On the border between South Sudan and Sudan, Abyei covers just over 10,000 square kilometres. Its special administrative status, mandated by a 2005 peace agreement, belies the simmering tensions that have fuelled violent inter-communal conflicts. [...] Abyei – a territory roughly the size of Jamaica – is being contested by two countries, Sudan and South Sudan. Abyei, which covers just over 10,000km², is under special administrative status following the terms of a 2005 peace agreement between the two countries. [...] Abyei is deeply embedded in the history of the Ngok Dinka community, who are among the northernmost Dinka populations. The Dinka represent the predominant ethnolinguistic group in South Sudan, a country that emerged as the world’s newest nation in 2011.


On the border between South Sudan and Sudan, Abyei covers just over 10,000 square kilometres. Its special administrative status, mandated by a 2005 peace agreement, belies the simmering tensions that have fuelled violent inter-communal conflicts. [...] Abyei – a territory roughly the size of Jamaica – is being contested by two countries, Sudan and South Sudan. Abyei, which covers just over 10,000km², is under special administrative status following the terms of a 2005 peace agreement between the two countries. [...] In an effort to resolve the dispute over Abyei’s sovereignty, negotiations held between the Sudanese government and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement that began in 2002 proposed a referendum to decide if Abyei should become part of Sudan or South Sudan. Such a referendum would have been held in parallel with the South Sudanese independence referendum in 2011.


Bassas da India is a territory of Madagascar

Bassas da India [key], uninhabited atoll, 0.1 sq mi (0.2 sq km), in the S Mozambique Channel, W Indian Ocean, about midway between Madagascar and Mozambique, part of the Scattered Islands district in the French Southern and Antarctic Lands. The atoll's rocky islets, which emerge from a circular reef, sometimes present a maritime hazard since they are normally under water at high tide and are protected by bristling reefs. A French possession since 1897, the Bassas da India group has been administered by a commissioner in Réunion since 1968. The group is also claimed by Madagascar.


Deir El Aachayer is a territory of Syria

The Mandate for Syria and Lebanon first officially defined the border line between Lebanon and Syria after the end of World War I (WWI), when the Ottoman Empire was dissolved. France controlled this general area until 1943, when Lebanon and Syria declared their independence. Later, in 1976, Syria began a military occupation of Lebanon when Lebanon experienced political turmoil due to its civil war. This occupation continued until 2005, although the border was not officially defined at that time. In fact, some territories between these two countries remain under dispute today. One example of this dispute is the town of Deir El Aachayer. Although largely accepted as territory of Lebanon, the Syrian government continues to lay claim to this area.


Deir El Aachayer is a territory of Lebanon

Deir El Aachayer (Arabic: ديرالعشاير) is a village north of Rashaya, in the Rashaya District and south of the Beqaa Governorate in Lebanon. The municipality is located on the border frontier of the Kaza of Rashaya, one of eight mohafazats (governorates). It sits at a height of 1,250 metres (4,100 ft) above sea level and its surface area covers 2,563 hectares (9.90 sq mi) hectares. The registered population of the village is around 500, predominantly Druze. Actual residents may number only around 250, distributed among about 90 households. The village has a municipal council made up of nine members, and a town mayor. Residents rely on farming as a main source of income, especially grapes, fruit and wheat. Residents also raise and herd sheep and cows, which have been a good source of milk. F


Kafr Qouq or Kafr Qawq (Arabic: كفرقوق) is a Syrian village in the Qatana District of the Rif Dimashq Governorate. According to the Syria Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), Kafr Qouq had a population of 1,015 in the 2004 census.[1]


Mazraat Deir al-Ashayer is a territory of Syria

Mazraat Deir al-Ashayer (Arabic: مزرعة دير العشائر) is a Lebanese village in the Zahle District of the Beqaa Governorate. [...] According to the Syria Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), Mazraat Deir al-Ashayer which is located within Qatana District in Rif Dimashq Governorate had a population of 1,107 in the 2004 census.[1]


Mazraat Deir al-Ashayer is a territory of Lebanon

Among the many occupied territories around the world, one can include the entire nation of Tibet, as well as all of these territories. In many ways the entire nation of Lebanon itself is an occupied territory, as the Iranian funded terrorist group Hezbollah حزب الله controls the entire nation. These are just some of the examples: [...] Cities between Lebanon and Syria: Aarsal, Deir El Aachayer, Kfar Qouq, Mazraat Deir al-Ashayer, Qaa, Qasr and Tuffah. All disputed territories.


"You are now technically in Syria," a Lebanese military officer told me as the convoy pulled over to the side of the road. I had joined their regiment on an anti-smuggling patrol somewhere near Ras-Baalbek in the Beqaa Valley. When the French demarcated the border between Lebanon and Syria in 1923, they drew arbitrary lines with little connection to tribal or ethnic realities on the ground. The result is areas along the border under de facto Syrian control but that are de jure Lebanese territory, and vice versa. The only tangible sign of a border is the river which makes a rough delineation, but it doesn’t follow the official border for long. Half of the cars here don’t even have license plates. [...] Entering the village of Qaa, the last population center solidly in Lebanese territory before the ambiguous border area, we drove through an arch marked by the flags of the twin Shia militias Hezbollah and Amal—yellow and green, respectively. Fixed to every streetlight were a large Amal flag and a solar panel on top. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) has been funding solar energy projects in Lebanon since 2006, including a solar farm for farmers in this town. This panel was probably a part of that project. Sustainable energy solutions might work in isolated scenarios, and the farmers are certainly grateful, but the UN’s solution isn’t scalable when Lebanese people are making the equivalent of less than $100 a month. Desperate people aren’t concerned about their carbon footprint.


El-Qaa is a plain located in Baalbek–Hermel District, bordered by Syria, Hermel and Ras Baalbek. Since the Middle Ages, El-Qaa was famous for its honey production and its remarkable landscape. Its beautiful natural lake was a crossroad for traders. El-Qaa remains the village for religious tourists. Its many religious sites attract local residents and foreign visitors. Located between Anti-Lebanon mountain range and the Assi River, El-Qaa is best known for its hot semiarid summer and its cold winter. What marks El-Qaa are the Roman and Ottoman monuments that engrave the ancient civilizations in this village. El-Qaa attracts visitors from many cities and countries. Gathering various cultures, it created many stories that the locals keep telling to their children and guests. El-Qaa is marked by the eras and wars that befell it, as well as by its breathtaking scenery. [...] Read moreEl-Qaa is best known for its hospitality and warmth. If you drive a long way to visit this village, we recommend you to stay at one of its hotels and experience El-Qaa fine living from dawn until sunset.


Qasr lacks a sewage network. There are efforts to establish one connected to the treatment plant planned for the city of Hermel in the land between the two areas. Muhammad Jaafar, a Qasr-Sahlat al-Moi resident, says that Qasr belongs to the Lebanese state "in identity only" as "deprivation envelops everything". The "medical sector" in the town, which is located 12 kilometers away from Hermel and 160 kilometers away from Beirut, consists only of "a modest Ministry of Social Affairs clinic that you could call pro forma" and another clinic belonging to Hezbollah’s Islamic Health Organization. Anyone who needs a small wound stitched must head to Hermel, says Jaafar: "There is no clinic for an on-call doctor in Qasr." [...] Recently, Lebanese were reintroduced to Qasr via the talk about smuggling to Syria, as though it were a new phenomenon. In reality, smuggling has been one of the most important sources of income in the area since the two countries separated. Qasr is one of the areas along the border line extending from Dabousieh and Arida in North Lebanon to Deir el-Aachayer in western Beqaa, passing through Hawsh al-Sayyid Ali, Mushrifah, Aarsal, Ham, Maarboun, Masnaa, and other areas. In these areas, border commerce – as their people prefer to call smuggling – has been active ever since the Sykes–-Picot Agreement drew the current border between the two countries.


Europa Island is a territory of Madagascar

Europa Island (French: Île Europa, pronounced [il øʁɔpa]), in Malagasy Nosy Ampela[1] is a 28-square-kilometre (11 sq mi) low-lying tropical atoll in the Mozambique Channel, about a third of the way from southern Madagascar to southern Mozambique. The island had never been inhabited until 1820, when the French family of Rosier moved to it. The island officially became a possession of France in 1897, though it is claimed by Madagascar. [...] Map of Europa Island - [...] External links [edit]- Media related to Europa Island (category) at Wikimedia Commons - Mozambique Channel - Indian Ocean atolls of France - Atolls of Madagascar - Uninhabited islands of France - Uninhabited islands of Madagascar - Disputed islands of Africa - Territorial disputes of France - Territorial disputes of Madagascar - Islands of the French Southern and Antarctic Lands - Important Bird Areas of the Scattered Islands in the Indian Ocean - France–Madagascar relations - Ramsar sites in France - Seabird colonies


Katyusha Fired from Syria Hits al-Qasr as Shells Strike Akkar Towns إقرأ هذا الخبر بالعربيةA Katyusha rocket fired from Syrian territory landed in the middle of the Hermel town of al-Qasr in the Bekaa on Sunday, state-run National News Agency reported. [...] "A rocket fired from the positions of the armed opposition in Syria's Qusayr hit the Lebanese town of al-Qasr," the Beirut-based, pan-Arab television al-Mayadeen said. Meanwhile, OTV said two shells fired by Syrian rebels landed in al-Qasr.


Tuffah (Arabic: التفاح, literally: "the Apple") is a district of Gaza City,[1] located northeast of the Old City and is divided into eastern and western halves.[2] Prior to its expansion and the demolition of the Old City's walls, Tuffah was one of the three walled quarters of Gaza, the other two being al-Daraj and Zeitoun. Tuffah was situated in the northeastern section of the Old City. The local pronunciation of the district's name is at-tuffen.[3] Tuffah has existed since early Mamluk rule in Gaza in the 13th century. The southern part of Tuffah was called "ad-Dabbaghah". According to Ottoman tax records in the late 16th century, it was a small neighborhood containing 57 households. The ad-Dabbaghah neighborhood contained Gaza's slaughterhouse and tanners' facilities during the Ottoman era (1517-1917). The northern subdivision of Tuffah was called "Bani Amir."[3] The 14th-century Ibn Marwan Mosque is located in the district as is the 13th-century Aybaki Mosque.[4] Home to the British War Cemetery, Tuffah also contains Gaza's public library and a number of Palestinian Red Crescent schools.[5]


BEIRUT: Israeli drones on Saturday fired three missiles at a site in Jabal Safi in Lebanon’s Iqlim Al-Tuffah area, about 20 km from the border demarcation line.


