He is best known for his work in Talakjung vs Tulke and Pashupati Prasad.

(meta data) TITLE: Khagendra Lamichhane | Biography, Girlfriend, Age, Height

(meta data) PUBLISHER: https://www.facebook.com/Biofamous/

# Khagendra Lamichhane | Biography, Girlfriend, Age, Height

Khagendra lamichhane is an Award winning famous scriptwriter and director.

He had great success in "Pashupati Prasad".

A famous writer turned to actor and finally to a director.

He is famous these days because of his another picture based on the national game of Nepal, Dandibiyo.

Damaruko Dandibiyo has been based on the conservation and preservation of extinction of this national game.

Similarly his previous movie Talakjung vs Tulke was also super-hit movie that was also based on the national issue.

NameKhagendra LamichhaneDate of BirthJuly 23,

1988Family NameLamichhaneProfessionActor/ writerBirth PlaceNepalBirth SignCancerHeight5 Feet 9 Inch

As being the writer himself, he focuses on the day to day life of so called low class family of Nepal.

Mainly stories are based on the sorrows and struggle a poor family has to face for their survival.

Rather than living a life, people there in his movies are found to struggle for survival.

Similarly, making the movies of national importance that could raise awareness and provide the people with knowledge of social importance.

Khagendra Lamichhane was born in beautiful part of Syangja district where he completed his high school education .

He later moved to the capital city for the higher education.

Living in Kathmandu he completed his Master's degree.

So we can consider Lamichhane as one of the actor with higher level education compared to other well popular actors in Nepal.

Along with his academics education, he also joined some drama institutions and he even started teaching Drama and acting in an institution.

Apart from these, he worked with BBC Media Action as an actor, writer, producer and editor for an international award-winning drama 'Katha Mitho Sarangiko', and as an editor for its reconstruction radio drama 'Kathamaala'.

Similarly, he also worked with British Council as Drama Production Consultant.

Currently, he is the chairperson of Tukee Arts Pvt. Ltd.

However, his debut movie is Talakjung Vs Tulke which gained a prominent attention from the audience.

Khagendra Lamichhane has been successfully married.

He is busy in his professional life and is not in the way to get married soon.

He has not disclosed much information about his love and affairs if he has been through in the past.

Damaruko DandibiyoDhanapati along side Surakshya PantaPashupati Prasad (Nepali Feature Film)Talakjung vs Tulke (Nepali Feature Film)Badhshala (

Nepali Feature Film)Maya Devika Sapana (Drama, 2010)Hajurbako Katha (Solo Drama,

2008)Peeda Geet (Solo Drama, 2007)Katro (Drama, 2004)Sirumarani (Drama, 2003)

Khagendra Lamichhane is a Nepali theater personality, actor, writer and director.


The Bill was signed into law by Governor Sandoval in May 2017.

(meta data) TITLE: Freshman Orientation: Republican Assemblywoman Lisa Krasner

(meta data) PUBLISHED DATETIME: 2017-01-23 01:55:18

an Indy InternEn EspañolImmigrationLegislatureMarijuanaHealth CareCafecito con Luz y MichelleElection 2020HomeSupport Our WorkESPENLegislature

# Freshman Orientation: Republican Assemblywoman Lisa Krasner

ByMichelle RindelsJanuary 23rd, 2017 - 1:55amNevada Assembly

Freshman Orientation: Republican Assemblywoman Lisa KrasnerMichelle RindelsJanuary 23rd, 2017 - 1:55am

Freshman Republican who replaces retiring three-term Republican Assemblyman Randy Kirner, who defeated her by just 11 votes in 2014

Represents District 26, which includes south Reno, the Washoe Valley and Incline Village.

District 26 leans Republican (30 percent Democrat, 44 percent Republican and 19 percent nonpartisan in the 2016 election).

In the Republican primary, staunchly anti-tax Krasner earned 55 percent of the vote to defeat moderate attorney Jason Guinasso.

Krasner ran unopposed in the general election because no Democrats joined the race.

Serving on Corrections, Parole, and Probation; Education; Judiciary; Natural Resources, Agriculture, and Mining committees in the 2017 session.

Lisa Krasner was born in California in and is the daughter of an immigrant.

She completed a bachelor's degree from the University of California, Los Angeles before earning a law degree from the University of LaVerne College of Law in Ontario, California.

She's married to Dr. Charles Krasner, an internist and infectious disease specialist who teaches at the University of Nevada, Reno School of Medicine, and she has two boys.

Krasner is a political science instructor at Truckee Meadows Community College, where she teaches courses on the U.S. Constitution and the Nevada Constitution.

In the past, she taught similar courses at the University of Phoenix.

She previously served as a commissioner on the State of Nevada Commission on Aging and the Reno Parks and Recreation Commission, and she's a trustee on the Reno Philharmonic board.

Does anything embarrass you about Nevada?

"Nevada is the 'Land of Opportunity' for people who are motivated and want to work hard to succeed.

I am proud to live in Nevada; I love our state."

What are your top priorities in the 2017 session?

"1. Job creation and economic diversity — Continuing to make Nevada a state where businesses can thrive and create good paying jobs for Nevadans.

2. Limited government — Government should be of the people, by the people, and for the people.

Governmental power is restricted by the law, the Constitution, and the people.

Fiscal responsibility — Government spends within its means and is accountable to the people.

3. Education — School reform and school choice, to improve education for all students K-12."

Should we raise taxes, and under what circumstances?

