kfajdsl/voxpopuli huggingface dataset:
i believe that the spring interparliamentary meeting which you organised in two thousand and eleven could if repeated become an important institutional way of better involving national parliaments to ensure legitimacy.
in two thousand and twelve the most important aspect is certainly going to be a stronger focus on the growth dimension.
against these expectations the first european semester has been successful.
when it comes to assessing the effectiveness of ex ante policy guidance in terms of the follow up by member states it is a bit too early to tell we are after all only part way through the national semester'. a measurable answer will therefore only be possible when member states' budgets and structural reforms have been decided
secondly we wanted to ensure that the policy guidance given to member states has a stronger effect on implementation through a better ex ante timing of policy guidance and through clearer and more concrete country specific recommendations.
we had clear expectations of what a european semester should mainly achieve in substance.
firstly we wanted to ensure a closer integration of the policy analysis and guidance across fiscal and macroeconomic policies but also of the policy formulation in member states.
it is part of an effort to rebuild confidence through a clear focus on building the foundations for employment and growth and through stronger policy design and implementation.
we have made significant progress on these key elements.
at the same time the european semester was supposed to ensure that the eu level dimension in terms of policy spillovers was taken into account from the start when formulating policies at national level.
this should allow for a fuller debate from the outset.
as president barroso outlined here on twelve october bolstering growth through full implementation of key reforms on the single market but also through new and innovative financing instruments such as project bonds is a central dimension of putting europe on the course out of the crisis.
this means of course that this house as well as national parliaments will have to play an important role in the european semester.
this can only be achieved if parliaments have a strong role.
with the joint presentation of their scps and nrps member states have set out their views on how the key policy challenges should be addressed.
we will then have to follow up on the implementation and examine what is the impact of the measures taken.
do the council and the commission believe the semester lived up to expectations and if the exercise was not perfect how do they think it should be improved next year?
as part of parliament's role of ensuring maximum transparency and accountability at the union level the european parliament is eager to foster a debate on these recommendations as well as more generally on the outcome of the first instalment of the european semester.
the committee is planning to organise a more detailed hearing on exactly that question on seven november to which both the commission and the council have been invited.
it looks a little like the old habit of the council weakening draft recommendations by the commission about which we are justifiably nervous.
the first exercise led to the release of country specific recommendations adopted by the commission in june and had the aim of providing ex ante guidance to member states in both fiscal and structural objectives.
does the council consider that the changes it made to the recommendations in june and july of this year were made in a sufficiently transparent manner?
of course the council has the right to alter those recommendations but it is also in line with parliament's new role as guarantor of eu level transparency and accountability to seek answers to the questions as to why certain changes were made.
these oral questions to the commission and council seek to review the semester with the aim of improving it.
these recommendations were endorsed by the council in july following the introduction of changes.
until this year national policies and budgets had been assessed at eu level only after national decisions.
this is a major change and as has been mentioned by many members today it implies an increased democratic responsibility for eu institutions.
we need to find a way to do this.
but you are right the european semester is not a crisis management tool.
in the short term we need to agree on a substantial recovery path for greece coordinated recapitalisation of banks and maximising the firepower of our financial backstops.
that the introduction of the european semester represents a very important step forward. this house has already made an important contribution to making the european semester more effective including by bolstering its legitimacy.
as for my own contribution on the european semester i hope that our member states will live up to the expectations of the budgetary framework directive because fundamentally our citizens need to know where their money is going how it is being spent and how forecasts are being put together by our governments.
economic policy should not be about congruence or symmetry it should be about the particular needs of very different economies. large budget deficits other things being equal should be avoided but there are circumstances in which they might be necessary.
it might be argued that the mechanisms are simply providing a necessary external discipline forcing member states into good rather than bad economic habits.
however we need to look several steps ahead.
i do think we need to talk more about sustainable production and sustainable consumption across all of our lines food and indeed textiles.
i watched a very disturbing report on cnn about the state of the pearl river in china. the denim capital of europe is on the banks of that river which is highly polluted because they export their cheap products to the eu the us and other markets and consumers buy them.
so although we say consumers want information to make informed choices many consumers seem to ignore the information that they have and make choices based on price.