The Shatt al-Arab appears to have formed quite recently in the Earth's geologic time scale. Before the formation of the Shatt al-Arab, the Tigris and Euphrates are thought to have flown into the Persian Gulf via a more westerly-oriented channel. However, ever since its formation, the Shatt al-Arab has served as an important navigable route for the people settled along its banks. Since a long time ago, many have fought over the region containing modern-day Iran and Iraq, and especially constantly striven for control of the Shatt al-Arab territory. In 1935, as per the decision of an international commission, Iraq received complete control over the Shatt al-Arab territory, and Iran withheld the rights to maintain and manage only its Abadan and Khorramshahr ports along the river. This forced Iran to build alternative ports in the Persian Gulf. By the end of the 1970s, tension was high among the countries regarding the control of the Shatt al-Arab, and a full-fledged war broke out between them in 1980 as a result, and this conflict continued for eight years. The war involved a series of attacks from both sides on coastal areas along the Shatt al-Arab.


The Shatt al-Arab (Arabic: شط العرب, lit. 'River of the Arabs'; Persian: اروندرود, romanized: Arvand Rud, lit. 'Swift River'[5]) is a river about 200 kilometres (120 mi) in length that is formed at the confluence of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers in the town of al-Qurnah in the Basra Governorate of southern Iraq. The southern end of the river constitutes the Iran–Iraq border down to its mouth, where it discharges into the Persian Gulf. The Shatt al-Arab varies in width from about 232 metres (761 ft) at Basra to 800 metres (2,600 ft) at its mouth. It is thought that the waterway formed relatively recently in geological time, with the Tigris and Euphrates originally emptying into the Persian Gulf via a channel further to the west. Kuwait's Bubiyan Island is part of the Shatt al-Arab delta.[1] [...] Geography [edit]The Shatt al-Arab is formed by the confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers at Al-Qurnah, and flows into the Persian Gulf south of the city of Al-Faw. It receives the Karun at Khorramshahr. [...] - ^ "Shatt al Arab". Oxford Public International Law. Retrieved 23 April 2022.


Abu Musa (Persian: بوموسا , IPA: [æbu mu'sɒ], Arabic: أبو موسى) is a 12.8-square-kilometre (4.9 sq mi) island in the eastern Persian Gulf, found near the entrance of Strait of Hormuz.[3] Due to the depth of sea, oil tankers and big ships have to pass between Abu Musa and Greater and Lesser Tunbs, making these islands some of the most strategic points in the Persian Gulf.[4] The island is under the administration of Iran, as part of the Hormozgan province.[5][6] [...] Iran claims Abu Musa Territorial and political ambitions, combined with the economic interests of influential elements within the government, helped strengthen the first Iranian claim to the island of Abu Musa in 1904. Iran began to challenge ... [...] - ^ Pike, John. "Abu Musa Island – Iran Special Weapons Facilities". globalsecurity.org. Archived from the original on 26 December 2010. Retrieved 31 July 2006.


Abu Musa is a territory of United Arab Emirates

Although not as well covered by the media as other disputes over island territories, the conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United Arab Emirates concerning the sovereignty over the Greater and Lesser Tunbs and Abu Musa is one of the most crucial current unresolved territorial questions. [...] Hilal Al-Kaabi M (1994) The question of Iranian occupation of the Islands, Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb, and Abu Musa Belonging to the United Arab Emirates,17 May 1994, US Army War College, www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA280066. Accessed 25 Oct 2015 [...] Mattair TR (2005) The three occupied UAE Islands, The Tunbs and Abu Musa. The Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, Abu Dhabi


Greater and Lesser Tunbs is a territory of United Arab Emirates

He went on to reiterate Morocco’s commitment to a political process, conducted exclusively under the auspices of the United Nations, that hinges on Morocco’s autonomy initiative and is within the context of Morocco’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. In conclusion, he expressed his country’s support for the territorial integrity of the United Arab Emirates and called for an end to Iran’s occupation of Abu Musa and the Greater and Lesser Tunbs. [...] The representative of Iran rejected Morocco’s remarks about Abu Musa and the Greater and Lesser Tunbs in the Persian Gulf, asserting that they amounted to a blatant interference in Iran’s domestic affairs. He emphasized Iran’s sovereignty over these islands and underscored that all decisions and measures taken by Iranian officials concerning these islands have consistently been grounded in principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. [...] The representative of the United Arab Emirates reiterated that Abu Musa and the Greater and Lesser Tunbs are an integral part of her country’s territory, based on well-established historical facts which are not in dispute. She called on Iran to seek a peaceful resolution to this matter in accordance with international law and the UN Charter through either bilateral negotiations or by referring the matter to the International Court of Justice.


Greater and Lesser Tunbs is a territory of Iran

Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb (Persian: تنب بزرگ و تنب کوچک, Tonb-e Bozorg and Tonb-e Kuchak, Arabic: طنب الكبرى و طنب الصغرى, Tunb el-Kubra and Tunb el-Sughra) are two small islands in the eastern Persian Gulf, close to the Strait of Hormuz. They lie at 26°15′N 55°16′E / 26.250°N 55.267°E and 26°14′N 55°08′E / 26.233°N 55.133°E, respectively, some 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) from each other and 20 kilometres (12 mi) south of the Iranian island of Qeshm. The islands are administered by Iran as part of its Hormozgan Province.[2] Greater Tunb has a surface area of 10.3 km2 (4.0 sq mi). It is known for its red soil. There are conflicting descriptions about its population: While some sources state there are between a few dozen and a few hundred inhabitants,[3] others describe the island as having no native civilian population.[4] There is reported to be an Iranian garrison and naval station, an aircraft runway, a fish storage facility and a red-soil mine. Lesser Tunb has a surface of 2 km2 (0.77 sq mi) and is uninhabited with the exception of a small airfield, harbour, and entrenched Iranian military unit.


Nagorno-Karabakh region is a territory of Azerbaijan

Nagorno-Karabakh, region of southwestern Azerbaijan. The name is also used to refer to an autonomous oblast (province) of the former Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic (S.S.R.) and to the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh, a self-declared country whose independence is not internationally recognized. The old autonomous region occupied an area of about 1,700 square miles (4,400 square km), while the forces of the self-proclaimed Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh occupied some 2,700 square miles (7,000 square km). The general region includes the northeastern flank of the Karabakh Range of the Lesser Caucasus and extends from the crest line of the range to the margin of the Kura River lowland at its foot. Nagorno-Karabakh’s environments vary from steppe on the Kura lowland through dense forest of oak, hornbeam, and beech on the lower mountain slopes to birchwood and alpine meadows higher up. The peaks of the Karabakh Range culminate in Mount Gyamysh (12,218 feet [3,724 meters]). Vineyards, orchards, and mulberry groves for silkworms are intensively developed in the valleys of Nagorno-Karabakh. Cereal grains are grown, and cattle, sheep, and pigs are kept. The region has some light industry and many food-processing plants. Xankändi (formerly Stepanakert) is the chief industrial center.


Europa Island (French: Île Europa, pronounced [il øʁɔpa]), in Malagasy Nosy Ampela[1] is a 28-square-kilometre (11 sq mi) low-lying tropical atoll in the Mozambique Channel, about a third of the way from southern Madagascar to southern Mozambique. The island had never been inhabited until 1820, when the French family of Rosier moved to it. The island officially became a possession of France in 1897, though it is claimed by Madagascar. [...] Europa Island was the setting of "Search in the Deep", a 1968 episode of The Undersea World of Jacques Cousteau,[2] partly focusing on the breeding habits of the green sea turtle. [...] While the island has probably been sighted by navigators since at least the 16th century, it takes its name from the British ship Europa, which visited it in December 1774. Ruins and graves on Europa island attest to several attempts at settlement from the 1860s to the 1920s. For example, the French Rosiers family moved to the island in 1860, but subsequently abandoned it.[7]


Syunik Province is a territory of Azerbaijan

Azerbaijan eyes southern Armenian border province of Syunik After taking full control of Nagorno-Karabakh in September, will Azerbaijan go further? In the southern Armenian province of Syunik, residents are increasingly worried about the threat from Baku. Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev claims Syunik and much of Armenian territory is historically Azerbaijani, referring to it as "Western Azerbaijan". Since 2020, Azerbaijan has also taken 150 square kilometres of Armenian land near the border, according to Armenian officials. FRANCE 24's Catherine Norris Trent, Julie Dungelhoeff and Mohammed Farhat report.


Syunik Province is a territory of Armenia

The Syunik province is apparently one of the most diverse provinces in Armenia due to its wide range of tourist attractions, nature and, of course, historical heritage. It is located in the South of Armenia. The capital of the province and largest city is the town of Kapan. Syunik is a mountainous province, mainly covered with thick green forests. One of the most stunning mountains in Armenia, the Zangezur mountain range occupies most of the territory of Syunik. The highest peaks of the province are the Mt. Kaputjugh (3905m) and Mt. Gazanasar (3829m) mostly covered with lush green forests. Noteworthy to say that the Syunik province is one of the fewest in Armenia that has wide range of national parks and protected areas, and for this exact reason, many of the forests are protected by the government, including the Arevik National Park, the Shikahogh State Reserve, the Boghakar Sanctuary, the Goris Sanctuary, the Plane Grove Sanctuary, the Sev Lake Sanctuary, and the Zangezur Sanctuary. [...] Needless to say, that the Syunik province is a home to one of the most iconic mountains in Armenia – Mt. Khustup, which is a part of the Bargushat Mountain range. It is a dream destination for hikers, rock climbers, campers, and lovers of rich and wild nature. Mt. Khustup is 3201 meters high and is covered with alpine meadows and forests and is located near the city of Kapan.


Azad Kashmir is divided into Muzaffarabad and Mirpur divisions, which are further subdivided into eight administrative districts: Muzaffarabad division comprises Muzaffarabad, Neelum, Bagh, Poonch, and Sudhnutti districts; Mirpur division comprises Mirpur, Kotli, and Bhimber districts. Muzaffarabad city is the territory's capital. [...] Thus, Azad Kashmir remains for all intents and purposes under Pakistan's strict control, exercising no real sovereignty of its own. From the outset, the institutional set up in the territory was designed to ensure Pakistan's control of the area's affairs. According to the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP)[39] resolutions, Azad Kashmir is neither a sovereign state nor a province of Pakistan, but rather a "local authority" with responsibility over the area assigned to it under the ceasefire agreement.[40] The "local authority" or provisional government of Azad Kashmir as established in October 1947 handed over to Pakistan under the Karachi Agreement of April 28, 1949, matters related to defense, foreign affairs, negotiations with the UNCIP and coordination of all affairs relating to Gilgit and Baltistan (strategically important territories that now comprise Pakistan's "Northern Areas" but are claimed by India as part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir). A former president of Azad Kashmir (who preferred not to be named in this report) described the situation as "[g]overnment of Azad Kashmir, by the Pakistanis, for Pakistan."


Azad Kashmir, also known as Azad Jammu and Kashmir, is a self governing territory, administrated by Pakistan. Jammu and Kashmir is divided among Pakistan and India by UN on the Line of Control. Both of the countries claims the entire state of Kashmir as their own but issue was still under the conflict between Pakistan and India since 1949. [...] Azad Kashmir has its own self-governing legislative assembly under the control of Pakistan. Azad Jammu and Kashmir is situated on the lower part of the Himalayas, the Sarwali peak in the Neelum Valley is the highest peak in the region. Whole region is composed of lush green and fertile mountainous valleys, which attracts number of visitors from all around Pakistan and other countries.