"I do not support a tax hike this session.

In the 2015 legislative session, the Nevada Legislature implemented the largest tax hike in Nevada history.

We now need to effectively and efficiently spend these taxpayer dollars.

We need to reduce waste, mismanagement and inefficient spending.

"We need to cut programs where this is waste, mismanagement and inefficient spending."

How do you plan to diversify Nevada's economy and create more jobs?

"Nevada is moving quickly into the 21st century and we need to give motivated people the skills to be competitive in the workforce.

Workforce development programs at the community college level and in trade schools will benefit both the students and the businesses that employ them.

"Let free market forces determine the future of solar energy policy in Nevada."

What should Nevada's next step be on the stalled Education Savings Account program?

"The Nevada State Supreme Court heard the case on Educational Savings Accounts, and affirmed that a broad-based educational choice program is constitutional.

However, the funding mechanism needs to be modified.

Will you work across the aisle, and on what issues?

"Yes, I see myself working across party lines on any and all issues that are non-partisan and benefit all citizens who live in Nevada.

I am happy to work across the aisle with other legislators who also care about the best interests of all Nevadans.

Some examples are child advocacy and issues that relate to senior citizens and veterans."

We welcome reader comments on our stories.

However, in keeping with our general policy of transparency, accuracy and accountability, we do not accept comments from anonymous accounts.

Anonymous accounts are those without a valid first and last name.

Any such comments will be deleted, and anonymous users will be blocked from commenting further.

We also will block commenters who use offensive language, engage in personal attacks or state things that are verifiably false.get

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Krasner is a Republican. She is an advocate for small business owners, quality education, veterans, children and senior citizens. She opposes raising taxes and the minimum wage. In the 2017 Nevada Legislative session Krasner successfully passed AB145- Extends the statute of limitations for child victims of sexual abuse.


On June 26, 2018, parent company E. W. Scripps announced that it would sell KXBL - along with its sister stations, KBEZ, KFAQ, KHTT, and KVOO to Griffin Communications.

(meta data) TITLE: Scripps Sells Tulsa Cluster To Griffin Communications - RadioInsight

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RadioInsight - Radio Industry News Commentary Discussions

# Scripps Sells Tulsa Cluster To Griffin Communications

EW Scripps has announced the first of its planned divestments of its radio properties with the sale of its five stations in Tulsa OK to Griffin Communications for $12.5 million.

The privately held Griffin currently owns four television stations in Oklahoma: CBS affiliate KOTV 6 and CW affiliate KQCQ 19 in Tulsa and CBS/CW affiliate KWTV 9 and MyNetworkTV affiliate KSBI 52 in Oklahoma City.

The company has a long history in radio as the previous owners of 1430 KTUL Tulsa and 1520 KOMA Oklahoma City.

It also currently owns the statewide Radio Oklahoma Network.

The stations involved in the sale are: Classic Hits "92.9 The Drive" KBEZ, Country 98.5 KVOO, Classic Country "Big Country 99.5" KXBL, CHR "106.9 K-Hits" KHTT, and News/Talk 1170 KFAQ.

Scripps announced its intent to sell its radio assets in January of this year.

The E.W. Scripps Company (NASDAQ: SSP) has reached an agreement to sell its group of five radio stations in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to Griffin Communications for $12.5 million.

Oklahoma-based Griffin is purchasing KFAQ (1170 AM), KHTT (106.9 FM), KVOO (98.5 FM), KXBL (99.5 FM) and KBEZ (92.9 FM).

The transaction is expected to close in the fourth quarter.

The sale is the first in what Scripps expects to be a series of radio sale transactions.

The company announced in January its intent to sell all its radio stations.

Including the Tulsa stations, Scripps' portfolio includes 34 radio stations in eight markets.

"Griffin Communications has a long history of serving Oklahomans through a multiplatform approach to news and entertainment," said Adam Symson, Scripps president and CEO.

"We believe our Tulsa radio stations and their employees are a natural fit for Griffin and its vision.

"In addition, this transaction is a promising start to the sale of our entire radio station group, which was one of the pillars of our strategy for returning value to shareholders.

Griffin Communications is a privately held multimedia company with a focus on Oklahoma.

It owns and operates four television stations and their digital platforms in Oklahoma City and Tulsa and runs a portfolio of advertising businesses, including a digital billboard company.

Griffin is headquartered in Oklahoma City.

Kalil & Co., Inc. is the exclusive broker for this transaction.

Lance Venta is the Owner and Publisher of RadioInsight.com and a consultant for RadioBB Networks specializing in integration of radio and the internet.

Lance has two decades of experience tracking the audio industry and its use of digital platforms.

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In the 1970s & 1980's, the station was known as KGCG "The Green Country Giant" then later as KDLB "Double Barrel Country" (both as country stations). It later went dark, then came back on the air in 1985 as "Magic 99" (KQMJ) until 1991. After that, it became "99.5 The Storm" with calls KSTM. KSTM flipped to country in March 1993 and changed calls to KCKI as "Kick99". It changed calls in 2001 to KXBL and became "99.5 The Bull". In 2003, KXBL became a classic country station as "Big Country 99.5" its current format.
 Journal Communications (KXBL's former owner) and the E. W. Scripps Company (owner of NBC's local affiliate KJRH-TV) announced on July 30, 2014 that the two companies would merge to create a new broadcast company under the E. W. Scripps Company name that will own the two companies' broadcast properties, including KXBL. The transaction was completed in 2015, with shareholder and regulatory approvals.


