kfajdsl/voxpopuli huggingface dataset:
as the rapporteur has said i think that together with the performance fees the bonus culture has fuelled a culture of short termism across the financial sector where the focus is on short term profits instead of long term investment and of course ucits were created for long term investment.
twelve five million in performance fees in two thousand and ten even though it lost.
i think we should stick to the proposal as we voted with a majority in committee.
they are often high they are not transparent and they vary significantly between funds making it hard to compare and understand the impact on returns.
so i think these opaque fees reduce investors' funds and income unfairly. it is a one way street with benefits to providers and not to investors.
i want to focus then on the two issues which are important to investors and consumers across europe and that is the limit on performance fees paid by investors to management companies and a cap on bonuses for fund managers.
investors already pay fixed fees to ucits funds to invest so performance fees are an additional fee on top and the performance fees are a percentage of the return or profit made on the fund.
in the uk black rock absolute alpha fund paid its managers nearly.
two thousand and eleven this is in addition to the.
customer groups argue that performance fees are unfair to retail investors as they disproportionately reward fund managers who perform well in the short term even if in the longer term they make a loss.
these rules will therefore ensure a level playing field across the financial sector they will ensure that all remuneration in all financial sectors is better aligned with risk and that is why i believe we should stick to the proposal voted with a majority in committee in tomorrow's vote.
should we then restrict incomes in basic salaries?
it is difficult to justify them morally and it is always tempting to want to do something about them.
do we really want the eu or even member states for that matter to have that kind of power? the real problem which needs to be addressed is the high level of expense ratios of investment funds the amount paid by investors to the funds.
well we could but then we should logically say that perhaps we ought to limit all people's salaries.
in the united states equity funds charge an average of.
a restriction on bonuses would inevitably lead to compensatory increases in basic income. that would be worse because of course basic salaries unlike bonuses cannot easily be reduced to reflect poor performance.
they will simply push up basic salaries they will find ways of having variable basic salaries with fixed bonuses and therefore you would have even less alignment between performance and reward.
it is far better to actually tackle the issue and to make sure that we look at issues such as deferral and for bonuses to have a much better way to achieve alignment between performance and reward.
these place a very significant cost on business on the economy and of course on the pockets of ordinary citizens.
now using the government's own figures the uk government's own figures the open europe think tank calculates the cost of just the top ninety nine directives currently in force at over gbp twenty billion per annum.
this is a staggering burden on business and on consumers.
just one element of these costs is of course eu over regulation.
now i recently published the latest addition of my periodic study how much does the european union cost britain?
mr president yes i agree it is very important that we have independent economic impact assessments of eu regulations.
the commission also welcomes the fact that the report supports some of its suggestions addressed to the european parliament through the smart regulation communication but we also know about the few highly problematic proposals.
the commission has already made clear in its smart regulation communication that it cannot and will not accept requests that would affect its autonomy in carrying out impact assessments for instance the externalisation of the impact assessment board or that would otherwise affect its right of initiative.
let me recall that the european court of auditors in a recent special report on impact assessments in the eu institutions has confirmed that the commission's impact assessment system has been effective in supporting decision making within the eu institutions'
and in raising the quality of our proposals.
the court of auditors also found that the commission has in place the structures needed for smart regulation and that the impact assessment board clearly helps to raise the quality of our impact assessments.
first of all i think that this is an important proposal.
one is to ensure that we are passing regulation that is necessary and effective but also to stop blaming something called brussels for everything that goes wrong.
national governments and parliaments take responsibility when everything goes right but when it is wrong they blame brussels.
i think these impact assessments should show just who is responsible and where the blame lies because it is far too convenient to do that.
these problems are highlighted in my report.
they should not try to escape their duties in ensuring free movement by asking for a revision to water down the directive.
one of the most important and immediate steps that must be taken is the creation by the commission of comprehensive transposition guidelines.
more funding must be allocated to help local integration measures for eu citizens residing in other member states and finally the commission must not hesitate to open infringement proceedings against member states who are not complying with the directive.
once this has been done it will be up to the member states to implement those guidelines preferably by the end
of. two thousand and nine discriminatory transitional agreements that restrict the movement of workers from member states that joined the eu after two thousand and four must finally be repealed or revised.