Gilgit-Baltistan is a territory of India

- Gilgit-Baltistan is one of the disputed territories of India. [...] - Gilgit-Baltistan is the northernmost territory administered by Pakistan. It is Pakistan’s only territorial frontier, and thus a land route, with China. [...] - India has clearly conveyed to Pakistan that the entire Union Territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh, including the areas of Gilgit and Baltistan, are an integral part of the country by virtue of its fully legal and irrevocable accession.


Gilgit-Baltistan is a territory of Pakistan

Gilgit-Baltistan (/ˌɡɪlɡɪt ˌbɔːltɪˈstɑːn, -stæn/; Urdu: گِلْگِت بَلْتِسْتان [12] )[a], formerly known as the Northern Areas,[13] is a region administered by Pakistan as an administrative territory and consists of the northern portion of the larger Kashmir region, which has been the subject of a dispute between India and Pakistan since 1947 and between India and China since 1959.[1] It borders Azad Kashmir to the south, the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to the west, the Wakhan Corridor of Afghanistan to the north, the Xinjiang region of China to the east and northeast, and the Indian-administered union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh to the southeast.


Jammu and Kashmir is a territory of India

As a state, Jammu and Kashmir retained a special status within the Indian governmental structure and followed a modified version of the Indian constitution. A governor, appointed by the president of India, served as head of state (a largely ceremonial position). The actual administration of the state was carried out by an elected chief minister and the Council of Ministers. Jammu and Kashmir also had a two-house legislature. In August 2019, however, the national government effectively suspended the constitution of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Legislation passed that month established a framework for splitting the state into the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir and the union territory of Ladakh. Under this framework, the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir will be under the administration of a lieutenant governor appointed by the president of India. It will have a Legislative Assembly, with members elected to five-year terms, though it may be dissolved by the lieutenant governor before the term expires. The union territory of Ladakh will likewise be administered by a lieutenant governor. Unlike Jammu and Kashmir (but like most other union territories in India), Ladakh will not have a legislative body.


Jammu and Kashmir is a territory of Pakistan

Jammu and Kashmir is a union territory of India. Formerly a state of India, it is part of the larger region of Kashmir, which has been the subject of dispute between India, Pakistan, and China since the partition of India in 1947. Legislation passed by India’s parliament in August 2019 set the stage for downgrading Jammu and Kashmir from statehood to union territory status and splitting off a part of it, known as the Ladakh region, into a second union territory. The change went into effect on October 31 of that year. The information that follows describes the former state of Jammu and Kashmir, including the Ladakh region. Jammu and Kashmir is bounded on the northwest by the Pakistani-administered portion of Kashmir. On the northeast and east it is bordered by two parts of China—the Uygur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang and the Tibet Autonomous Region—as well as the Chinese-administered portions of Kashmir. The Indian states of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab lie to the south. Jammu and Kashmir has an area of 39,146 square miles (101,387 square kilometers). The administrative capitals are Srinagar in the summer and Jammu in the winter.


Aksai Chin is a territory of Republic of China

China and India have a disputed border territory known as Aksai Chin. It is primarily part of Hotan County, located in the southwestern section of Hotan Prefecture in China’s Xinjiang Autonomous Region, with a tiny portion on the southeast & south sides falling into the Tibet Autonomous Region. [...] The territory of Aksai Chin is situated at the crossroads of the People’s Republic of China, Pakistan, and India. Although India disputes it, it is administered by China. One of the vital boundary disputes between India and China is the Aksai Chin. Aksai Chin is a salt desert at a significantly higher altitude, and soda plain is another name for Aksai Chin. The area is devoid of human settlement. Because of the Himalayas or other mountains, the region receives minimal precipitation but absorbs the Indian monsoon. [...] In the above topic, we have read about the importance of the Aksai Chin. China administers the Aksai Chin region, including Hotan County in Xinjiang’s Hotan Prefecture and Rutog County in Tibet’s Ngari Prefecture. India declares it as part of the Ladakh Union Territory’s Leh District. It is located in the eastern section of Kashmir and has been a source of contention between China and India since the late 1950s. Go through the complete notes to better understand the geographical location, Indian disputes, and history of the Aksai chin.


Juan de Nova Island is a territory of France

Welcome to Juan De Nova Island, a remote and pristine paradise located in the Indian Ocean. This small island, which is a part of the French Southern and Antarctic Lands, offers a unique blend of natural beauty, rich biodiversity, and a tranquil atmosphere. [...] Juan De Nova Island does not have a permanent population. However, it is occasionally inhabited by French military personnel and scientists. As a result, the official language spoken on the island is French. As Juan De Nova Island is a French territory, the official currency is the Euro (€). Visitors should note that the island is uninhabited and does not have any tourist facilities or infrastructure. Therefore, obtaining a visa to visit the island is not applicable.


Aksai Chin is a region administered by China partly in Hotan County, Hotan Prefecture, Xinjiang[2] and partly in Rutog County, Ngari Prefecture, Tibet and constituting the easternmost portion of the larger Kashmir region that has been the subject of a dispute between India and China since 1959.[1] It is claimed by India as part of its Leh District, Ladakh Union Territory. [...] Aksai Chin is one of the two large disputed border areas between India and China. India claims Aksai Chin as the easternmost part of the union territory of Ladakh. China claims that Aksai Chin is part of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and Tibet Autonomous Region. The line that separates Indian-administered areas of Ladakh from Aksai Chin is known as the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and is concurrent with the Chinese Aksai Chin claim line. [...] (b) Pletcher, Kenneth, Aksai Chin, Plateau Region, Asia, Encyclopaedia Britannica, retrieved 16 August 2019 (subscription required) Quote: "Aksai Chin, Chinese (Pinyin) Aksayqin, portion of the Kashmir region, at the northernmost extent of the Indian subcontinent in south-central Asia. It constitutes nearly all the territory of the Chinese-administered sector of Kashmir that is claimed by India to be part of the Ladakh area of Jammu and Kashmir state.";


Aksai Chin is a region administered by China partly in Hotan County, Hotan Prefecture, Xinjiang[2] and partly in Rutog County, Ngari Prefecture, Tibet and constituting the easternmost portion of the larger Kashmir region that has been the subject of a dispute between India and China since 1959.[1] It is claimed by India as part of its Leh District, Ladakh Union Territory. [...] Aksai Chin is one of the two large disputed border areas between India and China. India claims Aksai Chin as the easternmost part of the union territory of Ladakh. China claims that Aksai Chin is part of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and Tibet Autonomous Region. The line that separates Indian-administered areas of Ladakh from Aksai Chin is known as the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and is concurrent with the Chinese Aksai Chin claim line. [...] ماقالە يازغۇچى داۋاملاشتۇرۇپ: بۇ تېررىتورىيىنىڭ نامى تۈرك تىلىدا، "ئاقساي چىن " دېيىلىدۇ، بۇ ئىسىمدىكى "چىن" سۆزى جۇڭگونى كۆرسىتىدۇ، ئېيتىشلارغا ئاساسلانغاندا، بۇ سۆزنىڭ مەنىسى – " جۇڭگونىڭ ئاق تاشلىق جىلغىسى ياكى جۇڭگونىڭ ئاق تاشلىق سېيى" دېگەنلىك بولىدۇ دەيدۇ. [The author goes on to say that the name of the territory is in Turkish, "Aksai Chin", and the word "Chin" in that name means China, and it is said that the word means "White Valley of China or China's White River".]


Tawang is one of the most important districts of the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh. It also has a geostrategic significance to India. China claims it as south Tibet. Hence, this dispute of territorial demarcation has sparked off geopolitical ramifications for India and China. In India, the Monpas explicitly state that they share border with Tibet, not China (www.economictimes.com, 22 April 2017). But the Tibetan narrative on Tawang has not gained attention in the context of India-China relations. This paper explores the Tibetan argument on Tawang which is deductively appended by historical insights relating to Tawang – Tibet relations. [...] Monyul was situated in the south of Tsona Dzong, east of Bhutan and north east of Assam. It was also rich in flora and fauna and natural lakes. Political and human geography of Monyul drastically changed today. Tawang became one of the smallest districts of the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh. Political and administrative power of Tawang has been transferred to Itanagar, the capital city of Arunachal Pradesh. Furthermore, the Tawang administrative district is divided into two administrative units: Tawang and Kitpi. It is one of the most geopolitically significant districts in Arunachal Pradesh because it is considered as India’s Achilles’ heel.


Arunachal Pradesh is a territory of China

In 2006, the Chinese ambassador to India claimed that all of Arunachal Pradesh is Chinese territory[48] amidst a military buildup.[49] At the time, both countries claimed incursions as much as a kilometre at the northern tip of Sikkim.[36] In 2009, India announced it would deploy additional military forces along the border.[50] In 2014, India proposed China should acknowledge a "One India" policy to resolve the border dispute.[51][52] [...] - ^ "Arunachal Pradesh is our territory": Chinese envoy Rediff India Abroad, 14 November 2006. Archived 8 November 2011 at the Wayback Machine - ^ Subir Bhaumik, "India to deploy 36,000 extra troops on Chinese border", BBC, 23 November 2010. Archived 2 January 2012 at the Wayback Machine - ^ "The China-India Border Brawl", The Wall Street Journal, 24 June 2009, archived from the original on 23 September 2011 - ^ 何, 宏儒 (12 June 2014). "外長會 印向陸提一個印度政策". 中央通訊社. 新德里. Archived from the original on 27 February 2017. Retrieved 27 February 2017.


Arunachal Pradesh is a territory of India

The United States recognises Arunachal Pradesh as Indian territory and strongly opposes any unilateral attempts by China to advance its territorial claims across the Line of Actual Control (LAC), a senior Biden administration official has said, days after the Chinese military reiterated its claim over the State following Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit there. [...] Speaking at his daily press conference on March 20, State Department Principal Deputy Spokesperson Vedant Patel said, "The United States recognises Arunachal Pradesh as Indian territory and we strongly oppose any unilateral attempts to advance territorial claims by incursions or encroachments, military or civilian, across the Line of Actual Control." India has repeatedly rejected China’s territorial claims over Arunachal Pradesh, asserting that the State is an integral part of the country. New Delhi has also dismissed Beijing’s move to assign "invented" names to the area, saying it did not alter the reality. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) on March 19 said it has noted the latest comments made by the spokesperson of the Chinese Defence Ministry "advancing absurd claims" over the territory of Arunachal Pradesh and asserted that the State "was, is and will always be" an integral and inalienable part of India.


