kfajdsl/voxpopuli huggingface dataset:
certainly we have to do everything to be sure that the country establishes itself on its own feet and that it is able to consolidate its existence as a full state a democratic state that has aspirations one day to join our union.
that is a competence of the commission.
we have to look at own resources of the european union.
we are fulfilling the mandate we received for negotiating on behalf of the member states with turkey and with other candidate countries.
there was a unanimous decision by the member states to negotiate with turkey and others the possibility of their accession.
that seems to be happening in bosnia which is sliding alarmingly towards dysfunction if not destruction.
the office of high representative while it still lasts has been undermined and the authority of the international community weakened.
will you encourage the new high representative and when she is confirmed vice president of the commission cathy ashton to make bosnia an absolutely top priority? how will you ensure that the eu's special representative has real leverage a clear mandate and the united support of the eu behind him or her?
so when we are in these positions i am not here representing one country or one region we are representing the whole of europe.
we have an internal market.
the second priority is promoting maritime professions in the eu. again i fully share this objective and i am committed to developing a social maritime agenda. i see a role for emsa supporting us in reaching this objective.
states. some weeks ago the commission at the initiative of my colleague mr oettinger presented a legislative proposal to enhance the safety of offshore installations in the eu. the commission's objective is to establish high safety standards across
the blue belt project is an important milestone. it aims at enhancing short sea shipping in the eu by monitoring and recording the route of each individual vessel and thus supporting customs requirements.
the third priority is improving the safety of offshore installations in
not only does emsa know a lot about training and qualification systems in member states and third countries but emsa has already developed an information
therefore the commission has made a proposal to extend emsa's mandate with regard to certain aspects for which we feel more eu added value is possible.
there was much to agree on and little to dispute and that was because we believe that emsa is doing a very good job.
i was particularly pleased to see three elements in this report.
the first was an increased role for the european maritime safety agency in the monitoring of offshore oil and gas installations;
approved in our integrated maritime policy.
i did attend an emsa conference in their new centre in lisbon and i must say i was very impressed with the breadth of their operations and their commitment to delivering safety on the sea.
i would support the delegation of more powers to strengthen and improve emsa.
for example the recently adopted report on the integrated marine policy calls on the commission to extend the responsibilities to safety inspections and offshore installations. as chairman of parliament's delegation to the eea and efta i welcome the fact that norway and iceland are active members of the european maritime safety agency. i fully support the proposal to provide emsa with greater scope to assist neighbouring countries because we should remember that search and rescue knows no political or geographical boundaries.
madam president the european maritime safety agency which was set up in the wake of the erika oil tanker incident carries out an important role in pollution response and should be commended for its work in this area which was emphasised by my good colleague peter van dalen.
however this latest modification of the emsa regulation extends that competence.
i am particularly concerned about extending emsa's competence to include the analysis of the safety of mobile off shore and gas installations.
oil and gas installations are currently regulated to a very high international standard and duplication is not needed.
the same applies to the fight against piracy the training of seafarers and the certification of ships.
there i agree with the commission's position.
we have seen competency creep before and i would not want to see it here.
in conclusion increased competency means increased costs and in these difficult economic times any calls for increases in funding must be supported by rigorous justification.
our reports refer to the old times.
that would solve the problem that the day only has twenty four hours the problem which cannot be otherwise solved. you are needed everywhere and we would like you to multiply your possibilities to act on our behalf and on behalf of the union.
in terms of competence and political weight by installing deputies to your office kind of vice ministers' including parliamentary ones.
you can count on us.
it is still a major handicap for our credibility and efficiency in the world that often we have not been able to form a unified position in these areas.
you and your successors will be mandated by the council only on paper. the real driving force behind the eu's foreign policy will be the commission;
a scientist from pakistan has allegedly sold know how to iran and north korea has traded in nuclear material.
so we support an international treaty for the progressive elimination of nuclear weapons a halt to the production of fissile material bringing forward the comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty the reduction of nuclear warheads start etc.
the effect of the external action service the chain of eu embassies around the world will be to undermine national representation in many capitals armed perversely with cash that has come from our nations in order to take forward someone else's foreign policy.
it relies on a bogus narrative concerning eu operations and increasingly seeks to involve the commission in areas which are properly the responsibility of our nations and of the council.