(meta data) TITLE: The Ananda Shankar Experience - Real World Records

Throughout Ananda Shankar's long and illustrious career he pioneered the bringing together of Eastern and Western music and the joining together of people.

Ananda was born in Almora, Uttar Pradesh in 1942.

The son of dancers Uday and Amala Shankar and the nephew of Pandit Ravi Shankar, he was raised in an artistically creative atmosphere.

He studied sitar with Dr Lalmani Mishra in Banaras at the Hindu University.

In the late 1960s he travelled to the west coast of America when the flower power generation was in full swing.

The pop world was fascinated by all things sitar.

Informal jam sessions with Jimi Hendrix in 1969 soon resulted in attention from producers at Warner Reprise.

The ensuing LP Ananda Shankar saw the young musician flexing his skills as composer and arranger.

It featured amazing cover versions of the Rolling Stones' 'Jumping Jack Flash' and The Doors' 'Light My Fire', ensuring the record's cult success, then and to this day.

Ananda returned to India in the '70s to pursue his personal musical vision.

He was one of the earliest to combine traditional Indian instrumentation with Western music, blending mridangam with guitar and sitar, and sarod and veena with jazz and rock drums.

On the album Ananda Shankar And His Music it all fell into place.

Two tracks in particular, 'Streets Of Calcutta' (featured live on his album for Real World Walking On) and 'Dancing Drums' are absolute classics of their time and still sound totally fresh today.

Wild rhythmic patterns from rock and pop collided and colluded with gorgeous Indian melodies.

His band Mudavis toured the world to great acclaim, and he continued to make records – although he quickly branched out into compositional work for radio, film and television, along with hugely successful musical direction for his wife Tanusree's internationally admired dance company.

The pop and rock world is well-known for its ephemeral nature and, in the West, Ananda became part of the secret history of pop culture.

In the nineties the Shankar back catalogue became sought after for its rich vein of eclectic breaks and beats.

Those wild rhythmic patterns were perfect for hip-hop and drum and bass heads.

But in England a more serious appreciation of his contribution to world music emerged at club nights like Anokha in London's East End.

DJ, musician and producer Sam Zaman, aka State Of Bengal, played a seven-hour vinyl tribute to Ananda at one legendary session.

Some long-deleted tracks from the sixties and seventies began appearing on official and not- so-official compilation albums.

The original vinyl began to fetch very silly prices.

It was while running a club night called Hypnotique, with The Big Chill's Pete Lawrence, in the mid-nineties that I came across the Shankar grooves.

Wondering whether he was still working, I was amazed to find that I knew a close friend of his, an ex-dancer with Mudavis, Piali Ray.

We both had offices at the Midlands Arts Centre in Birmingham and from there a plan was conceived to bring Ananda over to the UK to rehearse a live touring project, which later became the album Walking On, when WOMAD booked the project and Real World whisked it into the studio during Recording Week.

State of Bengal was immediately and naturally brought in as a musical partner, adding a unique and up to the minute dimension to what was already an amazing fusion experience.

Sam Zaman had been listening to Ananda since his early teens and sometimes even remembered tunes that the maestro had forgotten.

"My dream is to break barriers, any kind of barrier - through music, love, affection and compassion.

I have this dream of musicians from all over the world playing for an audience all over the world.

When we are all here we are one, and when we go out I am sure we will all be one."

He was an original musician of the world before the term 'world music' was invented.

Open minded and far-sighted, he opened a door onto possibilities that seem even more relevant now than they did in the sixties.

Somewhere, somehow (and with this last recording), Ananda walks on.

Ananda Shankar born 11 December 1942; died 26 March 1999.

– Alan James, June 1999, taken from the liner notes of Walking On.

Sitarist Ananda Shankar was an illustrious cult figure in the secret history of pop culture, a pioneer of '60s Indo-funk.

His last studio recording brings him together with UK-based Asian impressario/DJ/producer State of Bengal.

Infused with sheer zest, this is an extraordinary meeting of '60s and '90s pop.

Beautifully packaged clamshell box with 3 CD wallets, 28 page booklet containing the story of 25 Years of Real World Records, and a collection of Real World Tales with contributions from musicians, producers, designer and managers.

The English Folk Dance and Song Society have awarded four new bursaries.

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The single precedes an upcoming European tour and a new album in Autumn 2019

### Track of the Day: 'Heavy' by Les Amazones d'Afrique

Les Amazones d'Afrique's new single introduces the band's new members: Niariu, Boy Fall & Jon Grace.

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The British Library Archive have been recording artists at the WOMAD Festival for over 30 years.

In the late 1960s, Shankar travelled to Los Angeles, where he played with many contemporary musicians including Jimi Hendrix. There he was signed to Reprise Records and released his first album, "Ananda Shankar", in 1970, with original Indian classical material alongside sitar-based cover versions of popular hits, The Rolling Stones' "Jumpin' Jack Flash" and The Doors' "Light My Fire".   The album is included in the book "1001 Albums You Must Hear Before You Die".
 Returning to India in the early 1970s, Shankar continued to experiment musically and in 1975 released his most critically acclaimed album, "Ananda Shankar and His Music", a jazz-funk mix of Eastern sitar, Western rock guitar, tabla and mridangam, drums and Moog synthesizers. Out of print for many years, the album was re -


During the Second Boer War, the regiment took part in the Battle of Belmont and the Battle of Modder River in November 1899, as well as the Battle of Magersfontein in December 1899, Relief of Kimberley in winter 1899 and the subsequent Battle of Paardeberg which resulted in Piet Cronjé’s surrender in February 1900.