David Gareja monastery complex is a territory of Georgia

David Gareja is a rock-hewn Georgian Orthodox monastery complex located in the Kakheti region, on the half-desert slopes of Mount Gareja, some 60 - 70 km southeast of Georgia's capital Tbilisi. It was built in the 6th century by Assyrian Priests sent to strengthen Christianity in Georgia. The complex consists of thirteen monasteries. Of particular interest are the complexes of Lavra and Udabno. The monasteries were destroyed by the Mongols in 1265, revived in the 14th century by Giorgi V the Brilliant, sacked by Timur, and then destroyed on Easter night 1615 when Shah Abbas' soldiers killed 6000 monks and trashed many of the artistic treasures. The monasteries never regained their former importance, though they remained active until the end of the 19th century. Being the center of religious and cultural life in the past, today these sites surprise us with their architectural design and unique murals of the 10th -11th centuries. According to the belief, visiting David-Gareja three times can be equaled to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.


David Gareja monastery complex is a territory of Azerbaijan

The David Gareja monastery complex consists of several monasteries in caves built in the VI century and scattered on a plot of a couple of tens of kilometers along the Georgian border. Part of the monasteries came to the territory of Azerbaijan and is called there Keşiş Dağ. The monastery was founded by the monk David, one of the "Assyrian fathers" who preached Christianity in Georgia. This happened 2 centuries after Saint Nino brought Christianity to Georgia. [...] Since the territory of the monastery complex is divided in half by the border, it is the subject of a territorial dispute between the two countries since 1991. Georgia wants to return its shrines, which are of great cultural and historical importance for the country, and for Azerbaijan this territory is important because of the strategic location of the heights. Currently, the David Gareja Monastery attracts tourists like a magnet. Some even stay here overnight, as one day is not enough to see all the local attractions. Amazing and picturesque views from the monastery, as well as its energy, which allows you to forget about the hustle and bustle of life. Since there are no organized food outlets in David Gareja, food and water should be taken with you.


Loi Leng is the highest mountain of the Shan Hills. It is located in Shan State, Burma, 45 kilometres (28 mi) to the southeast of Lashio.[2] Geography [edit]Loi Leng is part of a massif with multiple peaks located 6 kilometres (3.7 mi) to the SW Pa-kawlam, 10 km to the north of Mong Pat and 11 kilometres (6.8 mi) to the east of Kawngwit villages. [...] See also [edit]References [edit]- ^ Peaklist - 19 Mountain Summits with Prominence of 1,500 meters or greater Retrieved 29 December 2011 - ^ Peakbagger - Loi Leng, Myanmar - ^ GoogleEarth - ^ "Loi Leng (mountain) - Region: Shan State, Myanmar". Archived from the original on 2013-11-09. Retrieved 2011-12-30.


Juan de Nova Island is a territory of Madagascar

Juan de Nova Island (French: Île Juan de Nova, pronounced [il ʒɥɑ̃ də nɔva]), Malagasy: Nosy Kely)[1] is a French-controlled tropical island in the narrowest part of the Mozambique Channel, about one-third of the way between Madagascar and Mozambique. It is a low, flat island, 4.8 square kilometres (1.9 sq mi) in size. [...] Juan de Nova[3] is located in the Mozambique Canal, closer to the Madagascar side: 140 kilometres (87 mi) from Tambohorano, 207 kilometres (129 mi) west-southwest from Tanjona Vilanandro and 288 kilometres (179 mi) from the African coast. [...] Juan de Nova Island was assigned a small garrison of 14 soldiers from the 2nd Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment, as well as a gendarme. They settled in housing that formerly hosted SOFIM workers.[8] The troops receive supplies by air every 45 days.


Doi Lang is the second highest mountain in Thailand at over 2000 meters in altitude. Doi Lang is the best area to view Thailand’s rarest birds such as the Mrs Hume’s Pheasant, Red-faced Liochichla, White-tailed Robin, Rufous Throated Partridge, White-rumped Falcon and more. [...] This morning we have breakfast at 6:30 AM and depart for Chiang Mai. We travel to the first Army check point we passed yesterday and bird there. We then turn left on paved road and follow the base os Doi Lang and spot lower level birds at and altitude of 1800 meters and lower. There are many species here not found at the higher altitudes on Doi Lang or the birds a lower altitudes like in Chiang Mai and Chiang Dao.


[pp. 100-103] 200. Both Parties agree that Fasht ad Dibal is a low-tide elevation. Whereas Qatar maintains - just as it did with regard to Qit'at Jaradah - that Fasht ad Dibal as a low-tide elevation cannot be appropriated, Bahrain contends that low-tide elevations by their very nature are territory, and therefore can be appropriated in accordance with the criteria which pertain to the acquisition of territory. [...] 7. Paragraph 199 of the Judgment states that "Similar acts of authority have been invoked by Bahrain in order to support its claim that it has sovereignty over Fasht ad Dibal". However, for the above-stated reasons such acts, even if proved, cannot support the sovereignty claimed by Bahrain over Fasht ad Dibal.


Judgment of 16 March 2001 [pp. 99-100] 196. Bahrain claims that Qit'at Jaradah comes under Bahraini sovereignty, since it has displayed its authority over it in various ways, and that this was recognized by the British Government in 1947. In this respect it has referred to a number of activities, including the erection of a beacon, the ordering of the drilling of an artesian well, the granting of an oil concession, and the licensing of fish traps. Qatar contends that Qit'at Jaradah, being a low-tide elevation, cannot be appropriated, and that, since it is situated in the part of the territorial sea which belong to Qatar, Qatar has sovereign rights over it. [...] Jaradah is a very small island situated within the 12-mile limit of both States. According to the report of the expert commissioned by Bahrain, at high tide its length and breadth are about 12 by 4 metres, whereas at low tide they are 600 and 75 metres. At high tide, its altitude is approximately 0.4 metres. [...] Jaradah, the activities carried out by Bahrain on that island must be considered sufficient to support Bahrain's claim that it has sovereignty over it.


Qit'at Jaradah is a territory of Bahrain

Qit'at Jaradah is a cay in the Persian Gulf to the east of Bahrain Island, located 32 km (20 mi) east of Manama, the capital of Bahrain. Historically, the feature is above water only during spring low tide;[1] it sits approximately midway between Bahrain and Qatar,[2] within the 12-mile (19 km) territorial waters of both countries.[3] It was one of several maritime features contributing to a long running dispute between Bahrain and Qatar.


Fergana Valley is a territory of Kyrgyzstan

Fergana Valley is a valley in Central Asia, lying mostly in eastern Uzbekistan, extending into southern Kyrgyzstan and northern Tajikistan. [...] The Fergana valley was ruled by a series of Muslim states in the medieval period. For much of this period local and southwestern rulers divided the valley into a series of small states. From the 16th century, the Shaybanid dynasty of the Khanate of Bukhara ruled Fergana, replaced by the Janid dynasty of Bukhara in 1599. In 1709 Shaybanid emir Shahrukh of the Minglar Uzbeks declared independence from the Khanate of Bukhara, establishing a state in the eastern part of the Fergana Valley. He built a citadel to be his capital in the small town of Kokand. As the Khanate of Kokand, Kokand was capital of a territory stretching over modern eastern Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, southern Kazakhstan and all of Kyrgyzstan.


Fergana Valley is a territory of Uzbekistan

Today Fergana valley is one of the prosperous regions of Uzbekistan. Fertile oases enclose the region. Along the northern boundary f the valley there flows the Syr Darya River, which is formed by the confluence of two smaller rivers - the Karadarya and the Naryn. Their waters feed three main canals - the Big Fergana Canal, the Southern Fergana Canal and the Northern Fergana Canal - the first nation-wide constructions of the twentieth century. The big cities - Fergana, Kokand, Andijan and Namangan are located in the oases of the valley. In the rural area there prevails the cultivated landscape - vast cotton fields, green spots of gardens, melon and gourd plantations and vineyards cut with lines of irrigation ditches. Rows of poplar trees and mulberry trees, plane trees and elms run along the highways. [...] For a long time Kokand was the main city of Fergana valley. The first written evidence about the town of Khavikand can be found in the 10th century chronicles where it was mentioned as a town located on the Great Silk Road and famous for its crafts. In 18-19th centuries it was the capital of powerful Kokand khanate, the state that dominated most of the territory of modern Uzbekistan and contiguous states. Kokand was a big religious center. In the years of its prosperity there were 35 madrassahs and 100 mosques here. Unfortunately, the majority of them were ruined in the course of time or as a result of earthquakes, or by the Soviet power. [...] Fergana valley - the vast prosperous oasis with the most fertile lands in Central Asia and the finest climate - is rightly called Golden Valley.


Isfara Valley is a territory of Tajikistan

Appearance (Redirected from Isfara district) Isfara District or Nohiya-i Isfara (Tajik: Ноҳияи Исфара) is a former district at the northeastern edge of Sughd Region, Tajikistan, bordering on Uzbekistan's Ferghana Valley to the north and Kyrgyzstan to the south.[1] Its capital was Isfara. Vorukh, an enclave surrounded by Kyrgyzstan, is also part of Isfara. Around 2018, it was merged into the city of Isfara. [...] External links [edit]- "Esfara", Habib Borjian in Encyclopaedia Iranica, Columbia University (enter keyword "Esfara" in search field to access the article).


Isfara Valley is a territory of Kyrgyzstan

Isfara (Tajik: Исфара Persian: اسفره; Russian: Исфара) is a city in Sughd Region in northern Tajikistan, situated on the border with Kyrgyzstan. The city was the seat of the former Isfara District. There are currently territorial disputes between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan over the area of Isfara Valley.[3] [...] Geography [edit]Isfara is situated near the border junction of three independent states Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, at a height of 863m above sea level. The river Isfara flows through the city. Its territory is 832 km2.


Ceuta is a small city on the coast of Morocco. Despite seemingly being a part of Morocco, it actually belongs to Spain. Its main characteristics are: duty-free port, military way-point, strong economy, modern facilities, and beneficial tax laws. Its total area is about 17 square kilometres. [...] Ceuta has about 45,000 residents. Close to 60% of the residents are Spanish, with much of the rest being Moroccan while residents of Indian descent comprise about 1% of the population. Most of the Spanish residents adhere to the Roman Catholic faith while most of the Moroccans are Muslim. Both Spanish and Moroccan are widely spoken. However, Spanish is the official language of business and government. [...] Ceuta does not have an airport. There is, however, a regular helicopter service from Ceuta Heliport linking it to Málaga Airport. All other access to and from Ceuta is by ferry or land.


Ambalat is a sea block in the Celebes sea located off the east coast of Borneo. It lies to the east of the Indonesian province of North Kalimantan and to the south-east of the Malaysian state of Sabah, and it is the subject of a territorial dispute between the two nations. Malaysia refers to part of the Ambalat block as Block ND6 (formerly Block Y) and part of East Ambalat Block as Block ND7 (formerly Block Z). The deep sea blocks contain an estimated 62,000,000 barrels (9,900,000 m3) of oil and 348 million cubic meters of natural gas. Other estimates place it substantially higher: 764,000,000 barrels (121,500,000 m3) of oil and 3.96 × 1010 cubic meters (1.4 trillion cubic feet) of gas, in only one of nine points in Ambalat.[1] Sovereignty dispute [edit]Territorial claims [edit]Malaysia [edit]The dispute over the Ambalat stretch of the Celebes Sea began with the publication of a map produced by Malaysia in 1979 showing its territorial waters and continental shelf. The map drew Malaysia's maritime boundary running in a southeast direction in the Celebes Sea from the eastmost point of the Indonesia-Malaysia land border on the eastern shore of Sebatik island, thus including the Ambalat blocks, or at least a large portion of it, within Malaysian territorial waters. Indonesia has, like the other neighbours of Malaysia, objected to the map.