now you seem to have changed your mind.
mr president where the eu can add value and when it does not undermine our sovereign interests or compete with organisations such as nato we can support it.
i recall one of the great red lines of the british labour government's negotiating stance when it said it would resist the idea of a separate and permanent eu operations centre responsible for operational planning and conduct of military operations as this would be the clearest example of duplication of nato whose shape headquarters performs precisely this role.
for the most part this will mean adopting common positions on certain key issues and civil tasks in the field of humanitarian assistance or post conflict reconstruction and development although i have to say that the track record of eupol in afghanistan does not inspire much confidence. the simple truth is that your role as eu foreign minister is to act as handmaiden for eu political integration.
the report before us on eu security and defence policy is a manifesto for eu military integration deliberately confusing military and civil crisis management in order to justify an eu role.
and the role of this house not only in terms of that scrutiny but also in terms of the expertise that i know exists within it.
a dialogue. it becomes an integral part of everything
all at the moment. i do not have a team or a staff for the external action service because until the legal basis is done we do
the institutions. i want the delegations on the ground to be an umbrella able to support the work of the european union in all its different elements as it is represented to third countries as it works with
are simply too many.
if you look at how we are going to operate the external action service it is like an umbrella organisation that takes in clearly the responsibilities under the treaty but which is also your servant and the commission's servant. so when the commission is looking to do things on trade on climate change on energy security across the world the external action service can be its tool
up fragmented again. the question is how to do it and that is why we are in dialogue with the council and the commission
thread. the projection of our values and human rights is essential to everything that we do in the european union and in the
member states. we simply have to build
what we want to do. we have to make sure that this is a cohesive service that runs well operating as an entity within the european union supporting and being supported by the
i also agree that security begins with strong political relations.
it is a very important mission but it is a mission that has to be connected to all the other things we are doing in that region. i also take the point that we need to think about fishing and the strategy on
but in the future. we absolutely must
we need to take that forward.
action service. the geographical breadth of the european union has to be represented within the external action service. i agree with that completely but it will take
does not exist yet. let us hope that we can get the work done in the next few weeks. with parliament supporting me i am sure we will so we can
peace. on atalanta i think the points made there are very positive.
we have to consistently view our approach in the wider world as being about developing those strong political relationships in order to promote security not only for ourselves but also for third states for states with whom we are seeking to have that relationship or with whom we are in dialogue because of the concerns that we have. a number of honourable members quite rightly raised the importance of the balkans.
i will be relatively brief at this point but i will just try to talk about a few of the key areas that i think honourable members are most concerned about.
i have had conversations with the government and with the prime minister in particular to look at what we would do with them in the future. then there is serbia which is pushing very hard to become a part of the european union.
of different summits. the question that we always have to keep in mind is the value
all of that i would maintain is about a more secure more stable
have done it by now. we just have to make sure that we do it properly
i will be at some. we were well represented at the morocco summit because both
it is my intention to call upon that expertise and to hope to have as many occasions as possible where we are able to debate and discuss many if not all the important issues that have been raised today.
when i met president tadi and the government members it was very clear there too that this is something they see as being their future and they too understand the issues that we are concerned about on that journey.
as well directly linking the work of the commission to what happens on the ground.
me time to do it. one of the things that i have said to all the foreign ministers and i say to parliament is please resist the temptation to assume that because the first four or five appointments i make are not from a member state that you might know best it does not mean that i will not make appointments in the future from those
get this into being. we can lay the foundation stones but it will take time to build it and that is so important that i hope that every honourable member will understand. a couple of final points. on summits we have lots
and effectively. we will work that out in
all the time. just a little bit on the external
scrutiny. and again we need to think about how to make that work not just now
i agree on the importance of valentin inzko and the work he is doing in the office of the high representative. he and i are working together to think about the strategic approach again for a future that takes us way beyond the elections to where we need to be in the coming months and years in order to retain the security.
will keep moving across. it will be your responsibility to remember which side i should
that we do. i agree as well about the strong relationship transatlantically with the united states. they are a strong partner with us on a whole range of things particularly on crisis management and it is very important that we
not have anything. we simply have what we had before trying to bring it together in a
go to all of them. there
but baroness ashton you are the highest paid female politician in the world.
