kfajdsl/voxpopuli huggingface dataset:
two thousand and fifteen two thousand and twenty the renewed internal security strategy is the result of this process and it constitutes a major achievement for the european union.
as envisaged by the european agenda on security the commission will launch a reflection on how to maximise the contribution of all jha agencies through closer inter agency cooperation.
and eu agencies.
in a situation of limited budgets all efforts must be made to prioritise and reallocate.
in the same context the commission will also develop performance indicators for key eu institutions. now when speaking about implementation of the agenda an important aspect is resources including
the commission is fully committed to maintaining a constant dialogue with the european parliament on internal security matters.
i therefore welcome the european parliament's call to the commission and the council to work together towards effective implementation and to engage in an interinstitutional dialogue.
this forum will bring together member states the european parliament eu agencies and representatives of civil society academia and the private sector.
in terms of content the new strategy sets out the shared vision of the three institutions for the next five years on what needs to be done at union level to make europe more secure for the sake of its citizens societies and economies. it identifies the main priorities for the union's actions
from the institutional point of view the commission parliament and the council have acted together with each one offering their strategic contribution to the security strategy in line with the spirit of the lisbon treaty.
as you know the commission is following the interinstitutional agreement of december two thousand and thirteen that foresees that all eu institutions and bodies as well as all agencies reduce their total staffing levels
two thousand and ten two thousand and fourteen all the institutions have provided their contribution to this process in a coordinated fashion.
it was endorsed at the highest level by the european council at its june summit both in terms of content and in terms of cooperation among the institutions.
increasing the agencies' budget is the only other way to increase resources.
has to remain high on our agenda.
the format of the forum will be finalised in due course and the european parliament will be kept informed.
those of the eu agencies.
the commission undertakes to update the european parliament and the council twice a year on the implementation of the agenda.
pursuant to this principle implementing the agenda will centre on consolidating the existing instruments and reprioritising available resources.
adopted on twenty eight april. two thousand and fifteen last month the council adopted on the basis of the commission's agenda conclusions on the development of the renewed european union internal security strategy.
course ensuring sufficient resources to eu agencies is crucial for them to be able to perform their work and to fully contribute to the goals of the agenda.
as the commission put it in its european agenda on security successful implementation on renewed internal security strategy depends on the political commitment of all actors concerned to do more and of course to do better. this includes not only eu institutions but also member states
the commission invites the member states to assign appropriate resources at the national level and to reinforce their efforts in seconding their national experts to agencies.
however crime and terrorist activities are not confined within the borders of the eu.
we also remember the families and friends who live with their grief every day and our thoughts are obviously with them today.
also recent events in paris have tragically reminded us that our security and our freedom are never guaranteed and that maintaining our security is one of the greatest challenges we face.
the right to security is a fundamental right and we have a responsibility as legislators to ensure that we protect people and that we detain and punish those who seek to do us harm.
ensuring data protection fundamental rights and self reflection are of course an important part of creating effective policies in the area of security and law enforcement and a vital ingredient in order for measures to be proportionate necessary and democratic.
however focusing on these elements alone is not sufficient to deliver a strategy intended to keep the eu and its citizens safe for the next four years.
law making is about balance.
we need to be talking in serious and clear terms about how we protect children from abuse and exploitation;
how we can better exchange law enforcement information;
how we can stop drugs and arms smuggling;
how we can help protect victims and how we can ensure that law enforcement agencies have the funding and resources they require to be effective.
this was not intended to be a resolution on fundamental rights;
it was supposed to be a resolution on delivering clear and firm security.
therefore i cannot support something which sadly misses the point.
the fundamental problem in relation to the increasing crime in some member states is the eu's own open borders policy.
the fundamental problem in relation to the increase in terrorism is the growth of islamic fundamentalism.
neither of these problems is addressed in this motion.
the start of a solution is to return border controls to nation states which would discourage and hamper the movement of criminals illegal migrants and terrorists.
when such barriers are in place we can then adopt genuine security cooperation measures between independent nation states.
today as you know was the third time that the commission and the european parliament have exchanged views on the content of the european agenda on security.
last december this parliament gave useful advice and guidance to the commission in its preparation of the agenda.
therefore permanent and flexible cooperation is needed to ensure consistency complementarity and continuity of action over the next five years.