Italy’s Eni (BIT:ENI) remains unable to resume upstream exploration activities in the Ambalat Block offshore Indonesia as a maritime territorial dispute between Malaysian and Indonesia has not been resolved. [...] Ambalat is a block in the Celebes Sea off the east coast of Borneo. It lies to the east of the Indonesian province of North Kalimantan and to the south-east of the Malaysian state of Sabah, and it is the subject of a territorial dispute between the two nations. Malaysia refers to part of the Ambalat block as Block ND6 (formerly Block Y) and part of East Ambalat Block as Block ND7 (formerly Block Z). The deep-water blocks hold an estimated 62 million barrels of oil and 348 million cubic meters of natural gas, according to sources cited by Wikipedia. Other estimates place it substantially higher: 764 million barrels of oil and 1.4 trillion cubic feet of gas, reported Wikipedia. The dispute over the Ambalat stretch of the Celebes Sea started with the publication of a map produced by Malaysia in 1979 showing its territorial waters and continental shelf, according to Wikipedia. The map drew Malaysia’s maritime boundary running in a southeast direction in the Celebes Sea from the eastmost point of the Indonesia-Malaysia land border on the eastern shore of Sebatik island, thereby including the Ambalat blocks, or at least a large portion of it, within Malaysian territorial waters. Indonesia has, like the other neighbours of Malaysia, objected to the map, reported Wikipedia.


Kabaw Valley, a track of land, lies between Manipur sector of Indian's boundary and the western bank of the Chindwin River also known as Ningthi to the Manipuris. In other word, it lies between Kalewa and Tamu, down to the Chindwin River which forms the eastern boundary of Manipur. [Gangmumei Kabui: 1988, The Lost Territory of Manipur: Cession of Kabaw Valley, N. Sanajaoba (Ed.), Manipur Past and Present, New Delhi, p. 23; A.C. Benerjee: 1943, The Eastern Frontier of Britsih India, Calcutta, p. 261] [...] The valley is divided into three subdivisions of Samjok (Thandent), Khumbat (Khambat) and Kale. The Shan holds control over the valley. Gangmumei Kabui, a renowned historian of North East writes, in the 19th century, the valley was a subject of dispute between Manipur and Burma which is a large territory covering 3000 sq. miles, now forms a part of upper Chindwin District of Burma. [Gangmumei Kabui: 1988 The Lost Territory of Manipur: Cession of Kabaw Valley, N.Sanajaoba(Ed.), Manipur Past and Present, Vol.1, New Delhi, p.23]


Select at least two countries or territories to compare and see how they differ from each other. Kabaw Valley #55 among destinations in Myanmar (Burma) [...] The Kabaw Valley also known as Kubo valley is a highland valley in Myanmar's western Sagaing division, close to the border with India's Manipur. The valley is located between Heerok or Yoma ranges of mountains, which constitute the present day border of Manipur, and the Chindwin River. The valley is home to a number of ethnic groups including the Meitei, the Maring tribe, the Thadou people, Kuki people, the Mizo, the Kadu and the Kanan. ()


Golan Heights, disputed territory between Israel and Syria Jerusalem (AFP) – The Golan Heights, a rocky plateau where 12 youths were killed Saturday amid clashes between Lebanon's Hezbollah and Israeli forces, is a strategic territory partially captured by Israel from Syria. [...] Approximately 1,200 square kilometres of the Golan Heights, which also borders Lebanon and Jordan, were annexed by Israel on December 14, 1981.


MANSOUR AYYAD SH. A. ALOTAIBI (Kuwait) emphasized that the Golan Heights is Syrian territory occupied by Israel in violation of Council resolutions. Israel’s decision to impose its authority is null and void, with no impact on the international stage, he added, expressing regret at the decision by the United States. Kuwait supports Syria’s desire to regain all of the Golan Heights, he stressed, commending UNDOF as one of the few remaining sources of stability in the region. Emphasizing that the Area of Separation must be free of any military presence, he called upon all parties concerned to demonstrate restraint and avoid escalating tensions. KAREN PIERCE (United Kingdom) said that her delegation’s position — that the Golan is territory occupied by Israel — remains unchanged. The decision by the United States contravenes resolution 497 (1981), she said, affirming her country’s belief in the rules-based international order. Acknowledging Israel’s right to defend itself, she urged the Assad regime as well as Iran and Hizbullah to refrain from actions that could increase insecurity and put civilians at risk, while encouraging the United States Administration to advance viable proposals for an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement through substantive peace talks leading to a two-State solution.


The Golan Heights is a territory in Israel’s northeast corner, on the Syrian border. It’s rural, mountainous and mostly empty. Fewer than 50,000 people live there — less than 1 percent of Israel’s population of 8.7 million. Half of the Golan’s residents are Jewish Israelis who live mostly in small agricultural communities. The other half are from a religious group called the Druze, who are mostly citizens of Syria. [...] Good question! The Golan wasn’t always controlled by Israel. Until 1967, it was part of Syria, but Israel took control of the area that year in the Six-Day War. Israelis began moving there almost immediately, and Israel fully annexed the Golan in 1981, treating it like any other part of the country. It offered the Syrian Druze residents citizenship, but most of them have declined. [...] Kind of. Israel thinks so, but no other country has recognized its sovereignty over the heights — including the U.S. The international community sees the Golan as Syrian territory occupied by Israel in a war — a view shared by every president before Trump.


The June 4, 1967 border, also known as green line, is the internationally recognized border between the occupied Palestinian territory (i.e. West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip) and the State of Israel. The occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) represents an area equivalent to 22 percent of historic Palestine. The boundaries of the oPt were established through the signing of armistice agreements between Egypt and Jordan on the one hand, and Israel, on the other, following the war of 1948, and the subsequent creation of the State of Israel on 78 percent of historic Palestine. [...] The June 4, 1967 borders represent the internationally recognized boundary between Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. It also represents the historic Palestinian compromise of 1988 when the PLO limited its claim to 22 percent of historic Palestine. [...] The borders of the Palestinian state, based on the 1967 lines, incorporate the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza as per the 1949 armistice agreements. In the interest of peace, Palestinians may agree to changes to the 1967 based on mutually-agreed, minor territorial exchanges of equal size and value. In order to be viable, Palestine needs to be an independent and sovereign state with unhindered access to the global community. Palestine also needs to have control over its resources, borders, electromagnetic sphere, and airspace. Palestine’s maritime borders must be equitably delimited with Israel and with its other maritime neighbors.


An armistice line that in 1949 formed the de facto border between Israel and what was left of historic Palestine The Green Line is a term that emerged in the wake of Israel’s establishment in 1948, whose proper name is the 1949 Armistice Line. It refers to the border separating pre-1967 Israel from the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and constitutes an internationally recognised border. However, it is important to note that Israel has never specified the boundaries of its own state. MORE ABOUT "GREEN LINE"


As its name implies, the West Bank is a territory situated on the western bank of the Jordan River. Many countries recognize it as being part of the so-called State of Palestine, but Palestine’s borders are yet to be determined, pending a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For both Israelis and Palestinians, the West Bank forms the heart of the Biblical Holy Land. It contains several important religious sites that are holy to Jews, Christians, and Muslims. The West Bank is also home to most of the Palestinian population, and the headquarters of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The West Bank has a total land area of 6,220 sq. km. This includes part of the holy city of Jerusalem, known as East Jerusalem. It is bordered by the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan to the east, and by Israel in all other directions. The name "West Bank" was a term first used by the Jordanians when they annexed the territory in 1949, following the first Arab-Israeli war. Many Israelis refer to it as Judea (Hebrew: Yehuda) and Samaria (Hebrew; Shomron), denoting the fact that it was the territory in which the Biblical kingdoms of Judah and Israel (also called Shomron) were situated. Much of the West Bank’s territory consists of north-south oriented limestone hills. These hills are divided between the Samarian Hills north of Jerusalem, and the Judean Hills in the south. The hills slope down into the Jordan Valley and the area adjacent to the Dead Sea, which is the lowest place on Earth.


Ceuta (Spanish: sewta; Arabic: سَبْتَة, romanized: Sabtah) is a Spanish autonomous city on the north coast of Africa. It is one of several Spanish territories in Africa and, along with Melilla and the Canary Islands, one of only a few that are permanently inhabited by a civilian population. It was a regular municipality belonging to the province of Cádiz prior to the passing of its Statute of Autonomy in March 1995, henceforth becoming an autonomous city. Portugal took possession of Ceuta in 1415. During the Iberian Union 1580 to 1640, Ceuta attracted many settlers of Spanish origin. [...] Ceuta is one of the major plazas de soberanía (places of sovereignty) along with Melilla. There are also minor plazas de soberanía that include the rest of Spanish possessions that are mainly little islands with the exception of a peninsula. [...] Ceuta is an integral part of Spain, and therefore of the European Union; its border and its equivalent in Melilla are the only two land borders between the European Union and an African country.


The West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, covers a land area of 5,655sq km (2,183sq miles), making it about 15 times larger than the Gaza Strip, spread over 365sq km (141sq miles). [...] Jerusalem, a city sacred to Muslims, Christians, and Jews, has had West Jerusalem under Israeli control since 1948, with a Jewish majority. East Jerusalem, including the Old City, has been under Israeli occupation since 1967 and is mostly Palestinian. Since its annexation in 1980, Israel has considered the entire city of Jerusalem a part of its territory. This is not internationally recognised. For this reason, Israeli maps do not show East Jerusalem a part of the occupied West Bank.