it was said that your appointment made by the commission would stop the traffic in tokyo and washington. but you have not even been able to appoint the ambassador to washington because old barroso did you up like a kipper!
the alde group is anxious to press the accelerator on defence.
is a breakdown of trust between the commission and council in setting up the external service.
both of them should apply pragmatism to ensure that a strong effective coherent diplomacy can be created across the breadth of policy. catherine ashton gives us a graphic description of
the solution is found in the treaty which ought to be appreciated and respected scrupulously.
we must find the common security interests of the twenty seven states and draw on comparable exercises in these states and a frank appraisal of the strengths of the esdp
mr president i think we all expected that there were going to be teething troubles in bringing the treaty into force and we might apologise for failing to include a clause on time travel in the treaty but the thing we failed to expect and cannot accept
i welcome in particular your emphasis on the rule of law between countries and urge you actively to insist that this is the case in the middle east.
also your commitment to the important principle of collective gains as against minimal member state losses.
lavrov. in this case we demonstrated what the eu can do when we fully mobilise the resources
that would enable defence ministers to come together and take decisions for instance on capabilities development.
we are connected in ways we have never been before.
if not others will make the decisions for us.
secondly to address global security challenges the challenges of our time.
time. the next meeting in april will follow established practice but at the informal defence ministers' meeting a consensus emerged based on my proposals to hold foreign affairs councils in ministry of defence formation.
ties. we work on trade and visa liberalisation and we support confidence building measures to rebuild ties with the breakaway republics.
climate. let us see how we can develop our relations pragmatically.
new york. i will be participating with the aim of ensuring that we do get a successful
of course the european external action service will be key to delivering this.
for years we have been trying to frame and implement comprehensive strategies but the structures and the systems we had made this difficult.
economic weight is translating into political clout and self confidence. you feel it everywhere from negotiations on climate change to iran to big energy deals in africa or central asia.
out of that general picture come several core objectives firstly to ensure greater stability and security in our neighbourhood by promoting political and economic reform.
time. since then we are engaged across the spectrum of community and csdp means of preventing a return to violence and building stability in georgia and in the
the surpluses are in the east.
i will go to the middle east next week and again to new york at the end of the month.
as i stressed everywhere progress on the path to the eu depends on the commitment to reform at
both are the outcome of globalisation which is not just an economic but also a political phenomenon both in its manifestations and of course its consequences.
go. let me illustrate what i have in mind when i say comprehensive approach' with a couple of examples.
crime. the only possible answer is a comprehensive one which is exactly what we are
if we use that analysis as the starting point for our discussions we should be able to establish the necessary common ground and move forward to determine what we should
it is a time to be smart and ambitious.
when i come to the foreign affairs committee on twenty three march we will have an opportunity for in depth exchanges in the presence of all the relevant committees.
we are backing up our strategy with available foreign policy tools. in kosovo we have our biggest civilian mission and it is a success.
pressure. to respond we need to be ready to make our contribution on access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy in particular for developing countries while avoiding proliferation risks and that includes work on the multilateral nuclear fuel cycle approaches i think eighty four countries have benefited from eu assistance programmes;
doing so is messy and complicated but also exciting for it is impossible to overstate how important this moment is.
script. when a frozen conflict erupted into open conflict in august two thousand and eight we responded immediately.
the question is whether the current system relying on shape or national headquarters is the most efficient way or if something else is
secondly there is president obama's nuclear security
if you want results you have to act and sometimes take risks.
our next step is to further develop our options for the transfer of suspected pirates for prosecution in the
or consider climate change which is not just an environmental problem but also one with security and geopolitical ramifications.
one conclusion i drew was that the region is making progress even if it is uneven and incomplete.
are. they save lives create the space for functioning politics to work and they mean that europe can draw on all its instruments of power to meet its responsibilities. it is striking to me how far we have come in the last ten
from dealing with proliferation problems such as iran to devising effective answers to new' challenges such as energy climate change and cyber security.
spring. through our stability instrument we are funding flanking measures to build capacity to train the maritime authorities and moving ahead with long term development work in yemen and somalia on poverty literacy and
i think we first need to do the analysis of what functions we need to
as you know the eu is leading the efforts to find diplomatic
we need to adapt.