those guidelines would serve to provide clarity in the interpretation of such notions as sufficient resources' and public security'.
we have to recognise that member states need finally to correctly apply and transpose the directive so that these and other problems are resolved expediently.
let me conclude by saying that i shall move a revised oral amendment to a footnote in my report in order to take away any excuse for those who oppose free movement on a nationalistic racist or xenophobic basis but who do not dare to declare it openly to vote against my report.
the european parliament firmly opposes such revision and thanks the commission for doing the same.
second to those who chose to focus solely on abuses and misuses of this right i agree that these issues are important but i say that article thirty five of the directive already provides member states with the possibility to fight against those abuses such as marriages of convenience or fraud one just has to implement it.
there are many unjustified administrative burdens particularly for third country national family members which include entry requirements and lengthy procedural delays; a lack of recognition of free movement rights for certain registered partners including those in same sex relationships; public policy exceptions to serve economic or security aims
the most is the right of freedom of movement in the european union.
as of one january two thousand and six over eight million eu citizens have exercised this right to reside in another member state and millions more have used it to travel through the eu.
the talks today are the last chance before the april council meeting to reach a clear agreement on the outstanding issues.
it is a matter of maturity for serbian political leadership and society.
finally i would encourage serbia to continue its work in bringing war criminals to justice and assisting the victims of the war.
it seemed unthinkable then that serbia would so quickly be transformed into a stable prosperous democracy now with candidate status to join the european union.
the ongoing reform of the judiciary and the fight against corruption and organised crime are of the utmost importance.
the legal and political solution to vojvodina's autonomy should not be debated in the streets but through the normal institutions and democratic framework.
thank you very much mr president.
i hope that we will together seize this unique opportunity to close the chapter of balkan conflict and open a new one which will be marked by accession driven reforms and regional cooperation.
a breakthrough would have far reaching consequences for the european integration process of both countries and the western balkans as a whole as well as for the economic recovery of the crisis hit region.
this will give a boost to reform oriented forces in the country and help economic recovery.
we have recently seen rising political tensions between the central and provisional authorities with regard to the scope of the autonomy of vojvodina.
therefore normalisation between belgrade and pristina is a political imperative.
the normalisation of relations between belgrade and pristina is in the very best mutual interest of serbia and kosovo and i welcome this public recognition that the eu is not imposing the normalisation of relations.
both serbia and kosovo desperately need their political leaders to dedicate all their time and energy to the reform process.
serbian and kosovan leaders have rightly pointed out that their normalisation of relations should not be seen exclusively through the prism of accession process.
serbia has achieved some significant progress in the field of eu related reforms. my report calls on the council to set the date for the beginning of accession negotiations with serbia.
i would like to call on all actors particularly the central authorities to try to bring down the increasingly worrying tone of this debate.
i sincerely hope that we will have a chance to toast the historical achievement of serbia and kosovo by the end of the week.
if accession negotiations are to run smoothly serbia needs to establish a convincing track record in this field.
where central standards are essential however is in the uniformity of procedures and the general rules of democracy transparency accountability and self limitation.
serbia should accept that democratic norms point towards greater decentralisation not the opposite.
this is proper of course given that serbia's european future is conditional on finding an arrangement with kosovo. in this connection the status of the serbs of kosovo is central.
the relaunched belgrade pristina dialogue if it is to be successful must find a solution to this question. otherwise the serbian minority will be a long term source of tension in kosovo.
one of these is the nature of legality the administration of the law the independence of the judiciary the quality of law enforcement and respect for procedures.
the kosovo issue however should not be allowed to deflect attention from a number of other serious problems that serbia has to tackle.
in these areas despite the efforts made much remains to be done before serbia attains its objective a rule of law state.
i agree with very much of what has been said so far in this debate. much of the focus on serbia has been on the country's attitude to kosovo.
these people have become citizens of kosovo without having a choice about this so the kosovo citizenship concept must be inclusive enough to allow them to live as they would prefer.
given the loss of kosovo this may be understandable but it is the wrong solution.
a more relaxed attitude will also be helpful in inter ethnic relations by allowing solutions on the ground to emerge where appropriate.
the council as you know has regularly reaffirmed its unequivocal commitment to the european perspective for all of the western balkan countries.