East Jerusalem is a territory of Palestine

East Jerusalem (Arabic: القدس الشرقية, al-Quds ash-Sharqiya; Hebrew: מִזְרַח יְרוּשָׁלַיִם, Mizraḥ Yerushalayim) is the portion of Jerusalem that was held by Jordan after the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, as opposed to West Jerusalem, which was held by Israel.[a] Under international law, East Jerusalem is considered part of the West Bank, and Palestinian territories, and under illegal occupation by Israel.[2][3][4] Many states recognize East Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine (such as Brazil,[5] China,[6] Russia,[7] and all 57 members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation),[8] whereas other states (such as Australia, France and others) assert that East Jerusalem "will be the capital of Palestine",[9][10] while referring to it as "an occupied territory".[11] In 2020, East Jerusalem had a population of 595,000 inhabitants, of which 361,700 (61%) were Palestinian Arabs and 234,000 (39%) Jewish settlers.[12][13] Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem are illegal under international law and in the eyes of the international community.[14][15] [...] The United States refers to East Jerusalem as part of "the West Bank – the larger of the two Palestinian territories", and refers to Israeli Jews living in East Jerusalem as "settlers".[123]


The Kalapani territory is an area under Indian administration as part of Pithoragarh district in the Kumaon Division of the Uttarakhand state,[4][5] but it is also claimed by Nepal since 1997.[6][7] According to Nepal's claim, it lies in Darchula district, Sudurpashchim Province.[8] The territory represents part of the basin of the Kalapani river, one of the headwaters of the Kali River in the Himalayas at an altitude of 3600–5200 meters. The valley of Kalapani, with the Lipulekh Pass at the top, forms the Indian route to Kailash–Manasarovar, an ancient pilgrimage site. It is also the traditional trading route to Tibet for the Bhotiyas of Kumaon and the Tinkar valley of Nepal.[9][10] [...] No changes in India's border with Nepal are discernible from the maps of the period.[55] The Kalapani territory continued to be shown as part of India. Following the Chinese take-over of Tibet in 1951, India increased its security presence along the northern border to inhibit possibilities of encroachment and infiltration.[56] The Kalapani area is likely to have been included among such areas.[57] Nepal too requested India's help in policing its northern border as early as 1950, and 17 posts are said to have been established jointly by the two countries.[58][59]


Susta is a disputed territory along the border of Nepal and India. When the Treaty of Sugauli was signed, Susta was on the right side of the Gandaki River; the river's shifting course means that it is now on the left.5 The irony of wanting to contain something that disrupts the very idea of containment is laid bare here. [...] An area of some 5,000 acres . . . of land in Narsahi-Susta area adjoining the Gandak river in West Champaran district has been encroached upon by Nepalese nationals. There is a difference of perception of the boundary alignment between India and Nepal in this area due to shifting of rivers. [...] Susta has always been a part of Nepal and we are Nepali.


The reason the dispute persists today is that the rivers, which were counted on as a border, have diverged from their courses several times. Around 600 kilometers of the border is defined by rivers: the Mechi in the east, Mahakali in the west, and Naryani in the Susta area. The unavailability of old maps and documents to revise demarcations has made the situation even harder to resolve. [...] The other major disputed area is the Susta area to the east of the Naryani River, which has seen the most tensions owing to encroachment. A few years back, over 1,000 Indian villagers backed by the Indian border police force (SSB) forcibly entered Nepali territory in Susta. They completely destroyed sugarcane crops in about 10 hectares of land and also manhandled men and women alike. The locals of Susta complain that such incidents are rampant. Also according to reports, land disputes among locals are usually won by Indian nationals, who have the support of the armed SSB. [...] Susta is surrounded by Indian territory on three sides, the north, south, and east, with the Naryani River to the west. Hence, cutting off Susta from Nepal becomes much easier for India to occupy it, which will bring the "Greater India" dream of Hindus closer to reality.


Andaman and Nicobar Islands, union territory, India, consisting of two groups of islands at the southeastern edge of the Bay of Bengal. The peaks of a submerged mountain range, the Andaman Islands and their neighbours to the south, the Nicobar Islands, form an arc stretching southward for some 620 miles (1,000 km) between Myanmar (Burma) and the island of Sumatra, Indonesia. The arc constitutes the boundary between the Bay of Bengal to the west and the Andaman Sea to the east. Port Blair (on South Andaman Island) is the territorial capital. Situated on the ancient trade route between India and Myanmar, the Andamans were visited by the navy of the English East India Company in 1789, and in 1872 they were linked administratively by the British to the Nicobar Islands. The two sets of islands became a union territory of the Republic of India in 1956. The territory has for more than a century been recognized for its indigenous communities, which have ardently avoided extensive interaction with ethnic outsiders.


The Ilam Shree Antu Danda tour is a short and scenic tour that offers stunning views of the eastern Himalayas, the Terai landscape, and the tea-growing regions of Darjeeling. [...] The Ilam Shree Antu Danda Tour is a must-do for those looking to experience breathtaking sunrise and mountain views in the Ilam district of Eastern Nepal. Located just a 3-hour car drive from Ilam Bazaar, the trek’s destination, Antu Danda, is a beautiful hillock standing at an altitude of 1,977m above sea level. The trail passes through lush tea bushes and offers stunning natural scenery. Antu Danda is also renowned for its breathtaking sunset views, with the Eastern Himalayan massif serving as the perfect backdrop. [...] Antu Danda offers well-facilitated hotels and cottages for accommodation. The development of these facilities is a result of the increasing flow of tourists visiting Ilam and hiking up to the Shree Antu hill.


Facts and figures on Antudanda at a glance Name: Antudanda (Antudanda)Status: Place [...] Antudanda is located in the region of Province 1. Province 1's capital Dhankuta (Dhankutā) is approximately 80 km / 50 mi away from Antudanda (as the crow flies). The distance from Antudanda to Nepal's capital Kathmandu (Kathmandu) is approximately 293 km / 182 mi (as the crow flies).


NAWALPARASI, May 11: The Indian security forces have adopted high alertness at various places along the Nepal-India border in Nawalparasi district in view of the Lok Sabha (parliamentary) elections in India. The security has been beefed up along the border area as the Bihar state of India prepares for the Lok Sabha elections on May 12. Security has been tightened at Thuthibari, Guthi Prasauni, Bishnapura and Bhujahawa transit points on the border in west Nawalparasi. [...] Similarly, security has been made foolproof at the Tribeni transit point in the eastern Nawalparasi. Security checking has been intensified especially on the border entry points from India.


Melilla is a Spanish exclave in North Africa, on the Moroccan side of the Mediterranean. In some ways, it's similar to Ceuta but in other ways, it's a unique place. [...] From Morocco. Melilla is completely surrounded by Moroccan territory (and the sea), and this is obviously a very sensitive border. Many try to cross illegally into Spain, with dire consequences. Crossing legally (in either direction) is also an eye-opening experience, but presents no particular difficulties if you are not transporting counterfeit goods or hashish. [...] Melilla (like Ceuta) is a territorio franco, which means no VAT or other taxes.


Nawalparasi District is located in Gandaki Province of Nepal. Nawalparasi has total population of 643,508 (Male: 303,675, Female: 339,833), total land area of 2,162 sq KM and total households of 128,793 as per 2011 population census. (Source: Bureau of Statistics, Nepal)


Artsvashen (Armenian: Արծվաշեն, lit. 'Eagle village') or Bashkend (Azerbaijani: Başkənd; Armenian: Բաշքենդ) is a de jure Armenian village in the Chambarak Municipality of the Gegharkunik Province of Armenia. It is a 40 square kilometres (15 sq mi) exclave of Armenia,[1] and is surrounded by the territory of Azerbaijan, which has de facto occupied it since the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.[2] [...] From 1920 onwards, Artsvashen formed part of Soviet Armenia, as part of its Karmir (Krasnoselsk) district, initially connected to Armenia by a peninsular land corridor.[11] In 1923–1929, the territorial dispute over Artsvashen was settled by a commission of the "Transcaucasian central executive committee" in favour of Armenia, however, in January 1927, 12,000 hectares (120 square kilometres; 46 square miles) of land surrounding Artsvashen were "gifted" to Azerbaijan. As "compensation", in February 1929 Armenia was transferred a narrow strip of land to serve as a land connection to the village, however, this decision was reversed in the 1930s and Artsvashen became an exclave again.[10] During Soviet times, Artsvashen had 2 secondary schools, a branch of a vocational school, a church, a club, a library, a hospital, a pharmacy, a kindergarten, several cinemas, a communication department and, a life service booth.[5]


For the first time, the Armenian leadership began talking about the return of the territory of the village of Bashkend (Artsvashen) to this country, which was taken under control by the Azerbaijani army and militias in 1992. [...] Judging by Pashinyan's statement, Baku did not give consent to the transfer of the village to Armenia. "You know that the Republic of Armenia cannot abandon this issue, since Artsvashen is part of the sovereign territory of our country. We are going to de jure justify the existence of an exclave. Artsvashen is in the process of demarcation, and the government of the Republic of Armenia has such justifications, after which the demarcation process around Artsvashen will be carried out, we will see what decisions will be made," Pashinyan said. [...] The village of Bashkend (Artsvashen), which was an enclave of the Armenian SSR in the territory of the Azerbaijani SSR in Soviet times, now belongs to the Kedabek region of Azerbaijan. According to the administrative-territorial division of Armenia, which disputes the ownership of the village, Bashkend belongs to the Gegharkunik region of Armenia. Bashkend is the largest village (40 km km) of the enclave (exclave) territories.


Gegharkunik province is a territory of Azerbaijan

Gegharkunik is one of Armenia’s provinces that Azerbaijan calls "Western Azerbaijan". Azerbaijan attacked the region in two main directions - Sotk and Verin Shorzha. The region is one of the vital parts of the country; it is where Lake Sevan is situated, one of the main sights and the largest freshwater lake in the landlocked country. Before the war in 2020, the de facto border between Armenia’s Gegharkunik province and Azerbaijan was shorter. But as a result of the war, the Kelbajar region was handed over to Azerbaijan, and the border is now approximately 50 kilometres longer in the direction of Vardenis. The border halved a gold mine that was located right on the administrative border of Armenia with Nagorno-Karabakh, the Sotk gold mine, and now the other half of the mine is in the Azerbaijani part. After the last events, the villagers’ sense of safety has diminished. Surrounded by mountains, they are able to distinguish between Armenian and Azerbaijani hills and they are aware of the source of danger.


Gegharkunik province is a territory of Armenia

Gegharkunik (Armenian: Գեղարքունիք, Armenian pronunciation: [ɡɛʁɑɾkʰuˈnikʰ] ) is a province (marz) of Armenia. Its capital and largest city is Gavar. Gegharkunik is inhabited by approximately 235,075 people and the majority are ethnic Armenians. Gegharkunik Province is located at the eastern part of Armenia, bordering Azerbaijan. It includes the exclave of Artsvashen, which has been under Azerbaijani occupation since the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. With an area of 5,348 km2 (2,065 sq mi), Gegharkunik is the largest province in Armenia. However, approximately 24% or 1,278 km2 (493 sq mi) of its territory is covered by Lake Sevan, the largest lake in the South Caucasus and a major tourist attraction of the region. [...] Gegharkunik Province is situated at the east of modern-day Armenia, surrounding the Lake Sevan. Within Armenia, it borders Tavush Province to the north, Kotayk and Ararat provinces to the west and Vayots Dzor Province to the south. The Dashkasan, Gadabay and Kalbajar districts of Azerbaijan form the eastern border of the province. From 1993 to 2020, the province shared a border with the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh, when the Kalbajar District of Azerbaijan was administered as the Shahumyan Province of Artsakh. The Armenian exclave of Artsvashen in Gegharkunik Province is currently occupied and controlled by Azerbaijan.


Karki (Azerbaijani: Kərki; Armenian: Տիգրանաշեն, romanized: Tigranashen) is a village that is de jure an exclave of the Sadarak District of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of Azerbaijan, de facto under the control of Armenia, administrated as part of its Ararat Province. The village has been renamed Tigranashen (Armenian: Տիգրանաշեն) by the Armenian government after the ancient king Tigranes the Great, under whose reign the Kingdom of Armenia attained its greatest power.