that is also why because of the interests of this house i have ensured involvement from the european parliament in the steering group that i set
we are pushing the european message hard in the run up to the october elections.
practice. in the danjean report and more widely people raise the question of whether it is time for the eu to have its own permanent operations headquarters.
to me the most striking features of today's world are twofold.
my preference is clear. we should respond as europeans.
thirdly to build a network of strategic relationships with key countries and organisations because the problems we face cannot be solved by any single actor.
a moment to see the big picture to be creative and take collective responsibility.
chance. we should act in line with the letter and the spirit of the treaty remembering why european leaders negotiated the treaty in the first
so we need stronger structures more flexibility and better preparedness if we want georgia to be the benchmark for our action in the
missions. we do crisis management in a european way with a comprehensive approach in support of international law and agreements and in close cooperation with our key
force. let us start with the haiti lessons learned exercise which is now under
at the heart of everything we do lies a simple truth to protect our interests and promote our values we must be engaged abroad.
in the last sixty years our share of global gdp has shrunk from twenty eight to.
thirdly by being both principled and creative because we must be both principled in the defence of our values and creative in how we forge bespoke solutions to complex problems.
a huge chance for europe.
so our balkan strategy is what it should be strategic in its objectives multi faceted in terms of instruments and tailor made in terms of implementation. the second example is the horn of
region. with the un and osce we lead the geneva talks the only forum where all concerned meet. we hosted a donors' conference for reconstruction and economic support in georgia and we included georgia together with armenia and azerbaijan in the european neighbourhood
one a deep interdependence in political economic and security terms technologies ideas diseases money everything moves.
firstly by pulling together because unity is a pre condition for influence and secondly by taking action because the answer to a problem cannot be a paper or a meeting.
on top of all this comes the creation of the european external action service a means to achieve the other three objectives and a way to deliver the promise of the lisbon treaty.
if we get it right and we must then we will be able to shape a european foreign policy for the twenty first century with an external service designed to achieve it one where we mobilise all our levers of influence political economic development and crisis management tools in a coordinated way.
future. let me turn to our common security and defence policy and say that i agree with the broad thrust of the danjean report about how important our missions
way. then let us apply the spirit of lisbon and see what options we have to mobilise assets of member states together with eu instruments to support either the un ocha or to act as the eu itself. the watchwords ought to be maximising synergies and avoiding hard' or artificial splits between how we handle eu internal and external
no one can hope to be an island of stability and prosperity in a sea of insecurity and injustice. ours is if i may say a world in flux. to engage with it effectively we need to frame it first.
as mr albertini's report rightly points out a new approach is needed if the eu is to act collectively and meet the global challenges in a coherent consistent and efficient manner'.
we should not lower our ambitions but rather give ourselves the means to realise them.
throughout the region we are making progress on visa liberalisation and people to people contact.
policy. we continue to promote those reforms and closer
from strengthening the rule of law in kosovo to working with the emerging powers to share responsibility for global governance from promoting peace in the middle east and may i join vice president biden in condemning the decision to build one six hundred new houses in east jerusalem to providing shelter to the surviving victims of haiti's earthquake which i visited last week
and yes there is a tendency in europe to put process ahead of outcomes.
i first went to washington and new york which was the right way to start our important relationships with the united states and the
doing. our naval operation atalanta has been widely hailed as a success.
perform. i see three main functions from which the decisions should flow one the ability to plan and conduct military operations including advance planning and to be able to react quickly when there is
i started. the demand for european global engagement is
this redistribution of financial power is also shaping our political discussions.
more than anywhere else it is where we cannot afford to fail. my purpose was to establish good working relations with political leaders engage with civil society about what belonging to europe could mean and ensure coordination among the different eu actors on the ground.
years. more than seventy zero men and women have been deployed in that period in more than twenty
europe is going through a phase of building something new where people have to adjust their mental maps and institutions have to find their new place.
better. we often find ourselves approaching this in terms of structures.
and by addressing regional proliferation crises in particular with iran which has the potential to derail the conference.
place. i think the reason was clear to build a stronger more assertive and self confident european foreign policy at the service of the citizens of the european
so we have to deal with complex problems and we do so in a new geopolitical landscape.