(meta data) TITLE: Anglo Boer War - 9th (Queen's Royal) Lancers

The regiment was one of those which were so opportunely despatched from India to South Africa in September 1899.

They landed at Cape Town, and when war broke out had to do an immense amount of patrol work, as mounted men were so scarce in the colony.

When Lord Methuen commenced his advance from Orange River in November (see 3rd Grenadier Guards), the 9th Lancers, three companies Mounted Infantry, and some of Rimington's Guides were his only mounted forces,—an utterly inadequate complement for practically three brigades of infantry.

At Belmont, 23rd November 1899 (see 3rd Grenadier Guards), the regiment had very responsible work—two squadrons with one of Mounted Infantry protecting the left flank; one squadron and some of Rimington's Guides and a company of Mounted Infantry worked to the east.

At Enslin on the 25th they had plenty— too much—to do.

In closing his despatch as to Enslin Lord Methuen says, "My guns played on the masses of horsemen, but my few cavalry, dead beat, were powerless, and for the second time I longed for a cavalry brigade and a horse-artillery battery to let me reap the fruits of a hard-fought action".

The want of cavalry caused Belmont, Enslin, and Modder River to be purely infantry actions, and wellnigh barren ones.

Some critics, such as Mr Maydon, have expressed the opinion that Lord Methuen should have delayed his advance till more mounted troops were available, but the perils of the Diamond City bulked largely in the thoughts of all at the time.

At Modder River, 28th November, the 9th Lancers and Mounted Infantry protected the right flank, where the Boers were threatening all day.

Mr Maydon, p 45, records that the regiment reported on the previous day the enemy intrenched in the river-bed, but that Lord Methuen refused to believe it.

This statement is not altogether unsupported.

At Magersfontein, 11th December, the regiment did much dismounted work on the right flank, and their services were very valuable.

"Major Little in the firing line did good work all day"; and Lieutenant Allhusen's work with the maxim was also mentioned in the despatch of 15th February 1900.

About 9th January 1900 the regiment took part in a raid into the Orange Free State.

When the march to Kimberley commenced on 11th February the 9th and 16th formed the 3rd Cavalry Brigade under Brigadier General J R P Gordon.

In the rush through the Boer position on the morning of the 15th February the 9th and 16th had a prominent place, heading the charge, and they did very well (see Maydon's book and Cecil Boyle's article in 'Nineteenth Century' of June 1900).

After Kimberley was relieved the brigade took part in the other operations antecedent to the occupation of Bloemfontein, but were not in the force which headed off Cronje on the 17th.

The 3rd Cavalry Brigade remained at Kimberley till the morning of the 18th, and arriving at a point north of the Boer force late in the afternoon, Gordon had a little fighting on his own account, his batteries O and R doing some good work.

Next day he joined French, and acted with him in all the other fighting on the way to Bloemfontein.

In Lord Roberts' despatch of 31st March 1900, 3 officers and 5 non-commissioned officers and men of the 9th Lancers were mentioned for exceptional work up to the occupation of Bloemfontein.

On 29th March 1900 the 1st and 3rd Cavalry Brigades under French were, with Tucker's VIIth Division, employed at Karee Siding when the enemy was driven back towards Brandfort.

Towards the end of April the brigade was engaged with Ian Hamilton and French in clearing the enemy from the Thabanchu district, and had some stiff fighting on the extreme right (see Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry).

Lord Roberts commenced his northern advance on 3rd May, and on the 8th he was joined by General French with the 1st (Porter's), 3rd (Gordon's), and 4th (Dickson's) Brigades of cavalry.

The 3rd Brigade now included the 17th Lancers.

In the further advance towards Pretoria this brigade was generally working in advance on the right flank of the main body and under the direct orders of Lord Roberts, General French with the 1st and 4th Cavalry Brigades and Button's Mounted Infantry being far out on the left flank.

At Diamond Hill (see Sussex Regiment) the 2nd and 3rd Cavalry Brigades were on the right, the 3rd Brigade being on the extreme right but thrown back.

Both brigades were opposed by strongly posted forces of the enemy, and were at times pressed to hold their own.

The 3rd Cavalry Brigade thereafter took part in the initial steps of the movement which led up to Prinsloo's surrender.

On 11th July the brigade left Sir A Hunter's force, returning via Reitz to Heilbron and thence to Kroonstad.

Brigadier General Gordon at this time left the 3rd for the 1st Brigade, his successor being Lieutenant Colonel Little.

The 2nd and 3rd Brigades were for some weeks after 16th July engaged in the pursuit of De Wet's force, which had broken out of the Brand water basin (see 1st Northumberland Fusiliers).

About the middle of August the 3rd Brigade moved with Lord Methuen to Zeerust.

As the brigade was starting to return on the 25th, Colonel Little was wounded and Colonel Dalgetty of the Colonial Division took command.

Between Zeerust and Krugersdorp there was constant fighting.

Brigadier General Porter now got the brigade, and under him it was railed from Johannesburg to Kroonstad to operate once more against De Wet.

The brigade was for a time employed in the Orange River Colony, sweeping up, and on the borders of Cape Colony.

In November 1900 the brigade was split up, but was mainly employed in the various columns put into the field to prevent, if possible, De Wet and other leaders from entering Cape Colony.