Karki (Azerbaijani: Kərki) - a village and surrounding territory of 19 sq km (7.3 sq mi) de facto under the control of Armenia, administrated as part of its Ararat Province, de jure an exclave of the Sadarak District of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of Azerbaijan. Located on Yerevan-Jermuk highway, and 15 kilometres (9.3 mi) away from the Ararat district centre. The area of the village itself is 950 hectares (2,300 acres). The main highway connecting northern Armenia with southern Armenia passes right by the village, which is today inhabited by Armenians, both locals and refugees from Azerbaijan. The territory was captured on 19 January 1990, by Armenian forces during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, since then the territory has been controlled by Armenia.


Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic is a territory of Azerbaijan

The Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic, known simply as Nakhichevan, is a landlocked exclave of Azerbaijan bordering Armenia, Turkey, and Iran. [...] Nakhichevan, as an "exclave" of Azerbaijan, is geographically separated from the main territory by surrounding alien territory. Nakhichevan retains its autonomy as the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic and is internationally recognized as a constituent part of Azerbaijan governed by its own elected parliament. A new constitution for Nakhichevan was approved in a referendum on November 12, 1995, adopted by the republic's assembly on April 28, 1998, and has been in force since January 8, 1999. [...] As an autonomous exclave of Azerbaijan, Nakhichevan’s GDP, poverty, unemployment and trade statistics are part of Azerbaijan’s statistics. The territory shares all the problems of the former Soviet republics in making the transition from a command to a market economy. Other problems result from the continuing conflict with Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, and pervasive corruption.


Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic is a territory of Armenia

The Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic, known simply as Nakhichevan, is a landlocked exclave of Azerbaijan bordering Armenia, Turkey, and Iran. [...] In July 1920, the Eleventh Soviet Red Army invaded, and on July 28 declared the Nakhichevan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic with "close ties" to the Azerbaijan SSR. In November, on the verge of taking over Armenia, the Bolsheviks, in order to attract public support, promised they would allot Nakhichevan to Armenia, along with Karabakh and Zangezur. Vladimir Lenin did not agree and called for the people of Nakhichevan to be consulted in a referendum, held in early 1921. In that referendum, 90 percent of Nakhichevan's population wanted to be included in the Azerbaijan SSR as an autonomous republic. The decision to make Nakhichevan a part of modern-day Azerbaijan was cemented March 16, 1921 in the Treaty of Moscow between the Soviet Union and the newly founded Republic of Turkey. This agreement also called for attachment of the former Sharur-Daralagez uyezd (which had a solid Azeri majority) to Nakhichevan, thus allowing Turkey to share a border with the Azerbaijan SSR. This deal was reaffirmed on October 23, in the Treaty of Kars. So, on February 9, 1924, the Soviet Union officially established the Nakhichevan ASSR. Its constitution was adopted on April 18, 1926.


Yukhari Askipara is a territory of Azerbaijan

Yukhari Askipara (Azerbaijani: Yuxarı Əskipara, lit. 'Upper Askipara'; Armenian: Վերին Ոսկեպար, romanized: Verin Voskepar, lit. 'Upper Voskepar') is a destroyed village in an exclave of the Qazakh District of Azerbaijan, currently under the control of Armenia and surrounded by the Tavush Province of Armenia. The exclave has been under control by Armenian forces since the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, which also included fighting in Qazakh. Today, the village is destroyed, with only the foundations and some lower portions of the houses remaining.[1] [...] - ^ a b "Əskipara: illərin məsafəsində". MEYDAN.TV (in Azerbaijani). 2014-04-18. Retrieved 2022-01-14.


Dispute with Morocco [edit]The Moroccan government has repeatedly called for Spain to transfer the sovereignty of Melilla, Ceuta and the plazas de soberanía to Morocco, with Spain's refusal to do so serving as a major source of tension in Morocco–Spain relations. In Morocco, Ceuta is frequently referred to as the "occupied Sebtah", and the Moroccan government has argued that the city, along with other Spanish territories in the region, are colonies.[139][140] One of the major arguments used by Morocco in their attempts to acquire sovereignty over Melilla refers to the geographical position of the city, as Melilla is an exclave surrounded by Moroccan territory and the Mediterranean Sea and has no territorial continuity with the rest of Spain.[141] This argument was originally developed by one of the founders of the Moroccan Istiqlal Party, Alal-El Faasi, who openly advocated for Morocco to invade and occupy Melilla and other North African territories under Spanish rule.[142] Spain, in line with the majority of nations in the rest of the world, has never recognized Morocco's claim over Melilla. The official position of the Spanish government is that Melilla is an integral part of Spain, and has been since the 16th century, centuries prior to Morocco's independence from Spain and France in 1956.[143] The majority of Melilla's population support continued Spanish sovereignty and are opposed to Moroccan control over the territory.[144]


Qazakh Rayon is a territory of Azerbaijan

Qazax District (Gazakh Disrict; Azerbaijani: Qazax rayonu) is one of the 66 districts of Azerbaijan. It is located in the north-west of the country and belongs to the Gazakh-Tovuz Economic Region. The district borders the district of Aghstafa, and the Tavush Province of Armenia. Its capital and largest city is Gazakh. As of 2020, the district had a population of 98,400.


Gazakh (Azerbaijani: Qazax; also known as Kazakh or Qazakh) is a rayon of Azerbaijan. It has two exclaves inside Armenia, Yukhari Askipara and Barkhudarli, both of which came under Armenian control during the Nagorno-Karabakh War. In antiquity, this rayon was part of the province of Utik. The region was conquered by a succession of neighbouring powers or invaders, including Sassanid Persians, the Byzantine Empire, the Arabs, the Seljuq Turks, the Georgians, the Mongols, the Timurids, the Kara Koyunlu and Ak Koyunlu Turkoman tribes, and finally Safavid Iran. It was also ruled by Ottoman Empire between 1578 and 1607 and again 1722 and 1735. [...] Ismayil Shykhly - (1919–1995) National Writer of Azerbaijan, scientist- pedagogue, social-political figure.


Discover Yaradullu in Azerbaijan Yaradullu in the region of Ağstafa is a place located in Azerbaijan - some 238 mi or ( 383 km ) West of Baku , the country's capital . [...] Yaradullu is a village in the Agstafa Rayon of Azerbaijan. The village forms part of the municipality of Tatlı.


Latitude and longitude of Yaradullu - In Azerbaijan [...] Yaradullu is a village in the Agstafa Rayon of Azerbaijan. The village forms part of the municipality of Tatlı. [...] Read about Yaradullu in the Wikipedia Satellite map of Yaradullu in Google Maps


Furthermore, the Azerbaijani armed forces took control of the protruding large pieces of Armenian territory between the villages of Paravakar, Yaradullu, Kohnaqislaq (approximately 8-10 km², including two micro-esclaves of Azerbaijan located west of the village of Yaradullu), the territory north of the village of Vazashen (more than 6 km²), through which the highway connecting the village of Bala Jafarli with the rest of Azerbaijan runs. They took control of almost all the heights along the eastern border of former Shamshadin region, where small Azerbaijani villages were situated, and Armenian military posts had to be set up much deeper into Armenian territory, at a distance of more than one kilometer from the Soviet-era administrative border. A similar scenario unfolded in Nakhichevan area, marked by the struggle for the control over the heights of the high-mountain Zangezur range (where the 1990s were relatively calm, but the situation escalated in the 2010s).


Khuriya Muriya Islands is a territory of Oman

The Khuriya Muriya Islands (also Kuria Muria, Kooria Mooria, Curia Muria) (Arabic: جزر خوريا موريا; transliterated: Juzur Khurīyā Murīyā or Khūryān Mūryān) are a group of five islands in the Arabian Sea, 40km (30miles) off the southeastern coast of Oman. The islands form part of the province of Shalim and the Hallaniyat Islands in the governorate of Dhofar. In antiquity the islands were called the Zenobii or Zenobiou Islands (Greek, Modern (1453-);: Ζηνοβίου νησία; Latin: Zenobii Insulae) or Doliche (Greek, Modern (1453-);: Δολίχη). The islands were mentioned by several early writers including Ptolemy (vi. 7. § 47) who numbered them as seven small islands lying in Khuriya Muriya Bay (Greek, Modern (1453-);: Σαχαλίτης κόλπος; Latin: Sinus Sachalites), towards the entrance of the "Persian Gulf" (most likely the modern Gulf of Aden).[1] The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a periplus dated to between AD 40 and 70, thus mentioned the Khuriya Muriya Islands, then called Isles of Zenobios: [...] The islanders lived in huts of unmortared stone with mat roofs, and at certain seasons they moved to caves. They lived on fish, shellfish and goat's milk, occasionally exchanging dried fish for dates and rice from passing ships. They fished entirely with hooks since they had neither boat nor nets.[3]


Korean Peninsula is a territory of North Korea

There have been years of hostilities between the two nations but on November 23, 2010, North Korea launched an artillery attack on South Korea. This was the first confirmed direct attack on South Korea since the end of the Korean War in 1953. There are also claims that North Korea sunk the South Korean warship the Cheonan in March 2010, but North Korea denies responsibility. As a result of the attack, South Korea responded by deploying fighter jets and firing lasted for a short time over the Yellow Sea. Since then, tensions have remained and South Korea has practiced military drills with the U.S. Korean Peninsula Location The Korean Peninsula is an area located in Eastern Asia. It extends south from the main part of the Asian continent for about 683 miles (1,100 km). As a peninsula, it is surrounded by water on three sides and there are five bodies of water that touch it. These waters include the Sea of Japan, the Yellow Sea, the Korea Strait, the Cheju Strait, and Korea Bay. The Korean Peninsula also covers a total land area of 84,610 miles (219,140 km).


plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco

The plazas de soberanía (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈplaθas ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], lit. "strongholds of sovereignty")[3] is a term describing a series of Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco or that are closer to Africa than Europe. This term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country (1492–1556), as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries in the Scramble for Africa. [...] - ↑ Mariñas Otero, Eugenio (1998). "Las Plazas Menores de soberanía española en África". MILITARIA. Revista de Cultura Militar. (in Spanish). No. 12. Madrid: UCM. Retrieved 25 March 2020.


