Abyei – a territory roughly the size of Jamaica – is being contested by two countries, Sudan and South Sudan. Abyei, which covers just over 10,000km², is under special administrative status following the terms of a 2005 peace agreement between the two countries. [...] Abyei is deeply embedded in the history of the Ngok Dinka community, who are among the northernmost Dinka populations. The Dinka represent the predominant ethnolinguistic group in South Sudan, a country that emerged as the world’s newest nation in 2011. [...] In an effort to resolve the dispute over Abyei’s sovereignty, negotiations held between the Sudanese government and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement that began in 2002 proposed a referendum to decide if Abyei should become part of Sudan or South Sudan. Such a referendum would have been held in parallel with the South Sudanese independence referendum in 2011.


The Abyei area is commonly regarded as the bridge between the north and south of Sudan. The Misseriya and the Ngok Dinka have shared resources and cattle grazing areas in Abyei since the 18th century when both groups occupied Kordofan province. More formally, in 1905, during the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium period, the British transferred the administration of the nine Ngok chiefdoms from Bahr el-Ghazal province to Kordofan. However, the arming of the Misseriya by the Government of Sudan during the first civil war and the alignment of the Ngok Dinka with the SPLM sparked the modern day dispute over which group could rightfully claim the Abyei territory. As the fighting resulted in the displacement of the Ngok Dinka from the area at the end of the second civil war, the Misseriya considered Abyei as their own – a claim bitterly contested by the Dinka.2


Deir El Aachayer is a territory of Lebanon

Deir El Aachayer (Arabic: ديرالعشاير) is a village north of Rashaya, in the Rashaya District and south of the Beqaa Governorate in Lebanon.[1] [...] Deir El Aachayer has a number of local springs, including Ain Halalweh, Ain Shayeb, Ain Rouk, Ain Dibb. The village was once known by the name Deir Mar Sema’an, owing to the Monastery of Saint Simon, known locally as Al Borj, said to have been built by the Romans for preaching, religious ceremonies and practices by disciples of Saint Simon the Baptist. The monastery having been a stronghold for the students, enabling them to expand their teaching in Syria.[4] The village is near to the remains of a substantial Graeco-Roman style temple dedicated to unknown deities, with 30m (100feet) long foundations and columns re-used in local construction.[5] A Greek inscription was found noting that a bench was installed "in the year 242, under Beeliabos, also called Diototos, son of Abedanos, high priest of the gods of Kiboreia". Julien Alquot argued that the bench had liturgical uses as a mobile throne.[6] The era of the gods of Kiboreia is not certain, as is their location, which is not conclusively to be identified with Deir El Aachayer, but was possibly the Roman sanctuary or the name of a settlement in the area. It has been suggested that the name Kiboreia was formed from the Aramaic word kbr, meaning a "place of great abundance".[7]


Kfar Qouq (and variations of spelling) is a village in Lebanon, situated in the Rashaya District and south of the Beqaa Governorate. It is located in an intermontane basin near Mount Hermon near the Syrian border, approximately halfway between Jezzine and Damascus.[1] [...] Kfar Qouq contains two Roman temple sites in the Western section of the town dating to around 111 BC[3] and another less preserved temple near the church.[4] Fragments such as columns and an inscribed block have been re-used in the village and surrounding area.[5] The surrounding area also has many stone basins, tombs, caves, rock cut niches and other remnants from Greek and Roman times.[6] Dr. Edward Robinson, visited in the Summer of 1852 and noted a Greek inscription on a doorway, the public fountain and a large reservoir which he noted "exhibits traces of antiquity". The name of the village means "the pottery place" in Aramaic and has also been known as Kfar Quq Al-Debs in relation to molasses and grape production in the area. Kfar Qouq also been associated with King Qouq, a ruler in ancient times.[7]


El-Qaa is a plain located in Baalbek–Hermel District, bordered by Syria, Hermel and Ras Baalbek. Since the Middle Ages, El-Qaa was famous for its honey production and its remarkable landscape. Its beautiful natural lake was a crossroad for traders. El-Qaa remains the village for religious tourists. Its many religious sites attract local residents and foreign visitors. Located between Anti-Lebanon mountain range and the Assi River, El-Qaa is best known for its hot semiarid summer and its cold winter. What marks El-Qaa are the Roman and Ottoman monuments that engrave the ancient civilizations in this village. [...] Read moreEl-Qaa is where church bells ring, making the hearts beat. It is known for its churches and became a haven for locals and visitors to pray. At the borders of the Beqaa, El-Qaa became a town for blessings and faith. [...] Read moreEl-Qaa is known for its authentic Lebanese cachet. This village remains very attentive to the Lebanese traditional cuisine. In its old narrowed streets you can find old bakeries, butcheries and kebbe troughs that the big other cities will not be able to reflect them in a proper and genuine way


Report: Clashes along Lebanon-Syria Border إقرأ هذا الخبر بالعربيةSyrian security forces infiltrated the Bekaa border town of al-Qaa on Tuesday, said various media reports. [...] They stated that the clashes on the Syrian side of the border started on Tuesday in al-Qaa area, adding that bullets struck the Lebanese side of the border. [...] the lebanese army is controlling with mechanised armour the whole area of qaa/ masharih on the lebanese syrian border ,after the retreat of assad forces under attacks from the syrian free army who is controlling the whole area of the syrian border after managing to destroy the " hajjaneh" positoions.it seems that the alawi fourth brigade is the only portion of the syrian army fighting for the regime.... and adnan mansour.


It is a different story however when it comes to the neighboring border town of Al Qasr. Due to the interlaced geography of the area, Al Qasr happens to be situated on both Lebanese and Syria territories, and that is the root of the ongoing friction between the residents of this town and the 11th division of the Syrian Arab army. [...] The local residents of Al Qasr are becoming more vocal in their opposition to the new measures and are threatening to take things further. [...] Says 42 year old Mahdi Jaafar (a pseudonym), a lifelong inhabitant of Al Qasr and a Hezbollah supporter and fighter. "We have spilled our blood and given the lives of our children to fight terrorism. Our martyrs are hundreds of times more than what the Russians have lost, and if they think they can besiege us in this manner, they are mistaken."


Europa Island is a territory of Madagascar

Europa Island is a stunning destination located in the Mozambique Channel, between Mozambique and Madagascar. With its pristine beaches, crystal clear waters, and diverse marine life, this French overseas territory is a paradise for nature lovers and adventure enthusiasts. The island is known for its unique ecosystem, combining tropical and coastal environments. Visitors can explore the island’s lagoon, hike through its lush forests, or dive into its vibrant coral reefs. Whether you’re seeking relaxation or adventure, Europa Island offers a truly unforgettable experience. [...] In recent decades, the island’s importance as an ecological haven has been further recognized. It has become a focal point for scientific research, especially in the study of migratory birds, turtles, and marine ecosystems. However, the island’s status has not been without disputes. While the French maintain control, Madagascar has also laid a claim to Europa Island, viewing it as part of its sovereign territory. This territorial dispute, while not escalated to a major diplomatic crisis, remains unresolved. The French government, in collaboration with conservationists, has made significant efforts to protect and conserve the unique habitats on Europa Island. Restrictions on human activities ensure that the island’s environment remains as undisturbed as possible. Today, apart from a small military outpost and a weather station, the island remains largely uninhabited, serving as a testament to nature’s resilience and beauty.


5 Palestinians were injured in Israeli settlers' brutal attack on the town of Al-Mughayir, northeast of Ramallah. pic.twitter.com/LSfFlp5hgk — PALESTINE ONLINE 🇵🇸 (@OnlinePalEng) April 13, 2024 [...] AL-JAZEERA: Two Israeli raids targeted the Iqlim al-Tuffah area in southern Lebanon.


The Shatt al-Arab (Arabic: شط العرب, lit. 'River of the Arabs'; Persian: اروندرود, romanized: Arvand Rud, lit. 'Swift River'[5]) is a river about 200 kilometres (120 mi) in length that is formed at the confluence of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers in the town of al-Qurnah in the Basra Governorate of southern Iraq. The southern end of the river constitutes the Iran–Iraq border down to its mouth, where it discharges into the Persian Gulf. The Shatt al-Arab varies in width from about 232 metres (761 ft) at Basra to 800 metres (2,600 ft) at its mouth. It is thought that the waterway formed relatively recently in geological time, with the Tigris and Euphrates originally emptying into the Persian Gulf via a channel further to the west. Kuwait's Bubiyan Island is part of the Shatt al-Arab delta.[1] [...] Dispute over the river occurred during the Ottoman-Safavid era, prior to the establishment of an independent Iraq in the 20th century. In the early 16th century, the Iranian Safavids gained most of what is present-day Iraq, including Shatt al-Arab. They later lost these territories to the expanding Ottomans following the Peace of Amasya (1555).[8] [...] - ^ "Shatt al Arab". Oxford Public International Law. Retrieved 23 April 2022.


Tehran, Oct 1, IRNA - Undoubtedly, Iran’s sovereignty over the three Persian Gulf islands of the Greater and Lesser Tunbs and Abu Musa was, is, and will remain the Islamic Republic's territory forever, underscored 'Iran Daily' on Wednesday.


Abu Musa is a territory of United Arab Emirates

Abu Musa is a small island situated in the Persian Gulf whose strategic position allows the power that controls it to influence the maritime traffic that passes through the Strait of Hormuz. This characteristic made it the point of contention between Iran and the United Arab Emirates, both states actively claiming their sovereignty over the island along with its sister islands of the Greater and Lesser Tunb. [...] The Island of Abu Musa is the largest of the three islands that Iran and UAE are contesting, and along with the other two islands holds a very strategically important position in the Persian Gulf due to the maritime traffic passing through the Strait of Hormuz. The dispute started to take shape over a century ago and it still affects the bilateral relations between the two states. The rationales for possessing these territories are both economic and military. From an economic point of view, the islands confer the owner an increased influence of the trade the passes through the Straits, and from a military point of view, military bases on these islands can exert significant control over the maritime commerce in the region.


Greater and Lesser Tunbs is a territory of United Arab Emirates

ABU DHABI — History stands witness to the fact that Abu Mousa and the Greater and Lesser Tunbs islands are part of the UAE territories, a foreign historian-cum-diplomat has asserted. The islands should really have belonged to Ras Al Khaimah as the emirate had the strongest claim over the islands since it had controlled them with the help of the British between 1870 and 1900, Julian Walker, a British historian known for his diplomatic missions in the Gulf region, told Khaleej Times in an exclusive interview yesterday on the sidelines of the conference on ‘Bedouin Society in the Emirates' here. Stating that history documents the three islands as belonging to the country, Walker said: "The protection of the islands was vested with Ras Al Khaimah until the withdrawal of the British forces in 1971. The Shah of Iran has been claiming the Islands. He abandoned his claim to Bahrain and had reached an agreement with the Ruler of Sharjah over Abu Mousa. [...] He said the day before the British officially ended their protection, the Shah sent his navy and seized the islands. A small police post of the Ruler of Ras Al Khaimah on the Tunbs islands resisted the Shah's forces for four hours. "That was how the islands were seized by the Iranians," he said, adding that the Shah could achieve victory only because of the large naval force and the villagers fleeing to Ras Al Khaimah since they didn't want to be under Iranian rule.