The 9th Lancers acted for a time with General Charles Knox.

Ten officers and 12 non-commissioned officers and men of the 9th Lancers were mentioned in Lord Roberts' despatches of 2nd April and 4th September 1901.

Early in the year 1901 the regiment was sent into Cape Colony to pursue Boers who had crossed the Orange, and, acting under Colonel Scobell, they and the Cape Mounted Rifles gained great credit for their successful endeavours to close with the enemy.

Over and over again this column surprised laagers and killed or captured many of the enemy.

In particular, they were specially praised for the capture of Letter's commando on 5th September 1901.

Lord Kitchener described it as a brilliant success.

In this affair the 9th lost 7 killed and 5 wounded.

During the remainder of the campaign the regiments of the brigade were mainly employed in Cape Colony.

The 9th sailed for India in March 1902, after two and a half years' campaigning.

Their war services were as continuously hard, as brilliant, and as fruitful as those of any other regiment in South Africa.

For exceptional work in the later phases of the war Lord Kitchener mentioned, in despatches written during the war, 6 officers and 10 non-commissioned officers and men of the 9th Lancers, and in the final despatch 4 officers and 4 non-commissioned officers and men were mentioned.

AbadieEustace Henry EgremontLieutenantABADIE, EUSTACE HENRY EGREMONT, Lieutenant, was born 24 January 1877, elder son of Major General Henry Richard Abadie, CB, 9th Lancers, Lieutenant-Governor of Jersey, 1900-4, and of his first wife Kate (who died in 1883), daughter of G Sandeman.

Eustace Abadie joined the 9th Lancers 11 August 1897, becoming Lieutenant 3 May 1899.

He served with much distinction in the South African War, 1899-1902, and was present at the advance on Kimberley, including the actions at Belmont, Enslin and Magersfontein; Relief of Kimberley; took part in the operations in the Orange Free State, February to May 1900, including operations at Paardeberg (17 to 26 February); actions at Poplar Grove, Driefontein, Karee Siding, Houtnek (Thoba Mountain), Vet River (5 and 6 May) and Zand River; was present during the operations in the Transvaal in May and June, 1900, including actions near Johannesburg, Pretoria and Diamond Hill (11 and 12 June), again in the Transvaal, east of Pretoria, July to 29 November 1900, including actions at Reit Vlei and Belfast; in the Transvaal, west of Pretoria, July to 29 November 1900; operations in Cape Colony and the Transvaal 30 November 1900, to 31 May 1902.

He was mentioned in Despatches [London Gazette, 10 September 1901]; received the Queen's Medal with eight clasps, the King's Medal with two clasps, and was created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 27 September 1901]: "Eustace Henry Egremont Abadie, Lieutenant, 9th Lancers.

In recognition of services during the operations in South Africa".

The Insignia, Warrant, etc, were sent to the Commander-in-Chief in India, and presented by General Sir Bindon Blood at Full Garrison Parade at Rawal Pindi 8 April, 1903.

It is said that no other officer received more than eight clasps to the Queen's Medal in the South African Campaign.

He was promoted to Captain 15 March, 1904; was a Staff College Graduate; was Adjutant of his regiment from February 1906, to August 1907, and was promoted to Major in March, 1912.

Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)

AlbertS3591PrivatePrisoner. Paardeplaat, 19 July 1900

Source: South African Field Force Casualty Roll

Prisoner - released, Paardeplaat, 19 Jul 00.


His famous speech, in which he said, "I came through and I shall return", was first made at Terowie railway station  in South Australia, on 20 March, where he changed trains.

(meta data) TITLE: " I Came out of Bataan and I Shall Return " | Monument Australia

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# " I Came out of Bataan and I Shall Return "

Memorial commemorates Douglas Macarthur's historic message to the Australian Press after retreating from the Phillipines during World War Two.

He subsequently repeated the line "I shall return" in a number of other speeches, in a number of other places.

Douglas McArthur arrived at Terowie Railway Station and much to MacArthur`s surprise his "secret" arrival in Terowie was not so secret.

A huge cheer went up from the locals who had gathered when he left the train.

General MacArthur responded by striding towards an opening between a line of railway carriages and saluted the people of Terowie on the other side of the carriages and some passengers on a nearby train.

MacArthur was dressed in a loose hanging jacket and slacks and wore no decorations or insignia except for a laurel wreathed peak on his cap and another emblem.

On being asked if his would reach the United States he said:- "The President of the United States ordered me to break through the Japanese lines and proceed to Corregidor to Australia for the purpose, as I understand it, of organising an American offensive against Japan, the primary purpose of which is the relief of the Philippines.

Address:Railway Station, Terowie, 5421State:SAArea:ForeignGPS Coordinates:Lat: -33.150403Long: 138.921392Note: GPS Coordinates are approximate.