Korean Peninsula is a territory of South Korea

South Korea is located in East Asia, on the southern portion of the Korean Peninsula located out from the far east of the Asian landmass. The only country that shares a land border with South Korea is North Korea, lying to the north with 238 kilometres (148 mi) of the border running along the Korean Demilitarized Zone. South Korea is mostly surrounded by water and has 2,413 kilometres (1,499 mi) of coast line along three seas; to the west is the Yellow Sea (called Sohae Korean: 서해; Hanja: 西海; in South Korea, literally means west sea), to the south is the East China Sea, and to the east is the Sea of Japan (called Donghae Korean: 동해; Hanja: 東海; in South Korea, literally means east sea). Geographically, South Korea's landmass is approximately 100,364 square kilometres (38,751 sq mi).[1] 290 square kilometres (110 sq mi) of South Korea are occupied by water. The approximate coordinates are 37° North, 128° East. [...] The total land area of the peninsula, including the islands, is 223,170 square kilometers. Some 44.8 percent (100 210 square kilometers) of this total, excluding the area within the DMZ, constitutes the territory of the Republic of Korea. The combined territories of North Korea and South Korea are about the same size as the United Kingdom. South Korea alone is about the size of Portugal or Hungary, or the U.S. state of Indiana.[2]


Military Demarcation Line is a territory of North Korea

The Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) is a region on the Korean peninsula that demarcates North Korea from South Korea. Roughly following the 38th parallel, the 150-mile-long DMZ incorporates territory on both sides of the cease-fire line as it existed at the end of the Korean War (1950–53). The areas north and south of the demarcation are heavily fortified, though skirmishes between the two sides are rare. Located within the territory is the "truce village" of P’anmunjom, but most of the rest of the land has reverted to nature, making it one of the most pristine undeveloped areas in Asia. The demilitarized zone (DMZ) incorporates territory on both sides of the cease-fire line as it existed at the end of the Korean War (1950–53) and was created by pulling back the respective forces 1.2 miles (2 km) along each side of the line. It runs for about 150 miles (240 km) across the peninsula, from the mouth of the Han River on the west coast to a little south of the North Korean town of Kosong on the east coast. Located within the DMZ is the "truce village" of P’anmunjom, about 5 miles (8 km) east of Kaesong, N.Kor. It was the site of peace discussions during the Korean War and has since been the location of various conferences over issues related to North and South Korea, their allies, and the United Nations.


Military Demarcation Line is a territory of South Korea

The Military Demarcation Line (MDL), sometimes referred to as the Armistice Line, is the land border or demarcation line between North Korea and South Korea. On either side of the line is the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). The MDL and DMZ were established by the Korean Armistice Agreement.[1] [...] In Korean, the line is called the Hyujeonseon (휴전선), meaning "armistice line."[5] It is also sometimes called the Gunsa Bungye-seon (군사분계선), which literally means "military demarcation line." However, in colloquial usage, the dividing line is more often called the Sampalseon (삼팔선, "38th parallel"), a name likely coined at the end of World War II, when it would have been an accurate description of the North-South border. [...] - ^ Pak, Hŭi-gwŏn. (2000). The Law of the Sea and Northeast Asia: a Challenge for Cooperation, , p. 108, at Google Books; excerpt, "Under the 1953 Armistice Agreement, the Military Demarcation Line was drawn across the Korean peninsula. Since no maritime demarcation line was specified in the Armistice Agreement, however, the United Nations Command drew the NLL...."


Sakhalin/Karafuto is a territory of Russia

Sakhalin (Russian: Сахали́н, IPA: [səxʌˈlʲin]; Japanese: Karafuto (樺太) or Saharin (サハリン); Chinese: 庫頁/库页 Kùyè or 薩哈林/萨哈林 Sàhālín), also known as Saghalien, is a large, long Russian island in the North Pacific, placed between 45°50' and 54°24' N. It is part of Russia territory and is its largest island, administered as part of Sakhalin Oblast. The indigenous peoples of the island are the Sakhalin Ainu, Oroks, and Nivkhs.[1] Most Ainu relocated to Hokkaidō when Japanese were gone from the island in 1949.[2] The 1904-1905 Russo-Japanese War resulted a Japanese victory when the Imperial Russian Navy and the Imperial Russian Army got defeated by the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navy in 1905 when the Empire Of Japan led by Emperor Meiji declared war on Tsar Nicholas II in 1904 when Trans-Siberian railway was to built more Railway Tracks in Manchuria in the Qing Dynasty and Korea . Japan took the southern part of Sakhalin and renamed it to South Sakhalin and control it from 1905-1945 . [...] Sakhalin is the subject of a whole book by Anton Chekhov (1895), reprinted in many Russian editions of his collected works. It has been translated into English. Of other old books, there is an interesting one by an Englishman, Charles H. Hawes, To the Uttermost East. (N.Y.: Scribner;s, 1904). Now, however, the island is experiencing an oil boom.


Sakhalin/Karafuto is a territory of Japan

Sakhalin/Karafuto Under Control of the Japanese Empire [...] After the Russo-Japanese War, South Sakhalin became a new colonial territory of Japan. Initially, the Japanese formed the "civil administration" of Karafuto, which in reality was the military administration that governed the island. However, from 1907, the newly formed Governorate of Karafuto (Karafuto-chō) took control of the island. Karafuto was a new territory and its residents, including the Japanese, had no right to vote or participate in politics. It was officially included in the Japanese Empire as a prefecture in 1943. First, the colonial government had planned to promote the development of the island through agricultural settlement. However, it faced issues when agricultural resources were exhausted. The agricultural settlement and development were not successful because it was impossible to produce rice in Karafuto. Farmers worked as seasonal forestry and fishery laborers or produced other cash crops to earn money to buy rice, a staple food for Japanese and Koreans (Nakayama, 2015, p. 23). [...] Paichadze, S. (2022). Sakhalin/Karafuto Under Control of the Japanese Empire.


Kuril/Chishima, and South Kuril/Chishima Islands is a territory of Japan

The Kuril Islands (/ˈkʊərɪl, ˈkjʊərɪl, kjʊˈriːl/; Russian: Кури́льские острова́, tr. Kurilskiye ostrova, IPA: [kʊˈrʲilʲskʲɪjə ɐstrɐˈva]; "Kuril Islands"), also called the Chishima Islands (Japanese: 千島列島, Hepburn: Chishima rettō), are a group of islands (archipelago) between Russia and Japan. The northern islands are a part of Russia and the southern islands are a part of Japan. Both countries say that they own four of the islands in the middle of the group. This disagreement is called the Kuril Islands dispute. [...] North-Chishima / North Kurils [change | change source]- Shumshu (占守島/) [...] South Chishima / South Kuril [change | change source]Little Kuril [change | change source]Japan does not say these are a part of the Chishima Islands - Shikotan （色丹島） - Habomai shoto (歯舞諸島) → 2008.3.21 - Habomai Gunto（歯舞群島） - Todo（海馬島/Kaiba） - Taraku(多楽島Polonskogo)


Kuril/Chishima, and South Kuril/Chishima Islands is a territory of Russia

The Kuril Islands dispute, known as the Northern Territories dispute in Japan, is a territorial dispute between Japan and Russia over the ownership of the four southernmost Kuril Islands. The Kuril Islands are a chain of islands that stretch between the Japanese island of Hokkaido at their southern end and the Russian Kamchatka Peninsula at their northern end. The islands separate the Sea of Okhotsk from the Pacific Ocean. The four disputed islands, like other islands in the Kuril chain which are not in dispute, were unilaterally annexed by the Soviet Union following the Kuril Islands landing operation at the end of World War II. The disputed islands are under Russian administration as the South Kuril District and part of the Kuril District of the Sakhalin Oblast (Сахалинская область, Sakhalinskaya oblast). They are claimed by Japan, which refers to them as its Northern Territories or Southern Chishima, and considers them part of the Nemuro Subprefecture of Hokkaido Prefecture. [...] Russia's view [edit]Russia maintains that all the Kuril Islands, including those that Japan calls the Northern Territories, are legally a part of Russia as a result of World War II, and the acquisition was as proper as any other change of international boundaries following the war. Moscow cites the following points: [...] - ^ censor.net (7 October 2022). "Рада визнала Курили окупованою Росією територією" [The Council recognized the Kuril Islands as territory occupied by Russia]. Telegram (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 7 October 2022.


Some Japanese scholars, however, dispute the conclusion of the Grand Council of State and interpret its edict differently. The Takeshima Research Center (竹島問題硏究所), an official arm of Shimane Prefecture, has been at the forefront in contending that Dokdo/Takeshima is a Japanese island. It claims that what is called "another island (外一島)" in the decision of the Grand Council of State did not refer to Matsushima (Dokdo/Takeshima). Because some Japanese people called Ulleungdo ‘Matsushima’, "another island" in the Grand Council’s decision thus refers to Ulleungdo, not Dokdo/Takeshima. The Takeshima Research Center then tries to read Grand Council’s edict: "The island (Ulleungdo) which sometimes is called Takeshima and sometimes called Matsushima is not Japan’s territory."72 In other words, "Takeshima and another island" refer to Ulleungdo by two different names, not to Takeshima and Dokdo/Takeshima. This interpretation can only be seen as a tortured reading of the text that defies common sense. Why would the Grand Council of State specifically state "another island" simply to repeat Takeshima (Ulleungdo)?


Dokdo/Takeshima is a territory of North Korea

Furthermore, even in the Korean media there are such statements as given in the article headlined "Argument That 'Dokdo [Takeshima] Is Korean Territory on Old Maps' Ineffective in International Adjudication" in the August 17, 2012, edition of the Hankyoreh newspaper, shortly after President Lee Myung-bak's visit to Takeshima. Based on precedents from International Court of Justice rulings in disputes between Thailand and Cambodia and between Malaysia and Indonesia, the article states: [...] - 2012. "Argument That 'Dokdo [Takeshima] Is Korean Territory on Old Maps' Ineffective in International Adjudication: Historical Entitlement May Not Be Considered Important . . . Despite 50 Years Effective Korean Control . . . Japan Has Raised Steady Objections," Hankyoreh, August 17. http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/politics/diplomacy/547540.html (Korean only; accessed on February 27, 2015). [↩]


Dokdo/Takeshima is a territory of South Korea

In the late seventeenth century, Japanese and Korean fishermen clashed over abalone fishing grounds around the island of Ulleungdo (then called Takeshima in Japan). This prompted the Japanese and Korean governments to enter into negotiations over fishing rights on the island; in the end, the Tokugawa shogunate banned Japanese fishermen from visiting Ulleungdo. The South Korean government today points to this resolution as confirming that Takeshima/Dokdo, too, is Korean territory. But this assertion needs close examination. Complicating this issue are records--preserved both in Japan and Korea--showing that a fisherman named An Yong-bok, who was captured and brought to Japan in the clash, returned to Japan three years later and stated that Matsushima (an old Japanese name for Takeshima/Dokdo) was the Korean "Jasando." What implications An's statement has for the present-day Takeshima dispute will also be examined. [...] One other basis for the claim in the South Korean government pamphlet that "Korea's territorial sovereignty over Ulleungdo and its ancillary island, Dokdo, was confirmed through the diplomatic negotiations between the Korean and Japanese governments" is the notion that Takeshima/Dokdo forms part of Ulleungdo. If Ulleungdo belongs to Korea, the argument goes, then so must Takeshima/Dokdo. The South Korean government once insisted that Takeshima/Dokdo was recognized as Korean territory by Article 2(a) of the San Francisco Peace Treaty (1951), in which Japan "renounces all right, title and claim to Korea, including Dagelet (Ulleungdo), etc." because Takeshima/Dokdo was an dependent island of Ulleungdo.22 An examination of this ancillary island claim follows.