Greater and Lesser Tunbs is a territory of Iran

TEHRAN – Iran has strongly rejected the recent statement issued by the Arab League regarding the Abu Musa, Greater Tunb, and Lesser Tunb islands in the Persian Gulf. [...] Kanaani, responding to this, emphasized that Abu Musa, Greater Tunb, and Lesser Tunb have historically belonged to Iran. "It has been stated and emphasized many times that the three Iranian islands of Abu Musa as well as Greater and Lesser Tunbs are an integral and eternal part of the territory of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and such baseless claims in the statement in question are rejected," he noted.


Nagorno-Karabakh region is a territory of Azerbaijan

Nagorno-Karabakh is a mountainous region internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan. Roughly 120,000 ethnic Armenians were living there out of the population of a little over 140,000. Under the Soviet Union, which included both Azerbaijan and Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh became an autonomous region within the republic of Azerbaijan. With the breakup of the Soviet Union, Karabakh declared itself an independent republic. The region came under the control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by the Armenian military in a six-year war that ended in 1994 and killed about 30,000 people. Nagorno-Karabakh became de facto independent, with a self-proclaimed government in Stepanakert, but was heavily reliant on close economic, political and military support from Armenia, according to Global Conflict Tracker. [...] On Sept. 19, Azerbaijan launched a military offensive and in 24 hours ended the 35-year conflict over the territory. The self-declared government of Nagorno-Karabakh agreed to capitulate and dismantle its armed forces, leading to the cease-fire.


Europa Island is the smallest of the Îles Éparses, a group of French islands located in the Mozambique Channel in the Indian Ocean. The island is just over 12 square kilometers in size and is predominantly made up of sandy beaches and dunes. [...] Finally, Europa Island stands as a symbol of France’s overseas territories. It represents the country’s commitment to conservation and environmental protection while serving as a valuable research site for scientists studying the Indian Ocean region. Europa Island, with its unique features and fascinating history, offers plenty of surprises for curious minds. From its diverse wildlife to its captivating geology, there is always something new to discover about this remote French territory. Whether you’re an avid nature enthusiast or simply interested in learning more about our universe, Europa Island is a destination that deserves your attention. So pack your bags and embark on an adventure to explore this remarkable island and uncover its hidden treasures.


Syunik Province is a territory of Armenia

Syunik Province is the southernmost province of Armenia. It is bordered by the Vayots Dzor Province from the north, Nakhchivan exclave from the west, the de facto independent Nagorno-Karabakh Republic from the east, and Iran from the south. Its capital and largest city is the town of Kapan. The National Statistical Service of the Republic of Armenia (ARMSTAT) reported its population was 141,771 in the 2011 census, down from 152,684 at the 2001 census. [...] Syunik is located between the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of Azerbaijan from the west, and the de facto independent Nagorno-Karabakh Republic from the east. The Vayots Dzor Province of Armenia forms its northern borders, while Aras River at the south separates Syunik from Iran. Syunik covers an area of 4,506 km² (15% of total area of Armenia), making it the second-largest province in Armenia after Gegharkunik in terms of the total area. Historically, the current territory of the province occupies most of the historic Syunik province of Ancient Armenia.


Azad Kashmir, area of the Pakistani-administered sector of the Kashmir region, in the northwestern part of the Indian subcontinent. Azad ("Free") Kashmir, established in 1947 after the partition of India, is neither a province nor an agency of Pakistan but has a government of its own that is regarded by Pakistan as "independent," even though it is protected by and economically and administratively linked to Pakistan. It has an area of approximately 650 square miles (1,680 square km) and consists of an arc of territory bordering the Indian union territory of Jammu and Kashmir to the east, the Pakistani provinces of Punjab to the south and southwest and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to the west, and the Gilgit-Baltistan region of Pakistani-administered Kashmir to the north. Northern Azad Kashmir comprises foothills of the Himalayas rising to Jamgarh Peak (15,531 feet [4,734 metres]); south of this are the northwestern reaches of the Pir Panjal Range, which has an average crest line of 12,500 feet (3,800 metres). The region is in the subduction zone at the most northerly extension of the Indian-Australian tectonic plate and is prone to powerful seismic activity. In 2005 a strong earthquake devastated the administrative centre of Muzaffarabad and surrounding regions. [...] The administration of Azad Kashmir is overseen by Pakistan’s Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and headquartered at Muzaffarabad, which is linked by road with Abbottabad to the southwest. Mirpur is the major town in the southern part of the territory.


Azad Kashmir region administered by Pakistan From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia region administered by Pakistan From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Azad Jammu and Kashmir, (Urdu: آزاد جموں و کشمیر پاکستان) also just called Azad Kashmir is a self-governing region that falls under Pakistan and is disputed region with India. In terms of land area it is bigger than Trinidad and Tobago but smaller than Brunei. [...] Azad Kashmir is a self-governing state under Pakistan.[4][5] It has its own elected president, prime minister, legislature, high court, emblem and official flag. However, the highest body in the state is the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Council. This council has six members from the government of Azad Kashmir (including the President and the Prime Minister of Azad Kashmir) and five members from the government of Pakistan, including the President of Pakistan who is the chairman/chief executive of the council.[4][5] Azad Kashmir is administratively divided into three divisions which, in turn, are divided into ten districts.


Gilgit-Baltistan is a territory of India

Gilgit-Baltistan is a region that India considers as part of undivided Jammu and Kashmir but under current administration by Pakistan. The region has been a regular feature of India-Pakistan conflicts involving Kashmir. [...] India’s stance regarding Gilgit Baltistan - India has always considered the continued occupation of Gilgit Baltistan as illegal. In 1994 the Indian parliament had passed resolutions claiming both Gilgit Baltistan and Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir as part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, forming an integral part of Indian territory. [...] - Gilgit-Baltistan is still a simmering dispute between India and Pakistan and with the recent Indian-China border clash at the Galwan-Valley, it seems likely that China will bolster troop presence in the region in order to protect its projects there. It remains to be seen how this issue will play out in the coming years


Gilgit-Baltistan is a territory of Pakistan

VP/HR — Pakistan-occupied Gilgit-Baltistan 24.11.2016 [...] Gilgit-Baltistan is a territory of approximately 72 000 km2 and 2 million people. In 1947 during the Indo-Pakistani partition, the area was occupied by Pakistan without the consent of the local indigenous peoples. Although the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) resolution of 28 April 1949 called on Pakistan to withdraw its forces from the disputed area, it remains occupied to this day. Declared a disputed territory by the UN Security Council, Gilgit-Baltistan is not part of Pakistan and the dispute is yet to be resolved. Nevertheless, between 2013-2015, the European Union funded the project ‘Gilgit-Baltistan — The Jewel of Pakistan’ with EUR 1 943 559.15. Furthermore, on the webpage of the Delegation of the European Union to Pakistan, as well as in EU brochures, the language used implies that Gilgit-Baltistan is an integral part of Pakistan.


Jammu and Kashmir is a territory of India

Jammu[b] and Kashmir[c] is a region administered by India as a union territory[1] and consists of the southern portion of the larger Kashmir region, which has been the subject of a dispute between India and Pakistan since 1947 and between India and China since 1959.[3] The Line of Control separates Jammu and Kashmir from the Pakistani-administered territories of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan in the west and north. It lies to the north of the Indian states of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab and to the west of Ladakh which is administered by India as a union territory.[2] [...] The union territory of Jammu and Kashmir is administered under the provisions of Article 239 of the Constitution of India. Article 239A, originally formulated for the union territory of Puduchery, is also applicable to Jammu and Kashmir.[73] [...] (d) Osmańczyk, Edmund Jan (2003), Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements: G to M, Taylor & Francis, pp. 1191–, ISBN 978-0-415-93922-5 Quote: "Jammu and Kashmir: Territory in northwestern India, subject to a dispute between India and Pakistan. It has borders with Pakistan and China."


Jammu and Kashmir is a territory of Pakistan

Jammu[b] and Kashmir[c] is a region administered by India as a union territory[1] and consists of the southern portion of the larger Kashmir region, which has been the subject of a dispute between India and Pakistan since 1947 and between India and China since 1959.[3] The Line of Control separates Jammu and Kashmir from the Pakistani-administered territories of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan in the west and north. It lies to the north of the Indian states of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab and to the west of Ladakh which is administered by India as a union territory.[2] [...] Notes - ^ Jammu and Kashmir is a disputed territory between India and Pakistan. Jammu and Kashmir has 42,241 km2 (16,309 sq mi) of area administered by India and 13,297 km2 (5,134 sq mi) of area controlled by Pakistan under Azad Kashmir which is claimed by India as part of Jammu and Kashmir. [...] (d) Osmańczyk, Edmund Jan (2003), Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements: G to M, Taylor & Francis, pp. 1191–, ISBN 978-0-415-93922-5 Quote: "Jammu and Kashmir: Territory in northwestern India, subject to a dispute between India and Pakistan. It has borders with Pakistan and China."


Aksai Chin is a territory of Republic of China

Aksai Chin is a region administered by China partly in Hotan County, Hotan Prefecture, Xinjiang[2] and partly in Rutog County, Ngari Prefecture, Tibet and constituting the easternmost portion of the larger Kashmir region that has been the subject of a dispute between India and China since 1959.[1] It is claimed by India as part of its Leh District, Ladakh Union Territory. [...] Aksai Chin is one of the two large disputed border areas between India and China. India claims Aksai Chin as the easternmost part of the union territory of Ladakh. China claims that Aksai Chin is part of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and Tibet Autonomous Region. The line that separates Indian-administered areas of Ladakh from Aksai Chin is known as the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and is concurrent with the Chinese Aksai Chin claim line. [...] Aksai Chin covers an area of approximately 38,000 square kilometres (15,000 sq mi).[55] The area is largely a vast high-altitude desert with a low point (on the Karakash River) at about 4,300 m (14,100 ft) above sea level. In the southwest, mountains up to 7,000 m (23,000 ft) extending southeast from the Depsang Plains form the de facto border (Line of Actual Control) between Aksai Chin and Indian-controlled Kashmir.


Juan de Nova Island is a territory of France

Juan de Nova Island (French: Île Juan de Nova, pronounced: [il ʒɥɑ̃ də nɔva]), Malagasy: Nosy Kely) is a French-controlled tropical island in the narrowest part of the Mozambique Channel, about one-third of the way between Madagascar and Mozambique. It is a low, flat island, 4.8 square kilometres (1.9 sq mi) in size. [...] In 1974, the French government decided to install military detachments across the Scattered Islands in the Indian Ocean that lay within the Mozambique Channel (Juan de Nova, Europa Island, and the Glorioso Islands). Its aim was primarily to respond to Madagascar's claims to those territories, which France considers protected within an exclusive economic zone. Juan de Nova Island was assigned a small garrison of 14 soldiers from the 2nd Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment, as well as a gendarme. They settled in housing that formerly hosted SOFIM workers. The troops receive supplies by air every 45 days.