Monument Type:PlaqueMonument Theme:ConflictSub-Theme:WW2Actual Event STart Date:20-March-1942Actual Event End Date:20-March-1942

" I CAME OUT OF BATAAN AND I SHALL RETURN"

This historic message that echoed around the world was given on this spot by US General Douglas MacArthur at his first press interview in Australia, 20.3.1942

Source: MA,TOH Monument details supplied by Monument Australia - www.monumentaustralia.org.au

Douglas MacArthur's escape from the Philippines

MacArthur awarded Silver Stars to the crews of the two bombers. Brett's chief of staff, Brigadier General Ralph Royce, was on hand to greet them, and Brett had sent two Australian National Airways DC-3s to bring them to Melbourne. However, Jean now refused to fly any further, so MacArthur asked for a motorcade to take them to the nearest railway station, which was at Alice Springs, 1,000 miles (1,600 km) away. Sutherland had received word of an incoming Japanese air raid, and asked Morhouse to intervene. Morhouse told MacArthur that Arthur, who had suffered badly from seasickness and airsickness, was on an intravenous feed, and could not guarantee that he would survive the trip across the desert. MacArthur then agreed to take the planes to Alice Springs. Sutherland had Huff hurry everyone onto the aircraft, which took off as the air raid siren sounded.
 At Alice Springs, the party split up. MacArthur, his family, Sutherland, Morhouse and Huff took a special train that Brett had borrowed from the Australians, while the rest of the staff flew down to Melbourne via Adelaide in the DC-3s.


Academically, Gronkowski was in the National Honor Society, citing math as his best subject, and English the worst.

(meta data) TITLE: New England Patriots Rob Gronkowski Pictures and Interview

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Life is pretty damn good for New England Patriots superstar Rob Gronkowski right now—and it's bound to get even better

A massacre has just occurred at a ritzy restaurant in northern Miami.

The assassin—a man beast of 265 pounds with a tree-trunk-thick neck—is sawing mercilessly into the pile of bloody flesh.

"I usually don't cut it before I eat it," he admits.

A speaker trembles with the heavy bass of a Whitney Houston dance remix.

His voice rises an octave as he tears a particularly large chunk free and says: "Sorry!

Watching a 6'6" professional football player have his way with a 14-ounce New York strip is a brutal experience, but New England Patriots tight end Rob Gronkowski has a hard time dialing back his intensity, even when he's not playing football.

Still, the herculean force he brings to the dinner table—evocative of his take-no-prisoners approach on the field—is misleading.

In reality, he is the gentlest of giants, with kind eyes, a dopey grin and the ambiguous sort of accent that sounds, at first, midwestern, but is really the product of upstate New York.

At the age of 26, Gronkowski, a newly minted Super Bowl champion, has already locked in a six-year, $54 million contract—the most lucrative deal for a tight end in NFL history.

He's set several all-time records for his position, cementing a reputation as the best tight end in the league, if not the best tight end to ever play pro football.

That's no small feat, considering he's suffered (and bounced back from) two major injuries that threatened to ruin his career.

But as much as he's been lauded for his remarkable talent on the field, Gronkowski's extracurricular behavior has garnered even more attention.

If quarterback Tom Brady is the Patriots' demure sophisticate, well, Gronkowski is his fratty, fun-loving foil.

He has become something of a pop-culture phenomenon: Gronkowski's post-touchdown tradition of football spiking (and spiking other things, like bouquets, hockey pucks and cakes, off the field) has inspired a viral video trend called "gronking," whereby fans film themselves spiking inanimate objects.

He is the subject of an erotic fan-fiction novel that was an Amazon Kindle best seller.

He travels around town on "The Sinners Bus," his very own partymobile; it has nearly 11,000 followers on Twitter.

A sports website, BarstoolSports.com, perhaps put it best: "He is the most uncomplicated, endearing meathead in the history of the NFL."

On any given day, Gronkowski—who usually goes by "Gronk"—might be found offering lap dances to women at nightclubs, twerking courtside during a Clippers game or being showered with champagne on a college coed–packed yacht.

His antics have, unsurprisingly, spawned critics—people who question his dedication to playing football.

He's living every 26-year-old guy's dream right now, and he'll be damned if anyone tries to take that away from him.

"There's definitely a time to party and a time to focus on work, but you need to let loose a little bit so that you can go back on Monday feeling refreshed and motivated to work hard again," he says.

"People act like dancing is breaking the law and partying is a crime.

Everyone thinks I'm in trouble 24/7, but what have I really done besides dance?"

It would be impossible to wholly understand the essence of Gronk without first considering his childhood.

He was the second youngest in a family of five brothers, which meant that life at the Gronkowski residence in Buffalo, New York, was akin to Animal House, but with more bulk and less booze.

Rob's father, Gordy, played college football, and his sons, as luck would have it, inherited his golden ticket in the genetic lottery.

(Today, the average weight among them is around 250, and all are over six feet tall.)

The Gronk household was a breeding ground for athletic talent—the basement boasted a full-size gym, and the backyard was decked out with a tennis court, a baseball field, basketball hoops and a hockey net.

While Diane, the family matriarch, provided the fuel—she'd spend the entire day in the kitchen whipping up enough chicken parmesan to feed an army—Gordy provided the fire.

In the backyard, he would run tennis drills, baseball drills, football drills; consistently pushing his boys to be stronger, better, faster.

Sibling rivalry engendered a spirit of healthy competition, and ultimately, three out of the five brothers made it to the NFL.

None would be as successful as Rob, though.

Gronkowski landed at the University of Arizona, a Division I school that would serve as the perfect platform to showcase his talent.

But a back injury sidelined him for the duration of his junior year, and the promise of being an early draft pick dissipated.

He was selected by the Patriots in the second round of the 2010 draft, 42nd overall.

"It was definitely a blessing in disguise," he says.

"Some players peak at 20 years old, so if you pick them in the top 10 just because they dominate in college, it doesn't mean that they're going to keep on improving.

The way things ended up for me . . . I feel like it just happened for a reason."