one of the issues which has been mentioned is consumer concerns about how things are produced about workers' welfare and environmental standards.
however i notice that the rapporteur conspicuously failed to mention that this is actually a crucial internal market directive as well as a consumer protection directive with the whole objective of simplifying the legislation making it easier to get new names recognised and to get new textiles on the market something like twelve months more quickly and
the real question for the rapporteur is whether we want to put all those positive benefits at risk by attaching to this proposal an issue about country of origin marking which as mrs rhle quite rightly points out has already been proposed by the commission on a whole range of products.
i agree we should make the political point and we should also be asking for some of the other things that he is asking for but i think there are a number of aspects here where he has exceeded his role as rapporteur for this committee and it has become rather a christmas tree of some of his own ideas.
i think that we should be very careful not to hold up the benefits.
i completely agree with her on how the question of country of origin marking is going to be handled. in the proposals here there have been some significant improvements about the straightforward core of the proposal about how fibres are labelled about how composition is labelled and about clarity of labelling.
also in connection with the work we are about to do on standardisation giving a significant improvement there by bringing regulations under the basis of the european committee for standardisation all of which will achieve significant savings to the industry as well as improve consumer benefits.
uk citizens know and understand it and it should not be changed for an eu wide system.
nevertheless we strongly oppose the second part in particular amendment fifty eight which intends new labelling requirements to be introduced at union level. i note especially the proposal for and i quote an eu wide uniform size labelling system for clothing and footwear'. we have a completely effective system for sizing in the uk.
however the first part of the report brings three directives into a single regulation which would simplify.
likewise the european parliament has also been adept in using technical reports to bring about a harmonised european superstate.
it is wholly different from the system which exists in most of continental europe.
i feel the work is again a demonstration of the ability of this house to be among the most flexible and consensus building institutions of the european union.
as for the issue itself attempting to harmonise rules when it comes to textile labelling and designating names is a very positive example of how the internal market can help the consumer and the manufacturer. this proposal is equally important for both the industry and the consumers.
it is important to remember this and sometimes i think the consumer side is not getting as much attention as is necessary.
this proposal started off as mainly technical and non political and was just a means to bring three directives together.
however considering that we rarely revisit these types of issues as a house it makes sense that we try and make any proposals on this as comprehensive as possible.
consumers are entitled to accurate relevant understandable and comparable information on the composition of textile products.
they are also entitled to a complete and i mean complete list of the fibres that are in products;
this is necessary in the prevention of allergies etc.
i personally feel it is very important that there is transparency in production methods and conditions and that there is accurate evidence of place of origin.
this will allow social decisions on purchasing choices to be made.
one hundred and ninety seven investigations concluded over three hundred recommendations issued and significant recoveries recommended to the eu budget stemming in particular from the conclusion of major under valuation fraud cases.
seventeen six months on average despite its limited resources.
this is important work;
while being fully committed and active in fighting corruption at eu and global level the european union is in the process of assessing the full extent of the modifications of the union's competence with regard to all the matters governed by uncac after entry into force of the lisbon treaty.
any gaps in the legislative setting or operational capacity of customs administrations to function across borders are quickly exploited by organised criminal groups. in this context due to its ability to operate transnationally and to gather and share information olaf plays a crucial role in preventing and tackling revenue fraud
one aspect that needs to be kept in mind is that the convention is binding on all eu institutions and therefore the scope of the uncac review would not be limited to the commission but would extend to the other institutions as well.
the review helps us assess where we stand globally and what gaps need to be addressed.
the money we get back in this context can be used to serve european citizens and to promote growth and jobs. olaf was also able to further reduce the duration of its investigation to.
while the eu anti corruption report provided a useful overview of the situation streamlined coverage in the european semester of economic governance which is the main economic policy dialogue between the member states and the european union institutions appears to be an equally efficient way to address the matter and is in line with the general approach of this commission to streamline processes and focus on key issues in the relevant fora.
madam president this report concerns itself with financial barriers to culture and for me culture includes football.
so i believe it's time more was done by the football authorities to make ticket prices affordable both at club and international level.