mr president i welcome the recent steps towards a closer eunato cooperation such as the practical cooperation between frontex and nato in the aegean sea and the closer cooperation with nato on countering hybrid threats as envisaged in the newly adopted joint framework to counter hybrid threats and foster the resilience of the eu'. i encourage you madam vice president to work towards the implementation of this document both in the area of closer cooperation with nato
even if we did achieve more in respect of our internal security see the number of agencies and strategies there is ample room for improvement especially in respect of cooperation between national authorities and the eu agencies and even between the various branches of the national authorities.
so i would ask you once again to avoid this kind of repetition and spend our time more logically and efficiently. back to our priorities ending the great civil war in the middle east and north africa remains our most urgent commitment.
headlines. the conflict in yemen has caused a humanitarian tragedy at a massive scale with eighty of the population that is now in need of humanitarian assistance. instability is a breeding ground for terrorist groups at the very crossroad among the middle east and the horn of africa the indian ocean and the mediterranean.
on the contrary in some cases we face a window of opportunity that could soon close and in others inaction can make things terribly worse. in this debate i will focus on the immediate priorities of our foreign policy as we will have time for a broader conversation on the medium and long term in our debate on the eu global strategy later in the night.
on our side we are ready to help and we are working with the presidency council and fayez sarraj on this because let me be very clear on this as i always have been whatever we do we will do it with the libyans. if they ask for support we will give them the support they need
outreach. let me finish on this first priority on the middle east peace process because despite the lack of media attention we cannot forget the conflict in israel and
the flows; they can only make the situation worse opening new routes destabilising more countries and creating an incentive for human
japan. we need progress and we need it quickly.
issues. this might sound less urgent if you do not think about the concrete meaning of multilateral diplomacy. multilateral diplomacy led to cop twenty one and to the sustainable development
for them to consolidate regional powers will need to stop feeding the war support and encourage reconciliation and head towards some kind of cold peace. what is happening in syria seemed impossible just a few months
smugglers. we can only manage this together with our neighbours not
citizens already do. they know that we will either have a common european foreign policy or no real foreign policy at all because it is only together that we have the tools and the weight that are needed in today's world and this is the best answer to
we are working hard for this to happen and we are beginning to see some fragile first results.
on the same page. on russia as on most other topics we will need more of the same unity to make our way through these
that is why a strong sense of urgency has to drive our engagement and at the same time we will need the same patience that has led us here. the negotiations will not be easy but perseverance has always paid
but in each one the solution to the conflict has to come through national reconciliation.
diversity. we can increase the security of europe by increasing and improving the security of our partners in the middle east in north africa in the sahel in south east asia in the western
towards russia. selective engagement goes together with the implementation of minsk our relationship with our eastern partners the strengthening of our own resilience and support for russian
libya. most of the presidency council is finally in tripoli after months of hard work to build a fragile consensus around
proliferation. the international community has shown unity in responding to north korea's
the months ahead will be just as challenging.
but the future of the country is in their
the atomic bomb. the discussion was positive and it is in our common european interest to work for closer and deeper cooperation at international level on the issue of nuclear security non proliferation and disarmament. let me include under the same headline multilateralism and international cooperation the issue of our relationship
it is a war that is being fought on different fronts from the border between syria iraq and turkey to yemen and libya. each of these fronts has its own history and its own actors and probably also its own development.
union. we can close the vacuum that daesh uses in territories with no government and we can prevent radicalisation in partnership with muslim majority countries that are promoting coexistence and respect for
just one month ago. we have all signed off on five principles of our policy
the deal with iran has opened an intense phase for our european diplomacy especially on syria.
it. but this is only a starting
new tests. i have just attended two important events on disarmament and nuclear security in washington with president obama and in hiroshima at the g seven
our response to the refugee crisis has put together an unprecedented number of foreign policy tools from operation sophia in the mediterranean to the new trust fund for africa from financing schools or health care inside the refugee camps to the economic compact for jordan and lebanon which we remarkably put together for the london conference.
just yesterday. for the first time ever we and the rest of the g seven honoured the memory of the victims of
i met the un special envoy last week and we are working together on the ceasefire that began last sunday accompanying this process with our concrete support for the preparation of negotiations and with a massive regional
mentioned. this is launching multilateralism as the privileged format for dealing with all international
peace has a huge number of enemies.