Shortly after India modified the status of Jammu and Kashmir, making it a Union Territory, India then focused on the Aksai Chin region. Originally a part of the Kashmir Region, Aksai Chin has been under Chinese control since 1962. However, India’s position has been that Aksai Chin is a part of India under the illegal occupation of China. In the past, India’s stance on Aksai Chin has been docile, but the aggressive move on Kashmir emboldened India. Keeping up with the rhetoric around Kashmir, India’s Home Minister Amit Shah went a step further. He said that Aksai Chin is a territory of India that India lost to China in the 1962 war, and vowed to take Aksai Chin back from China. This was an explicit threat to China coming from the top echelons of power in India. This irritated Chinese leadership, and thus they trespassed into the Ladakh region of India to pre-empt any adventurism by India in Aksai Chin. While India did not have any plans of invading Aksai Chin, Amit Shah’s statement proved to be a serious miscalculation.


Tawang is a town and administrative headquarter of Tawang district in the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh.[1][2] It lies on NH-13 section of Trans-Arunachal Highway. The town was once the headquarter of the Tawang Tract, which is now divided into the Tawang district and the West Kameng district. Tawang continues as the headquarters of the former. Tawang is the number one tourist destination of Arunachal Pradesh. India occupied Tawang in 1951 and removed Tibetan administration from the area.[3][4] China continues to claim Tawang as its region.[3] It is situated 448 km north-west of state capital Itanagar at an elevation of approximately 3,048 metres (10,000 ft). It lies to the north of the Tawang Chu river valley, roughly 10 miles (16 km) south of the Line of Actual Control with China. It is the site of a famous Gelugpa Buddhist Monastery. [...] - ^ a b "Tawang is part of India: Dalai Lama". The Times of India. 4 June 2008. Archived from the original on 24 October 2012.


Arunachal Pradesh is a territory of China

China slammed the United States for interfering in its border dispute with India, after Washington said it recognized the disputed Arunachal Pradesh as a part of Indian territory. [...] China, which refers to the territory as Zangnan, claims Arunachal Pradesh is part of southern Tibet. India rejects those claims, stating Arunachal Pradesh has always been a part of India. [...] China on Thursday reiterated its claims over Arunachal Pradesh, saying: "Zangnan has always been China's territory, a basic fact that is undeniable."


Arunachal Pradesh is a territory of India

Arunachal Pradesh became an Indian State today: Some interesting facts about the 'Land of the Dawn-Lit Mountains' Arunachal Pradesh, the 'Land of the dawn-lit mountains', became an Indian state 30 years ago, on February 20, 1987. Arunachal Pradesh was established as a state in India on February 20, 1987. Arunachal Pradesh was initially a Union Territory which was carved out of Assam. Arunachal Pradesh was known as the North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) during British India and the Republic of India until 1972. Prime Minister Narendra Modi greeted Arunachal Pradesh on its statehood day today.


David Gareja monastery complex is a territory of Georgia

David Gareja is one of Georgia's cave towns, located on the territory of the Kakheti Region. The first monastery there was called the 'David Gareja Monastery Complex.' At the same time, his pupils Dodo and Lukyane, have also founded other monasteries nearby. [...] Because of this story, we believe that in Georgia, there is 1/3 of the holiness of Jerusalem. Many miracles are connected with this stone, and people also say that if you visit the David Gareja Monastery Complex three times in your life, you will get the same grace you would if you visited Jerusalem once.


David Gareja monastery complex is a territory of Azerbaijan

Because the complex is partially located on the territory of Azerbaijan, it has become subject to a border dispute between Georgia and Azerbaijan, with ongoing talks since 1991.[5] Georgian monks at the monastery say that "they see the dispute as the result of Soviet scheming to undermine relations between Christian Georgians and Muslim Azerbaijanis."[1] Giorgi Manjgaladze, Georgia's deputy foreign minister proposed that Georgia would be willing to exchange other territory for the remainder of David Gareja because of its historical and cultural significance to the Georgians.[1] Baku disapproves of this land swap because of David Gareja's strategic military importance.[6] "There is no room for territorial exchange. There are no negotiations over this issue," stated Azerbaijan's deputy foreign minister Khalaf Khalafov.[1] In April 2007, Khalafov told a press conference in that it was "out of the question" for Georgia to "give up its claims to the borderlands" including David Gareja.[1] He then made a controversial statement that the monastery "was home to the Caucasian Albanians, who are believed to have been the earliest inhabitants of Azerbaijan."[7] This prompted a response from Georgian foreign minister Gela Bezhuashvili.


Doi Lang (Updated 29/03/20) [...] Doi Lang, in Chiang Mai province, is actually a collection of mountain ridges within the extensive Doi Pha Hom Pok National Park; the site also includes an area known locally as Doi San Ju. This location is one of the wildest areas of Thailand that is accessible by car, affording fantastic views across into Myanmar and providing birders with many miles of fabulous roadside birding in a variety of upland habitats with hardly any vehicular disturbance at all. A narrow road forms a loop along the Thai-Myanmar border from the town of Fang to the village of Thatorn but currently the military does not allow through traffic so the East and West sides of Doi Lang must be visited seperately; the East side is accessed from Thatorn and the West side is accessed from Fang. The area of habitat here is huge and being this far north it is a site that plays host to several species that cannot be found anywhere else in Thailand as well as being a very scenic location.


Juan de Nova Island is a territory of Madagascar

Juan de Nova Island (French: Île Juan de Nova, pronounced: [il ʒɥɑ̃ də nɔva]), Malagasy: Nosy Kely) is a French-controlled tropical island in the narrowest part of the Mozambique Channel, about one-third of the way between Madagascar and Mozambique. It is a low, flat island, 4.8 square kilometres (1.9 sq mi) in size. [...] Juan de Nova is located in the Mozambique Canal, closer to the Madagascar side: 140 kilometres (87 mi) from Tambohorano, 207 kilometres (129 mi) west-southwest from Tanjona Vilanandro and 288 kilometres (179 mi) from the African coast.The island was created when an underwater promontory of a coral reef emerged when the reef was dismantled by ocean currents, producing a sandy island. The prevailing south-southwest winds form dunes on the island, which, at 10 meters (33 ft) tall, form the island's highest points. [...] Juan de Nova Island was assigned a small garrison of 14 soldiers from the 2nd Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment, as well as a gendarme. They settled in housing that formerly hosted SOFIM workers. The troops receive supplies by air every 45 days.


DOI LANG - Province : Chiangmai, further north from Doi Angkhang - Habitats : A part of Doi Pha Hom Pok, Thailand’s second highest mountain. Hill evergreen forest, coniferous forest, open grassland on the mountain - Key species : Red-tailed Laughingthrush, Red-faced Liocichla, Crimson-breasted Woodpecker, Spot-winged Grosbeak, Rusty-naped Pitta, Coral-billed Schimitar Babbler, Long-tailed Sibia, Crested Finchbill - Other species : Scarlet Finch, Whiskered Yuhina, Rusty-naped Pitta, Orange-flanked Bush Robin, Black-throated Parrotbill, Cutia - Best time : All year round for resident species, November – March for migration species - Distance from Chiangmai : ~ 250 km or more than 3 hrs drive as rough road


Bahraini side and Fasht ad Dibal on the Qatari side (see paragraph 222 of the Judgment); [...] - The Court finds that Qatar has sovereignty over Zubarah and Janan Island and that the low-tide elevation of Fasht ad Dibal falls under the sovereignty of Qatar; it finds that Bahrain has sovereignty over the Hawar Islands and the island of Qit'at Jaradah; and it draws a single maritime boundary between the two States Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions between Qatar and Bahrain (Qatar v. Bahrain) - The Court finds that Qatar has sovereignty over Zubarah and Janan Island and that the low-tide elevation of Fasht ad Dibal falls under the sovereignty of Qatar; it finds that Bahrain has sovereignty over the Hawar Islands and the island of Qit'at Jaradah; and it draws a single maritime boundary between the two States


Bahrain claims that Qit'at Jaradah comes under Bahraini sovereignty, since it has displayed its authority over it in various ways, and that this was recognized by the British Government in 1947. In this respect it has referred to a number of activities, including the erection of a beacon, the ordering of the drilling of an artesian well, the granting of an oil concession, and the licensing of fish traps. Qatar contends that Qit'at Jaradah, being a low—tide elevation, cannot be appropriated, and that, since it is situated in the part of the territorial sea which belongs to Qatar, Qatar has sovereign rights over it. The Court first notes that Qit'at Jaradah is a very small island situated within the 12–mile limit of both States. According to the report of the expert commissioned by Bahrain, at high tide its length and breadth are about 12 by 4 metres, whereas at low tide they are 600 and 75 metres. At high tide, its altitude is approximately 0.4 metres. Certain types of activities invoked by Bahrain such as the drilling of artesian wells would, taken by themselves, be considered controversial as acts performed à titre de souverain. The construction of navigational aids, on the other hand, can be legally relevant in the case of very small islands. In the present case, taking into account the size of Qit'at Jaradah, the activities carried out by Bahrain on that island must be considered sufficient to support Bahrain's claim that it has sovereignty over it.


Isfara Valley is a territory of Tajikistan

Isfara is located in Northern Tajikistan, in the Sughd region, next to the border with Kyrgyzstan. It belongs to the territorial dispute area between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan along the Isfara Valley and is also not far from the Uzbek border either. East from The town is between bigger cities like Khujand in Tajikistan, Kokand in Uzbekistan and Batken in Kyrgyzstan. South from Isfara you can also find the Vorukh enclave, a piece of Tajik land inside Kyrgyzstan that has been also the place of local clashes in 2019 and 2021. Apparently Tajiks were trying to establish a connection from Isfara to Vorukh but the situation in the area remains unclear. It is the perfect place to stop for a coffee or eating in one of the tea houses by the riverside if you are heading to Tajikistan from Kyrgyzstan or vice versa (if the border is open). This is actually the reason of arrival for the majority of travelers reaching Isfara, they are on their way between Osh and Khujand as the road from Isfara continues east to Batken and then to Osh. This all said, the Isfara area has a lot to offer for someone who has time to explore the region. [...] Set in the southern middle part of the remarkably fertile Fergana Valley, a diverse range of trade industries is found in Isfara from construction to agriculture. But what Isfara is especially known for, are its legendary apricots. Otherwise the town is full of well preserved Soviet architecture from 1960 – 1980s with parks and mosaics.


