be taken unanimously.
we have more reservations as a group over the csdp given that the eu has only two major military powers france and the uk.
this looks like an official blessing for political propaganda.
such a statement is in fact an explicit affirmation of the federalist project which is another reason why we should look at the common foreign policy with suspicion.
fourthly given the fact that the eu is notoriously undemocratic a common foreign policy must mean another area of political unaccountability.
that is one of my concerns with our common foreign and security policy because as mr brok rightly said it is the one thing that citizens like about the european union and of which they would like to have more.
it is a fact that the european union is a global player.
we spend more on development cooperation than any other country or group in the world but we are not seen as much as we should be as a global player.
if we look at trade and business lobbyists and interests on that ground very often i am afraid to say these interests come before our common values.
it is something that makes our common foreign policy weak.
it is the lgbt laws that incite not just hatred but violence against people who are considered to be lgbt.
the eu is ready to assume its responsibilities regarding targeted measures and we have clearly said so this week in the council with the eu foreign ministers but we are also prepared to take measures to support the legally elected authorities.
president barroso and i were among the first to congratulate president ouattara on his victory.
all efforts should now be focused on the achievement of a peaceful transfer of power.
ecowas and the african union have been crystal clear in their message.
i do thank and congratulate mr preda and his team for their courage as well as their excellent work carried out in difficult circumstances.
i thank him for his work and i believe he will be speaking shortly.
to support crisis resolution and enhance stability.
these included a special role for the un secretary general's special representative mr choi in certifying the election results.
in the end it is a credit to the ivorian people to the work of the united nations with the support of the international community and in particular i must say to the european union and the facilitator president blaise compaore of burkina faso that these elections could finally take place.
all candidates had agreed beforehand the ground rules of the election.
presidential elections have been due for several years.
it concluded that the elections were held in democratic conditions.
the international community has been unanimous in recognising him.
the results were proclaimed by the independent electoral commission and certified by the special representative of the un secretary general.
we are calling on all political forces in cte d'ivoire to respect the electoral outcome to show responsibility and to refrain from any act of violence.
the developments in cte d'ivoire are being followed closely by many actors and by public opinion particularly in africa and especially in neighbouring countries many of which are also in a post conflict situation and undergoing difficult democratic transition. the outcome of the present constitutional crisis in cte d'ivoire will send a strong signal to all forces on the african continent both those in favour of democracy and those who are against. the response of the european union to this crisis is vital.
un resolutions provide for targeted measures against those who obstruct the peaceful transition and the elections.
mr preda again thank you to you and your team for your courage and your work during the elections.
he and i spoke at the very beginning of this crisis and discussed how outrageous the situation was and we agreed to collaborate very fully.
i am expecting the list to be ready within the next few days.
we want to get on with this as quickly as possible and to keep the pressure on as much as possible.
we need to be very firm and very clear and to work as collaboratively as possible with the international community to keep the pressure on as heavily as we possibly can and to do the things required to get a satisfactory resolution.
i would like to remind this ruling party that the eu is the single largest donor institution to cambodia and that this aid is conditional on respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
he received this prize for the defence of freedoms we share across this parliament.
in two thousand and six sam rainsy received the prize for freedom from liberal international.
mr president sam rainsy is a colleague of ours a member of the parliament in cambodia. that mere fact has led to assassination attempts and a number of political and legal attacks by the ruling party including a twelve year prison sentence. the ruling party apparently does not like the fact that sam rainsy denounces corruption and human rights abuses.
similar convictions of members of the opposition party are fairly common and show that there is no impartial judiciary in cambodia. these court decisions hinder basic human rights including the freedom of expression and the right to a fair trial.
at international level we must remind cambodia to strive towards democracy and not use the selective enforcement of laws against individual rights. in particular i call on the commission to remind cambodia not to use new ngo regulations to restrict the opposition and civil society.