by the way let me repeat once again that i see no particular reason for holding two debates in a row on topics that are completely similar.
yemen. our focus in the coming months will obviously have to be on syria and libya but we cannot afford to close our eyes to other crises even if they do not make the
balkans. the second broad issue we need to deal with has much to do with conflicts in the middle east and yet the issue of refugees and migrations will not stop even with peace in syria
go back to normal? my friend jan stoltenberg explained the nato position with these words that i believe reflect very well where we are there will be no return to business as usual until russia again respects
point; all actors have to facilitate a peaceful transfer of powers to the new government.
palestine. with no progress towards peace it is only a matter of time before the next escalation comes. together with the rest of the quartet and with our arab partners' involvement we are working on a report with substantive recommendations on how to move beyond the deadlock towards a two state
i think this is not respectful to your work and to my work.
work. our role as decision makers as policy makers is simply to try and make things work and that is what i believe we are trying to do.
sure we still have difficulties and limits and some things that do not
let me say this very clearly i see a growing awareness among our people among our european citizens and even a growing one in our member states that not even the biggest member states are world powers anymore.
but this is the reality of our history. this is the size of foreign policy and also security policy and there is nothing that any of our member states can do better alone than all together.
let me again underline the fact that the debates in this room show that at parliamentary level too we have to develop new ways of thinking and dealing with issues because we have those that deal with internal aspects of our policies discussing terrorism and migration and those that deal with external aspects of our policies dealing exactly with the same kind of topics but in two separate meetings and in two separate debates. so again maybe we could look at innovative ways different ways of tackling the same issue from different angles because this is the added value of the european union.
i have also heard a lot of this thinking about the united kingdom's role in the union on foreign and security policy and let me mention an example that richard howitt mentioned before.
the other issue that was raised is that there are many other policies and many other priorities key areas on which i did not focus tonight. this does not mean that they are not priorities for us.
here again i would like to come back to this point in our debate on the global strategy because implementation is the key element of our strategies. it is not the end of it;
i often say that we have two kinds of countries in europe the small ones and the ones that have not yet realised they are small.
i think that we are going in the right direction now.
but again i am trying to focus on the immediate and ongoing priorities as this is the purpose of this debate as i understand it.
we have so many different tools internal and external soft and hard the so called comprehensive approach but then sometimes we are the first ones inside the institutions including this one not to have that comprehensive approach.
that idea moved forward and we are now putting it into practice together because and simply because the european union put at the disposal of that idea the instruments especially relating to trade that made it possible to create this compact which relates to decisions
the london donor conference for syria was made a success because the eu leveraged the three billion raised.
and as has been argued today it would harm the whole international order.
eu foreign policy has a veto for all but where we do agree we all exercise more influence.
according to the director of europol and the former chief of british special forces my country would be less secure.
i will fight the referendum to keep it.
throughout history from the congress of vienna to the end of the napoleonic wars to the locarno pact at the end of the first world war to the great labour foreign secretary ernest bevin who forged the relationship between america and europe at the end of the second world war britain has engaged in europe to secure peace.
in the modern world of partnerships the us and chinese presidents the indian prime minister and commonwealth allies including australia and new zealand all say that it is better for britain to remain in the eu.
currently the high representative is reviewing the foreign and defence policy of the eu with her bolder and far more intrusive policy expected to be announced in the foreign affairs council timed to take place not before but shortly after the british referendum on my country's continued eu membership at the end of june.
and where the ideologues within the european commission intend to take it next all without the direct consultation or full information provided to the public.
last year for example commission president juncker called for the creation of an eu army but at least he said you wouldn't create a european army to use it immediately'.
in september angela merkel told david cameron that he would not get any meaningful reform to the uk's relationship with the european union unless he dropped opposition to an eu army.
indeed that attachment is among our founding principles. the eu however seems to imagine that it is bearing the world's problems on its shoulders minimising the effort of others.
in fact in the military field the european union has no special requirements and no capabilities different to nato. there is no need for the european union to be militarily involved and it is a complete distortion to imagine that csdp might somehow reinforce nato.
it could complement nato with civil capabilities but this ignores the very reasons for csdp to create autonomous european military structures and decision making processes in which the united states is not involved and to make the eu an actor on the world stage.