Ceuta (UK: /ˈsjuːtə/, US: /ˈseɪuːtə/,[5][6] Spanish: [ˈθewta, ˈsewta] ; Arabic: سَبْتَة, romanized: Sabtah) is an autonomous city of Spain on the North African coast. Bordered by Morocco, it lies along the boundary between the Mediterranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. Ceuta is one of the special member state territories of the European Union, and it is one of several Spanish territories in Africa, which include Melilla and the Canary Islands. It was a regular municipality belonging to the province of Cádiz prior to the passing of its Statute of Autonomy in March 1995,[7] as provided by the Spanish Constitution, henceforth becoming an autonomous city.


Ambalat [edit]Ambalat is an area of the seabed or continental shelf in the Celebes Sea off the east coast of Borneo which is claimed by Indonesia and Malaysia. The seabed is believed to be rich in crude oil. Contrary to popular belief, the International Court of Justice decision over the sovereignty of Sipadan and Ligitan did not solve the dispute over Ambalat as it did not include issues concerning the demarcation of the territorial sea and continental shelf boundaries of the two countries in the area.[23] The dispute started with Malaysia issuing a map in 1979 of its territorial sea and continental shelf which included the Ambalat block. The map drew Malaysia's maritime boundary in a southeast direction into the Celebes Sea after it leaves the eastmost point on land on Sebatik island. This would include the Ambalat block, or a large part of it, within the Malaysian continental shelf. Indonesia has, like the other neighbours of Malaysia, objected to the map. Indonesia has never officially announced the exact locations of its maritime boundaries but claimed during its arguments in the Sipadan Case that it continued in a straight line along the 4° 10' North latitude after it leaves Sebatik.


The border in the Celebes Sea is disputed between the two countries. Part of the dispute was settled by the judgement of the International Court of Justice in the Ligitan and Sipadan Case in 2002 and is now awaiting delimitation between the two countries. However, the two countries still have overlapping claims over the continental shelf, which Indonesia refers to as Ambalat. [...] Ambalat [edit]Ambalat is an area of the seabed or continental shelf in the Celebes Sea off the east coast of Borneo which is claimed by Indonesia and Malaysia. The seabed is believed to be rich in crude oil. Contrary to popular belief, the International Court of Justice decision over the sovereignty of Sipadan and Ligitan did not solve the dispute over Ambalat as it did not include issues concerning the demarcation of the territorial sea and continental shelf boundaries of the two countries in the area.[23] The dispute started with Malaysia issuing a map in 1979 of its territorial sea and continental shelf which included the Ambalat block. The map drew Malaysia's maritime boundary in a southeast direction into the Celebes Sea after it leaves the eastmost point on land on Sebatik island. This would include the Ambalat block, or a large part of it, within the Malaysian continental shelf. Indonesia has, like the other neighbours of Malaysia, objected to the map. Indonesia has never officially announced the exact locations of its maritime boundaries but claimed during its arguments in the Sipadan Case that it continued in a straight line along the 4° 10' North latitude after it leaves Sebatik.


The CDF-Kalay-Kabaw-Gangaw is one of several resistance forces based there, but it is the only one that also seeks to incorporate these areas into Chinland. Kabaw refers to the Kabaw valley, located in Kalay Township near the border with the Indian state of Manipur.


Israel, Hezbollah and how the Golan Heights attack has fuelled conflict What is the Golan Heights, why is Israel there and how is Hezbollah involved in the regional conflict? [...] The Golan Heights is a rocky plateau in south-west Syria. It is a strategic territory that shares a border with Lebanon, Jordan and Israel.


The Golan Heights are a rocky plateau in the Levant region of Western Asia that was captured by Israel from Syria in the 1967 Six-Day War. The international community, with the exception of Israel and the United States, considers the Golan Heights to be Syrian territory held by Israel under military occupation.[1] Following the war, Syria dismissed any negotiations with Israel as part of the Khartoum Resolution.[2] The Golan was under military administration until the Knesset passed the Golan Heights Law in 1981, which applied Israeli law to the territory; a move that has been described as an annexation. In response, the United Nations Security Council unanimously passed UNSC Resolution 497 which condemned the Israeli actions to change the status of the territory declaring them "null and void and without international legal effect", and that the Golan remained an occupied territory. In 2019, the United States became the only state to recognize the Golan Heights as Israeli sovereign territory, while the rest of the international community continues to consider the territory Syrian held under Israeli military occupation.[3][4] Israeli officials had lobbied the United States into recognizing "Israeli sovereignty" over the territory.[5]


The Golan Heights (Arabic: هَضْبَةُ الْجَوْلَانِ, romanized: Haḍbatu l-Jawlān or مُرْتَفَعَاتُ الْجَوْلَانِ, Murtafaʻātu l-Jawlān; Hebrew: רמת הגולן, Ramat HaGolan, ), or simply the Golan, is a basaltic plateau at the southwest corner of Syria. It is bordered by the Yarmouk River in the south, the Sea of Galilee and Hula Valley in the west, the Anti-Lebanon mountains with Mount Hermon in the north and Wadi Raqqad in the east. Two thirds of the area has been occupied by Israel following the 1967 Six-Day War and then effectively annexed in 1981 – an action unrecognized by the international community, which continues to consider it Israeli-occupied Syrian territory. [...] East of the 1973 ceasefire line, in the Syrian controlled part of the Golan Heights, an area of 600 km2 (232 sq mi), are more than 40 Syrian towns and villages, including Quneitra, Khan Arnabah, al-Hamidiyah, al-Rafid, al-Samdaniyah, al-Mudariyah, Beer Ajam, Bariqa, Ghadir al-Bustan, Hader, Juba, Kodana, Ufaniyah, Ruwayhinah, Nabe' al-Sakhar, Trinjah, Umm al-A'zam, and Umm Batna. The population of the Quneitra Governorate numbers 79,000.[152] [...] - "the Syrian Golan Heights territory, which Israel has occupied since 1967". Also, "the Golan Heights, a 450-square mile portion of southwestern Syria that Israel occupied during the 1967 Arab–Israeli war." (CRS Issue Brief for Congress: Syria: U.S. Relations and Bilateral Issues Archived 26 March 2019 at the Wayback Machine, Congressional Research Service. 19 January 2006)


The Green Line is a term that emerged in the wake of Israel’s establishment in 1948, whose proper name is the 1949 Armistice Line. It refers to the border separating pre-1967 Israel from the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and constitutes an internationally recognised border. However, it is important to note that Israel has never specified the boundaries of its own state.


The Green Line or 1949 Armistice border[1] is the demarcation line set out in the 1949 Armistice Agreements between the armies of Israel and those of its neighbors (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria) after the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. It served as the de facto borders of the State of Israel from 1949 until the Six-Day War in 1967, and continues to represent Israel’s internationally recognized borders with the two Palestinian territories: the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.[2][3] [...] The Green Line is often referred to as the "pre-1967 borders" or the "1967 borders" by many international bodies and national leaders, including former United States president Barack Obama,[6] Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas,[7] the United Nations (UN) in informal texts,[8] and in the text of UN General Assembly resolutions.[9] The name comes from the green ink used to draw the line on the map during armistice talks.[10] After the Six-Day War, the territories captured by Israel beyond the Green Line came to be designated as East Jerusalem, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and the Golan Heights. These territories are often referred to as Israeli-occupied territories. The Sinai Peninsula, which was also captured at that time, has since been returned to Egypt as part of the 1979 peace treaty.


Ceuta (UK: /ˈsjuːtə/, US: /ˈseɪuːtə/,[5][6] Spanish: [ˈθewta, ˈsewta] ; Arabic: سَبْتَة, romanized: Sabtah) is an autonomous city of Spain on the North African coast. Bordered by Morocco, it lies along the boundary between the Mediterranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. Ceuta is one of the special member state territories of the European Union, and it is one of several Spanish territories in Africa, which include Melilla and the Canary Islands. It was a regular municipality belonging to the province of Cádiz prior to the passing of its Statute of Autonomy in March 1995,[7] as provided by the Spanish Constitution, henceforth becoming an autonomous city. [...] Ceuta is known officially in Spanish as Ciudad Autónoma de Ceuta (English: Autonomous City of Ceuta), with a rank between a standard municipality and an autonomous community. Ceuta is part of the territory of the European Union. The city was a free port before Spain joined the European Union in 1986. Now it has a low-tax system within the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union. [...] The official position of the Spanish government is that Ceuta is an integral part of Spain, and has been since the 16th century, centuries prior to Morocco's independence from Spain and France in 1956.[91] The majority of Ceuta's population support continued Spanish sovereignty and are opposed to Moroccan control over the territory.[92]


On 27 June 1967, Israel expanded the municipal boundaries of West Jerusalem so as to include approximately 70 km2 (27.0 sq mi) of West Bank territory today referred to as East Jerusalem, which included Jordanian East Jerusalem ( 6 km2 (2.3 sq mi) ) and 28 villages and areas of the Bethlehem and Beit Jala municipalities 64 km2 (25 sq mi).[11][12][13] The government passed legal measures following the occupation to cement the annexation.[14] Although it was claimed that the application of the Israeli law to East Jerusalem was not annexation,[15] this position was rejected by the Israeli Supreme Court. In a 1970 majority ruling, Justice Y. Kahan expressed the opinion ". . . As far as I am concerned, there is no need for any certificate from the Foreign Minister or from any administrative authority to determine that East Jerusalem. . . was annexed to the State of Israel and constitutes part of its territory. . . by means of these two enactments and consequently this area constitutes part of the territory of Israel."[16]


East Jerusalem is a territory of Palestine

Palestinians regard East Jerusalem as the capital of the future Palestinian state. East Jerusalem is generally recognized as part of the Palestinian Territories. In UN resolutions concerning Israel, East Jerusalem is routinely referred to as a part of the Occupied Palestinian Territory.[57]


Kalapani Territorial Dispute: Kalapani has become an issue of contention between India and Nepal after the Nepal government raised objections to its inclusion in India's new political map. The Nepal government claimed that the Kalapani territory located in its far-west is an integral part of its region. [...] Kalapani territory is a disputed territory between India and Nepal. While Nepal claims Kalapani to be a part of its Darchula district, the region is administered in India as a part of Pithoragarh district in Uttarakhand. [...] Since the Indo-China war of 1962, Kalapani is controlled by India's Indo-Tibetan Border Police. Nepal claims that the river located towards the west of the territory is the main Kali river and thus it falls in its territory, India claims a ridgeline towards the east of the Kalapani territory and hence, includes it in the Indian Union.