the football association and our national football associations should do more to fill those seats and give those tickets away to young people through schools.
we should not see international matches in national stadiums like wembley in qualifying rounds and friendlies being played when the crowd is only filling half the stadium or less.
and at club level let me congratulate two of the most famous football clubs in the world in my region who are leading the way in this notts county who made tickets available for gbp two to people a few months ago and to nottingham forest who are making season tickets available for gbp ten to young people for the coming season.
there are many financial barriers to people who want to go and watch football particularly children and young people.
all of them have witnessed atrocities and many of them are suffering from malnutrition physical abuse and illnesses. rape is used as a tool by myanmar soldiers in their campaign of ethnic cleansing.
rohingya women and children are extremely exposed to the risk of being trafficked into prostitution and to the risk of sexual harassment and the situation of the rohingyas is already getting worse due to the monsoon. the international community must do its utmost to find a sustainable approach to the tragic situation but the myanmar authorities should bear in mind that ethnic cleansing does not go without punishment.
however the commission has failed to move forward on this over the last four years.
zero corruption across the european union must be our goal.
similar perceptions can be found in other member states' public opinions. against this background the eu should take a more ambitious role in rooting out corruption in all forms and everywhere.
this was capable tool to analyse the european landscape and provided the european citizens with credible comprehensive and comparative data and assessment on corruption as well as highlighting the weaknesses and also the good practices of the member states.
so there is an urgent need for action and the eu should take an important role in rooting out corruption in all its forms.
secondly the anti corruption report and the european semester recommendations are not alternatives of each other.
but it is not a sufficient tool alone.
theoretically speaking if we took a tough stance against corruption the functioning of the eu would be free or almost free for the european taxpayers for the next five years.
the second is the regulation on the rule of law proposed for the new multiannual financial framework.
first is the european public prosecutor's office the.
a study commissioned by the european parliament estimates that the cost of corruption could go up to eur nine hundred billion annually.
but this proposal is still waiting for approval by the co legislators.
anti corruption recommendations in the european semester are good additional tools but do not substitute the overall picture given by the report.
in others such as slovakia for example it seems that organised crime groups are benefiting from eu funds.
and last but not least to improve the independent scrutiny of the eu institutions shouldn't they participate in the cooperation of greco?
but to credibly pointing out to member states we need stronger anti corruption activity and control in the eu institutions as well.
but the negotiations on that are stalled.
we also have to speak about our losses the cost of corruption.
still there are a few promising steps.
this instrument could actually play an important role in incentivising the member states to play by the rules.
eppo hopefully will help in fighting fraud and corruption in relation to eu funds.
a couple of prosecutors will not be able to fight fraud and corruption fully and in a systematic way and in fact some of the main beneficiary member states of eu funds are not willing to participate.
therefore we regret very much in this house that the commission decided to abolish this exercise.
in some of the member states like in my own county hungary there is systemic political corruption related to the eu funds.
the european commission however has failed to move forward over the past four years and has even taken a step backwards from its two thousand and eleven anti corruption package by abolishing the biannual anti corruption report.
how does the commission intend to complement the semester recommendation in order to tackle other aspects of corruption?
most worryingly just as the monsoon rains are coming thousands of babies conceived in rape are expected to be born soon in the camps.
sexual violence was an integral tool of the burmese military in its effort to inflict terror on the rohingyas. months after the height of the burmese army's atrocities the suffering of these women continues as they have to face not just a lack of access to healthcare services in the camps but also exclusion from their deeply conservative families. the absolute priority is to save lives and to shelter these women and babies from the rains.
why should the united kingdom be in political union with these countries sending billions of our hard earned taxpayers' money abroad while they have lower legal standards and a frightening lack of audit and accountability over their own affairs?
i cannot however support any calls for the eu to make recommendations to harmonise laws at eu level or interfere with member states' internal affairs. it should only be our elected and accountable national governments that take measures and propose actions to root it out not unaccountable eu institutions in brussels.
the irony i am sure ladies and gentlemen is not lost on me or on other honourable members in this house.
however even then the report did not include corruption in eu institutions.