actually this obsession with csdp is a distraction from nato at the very time when the alliance needs fresh vitality and commitment in the face of some very real threats.
and i have to say why is it that just four european countries are engaged with the united states and its other allies in the battle against isis when isis is shown to be the most immediate threat to european security and our wellbeing?
instead of the continental european countries investing in increased defence capabilities and showing real political resolve they prefer the pretence of military activity offered by the eu and they mislead the united states into imagining that european allies are thereby pulling their weight.
last year in this very chamber you said there is no real border between external and internal events and so there must be no real border between our external and internal action.
i agreed with you then and i still do today.
we must defeat this pernicious ideology but in order to do so we must shape our actions to demonstrate our values.
i urge you today to put the situation in myanmar back on the agenda. if no progress is made in the coming weeks with the new government then we must be prepared to reintroduce a tough sanctions policy.
if we want them to work we need to enhance mutual cooperation within the european union.
unfortunately exactly here we see a rise in crises conflicts and new security threats reaching europe.
we have to be ready to face these challenges and put the priorities right.
we should not forget that the orange revolution was a direct response to yanukovych's attempt to steal by fraud in two thousand and four the presidential election.
he was never prosecuted for that crime. mrs tymoshenko has substantial popular support in western ukraine and carries the hopes of millions of her compatriots with her.
these charges to me have a smell of being politically motivated. i fear that president yanukovych is trying to neutralise the only ukrainian political figure with enough gravitas courage and popularity to challenge his authority.
you cannot have proper democracy without having a free strong and vibrant opposition.
impartial and independent legal proceedings.
we protest against the elimination of political opponents in ukraine with the help of the judicial system.
as we all know nobody is perfect in this world but it is in accordance with europe's political standards and norms and also in accordance with the logic and values of democracy that we expect the ukrainian authorities not to abuse their power by encouraging and holding politically motivated trials and instead to give those who are suspects a fair trial rather than political retribution.
these plans are vitally important in terms of protecting fisheries resources and ensuring the livelihood of communities dependent on fisheries.
by default a border and coast guard system should not become a maritime and land based rescue system yet in the current climate this seems to be exactly what the proposition is.
this whole concept has value and i appreciate the value but the value is going to be even more important to two areas.
the second is among the potential migrants who will perceive less risk in making perilous journeys be it over the mediterranean or on the other mountainous routes.
it wants to replace frontex with the european border and coast guard agency.
there are good reasons why people are fleeing africa and the middle east but a major factor in attracting them to europe is that they know that once they enter one european country they will have free access to other european countries in the schengen area.
the new agency will have a mandate to send liaison officers to launch joint operations and operate in the territories of member states and third countries and of course it will require a great deal of money.
two thousand and twenty the united kingdom is not bound by this legislation but even so as long as the uk remains a member of the eu british taxpayers will be liable to help bear the financial cost.
this will require more staff funding and equipment.
it has an estimated cost of eur two hundred and thirty eight million in two thousand and sixteen rising to eur three hundred and twenty two million by.
legislation is intended to give the european union greater powers to control member states' external borders.
this legislation compromises the national sovereignty of participating member states but it will not succeed in controlling the migrant crisis on europe's borders so long as the schengen area continues to exist.
instead we are sending border guards against people who are actually fleeing from war and persecution.
does it help provide better shelter more asylum officers faster procedures medical care?
and by giving so much more power to an agency without actually also beefing up its fundamental rights protection we are creating a pretty dangerous construction.
does it help against the lack of solidarity and political will in the member states?
europe should rather focus on other things search and rescue legal ways accommodating refugees sharing the responsibility all of those things are things we should do and rather than punishing member states who are not closing off their borders we should support them.
no especially not after the council has blocked most of the proposals that we have been pushing for in the european parliament.
mr president i would like to thank the rapporteur and the shadow rapporteurs. so here we have it the european border and coast guard the one thing that was supposed to solve pretty much all of our problems everything related to the socalled refugee crisis.
frontex does not solve any of the most pressing issues that we have.
mr president whilst the uk has not fully signed up to the frontex agency or indeed the new border and coast guard it has played an active and supportive role in the agency's operations over the years and i very much hope this relationship can continue.