Susta is a disputed territory between Nepal and India. It is administered by India as part of West Champaran district of Bihar. It is claimed by Nepal as part of Susta rural municipality, under West Nawalparasi District in Lumbini Province. The disputed territory is located on the eastern side of the Gandak river (Narayani River in Nepal). Nepal claims the area a part of West Nawalparasi District under Susta rural municipality (part of ward no. 5), alleging that over 14,860 hectares of Nepali land in Susta has been encroached upon by India while India claims "Susta" to be a part of West Champaran district. According to the Sugauli Treaty signed between British East India Company and Nepal in 1816, the Gandak river is the international boundary and eastern part of the river belongs to India and western part of the river belongs to Nepal. At the time the treaty was signed Susta village was situated west of the river. But, over the years, the Gandak river changed its course and Susta moved to the east side of the river, that is now on the Indian side of the river. Nepal maintains the Gandak's course in 1816 to be taken as the fixed international boundary but India claims that land on the eastern side of the river is its own territory.[1][2][3]


Nepal [edit]Major areas of dispute between India and Nepal are Kalapani, Limpiyadhura, Lipulekh, Susta, Mechi, and Tanakpur.[46] An estimated 60,000 hectares of border land is currently disputed between India and Nepal.[47] [...] Susta territory [edit]Susta is another territory which is disputed between Nepal and India. It is currently controlled by India as a part of Bihar state. Media reported residents of a village in Susta claiming that Susta belongs to Nepal and they are Nepali citizens.[57] The 1816 Treaty of Sugauli defined Gandaki river as the international boundary between India and Nepal. The right bank of the river was under Nepal's control while the left bank was under India's control. Susta village was initially on the right bank when the treaty was signed and it was a part of Nepal. However, over the years, the Gandaki river changed its course and Susta moved to the left bank and is now currently under India's control.[57] The Government of Nepal has repeatedly stated that Susta belongs to Nepal and that the Indian government should return the area.[citation needed]


The Andaman and Nicobar Islands are a union territory of India and lie at the junction of the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea. Comprising over 500 islands, of which only 30 are inhabited, this archipelago has rich biodiversity as well as a unique cultural history. [...] The Andaman and Nicobar archipelago, situated 1200 km from the Indian mainland between the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea, comprise several hundred tropical islands of outstanding beauty and biological diversity. The island group encompass nearly seven degrees of latitude from the southern most point of Great Nicobar (6º 45′ N) to the northern tip on Landfall island (13º 40′ N), situated above North Andaman. Together, the two groups contribute to two exceptionally diverse global biodiversity hotspots (Indo Burma and Sundaland). The land area of 8249 km² includes over 300 named islands of which 98 are designated as sanctuaries, including nine national parks, two marine national parks and one biosphere reserve.


Shree Antu Danda is located in the Illam District of Nepal. Antu Danda sunrise Tour is one of the mesmerizing Touring stuffs in Nepal. It offers a combo treat of Trekking experience on hilly landscapes and spectacular views of Sunrise and Sunset in the backdrop of Eastern Himalayan Ranges. Antu Danda is peacefully placed in the Eastern part of Nepal on the foothills of Mount Kanchenjunga, the world’s third highest peak. It is elevated to the height of 2328 meters from the sea level. However, this endeavor is accessible to the altitude of 3636 meters. It is situated at the distance of three hour drive from Illam Bazaar. Antu danda is touring destination which remains fairly approached by Tourist in the lack of efficient promotion.The pristine landscapes of sloped Tea Gardens, Mountain Flanks, unspoiled Natural Forests, Holy sites and unique culture of Illam adds glamour to this Tour. This Tour can also be arranged with home stay facilities as the people of this region are habitually Hospitable and Cordial.


Susta is a disputed territory between Nepal and India. It is administered by India as part of West Champaran district of Bihar. It is claimed by Nepal as part of Susta rural municipality, under West Nawalparasi District in Lumbini Province.The disputed territory is located on the eastern side of the Gandak river (Narayani River in Nepal). Nepal claims the area a part of West Nawalparasi District under Susta rural municipality (part of ward no. 5), alleging that over 14,860 hectares of Nepali land in Susta has been encroached upon by India while India claims "Susta" to be a part of West Champaran district.


Melilla (/mɛˈliːjə/ mel-EE-yə, Spanish: [meˈliʝa] ; Tarifit: Mřič) is an autonomous city of Spain on the North African coast. It lies on the eastern side of the Cape Three Forks, bordering Morocco and facing the Mediterranean Sea. It has an area of 12.3 km2 (4.7 sq mi). It was part of the Province of Málaga until 14 March 1995, when the Statute of Autonomy of Melilla was passed. Melilla is one of the special territories of the member states of the European Union. Movements to and from the rest of the EU and Melilla are subject to specific rules, provided for inter alia in the Accession Agreement of Spain to the Schengen Convention.[3] [...] The official position of the Spanish government is that Melilla is an integral part of Spain, and has been since the 16th century, centuries prior to Morocco's independence from Spain and France in 1956.[143] The majority of Melilla's population support continued Spanish sovereignty and are opposed to Moroccan control over the territory.[144]


Nawalparasi (West of Bardaghat Susta) district Nawalparasi (West of Bardaghat Susta) district or Nawalparasi West, as known commonly (Nepali: नवलपरासी (बर्दघाट सुस्ता पश्चिम) वा नवलपरासी पश्चिम [nʌwʌlpʌˈɾasi ˈpʌst͡sim]), also frequently referred to as just Parasi District, is a district located in Lumbini Province of Nepal. It is 1 out of 12 districts of Lumbini Province. The headquarter of the district is located in Ramgram.[1] [...] The total area of Nawalparasi District is 634.88 square kilometres (245.13 sq mi) and total population of this district as of 2011 Nepal census is 321058 individuals. Bhojpuri is the local language of the district.[2]


We cannot abandon the exclave, enclave theme, the Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said in an interview with journalists. According to him, "Artsvashen is part of the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia, and they agreed that they would deal with this issue." Judging by Pashinyan's statement, Baku did not give consent to the transfer of the village to Armenia. "You know that the Republic of Armenia cannot abandon this issue, since Artsvashen is part of the sovereign territory of our country. We are going to de jure justify the existence of an exclave. Artsvashen is in the process of demarcation, and the government of the Republic of Armenia has such justifications, after which the demarcation process around Artsvashen will be carried out, we will see what decisions will be made," Pashinyan said. [...] The village of Bashkend (Artsvashen), which was an enclave of the Armenian SSR in the territory of the Azerbaijani SSR in Soviet times, now belongs to the Kedabek region of Azerbaijan. According to the administrative-territorial division of Armenia, which disputes the ownership of the village, Bashkend belongs to the Gegharkunik region of Armenia. Bashkend is the largest village (40 km km) of the enclave (exclave) territories.


Gegharkunik province is a territory of Azerbaijan

Gegharkunik (Armenian: Գեղարքունիք, Armenian pronunciation: [ɡɛʁɑɾkʰuˈnikʰ]) is a province (marz) of Armenia. Its capital and largest city is Gavar. Gegharkunik Province is located at the eastern part of Armenia, bordering Azerbaijan. It includes the exclave of Artsvashen, which has been under Azerbaijani occupation since the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. With an area of 5,348 km2 (2,065 sq mi), Gegharkunik is the largest province in Armenia. However, approximately 24% or 1,278 km2 (493 sq mi) of its territory is covered by Lake Sevan, the largest lake in the South Caucasus and a major tourist attraction of the region.


Gegharkunik province is a territory of Armenia

Gegharkunik (Armenian: Գեղարքունիք, Armenian pronunciation: is a province (marz) of Armenia. Its capital and largest city is the town of Gavar. Gegharkunik Province is located at the eastern part of Armenia, bordering Azerbaijan and the Shahumyan Region of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. With an area of 5,348 km², Gegharkunik is the largest province in Armenia. However, approximately 1,278 km² of its territory is covered by Lake Sevan, the largest lake in the Caucasus and a major tourist attraction of the region. [...] Gegharkunik Province is situated at the east of modern-day Armenia, surrounding the Lake Sevan. Within the Republic of Armenia, it has borders with Tavush Province, Kotayk and Ararat provinces from the west and Vayots Dzor Province from the south. TheDashkasan and Gadabay districts of Azerbaijan, and the Shahumyan Region of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic form the eastern border of the province.


It is a region under Azerbaijan’s Qazakh District. Barxudarlı is an exclave area that is located completely inside the Armenian territory and not connected with Azerbaijani territories. The area of approximately 22 square km area has been under Armenian occupation since 1992. After the occupation, the Armenian population was settled in the region and it was administered as a part of Armenia’s Tavush province. The current population of the region, which was established by Azerbaijani Turks in the 16th century, is around 450. [...] Karki is a region connected to the Sadarak District of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of Azerbaijan. This region has neither connection with Azerbaijani lands nor with Nakhchivan. It is an exclave area located completely inside the Armenian territory. The name of the village, which was occupied by Armenia in 1990, was changed by the Yerevan administration to "Tigranashen". The area of the land, located near the strategic Yerevan-Jermuk highway, is approximately 19 square kilometers. Azerbaijani Turks who were in the region after the occupation became refugees and were settled in an area called "New Karki" in the Kangarli District of Nakhchivan. Today, there are no settlements in the region.


Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic is a territory of Azerbaijan

The Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic (Azerbaijani: Naxçıvan Muxtar Respublikası, pronounced [nɑxtʃɯˈvɑn muxˈtɑɾ ɾesˈpublikɑsɯ])[2] is a landlocked exclave of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The region covers 5,502.75 km2 (2,124.62 sq mi)[3] with a population of 459,600.[4] It is bordered by Armenia[a] to the east and north, Iran[b] to the southwest, and Turkey[c] to the west. It is the sole autonomous republic of Azerbaijan, governed by its own elected legislature. [...] Today, Nakhchivan retains its autonomy as the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, and is internationally recognized as a constituent part of Azerbaijan governed by its own elected legislative assembly.[91] A new constitution for Nakhchivan was approved in a referendum on November 12, 1995. The constitution was adopted by the republic's assembly on April 28, 1998, and has been in force since January 8, 1999.[92] However, the republic remains isolated, not only from the rest of Azerbaijan, but practically from the entire South Caucasus region. From 1995 until his resignation in December 2022, the region was ruled by Vasif Talibov, who is related by marriage to Azerbaijan's ruling family, the Aliyevs.[93] He was known for his authoritarian[93] and largely corrupt rule of the region.[94] Most residents prefer to watch Turkish television as opposed to Nakhchivan television, which one Azerbaijani journalist criticised as "a propaganda vehicle for Talibov and the Aliyevs."[93]


Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic is a territory of Armenia

Erdogan’s planned visit to Nakhchivan following Baku’s military offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh has raised significant concerns regarding the territorial integrity of Armenia. [...] Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic is an Azerbaijani exclave in proximity to Armenia, Iran, and Turkey. Baku has always stated that Armenia has isolated this exclave from the Azerbaijani territory, although Nakhchivan might economically cooperate with neighbouring Turkey and Iran. The establishment of the Iğdir-Nakhchivan natural gas pipeline represents a significant milestone, because this infrastructure might supply gas from the Trans-Anatolian Gas Pipeline (TANAP) in Turkey to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, replacing the current gas supply from Iran.