The Miami meat massacre has ended, and being that we're in a steakhouse with an encyclopedia-size wine list, I suggest we do a tasting.

A sommelier arranges 15 wineglasses on the table in front of me, Gronkowski and his childhood friend, John Ticco.

"He's humble because he had three older brothers, so there was always someone bigger and better than him," says Ticco, a baby-faced real-estate broker who still resides in their hometown.

"He's just an average dude who grew up in Buffalo.

I don't think he's ever forgotten that."

"This is 60 percent Malbec and 40 percent Cabernet," he says, filling three glasses with an opaque red liquid.

"You can tell by the color that it's full-bodied, but the tannins give it a super-velvety feel, and . . . "

He smiles politely, but his disinterest is palpable.

"It would have been cooler to do a beer tasting," says Ticco.

"My drink is usually vodka with water because it gets you hydrated and drunk at the same time," he explains after the sommelier has departed.

There's only one wine I like, but I forget what it's called.

Check out the video below for a behind-the-scenes look at Gronk's shoot with Bruce Weber

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He is the second youngest son of Gordon Gronkowski and Diane Walters, and is of Polish descent through his father. His father is a former college football guard for Syracuse University who later founded a high-end fitness equipment business. He is the great-grandson of Ignatius Gronkowski who represented the United States in cycling at the 1924 Summer Olympics in Paris, France, and held five world records in the sport. Gronkowski's parents divorced in 2008. His four brothers – Gordie, Dan, Chris and Glenn – all played collegiate sports, and later played professionally.
 Gronkowski played hockey until he was 14; he then started playing basketball. He attended Williamsville North High School for three years, playing tight end and defensive end (and freshman kickoff specialist, on account of having the biggest feet on the team), center in basketball, and first baseman in baseball for the Spartans athletic teams. As a junior playing football, he recorded 36 receptions for 648 yards and seven touchdowns on offense, and 73 tackles and six sacks on defense. He was named an All-Western New York first-team and All-State second-team player.


An Associated Press investigation outlined that the military coalition in Yemen actively reduced AQAP in Yemen without military intervention, instead by offering them deals and even actively recruiting them in the coalition because "they are considered as exceptional fighters".

(meta data) TITLE: AP Investigation: US allies, al-Qaida battle rebels in Yemen

# AP Investigation: US allies, al-Qaida battle rebels in Yemen

By MAGGIE MICHAEL, TRISH WILSON and LEE KEATHAugust 7, 20181

13Coalition-backed fighters advance on Yemenâ€™s Red Sea port town of Mocha in this Jan. 11 2017, photo.

The coalition forces eventually captured the town from Shiite rebels known as Houthis.

Some fighters in the unit were openly al-Qaida, wearing Afghan-style garb and carrying weapons with an al-Qaida logo, a sign of how closely the militants have been involved in the war against the Houthis, who are seen by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as a proxy for Iranian influence.

of 13Coalition-backed fighters advance on Yemenâ€™s Red Sea port town of Mocha in this Jan. 11 2017, photo.

Again and again over the past two years, a military coalition led by Saudi Arabia and backed by the United States has claimed it won decisive victories that drove al-Qaida militants from their strongholds across Yemen and shattered their ability to attack the West.

Here's what the victors did not disclose: many of their conquests came without firing a shot.

That's because the coalition cut secret deals with al-Qaida fighters, paying some to leave key cities and towns and letting others retreat with weapons, equipment and wads of looted cash, an investigation by The Associated Press has found.

Hundreds more were recruited to join the coalition itself.

These compromises and alliances have allowed al-Qaida militants to survive to fight another day — and risk strengthening the most dangerous branch of the terror network that carried out the 9/11 attacks.

Key participants in the pacts said the U.S. was aware of the arrangements and held off on any drone strikes.

The deals uncovered by the AP reflect the contradictory interests of the two wars being waged simultaneously in this southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula.

In one conflict, the U.S. is working with its Arab allies — particularly the United Arab Emirates — with the aim of eliminating the branch of extremists known as al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, or AQAP.

But the larger mission is to win the civil war against the Houthis, Iranian-backed Shiite rebels.

And in that fight, al-Qaida militants are effectively on the same side as the Saudi-led coalition — and, by extension, the United States.

"Elements of the U.S. military are clearly aware that much of what the U.S. is doing in Yemen is aiding AQAP and there is much angst about that," said Michael Horton, a fellow at the Jamestown Foundation, a U.S. analysis group that tracks terrorism.

"However, supporting the UAE and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia against what the U.S. views as Iranian expansionism takes priority over battling AQAP and even stabilizing Yemen," Horton said.

The AP's findings are based on reporting in Yemen and interviews with two dozen officials, including Yemeni security officers, militia commanders, tribal mediators and four members of al-Qaida's branch.

All but a few of those sources spoke on condition of anonymity, fearing reprisals.

Emirati-backed factions, like most armed groups in Yemen, have been accused of abducting or killing their critics.

Coalition-backed militias actively recruit al-Qaida militants, or those who were recently members, because they're considered exceptional fighters, the AP found.

The coalition forces are comprised of a dizzying mix of militias, factions, tribal warlords and tribes with very local interests.

And AQAP militants are intertwined with many of them.

One Yemeni commander who was put on the U.S. terrorism list for al-Qaida ties last year continues to receive money from the UAE to run his militia, his own aide told the AP.

Another commander, recently granted $12 million for his fighting force by Yemen's president, has a known al-Qaida figure as his closest aide.