ms fajon mentioned the whole question of freedom of expression and freedom of the press;
it is fair to say having listened to the debate here that this view is very much reflected in the european parliament.
but i think it is always important to go back.
the efforts to advance the enlargement policy of the eu. the significance of your work and in particular of maintaining the support of eu citizens as i said earlier in the previous debate for further enlargement is extremely important.
i think it is important to say that all of these are very much at the core of the process which is underway.
mr president honourable members and commissioner i would like to acknowledge and indeed to welcome on behalf of the irish presidency and the member states the parliament's diligent work and in particular your rapporteur mr kacin's continuous engagement and very positive contribution to
we will continue to ensure that there is continuous and sustainable progress on all of these issues throughout the process.
i am aware of a range of challenges that have been set out by members here.
and i think that we have to always reflect on the enormous strides that have been made in such a short period of time.
it is very recent;
i can assure you that we very much appreciate the views of the european parliament in this respect.
and a number of you have mentioned the protection of minorities and a range of other issues.
in the particular case of serbia i am absolutely convinced as the commissioner has said that the normalisation of its relations with kosovo will have a tremendous positive impact on serbia kosovo and indeed the wider region.
you may recall that the council asked in its conclusions of eleven december last year for irreversible progress towards delivering structures in northern kosovo which meet the security and justice needs of the local population in a transparent and cooperative manner and in a way that ensures the functionality of a single institutional and administrative set up within kosovo.
the report will in particular assess progress made with respect to the key priority of taking steps towards a visible and sustainable improvement of relations with kosovo in line with the stabilisation and association process.
we believe that serbia has continued on its way to sufficiently fulfilling the political criteria and conditions of the stabilisation and association process.
with a view to a possible decision of the european council to open accession negotiations with serbia the commission and the high representative are preparing their report on progress on all the issues identified by the council in its conclusions of eleven december last year.
moreover i would like to point to the special attention that should be given to the rights and inclusion of vulnerable groups particularly the roma as well as to the effective implementation of legislation on the protection of minorities the non discriminatory treatment of national minorities throughout serbia and tackling discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity.
the council expects the two sides to continue and to accelerate their work in addressing all aspects of the relations between them.
we are ready to assist serbia and kosovo in order to achieve sustainable and lasting results.
i strongly encourage all sides to continue their engagement in the hope that a solution can be found that will allow us all to move forward together.
let me recall that we support serbia's european perspective and want both serbia and kosovo to continue on their respective european paths.
as i mentioned high representative ashton is convening a new round of the belgrade pristina dialogue today and it would be irresponsible of me to start speculating on the possible outcome of today's meeting.
constructive engagement by serbia in regional cooperation and in strengthening relations with neighbouring countries is extremely important.
however the reform agenda particularly in the areas of the rule of law the independence of key institutions and further improving the business environment need to be further developed and implemented.
the report was scheduled for yesterday but its publication has been delayed in view of the dialogue meeting today.
it is fundamental to the european union to continue to work towards reaching such an agreement.
we have to acknowledge that serbia has come a long way as it is ready for the first time to discuss a sustainable deal for kosovo.
so i can only support the continuation of this crucial dialogue not only with a view to the european future of both countries but also for the peace and stability of the whole region.
let me close by saying that for serbia the beginning of negotiations is crucial for its stability and the stability of the western balkans.
firstly we have once more arrived at a major turning point in our relations with serbia.
i am hopeful that new significant results can be achieved in the belgrade pristina dialogue.
we are very hopeful that this dialogue will result in a clear agreement.
we hope that the two leaderships will seize the historic opportunity that lies before them.
this would be done on the basis of the upcoming report from the commission and the high representative to be adopted shortly.
the prime ministers have already met eight times and the presidents once.
we are witnessing a profound change of approach which we need to actively encourage.
since last autumn we have witnessed a fresh drive on reforms ministries and institutions are fully mobilised to address the findings of the commission's progress report.
it is all the more important to create a new dynamic in our relations.
on the one hand i do not envy the men from serbia and kosovo trying to come to an agreement that both can explain to their party members and to their media.
on the other hand i think they may be proud to be sitting there to have a chance to make history and do the best thing possible for their people.
when it cancelled the gay pride event last october because of threats from these groups the government was in fact saying that it does not have a monopoly on violence in serbia that these groups are too strong and too violent for the government to control and that they pose a threat to the rule of law and to public security.