Yukhari Askipara is a territory of Azerbaijan

Yukhari Askipara (Azerbaijani: Yuxarı Əskipara|lit=Upper Askipara; Armenian: Վերին Ոսկեպար|lit=Upper Voskepar |translit=Verin Voskepar) is a destroyed village in an exclave of the Qazakh District of Azerbaijan, currently under the control of Armenia and surrounded by the Tavush Province of Armenia. The exclave has been under control by Armenian forces since the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, which also included fighting in Qazakh. Today, the village is destroyed, with only the foundations and some lower portions of the houses remaining.[1] [...] According to the 1915 publication of the Caucasian Calendar, Yukhari Askipara (Аксибара Стар., Aksibara Star.) had a predominantly Tatar (later known as Azerbaijani) population of 278 in 1914.[3]


Conquered by Spain in the 15th Century, Ceuta and Melilla are two small territories on the North Coast of Morocco and somewhat of a historical anomaly. The North of Morocco was occupied by Spain for a long time and, as I noticed in Tangier, Tetouan and Chefchaouen, Spanish is still widely spoken. Spain recognised Morocco’s independence in 1956 but the two enclaves remained Spanish, known as Plazas de Soberania. They retained their culture and their Spanish population, however, they are claimed by Morocco, and are a bit of a sore point between the two nations. Today, those territories are somewhat vulnerable to large groups of illegal migrants trying to find their way to Europe. If you are exploring the North of Morocco, I recommend hopping into Spain for a day or two and enjoy something different. [...] Further east along the Mediterranean Coast, close to the town of Nador, lies the second Spanish enclave in Morocco: Melilla. Located close to the Moroccan town of Nador, Melilla is a smaller enclave surrounded by a 6 m high border fence, erected to deter mass intrusions by illegal immigrants. [...] Melilla has a similar history to Ceuta. Before gaining a status of autonomy in 1995, Melilla was part of the Province of Andalusia in Spain. The Spanish conquered Melilla in the 15th Century and Morocco has been disputing their ownership since the independence in 1956.


Qazakh Rayon is a territory of Azerbaijan

Qazax District (Gazakh District; Azerbaijani: Qazax rayonu) is one of the 66 districts of Azerbaijan. Located in the northwest of the country, it belongs to the Gazakh-Tovuz Economic Region. The district borders the district of Aghstafa, and the Tavush Province of Armenia. Its capital and largest city is Gazakh. As of 2020, the district had a population of 98,400.[2] [...] In April 2024, Armenia and Azerbaijan reached an agreement whereby Armenia handed over four abandoned villages within Qazax District to Azerbaijan: Bağanis Ayrum, Aşağı Əskipara, Xeyrimli, and Qızılhacılı.[6] [...] - ^ Lt-Gen. William Monteith, Kars and Erzeroum: With the Campaigns of Prince Paskiewitch, in 1828 and 1829; and an Account of the conquests of Russia beyond the Caucasus, from the time of Peter the Great to the Treaty of Turcoman Chie and Adrianople, London: Longman, 1856, p. 60 - ^ "Ermənistan-Azərbaycan, Dağlıq Qarabağ münaqişəsi nəticəsində Qazax rayonunda hərbi təcavüzün nəticələri barədə MƏLUMAT". www.qazax-ih.gov.az. KAZAKH DISTRICT EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY OF THE REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN. 3 December 2020. Retrieved 3 December 2020.


Yaradullu is a village in the Agstafa Rayon of Azerbaijan. The village forms part of the municipality of Tatlı.[1]


Khuriya Muriya Islands is a territory of Oman

The Khuriya Muriya Islands (also Kuria Muria, Kooria Mooria, Curia Muria) (Arabic: جزر خوريا موريا; transliterated: Juzur Khurīyā Murīyā or Khūryān Mūryān) are a group of five islands in the Arabian Sea, 40 km (25 mi) off the southeastern coast of Oman. The islands form part of the province of Shalim and the Hallaniyat Islands in the governorate of Dhofar. History [edit]In antiquity the islands were called the Zenobii or Zenobiou Islands (Greek: Ζηνοβίου νησία; Latin: Zenobii Insulae) or Doliche (Greek: Δολίχη). The islands were mentioned by several early writers including Ptolemy (vi. 7. § 47) who numbered them as seven small islands lying in Khuriya Muriya Bay (Greek: Σαχαλίτης κόλπος; Latin: Sinus Sachalites), towards the entrance of the "Persian Gulf" (most likely the modern Gulf of Aden).[1] The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a periplus dated to between AD 40 and 70, thus mentioned the Khuriya Muriya Islands, then called Isles of Zenobios: [...] - ^ "Halaaniyaat Islands". BirdLife Data Zone. BirdLife International. 2021. Retrieved 28 February 2021.


Korean Peninsula is a territory of North Korea

Korea (Korean: 한국, romanized: Hanguk in South Korea, or 조선, Chosŏn in North Korea) is a peninsular region in East Asia consisting of the Korean Peninsula (한반도, Hanbando in South Korea, or 조선반도, Chosŏnbando in North Korea), Jeju Island, and smaller islands. Since the end of World War II in 1945, it has been politically divided at or near the 38th parallel; in 1948, two states declared independence, both claiming sovereignty over the entire region: North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea; DPRK) in its northern half and South Korea (Republic of Korea; ROK) in the south, which fought the Korean War from 1950 to 1953. The region is bordered by China to the north and Russia to the northeast, across the Amnok (Yalu) and Duman (Tumen) rivers, and is separated from Japan to the southeast by the Korea Strait. [...] The Three Kingdoms of Korea consisted of Goguryeo, Silla, and Baekje. Silla and Baekje controlled the southern half of the Korean Peninsula, maintaining the former Samhan territories, while Goguryeo controlled the northern half of the Korean Peninsula, Manchuria and the Liaodong Peninsula, uniting Buyeo, Okjeo, Dongye, and other states in the former Gojoseon territories.[19]


plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco

The plazas de soberanía (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈplaθas ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], lit. "strongholds of sovereignty")[3] is a term describing a series of Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco or that are closer to Africa than Europe. This term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country (1492–1556), as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries in the Scramble for Africa. [...] - Mariñas Otero, Eugenio (1998). "Las Plazas Menores de soberanía española en África". MILITARIA. Revista de Cultura Militar. (in Spanish). No. 12. Madrid: UCM. Retrieved 25 March 2020.


Korean Peninsula is a territory of South Korea

Korea (Korean: 한국, romanized: Hanguk in South Korea, or 조선, Chosŏn in North Korea) is a peninsular region in East Asia consisting of the Korean Peninsula (한반도, Hanbando in South Korea, or 조선반도, Chosŏnbando in North Korea), Jeju Island, and smaller islands. Since the end of World War II in 1945, it has been politically divided at or near the 38th parallel; in 1948, two states declared independence, both claiming sovereignty over the entire region: North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea; DPRK) in its northern half and South Korea (Republic of Korea; ROK) in the south, which fought the Korean War from 1950 to 1953. The region is bordered by China to the north and Russia to the northeast, across the Amnok (Yalu) and Duman (Tumen) rivers, and is separated from Japan to the southeast by the Korea Strait. [...] Korea consists of a peninsula and nearby islands located in East Asia. The peninsula extends southwards for about 1,100 km (680 mi) from continental Asia into the Pacific Ocean and is surrounded by the Sea of Japan to the east and the Yellow Sea (West Sea) to the west, the Korea Strait connecting the two bodies of water.[176][177] To the northwest, the Amnok River separates Korea from China and to the northeast, the Duman River separates it from China and Russia.[178] Notable islands include Jeju Island, Ulleung Island, Dokdo.


Military Demarcation Line is a territory of North Korea

The Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) is a strip of land running across the Korean Peninsula that serves as a buffer zone between North Korea and South Korea. The DMZ is a de facto border barrier and divides the Korean Peninsula approximately in half. It roughly follows latitude 38°N (the 38th parallel), the original demarcation line between North Korea and South Korea at the end of World War II. The Demilitarized Zone incorporates territory on both sides of the cease-fire line as it existed at the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), and was created by pulling back the respective forces 1.2 miles along each side of the line. [...] The Armistice Agreement for the Restoration of the South Korean State was signed on July 27th, 1953, and resulted in the creation of the DMZ as each side agreed to move their troops 1.2 miles back from the front line, establishing a 2.5-mile wide buffer zone. The Military Demarcation Line (DML) goes through the center of the DMZ and indicates where the front was when the agreement was signed. Owing to this theoretical stalemate and genuine hostility between North and South Korea, large numbers of troops are still stationed along both sides of the buffer zone. Each side holds constant guard against potential aggression from the other side, even 68 years after its establishment. The armistice agreement clearly explains the number of military personnel and what kind of weapons are allowed in the DMZ.


Sakhalin/Karafuto is a territory of Russia

Against these claims, the Russian counterargument is that the 1855 Treaty fixed the border in the Chishima (Kurile) region confirming that the islands north of Uruppu were Russian territory while Karafuto (Sakhalin) remained unpartitioned between Japan and Russia and that, under the 1875 Treaty for the Exchange of Sakhalin for the Kurile Islands, Japan exchanged its title to Karafuto (Sakhalin) with the Kurile Islands; as a result, it was established that Sakhalin was Russian territory; nonetheless Japan started the Russo-Japanese War and attempted to take Sakhalin (had the southern half ceded to them under the 1905 Portsmouth Peace Treaty); and therefore Japan had no right to bring up border agreements that Japan itself had violated.


Sakhalin/Karafuto is a territory of Japan

Karafuto Agency, from 1943 Karafuto Prefecture,[a] commonly known as South Sakhalin, was a part of the Empire of Japan on Sakhalin. It was part of the gaichi from 1907 to 1943 and later a prefecture as part of the naichi until 1945. Karafuto became a territory of the Empire of Japan in 1905 after the Russo-Japanese War, when the portion of Sakhalin south of 50°N was ceded from the Russian Empire in the Treaty of Portsmouth. Karafuto was established in 1907 as an external territory, until being upgraded to an "Inner Land" of the Japanese metropole in 1943. Ōtomari (Korsakov) was the capital of Karafuto from 1905 to 1908 and Toyohara (Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk) from 1908 to 1945. [...] In 1920, Karafuto was officially designated an external territory of Japan, and its administration and development came under the aegis of the Ministry of Colonial Affairs. Following the Nikolaevsk Incident in 1920, Japan briefly seized the northern half of Sakhalin, and occupied it until the establishment of formal diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union in 1925; however, Japan continued to maintain petroleum and coal concessions in northern Sakhalin until 1944. In 1943, the status of Karafuto was upgraded to that of an "inner land", making it an integral part of the Empire of Japan.


