Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid
The crowning achievement of Jimmy        Carter's presidency was the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt,        and he has continued his public and private diplomacy ever since, winning        the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for his decades of work for peace, human        rights, and international development. He has been a tireless author since        then as well, writing bestselling books on his childhood, his faith, and        American history and politics, but inPalestine: Peace Not        Apartheid, he has returned to the Middle East and to the question of        Israel's peace with its neighbors--in particular, how Israeli sovereignty        and security can coexist permanently and peacefully with Palestinian        nationhood.It's a rare honor to ask questions of a former president, and we are        grateful that President Carter was able to take the time in between his        work with his wife, Rosalynn, for the Carter Center and Habitat for        Humanity and his many writing projects to speak with us about his hopes        for the region and his thoughts on the book.A big thank you to President Carter for granting our request for an        interview.An Interview with President Jimmy CarterQ:What has been the importance        of your own faith in your continued interest in peace in the Middle        East?A:As a Christian, I worship the Prince of Peace. One of        my preeminent commitments has been to bring peace to the people who live        in the Holy Land. I made my best efforts as president and still have this        as a high priority.Q:A common theme in your years of        Middle East diplomacy has been that leaders on both sides have often been        more open to discussion and change in private than in public. Do you think        that's still the case?A:Yes. This is why private and intense        negotiations can be successful. More accurately, however, my premise has        been that the general public (Jewish, Christian, and Muslim) are more        eager for peace than their political leaders. For instance, a recent poll        done by the Hebrew University in Jerusalem showed that 58% of Israelis and        81% of the Palestinians favor a comprehensive settlement similar to the        Roadmap for Peace or the Saudi proposal adopted by all 23 Arab nations and        recently promoted by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Tragically,        there have been no substantive peace talks during the past six        years.Q:How have the war in Iraq and the increased        strength of Iran (and the declarations of their leaders against Israel)        changed the conditions of the Israel-Palestine question?A:Other existing or threatened conflicts in the region greatly increase the        importance of Israel's having peace agreements with its neighbors, to        minimize overall Arab animosity toward both Israel and the United States        and reduce the threat of a broader conflict.Q:Your use of        the term "apartheid" has been a lightning rod in the response to your        book. Could you explain your choice? Were you surprised by the reaction?A:The book is about Palestine, the occupied territories, and        not about Israel. Forced segregation in the West Bank and terrible        oppression of the Palestinians create a situation accurately described by        the word. I made it plain in the text that this abuse is not based on        racism, but on the desire of a minority of Israelis to confiscate and        colonize Palestinian land. This violates the basic humanitarian premises        on which the nation of Israel was founded. My surprise is that most        critics of the book have ignored the facts about Palestinian persecution        and its proposals for future peace and resorted to personal attacks on the        author. No one could visit the occupied territories and deny that the book        is accurate.Q:You write in the book that "the peace        process does not have a life of its own; it is not self-sustaining." What        would you recommend that the next American president do to revive it?A:I would not want to wait two more years. It is encouraging        that President George W. Bush has announced that peace in the Holy Land        will be a high priority for his administration during the next two years.        On her January trip to the region, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has        called for early U.S.-Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. She has recommended        the 2002 offer of the Arab nations as a foundation for peace: full        recognition of Israel based on a return to its internationally recognized        borders. This offer is compatible with official U.S. Government policy,        previous agreements approved by Israeli governments in 1978 and 1993, and        with the International Quartet's "roadmap for peace." My book proposes        that, through negotiated land swaps, this "green line" border be modified        to permit a substantial number of Israelis settlers to remain in        Palestine. With strong U.S. pressure, backed by the U.N., Russia, and the        European Community, Israelis and Palestinians would have to come to the        negotiating table.1/18/2007More to ExploreOur              Endangered ValuesSharing              Good TimesAn Hour              Before DaylightFrom Publishers WeeklyThe term "good-faith" is almost        inappropriate when applied to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a bloody        struggle interrupted every so often by negotiations that turn out to be        anything but honest. Nonetheless, thirty years after his first trip to the        Mideast, former President Jimmy Carter still has hope for a peaceful,        comprehensive solution to the region's troubles, delivering this informed        and readable chronicle as an offering to the cause. An engineer of the        1978 Camp David Accords and 2002 recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize,        Carter would seem to be a perfect emissary in the Middle East, an        impartial and uniting diplomatic force in a fractured land. Not entirely        so. Throughout his work, Carter assigns ultimate blame to Israel, arguing        that the country's leadership has routinely undermined the peace process        through its obstinate, aggressive and illegal occupation of territories        seized in 1967. He's decidedly less critical of Arab leaders, accepting        their concern for the Palestinian cause at face value, and including their        anti-Israel rhetoric as a matter of course, without much in the way of        counter-argument. Carter's book provides a fine overview for those        unfamiliar with the history of the conflict and lays out an        internationally accepted blueprint for peace.Copyright © Reed Business        Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. 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