i strongly oppose the conviction of sam rainsy and those like him who exercise their freedom of expression and call on the cambodian government to stop its current path of tyranny.
governed by the rule of law and founded on the respect of fundamental freedoms and rights but also to demonstrate the will to combat effectively the endemic scourge of corruption massive deforestation resulting in the displacement of people land grabbing and the sex tourism industry to refuse the current culture of impunity and to bring to justice all those involved in such activities. the guarantee of free and fair political expression without intimidation or harassment is also a necessity.
more specifically we should state that we are alarmed at the prosecution and sentencing to a total of twelve years in prison of the opposition leader sam rainsy on account of a gesture which it considers to be of a symbolic and clearly political nature.
furthermore the government continues to turn a blind eye to fraudulent confiscation of farmers' land illegal logging and widespread plundering of the country's natural resources.
sam rainsy the opposition leader currently exiled to france has been jailed in absentia for ten years.
his so called crime was to seek to highlight the confiscation of peasant farmers' land by the government following border talks with neighbouring vietnam in the course of which he was charged with digging up the border posts.
this resolution today serves as a timely reminder to the cambodian government that if it seeks closer ties with the eu it should guarantee and uphold basic freedoms and fundamental rights.
the commission's view of globalisation is that national borders are losing their significance.
to stay ahead of the field innovation and efficiency are essential.
by pushing forward erroneous social and employment policies unifying welfare support across the union and promoting cumbersome rights legislation the eu protects and rewards the work shy while aspiring entrepreneurs are demoralised demonised and left without a safety net.
the eu's general attitude towards capitalism is to regard it with suspicion and contempt.
sixty of uk businesses would renegotiate our relationship with the eu to return to a simple free trade area.
past restrictions on interaction and collaboration have been removed by air travel and the internet. the floodgates have opened up increasing business opportunities but this also creates a more crowded market place with greater competition.
from the working time directive to the agency workers directive small companies are struggling through a bureaucratic quagmire that is stifling growth.
international competition now starts at home so the role of the nation state in fostering entrepreneurialism and providing a suitable platform for its industries is more important than ever.
globalisation not only rewards but requires inventiveness and flexibility yet the burden of eu legislation is bogging businesses down. an estimate by the enterprise commissioner suggests the burden of regulation costs the eu economy eur six hundred billion
business centres in china india and thailand are coming on line now; two new amendments for the internationalisation of eu smes in particular on other high growth countries and the mediterranean region passed in my inta committee almost unanimously.
madam president could the commission outline the measures it will take to hasten the simplification and adaptation of trade defence instrument procedures to the needs and accounting systems of smes and to establish adequate support measures for smes affected by proceedings initiated by third countries?
the impact of eu support to the health system and to rural development benefits the poor ordinary people of the drc who should not be victimised.
there is however international consensus around one issue.
in that context the european union has chosen to work closely with the united nations the african union and other essential partners so as to speak and act as one in this direction.
two thousand and eighteen there is a budget;
have been regularly discussing the drc here every six months since mid two thousand and sixteen and you have passed resolutions expressing grave concerns which have unfortunately been growing with time. the international community has been worriedly watching over the past couple of years one of the largest countries in africa edging towards collapse due to a compounded political security humanitarian and socioeconomic crisis.
national systems delivering basic social services cannot function on ngo support alone.
they are currently focusing on food security health and infrastructure development.
elections are needed to end the current political situation whereby president kabila has stayed one full year beyond the end of his mandate.
the eu is very aware of the importance of monitoring and reporting on the human rights situation in a country in crisis.
meanwhile the un is denied access to hospitals morgues and detention facilities and has not been allowed to observe the demonstrations and human rights defenders are being arrested without warrants.
so we call on the congolese authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all prisoners of conscience and to carry out independent investigations into the violent repression of protests.
it is good to see that the eu has now adopted targeted sanctions. individuals who perpetrate human rights violations must be held to account.