Kuril/Chishima, and South Kuril/Chishima Islands is a territory of Japan

The Kuril Islands are known in Japanese as the Chishima Islands (literally Thousand Islands Archipelago) also known as the Kuriru Islands (literally Kuril Archipelago). The name Kuril originates from the autonym of the aboriginal Ainu: "kur," meaning man. It may also be related to names for other islands that have traditionally been inhabited by the Ainu people, such as Kuyi or Kuye for Sakhalin and Kai for Hokkaidō. [...] The Kuril Islands first came under Japanese administration in the fifteenth century during the early Edo period of Japan, in the form of claims by the Matsumae clan, and play an important role in the development of the islands. It is believed that the Japanese knew of the northern islands 370 years ago, [8] as the initial explorations were of the southernmost parts of the islands. However, trade between these islands and Ezo (Hokkaidō) existed long before then. On "Shōhō Onkuko Ezu," a map of Japan made by the Tokugawa shogunate, in 1644, there are 39 large and small islands shown northeast of the Shiretoko peninsula and Cape Nosappu. In 1698 V. Atlasov discovered the island which was later named in his honor. [...] The Kuril Island dispute is a dispute between Japan and Russia over sovereignty of the four southernmost Kuril Islands. The disputed islands are currently under Russian administration as part of the Sakhalin Oblast, but are also claimed by Japan, which refers to them as the Northern Territories or Southern Chishima. The disputed islands are:


Kuril/Chishima, and South Kuril/Chishima Islands is a territory of Russia

The Kuril Islands (Kurilskiye Ostrova, in Russian, and known as Northern Territories/Southern Chishima in Japan, or Chishima-rettō) form a natural barrier between the Sea of Okhotsk and North Pacific Ocean. Extending 1,200 kilometres between the southern tip of the Kamchatka Peninsula and the Japanese island of Hokkaido, it consists of 56 islands that cover 15,600 square kilometres. The four islands (the Southern Kurils) at the heart of the dispute are Iturup (Etorofu), Kunashir (Kunashiri), Shikotan, and Habomai. The islands are currently administered by Sakhalin Oblast as South Kuril District. Tectonically and volcanically active, the Kuril archipelago is inhabited by over 10,000 people from various ethnic groups, as well as several thousand Russian troops (Kaczynski 2007; Elleman, Nichols, and Ouimet 1999, 490). [...] Russia stresses that its sovereignty over the islands is not to be discussed, holding that its possession of the South Kurils is legal, thus, especially in view of the amendments to the Russian Constitution which bars any transfer of national territory, ‘no changes are possible in this position’ (Zakharova 2020). The Russian government also rejects the argument that the islands would be returned to Tokyo upon the completion of a peace treaty with Japan (MOFA of the Russian Federation 2020).


The Liancourt Rocks dispute, also called the Takeshima dispute or Dokdo dispute is a territorial dispute between South Korea and Japan[1][2][3][4] regarding sovereignty over the Liancourt Rocks, a group of small islets in the Sea of Japan. The rocks also go by the names Dokdo (Korean: 독도; Hanja: 獨島) and Takeshima (Japanese: 竹島).[5] North Korea also claims sovereignty of the islands, but has not pursued its claim to the same extent as the other parties.[6] [...] - ^ MOFA of Korea, Tokdo kwan'gye charyojip (Collection of Data on Tokdo) (I) Wangbok oegyio munso (Diplomatic Correspondence Exchanged); Chipmu charyo (Reference Material for Staff), (Seoul: MFA, 1997), pp. 234, 236, 250 via Kim, Myung-Ki, A Study of Legal Aspects of Japan's Claim to Tokdo, Korea Observer, Autumn 1997, p. 361, MOFA of Japan stated in a memorandum of July 3, 1962, "The Japanese government has made clear the position of its claim that Takeshima is Japan's inherent territory from olden times and is now reconfirming repeatedly that position."


Dokdo/Takeshima is a territory of North Korea

The Liancourt Rocks dispute, also called the Takeshima dispute or Dokdo dispute is a territorial dispute between South Korea and Japan[1][2][3][4] regarding sovereignty over the Liancourt Rocks, a group of small islets in the Sea of Japan. The rocks also go by the names Dokdo (Korean: 독도; Hanja: 獨島) and Takeshima (Japanese: 竹島).[5] North Korea also claims sovereignty of the islands, but has not pursued its claim to the same extent as the other parties.[6]


Dokdo/Takeshima is a territory of South Korea

Furthermore, even in the Korean media there are such statements as given in the article headlined "Argument That 'Dokdo [Takeshima] Is Korean Territory on Old Maps' Ineffective in International Adjudication" in the August 17, 2012, edition of the Hankyoreh newspaper, shortly after President Lee Myung-bak's visit to Takeshima. Based on precedents from International Court of Justice rulings in disputes between Thailand and Cambodia and between Malaysia and Indonesia, the article states: [...] In other words, even if Takeshima is included in the "Korea" section, we can confirm that the interpretation by Lee Sang-tae, chairman of the Korean Research Association of Old Maps, that "The fact that the Japanese government officially published a map which included Dokdo as part of Korea can be seen to indicate that Japan officially saw Dokdo as an inherent part of Korean territory" is completely groundless. [...] - 2012. "Argument That 'Dokdo [Takeshima] Is Korean Territory on Old Maps' Ineffective in International Adjudication: Historical Entitlement May Not Be Considered Important . . . Despite 50 Years Effective Korean Control . . . Japan Has Raised Steady Objections," Hankyoreh, August 17. http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/politics/diplomacy/547540.html (Korean only; accessed on February 27, 2015). [↩]


Heglig, or Panthou (also spelled Heglieg or Pandthow), is a small town at the border between the South Kordofan state of Sudan and the Unity State in South Sudan. The entirety of Heglig is claimed by both Sudan and South Sudan, but administered by Sudan. The area was contested during the Sudanese Civil War. In mid-April 2012, South Sudan's Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) captured the Heglig oil field from Sudan.[1] Sudan took it back at the Second Battle of Heglig ten days later.[2] [...] Heglig is situated within the Muglad Basin, a rift basin which contains much of South Sudan's proven oil reserves. The Heglig oil field was first developed in 1996 by Arakis Energy (now part of Talisman Energy).[citation needed] Today it is operated by the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company.[4] Production at Heglig is reported to have peaked in 2006 and is now in decline.[5] The Heglig oil field is connected to Khartoum and Port Sudan via the Greater Nile Oil Pipeline.


plazas de soberanía is a territory of Spain

The plazas de soberanía (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈplaθas ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], lit. "strongholds of sovereignty")[3] is a term describing a series of Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco or that are closer to Africa than Europe. This term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country (1492–1556), as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries in the Scramble for Africa. Historically, a distinction was made between the so-called "major places of sovereignty", comprising the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla, and the "minor places of sovereignty", referring to a number of islands (and a small peninsula) along the coast. In the present, the term refers mainly to the latter. [...] - ↑ Mariñas Otero, Eugenio (1998). "Las Plazas Menores de soberanía española en África". MILITARIA. Revista de Cultura Militar. (in Spanish). No. 12. Madrid: UCM. Retrieved 25 March 2020.


The Naf River (Bengali: নাফ নদী Naf Nodi IPA: [naf nod̪i]; Burmese: နတ်မြစ် [naʔ mjɪʔ]; Rakhine: နတ်မြစ် [nɛ́ mràɪʔ]) is an international river marking the border of southeastern Bangladesh and northwestern Myanmar.[1] [...] - June 2012 — thousands of Rohingya Muslims fleeing sectarian violence in Rakhine State sought refuge across the Naf River in the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh,[7][8] though they were often escorted back by Bangladeshi troops.[9][10] On 11 July 2012, Burmese President Thein Sein suggested expelling the Rohingya people from Myanmar or having the UN relocate the 300,000 Rohingya people living in Myanmar, a policy the UN quickly rejected.[10] [...] See also [edit]References [edit]- ^ Sifatul Quader Chowdhury (2012), "Naf River", in Sirajul Islam and Ahmed A. Jamal (ed.), Banglapedia: National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh (Second ed.), Asiatic Society of Bangladesh - ^ "Arakan: A Field of Muslim Genocide, News From Bangladesh". bangladesh-web.com.


The Naf River (Bengali: নাফ নদী Naf Nodi IPA: [naf nod̪i]; Burmese: နတ်မြစ် [naʔ mjɪʔ]; Rakhine: နတ်မြစ် [nɛ́ mràɪʔ]) is an international river marking the border of southeastern Bangladesh and northwestern Myanmar.[1] [...] - 24 March 1994 — Members of the Myanmar Army's Western Military Command patrolling the Naf River found a group of Rohingya Muslims fishing in a small country boat. The soldiers tried to extort money from the fishermen, but when they were unable to do so, tied them up with rope and brought them to Balu Khali village in Maungdaw Township.[3] Eight of the Rohingya fishermen were interrogated and tortured for five days, and then they were all shot by firing squad.[3] [...] - August 2017 — The Border Guard Bangladesh station chief of the Ghumdum border post in Bangladesh accused Myanmar's military of firing on fleeing Rohingyas crossing the Naf River. An AFP reporter counted more than a dozen mortar shells and several heavy machine gun rounds fired by Burmese security forces on the fleeing Rohingyas.[11]


Noktundo was an island in the delta of the Tumen River on the border between Primorsky Krai, Russia and North Korea.[1] The area of the island was .[2] [3] Noktundo had been Korean territory since the 15th century.[3] The Jurchens took notice of this. In 1587 there was a battle fought on this island between the local Koreans and the invading Jurchens from nearby Russia. At first, the Jurchens successfully sacked the island and captured 160 Koreans as prisoners. As they crossed the river back to their camp with the prisoners, the famed Korean general Yi Sun-Shin, chased after the invaders and rescued 50 Koreans and defended the island. With his army, he later infiltrated the nearby Jurchen army camp, and captured their leader alive.[4] [...] - Web site: http://ru.apircenter.org/publications/the-problem-of-the-noktundo-island-in-the-media-in-south-korea/ . The problem of the Noktundo island in the media in South Korea . ru:Проблема острова Ноктундо в средствах массовой информации Южной Кореи . Russian . ru.apircenter.org . 2015-06-30 . https://web.archive.org/web/20130910052035/http://ru.apircenter.org/publications/the-problem-of-the-noktundo-island-in-the-media-in-south-korea/ . 10 September 2013. live.


Noktundo [edit]Noktundo, a former island (now effectively a peninsula) at the mouth of the Tumen, has been a boundary contention between Russia and North Korea.[8] The Qing Dynasty ceded the island to Russia as part of the Primorsky Maritimes (East Tartary) in the 1860 Treaty of Peking.[8] In 1990, the former Soviet Union and North Korea signed a border treaty which made the border run through the center of the river, leaving territory of the former island on Russian side. South Korea refuses to acknowledge the treaty and demanded that Russia return the territory to Korea.[9] [...] - ^ "The problem of the Noktundo island in the media in South Korea (Проблема острова Ноктундо в средствах массовой информации Южной Кореи)" (in Russian). ru.apircenter.org. Archived from the original on 10 September 2013. Retrieved 30 June 2015.