we should all be working as sovereign independent states to help each other to root out corruption in our own back yards and not be forced to comply with eu laws which do not have proper democratic controls.
transparency international shows that corruption perceptions in bulgaria rank them seventy one out of one hundred and eighty which is not much better than china.
this i'm sure is quite beyond me and beyond many of you i should imagine.
i will listen intently to what the commission has to say about the budgetary control committee's questions and i do hope that even though we are leaving the vast improvements of transparency and accountability are made.
corruption both political and economic puts a huge drain on our respective countries' resources and we must take every effort to plug the leaks.
it is also rather laughable that the eu should lecture member states on corruption.
the fact that the commission discontinued its own anti corruption report on itself shows how seriously they take this issue.
we have had enough of corrupt institutions wasting billions of taxpayers' money at home in the uk without another tranche of it at european level.
it is the duty of the myanmar government and that of bangladesh to do everything they can to safeguard the rights of all children affected by the crisis and to guarantee their safety.
these are children who have been suffering far too long and enduring beyond what anyone should have to endure in a lifetime.
unicef states that seven hundred and twenty zero rohingya children need assistance and protection now.
no child deserves this.
that is seven hundred and twenty zero children being denied a chance for a future being subject to rape violence and trauma being orphaned being trafficked being hungry being denied an education being forced to give birth to their rapists' children and without proper healthcare.
the international community has to place the personal safety of every individual on the top of their security agendas.
not only do these children lack food clean water health care trauma therapy education and security but they are also victims of trafficking violence sexual exploitation and child marriage.
for several member states the commission underlined the need to strengthen the effective investigation and prosecution of corruption and enhance prevention.
it is against this background in line with the general approach of this commission to streamline processes and focus on key issues in the relevant fora that we considered that the european semester which is the main economic policy dialogue with member states is the most appropriate policy instrument for systematically engaging with the member states in this area of major common interest.
corruption is still a key issue in a number of states hampering investment efficient resource allocation economic performance and growth.
as regards the potential participation of the eu in the implementation review mechanism to the un convention against corruption to which the eu is a party the commission is now in the process of assessing the extent of the modifications of the union's competence with regard to all the matters governed by the uncac after the entry into force of the lisbon treaty as well as the legal and institutional implications of this modification of competences.
the measures aim to grant law enforcement authorities asset recovery offices and anti corruption authorities direct access to the information contained in the centralised bank account registers.
the commission also provides financial support for a wide range of projects in the field of anti corruption under a variety of financial instruments for example in the internal security fund for police european social and investment funds horizon two thousand and twenty and hercule ii and iii programmes to promote activities designed to boost eu action to prevent and combat fraud undermining the eu's financial interests.
as part of the commission's commitment to transparency the commissioners their cabinet members and directorsgeneral publish information on meetings held with organisations and self employed individuals on the eu transparency register.
these rules are fully integrated inter alia in the staff regulations and the rules on financial management and internal control.
transparency and accountability are key principles of the commission's decisionmaking process.
two thousand and fifteen these efforts go hand in hand with our legislative activity. the commission has taken action to ensure that anti corruption provisions are an integral part of all relevant legislative instruments.
these workshops cover topics such as corruption in the private sector political immunities public procurement at local level asset disclosure whistleblower protection corruption in health care conflicts of interest and measuring corruption and its economic and social impact.
it is to be recalled that the eu is a unique regional economic integration organisation and as such this raises specific and complex legal and institutional questions.
such is the case for the recent initiative on the protection of whistleblowers.
more than three hundred experts have participated in the programme since.
the european institutions have put in place a comprehensive framework of rules on ethics and mechanisms to deter investigate and punish misconduct including corruption and associated wrongdoings.
they include enforcement mechanisms and proportionate effective and dissuasive sanctions for possible breaches.
the measures also aim at improving cooperation between law enforcement authorities and financial intelligence units as well as between fius.
these recent initiatives complement other measures in areas ranging from public procurement and the protection of eu financial interests to asset recovery and anti money laundering.
president juncker has established greater transparency as a top priority since the beginning of his mandate.
the commission has also recently proposed a package of measures enabling the national competent authorities to access and exchange financial and other information in a timely manner.