i would like to see concerted action by all relevant authorities there to combat these groups and i would like to hear from the commission whether this is happening or not.
of course the best proof will be a successful and safe gay pride this coming october and a successful and safe football competition this year.
on these and other issues serbia has its work cut out for it in the coming year and today is the start of that coming year.
in the meantime important reforms are taking place in serbia. the legislative and judicial systems are changing massively and very fast.
this is one of the reasons why the eu needs to remain engaged with serbia and support its reforms. the report also calls for initial and continuing professional training for judges in connection with this massive change in legislation.
we also call for these changes in legislation to include alignment to the anti discrimination acquis. we are especially concerned about the rights of the lgbt roma and persons with disabilities.
and point three serbia's contribution to regional cooperation and improved relations with its neighbours.
the report will dwell on important recent developments in serbia.
i am glad to see that today on the basis of the report prepared by ms flakov beov and the commission's annual reports we are able to hold a fully informed discussion.
this was laid down as you know in the strategy for the effective implementation of the charter and it has also ensured that the charter has become a compass for all eu policies.
this policy has already brought tangible effects for our citizens because not only does the commission go ahead with putting the charter into practice but the commission has also been followed
two thousand and twelve the romanian government made a number of important commitments and the commission is analysing what is happening in practical terms and will issue a further report analysing whether these concerns have been addressed and whether democratic checks and balances have been restored.
as compared to two thousand and ten in two thousand and eleven these references rose
the charter and the active work in promoting its application have ensured that today these rights play a fundamental role in the development of new policies not only in the general application of the charter but also in specific policy initiatives
that really shows the reflection in our judiciary not only at the european court of justice but in our national courts.
you all know our famous article fifty one which has been quoted again and again in this chamber the charter is addressed to the institutions the bodies the offices and the agencies of the union and to the member states only when they are implementing eu law.
this also explains why the eu institutions made intense efforts in order to enable an agreement to be reached on time among the member states in the council. that also explains the concessions to the council. the concession for example that the agency will not be able to initiate work on police and judicial cooperation on criminal matters on its own initiative.
january. now we have again here an example of how the requirement of unanimity is blocking the work in the union so i regret this very much and i hope that the problem can be solved but it is very unfortunate.
some examples the question of the roma in france in the summer of two thousand and ten and in the summer of this year and the actions regarding hungary and romania. these examples reveal our determination to intervene where necessary when the commission has the power to do
council. that was something i did not like to give in to but i gave in for the sake of unanimity in council in order to get this
is applying more and more rules on the basis of the charter. there are for instance two pieces of eu legislation which have been invalidated by the court of justice for non compliance with the charter.
another very important element is gaining ground and this can be seen in our national courts.
of course not everything is perfect.
this i believe shows that the charter has evolved into a powerful tool.
however we can no longer say that the eu institutions do not take fundamental rights seriously.
so. let me come to the hungarian example where the commission did not hesitate to refer hungary very quickly to the court of justice regarding the independence of the data protection supervisory authority and the age of retirement of judges prosecutors
unanimity. now in spite of this one member state has failed to take the necessary steps which would have ensured that the multiannual framework is adopted in time and as a result the agency and its staff will be in caretaker mode from
unfortunately the good work done by the agency is being jeopardised as it now seems clear that the council will not be in a position to adopt the multiannual framework for the agency by the end of the
but in this context the commission takes very seriously its role as guardian of the treaties.
it has to be asked by the parliament by the commission or by the
we were followed by the court of justice in this case and now the very short transitional period has been declared incompatible with the eu equal treatment
the second front relating to the application of the charter is the effective enforcement of the charter in the member states.
year. i am seriously worried about this because we all knew about the deadline.
to enhance those citizens' rights.
law. you will recall the events last summer in romania where the commission set out in detail its concerns in its report under the verification mechanism adopted on eighteen july.
soon. the recent adoption of the new directive on victims' rights will improve the rights of an estimated seventy five million crime victims annually across
dedicated to specific fundamental rights. let me just quote some of them the agenda on the rights of the child the eu framework for the national roma integration strategies the strategy for equality between men and women and the european disability strategy.
this is a symbolic act i know but it is also a political commitment from the whole college to ensure that the charter is respected.