On 13 November, Malaysia's Agent, Ambassador-at-Large Abdul Kadir Mohamad, alleged that Singapore was trying to "subvert" a 150-year-old arrangement under which Singapore operated Horsburgh Lighthouse on Pedra Branca, which was Malaysia's territory. He also suggested that if permitted to do so, Singapore would upset the peace and stability of the area where the island is located. He said that if Singapore reclaimed land around Pedra Branca, "[q]uite apart from the possible effects on the environment and navigation in the Strait, this could lead to potentially serious changes to the security arrangements in the eastern entrance of the Strait".[66] According to Malaysian Attorney-General Abdul Gani Patail, Singapore had first raised the issue of sovereignty over Pedra Branca on 13 April 1978 during a meeting between officials, saying it had "incontrovertible legal evidence" of its sovereignty over the island though it had never produced any documents in support. Prior to that, the sovereignty of the island had never been disputed. The 1980 statement by the then Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Hussein Onn concerning the "unclear" position of the island had also been premised on these documents which former Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew had claimed were in Singapore's possession.


Singapore Strait is a territory of Malaysia

Singapore and Malaysia concluded the territorial sea boundaries between them in the Strait of Johor in 1995. With the exception of a dispute over port limits in 2018-2019, which was quickly resolved, both countries have mainly respected this boundary. The maritime boundary between the two countries in the Strait of Singapore, however, has always been a complicated issue. Both Singapore and Malaysia disputed three small features located in the Strait of Singapore: Pedra Branca, Middle Rocks and South Ledge. This dispute was brought in front of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the court delivered its decision in 2008. The ICJ awarded the sovereignty of Pedra Branca, a small island with a lighthouse operating on it, to Singapore, whilst awarding Middle Rocks, two uninhabited rocks, to Malaysia. The sovereignty over South Ledge, a low-tide elevation, to the State in the territorial waters of which it is located as per Article 13 of UNCLOS. [...] The littoral States of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore—Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand—have successfully used bilateral negotiations to agree upon maritime boundaries across a large part of the Malacca Straits and Singapore.


Singapore Strait is a territory of Singapore

The Singapore Strait is a waterway south of Singapore which links the Strait of Melaka to the South China Sea. Before the age of European colonialism, it was an important shipping route used by traders and travellers plying between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. The founding of Singapore in 1819 and the developments that followed saw a dramatic increase of shipping traffic to these waters, thus increasing the Singapore Strait’s importance as the main shipping channel between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea.1 The Singapore Strait is currently one of the busiest commercial routes in the world.2 The Singapore Strait is situated south of Singapore, between the south-eastern tip of the Malay Peninsula and north of Indonesia’s Riau Islands. Running east and west, it connects the southern end of the Melaka Strait at its western end to the South China Sea at its eastern end.3 [...] The Singapore Strait is located between two major trading zones – the trading zone of greater Bay of Bengal in the west and the mainland and trading ports of the South China Sea in the east.6 Before the advent of Europeans into the Indian Ocean Basin in the 15th century, the strait was an important shipping route used by traders and travellers plying between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea.7


Chagos Archipelago is a territory of United Kingdom

The British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) is an Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom situated in the Indian Ocean, halfway between Tanzania and Indonesia. The territory comprises the seven atolls of the Chagos Archipelago with over 1,000 individual islands, many very small, amounting to a total land area of 60 square kilometres (23 square miles).[3] The largest and most southerly island is Diego Garcia, 27 square kilometres (10 square miles), the site of a Joint Military Facility of the United Kingdom and the United States.[6] Official administration is remote from London,[7][8] though the local capital is often regarded as being on Diego Garcia.[9]


The government is still waiting for Vientiane’s Terms of Reference (ToR) to proceed with the delivery of a joint letter requesting that the French government supply maps and other related documents to settle a border dispute with Laos, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation spokesman, Ket Sophann said. [...] Territorial disputes with Laos became a hot issue after Laotian troops allegedly trespassed into the O’Alay and O’Tangav areas in Stung Treng province’s Siem Pang district, causing a standoff between the two countries. In September last year, both Hun Sen and Sisoulith agreed to designate the O’Tangav area as a no man’s land and increase joint patrols of Cambodian and Laotian troops there, following the August 2017 standoff.


Stung Treng Province is a territory of Laos

Stung Treng is a beautiful province located on a high sandy bank overlooking the Mekong River. It is about 455 km from Phnom Penh and some 40 km to the Laos border. This charming city is linked to Banlung (Rattanak Kiri) and is more than just a ‘stopover’. The Sekong Bridge, itself an attraction, serves as a convenient passage to the border of Laos. There are several noteworthy attractions in the province of Stung Treng. The incredible Sopheakmith Waterfall never ceases to mesmerise visitors, and neither does the stretch of the mighty Mekong, which is home to the incredibly rare Irrawaddy dolphins. [...] Both the Hang Kho Ba pagoda, which is over 300 years old, and the Hang Savat pagoda are of cultural and historical interest. The majority of the people there speak Lao. Steung Treng province, in which Hang Kho Ba resides, is famed for two local specialties – sweet tamarind fruit and Pa Si Y fish (Pava fish).


Stung Treng Province is a territory of Cambodia

Steung Treng, officially Stung Treng (Khmer: ស្ទឹងត្រែង, "River of Reeds"), is a province (khaet) of Cambodia located in the northeast. It borders the provinces of Ratanakiri to the east, Mondulkiri and Kratie to the south and Kampong Thom and Preah Vihear to the west. Its northern boundary is Cambodia's international border with Laos. The Mekong river crosses the province roughly through the center. [...] Stung Treng province, which covers an area of 11,092 square kilometres, is a remote and sparsely populated province in the northeast of Cambodia. It borders Lao to the north, Ratanakiri to the east, Preah Vihear to the west and Kratie and Kompong Thom to the south. The province is divided into five district, 34 communes and 128 villages. Stung Treng is a unique province quite distinct from other Cambodian provinces in the Mekong basin.Extensive forests, intersecting rivers and streams and low population density characterize it. Stung Treng includes also the western chunk of the massive Virachey National Park, accessible from Siem Pang, a small beautiful town on the Tonle Kong. The province also features three big rivers the Tonle Kong, the Tonle San and the mighty Mekong with its hundreds of small islands scattered on the river stretch in Stung Treng Province.


Preah Vihear Temple is a territory of Cambodia

Prasat Preah Vihear (ព្រះវិហារ) is a Khmer (Cambodian) temple crowning a 525-m cliff in the Dângrêk Mountains in Cambodia, across the border from Si Saket and Kantharalak in northeastern Thailand. It is also the name of the surrounding province. [...] Though at the edge of a cliff whose top mostly belongs to present-day Thailand, and for some years occupied by that country, the temple was nonetheless claimed by Cambodia on the basis of a map prepared during French colonial times. In 1959 Cambodia brought the dispute to the International Court of Justice, which in 1962 ruled that, because Thailand had for years accepted this map, Cambodia had sovereignty over Preah Vihear. Soon afterwards Cambodia was plunged into civil war. The temple remained open to the public from Thailand (although unreachable from Cambodia) until 1975, when it was occupied by the Khmer Rouge, whose rusting artillery guns still litter the area. It was re-opened from the Thai side in 1998, and in 2003 Cambodia completed the construction of a long-awaited access road allowing Cambodians to visit the temple. In 2008, after a contentious nomination process, the temple was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. [...] Stay safe [edit]Preah Vihear is the subject of a long-running territorial dispute between Thailand and Cambodia, and several soldiers on both sides were killed in clashes in 2008, 2009 & 2011. In Nov 2013 the UN's International Court of Justice ruled that the temple area and most of the disputed land were sovereign Cambodian territory. Thai officials pledged to abide by the ruling.


Khao Phra Wihan is a territory of Thailand

Khao Phra Wihan National Park (Thai: อุทยานแห่งชาติเขาพระวิหาร) is a protected natural area in Sisaket Province, Thailand, that contains numerous ruins of the 11th century Khmer Empire. The park lies 98 km (61 mi) south of the town of Sisaket, at the end of Thai highway 221. Sited on a red stone cliff that is part of the Dangrek mountain range on the southern edge of the Khorat Plateau, it abuts the international border between Thailand's Sisaket Province and Cambodia's Preah Vihear Province. The name of the cliff in the Royal Thai General System of Transcription is Pha Mo I Daeng (ผามออีแดง). The park was established on 20 March 1998,[1] with an area of 81,250 rai ~ 130 square kilometres (50 sq mi).[2]


Khao Phra Wihan is a territory of Cambodia

The park’s territory lines Thailand-Cambodia border, over high cliff and lush forest of Dongrek Range. Khao Phra Wihan National Park acquires 130 square kilometres area of Amphoe Kantharalak of Si Sa Ket, Sub Amhoe Nam Khun and Amphoe Nam Yuen of Ubon Ratchathani. The country’s 83rd National Park was established on March 20, 1998. [...] Phra Wihan National Park features attractions and interesting activities including: [...] Khao Phra Wihan National Park (All)


KUWAIT: Despite being Kuwait’s smallest Island, Qaruh holds a significant place in the hearts of Kuwaitis for being the first land to be liberated from the Iraqi aggressors in 1991. Located around 37 kilometers from the Kuwaiti mainland, the island’s name "Qaruh" was derived from the presence of tar (Qar) residues on the Island. Kuwaiti researcher on islands affairs Khaled Salem Al-Ansari said that Qaruh, similar to many other Kuwaiti Islands, was not inhabited by people, unlike the only inhabited Failaka Island. He added that the Island is part of the capital governorate in the administrative categorization. Al-Ansari said that Qaruh was roughly 275 meters long by 175 in width. Regarding the current status of the Island, the Kuwaiti researcher said that the Island had a 15-meter-long lighthouse to warn ships and vessels of the sharp rocks located near Qaruh, noting that in the past, Kuwaiti sailors used to stop at the Island and then sail to a nearby location for pearl diving. Al-Ansari also noted that Qaruh Island was host for different kinds of seabirds, adding that some plants grew on the Island. —KUNA


Umm al Maradim is a territory of Saudi Arabia

Umm al Maradim (Arabic: جزيرة ام المرادم)(Translation: Mother of boulders) is an island located at the extreme south of Kuwait's marine borders near the junction with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Umm Al-Maradim is surrounded by deep waters which enable ships to land directly at its shores - an advantage which is not available on most Kuwaiti islands. It is 1.5 kilometres (0.9 miles) in length and 540 metres (1,770 feet) in width, which represents an area of approximately 65 hectares (160 acres). It is an oval-shaped island with a sand cape. Pearl oysters breed around the island's seabed. [...] Umm Al-Maradim was the first Kuwaiti land to be liberated from the Invasion of Kuwait in 1991. On its territory the Kuwaiti flag was hoisted again proclaiming the defeat of aggression and the restoration of legality.