In one case, a tribal mediator who brokered a deal between the Emiratis and al-Qaida even gave the extremists a farewell dinner.

Horton said much of the war on al-Qaida by the UAE and its allied militias is a "farce."

"It is now almost impossible to untangle who is AQAP and who is not since so many deals and alliances have been made," he said.

The U.S. has sent billions of dollars in weapons to the coalition to fight the Iran-backed Houthis.

U.S. advisers also give the coalition intelligence used in targeting on-the-ground adversaries in Yemen, and American jets provide air-to-air refueling for coalition war planes.

The U.S. does not fund the coalition, however, and there is no evidence that American money went to AQAP militants.

The U.S. is aware of an al-Qaida presence among the anti-Houthi ranks, a senior American official told reporters in Cairo earlier this year.

Because coalition members back militias with hard-line Islamic commanders, "it's very, very easy for al-Qaida to insinuate itself into the mix," the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity under the terms of the briefing.

More recently, the Pentagon vigorously denied any complicity with al-Qaida militants.

"Since the beginning of 2017, we have conducted more than 140 strikes to remove key AQAP leaders and disrupt its ability to use ungoverned spaces to recruit, train and plan operations against the U.S. and our partners across the region," Navy Cmdr. Sean Robertson, a Pentagon spokesman, wrote in an email to the AP.

A senior Saudi official commented by saying that the Saudi-led coalition "continues its commitment to combat extremism and terrorism."

An Emirati government spokesman did not reply to questions from the AP.

But on Monday, Emirati Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash tweeted that the UAE-backed counter-terrorism strategy is working.

He said it had "removed" thousands of militants and deprived them of safe havens.

AQAP is "at its weakest since 2012," he wrote, adding that the UAE and its allies "have all lost troops in the fight."

The coalition began fighting in Yemen in 2015 after the Houthis overran the north, including the capital, Sanaa.

The UAE and Saudi Arabia are determined to stop what they consider a move by their nemesis, Iran, to take over Yemen, and their professed aim is to restore the internationally recognized government of President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.

Al-Qaida is leveraging the chaos to its advantage.

"The United States is certainly in a bind in Yemen," said Katherine Zimmerman, a research fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

"It doesn't make sense that the United States has identified al-Qaida as a threat, but that we have common interests inside of Yemen and that, in some places, it looks like we're looking the other way."

Within this complicated conflict, al-Qaida says its numbers — which U.S. officials have estimated at 6,000 to 8,000 members — are rising.

An al-Qaida commander who helps organize deployments told the AP that the front lines against the Houthis provide fertile ground to recruit new members.

"Meaning, if we send 20, we come back with 100," he said.

The well-known commander communicated with AP via a secure messaging app on condition of anonymity because he had no authorization from the group to talk to the news media.

The Associated Press reported this story with help from a grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

In February, Emirati troops and their Yemeni militia allies flashed victory signs to TV cameras as they declared the recapture of al-Said, a district of villages running through the mountainous province of Shabwa — an area al-Qaida had largely dominated for nearly three years.

It was painted as a crowning victory in a months-long offensive, Operation Swift Sword, that the Emirati ambassador to Washington, Yousef al-Otaiba, had proclaimed would "disrupt the terrorist organization's network and degrade its ability to conduct future attacks."

The Pentagon, which assisted with a small number of troops, echoed that promise, saying the mission would weaken the group's ability to use Yemen as a base.

But weeks before those forces' entry, a string of pickup trucks mounted with machine guns and loaded with masked al-Qaida militants drove out of al-Said unmolested, according to a tribal mediator involved in the deal for their withdrawal.

The U.S. has killed al-Qaida's top leaders in a drone strike campaign that accelerated in recent years.

But in this victory — as in the others touted by the coalition — the mediator said armed U.S. drones were absent, despite the large, obvious convoy.

Under the terms of the deal, the coalition promised al-Qaida members it would pay them to leave, according to Awad al-Dahboul, the province's security chief.

His account was confirmed by the mediator and two Yemeni government officials.

Al-Dahboul said about 200 al-Qaida members received payments.

He did not learn the exact amounts, but said he knew that 100,000 Saudi rials ($26,000) were paid to one al-Qaida commander — in the presence of Emiratis.

Under the accord, thousands of local tribal fighters were to be enlisted in the UAE-funded Shabwa Elite Force militia.

For every 1,000 fighters, 50 to 70 would be al-Qaida members, the mediator and two officials said.

Saleh bin Farid al-Awlaqi, a pro-Emirati tribal leader who was the founder of one Elite Force branch, denied any agreements were made.

He said he and others enticed young al-Qaida members in Shabwa to defect, which weakened the group, forcing it to withdraw on its own.

He said about 150 fighters who defected were allowed into the Elite Force, but only after they underwent a "repentance" program.

The clearing of al-Qaida from Shabwa and other provinces did not completely take place without fighting.

Clashes erupted in some villages, usually with al-Qaida remnants that refused to play ball.

One former al-Qaida member told the AP that he and his comrades turned down an offer of money from the Emiratis.

In response, he said, an Elite Force squad besieged them in the town of Hawta until they withdrew.

Overall, deals that took place during both the Obama and Trump administrations have secured al-Qaida militants' withdrawal from multiple major towns and cities that the group seized in 2015, the AP found.

The earliest pact, in the spring of 2016, allowed thousands of al-Qaida fighters to pull out of Mukalla, Yemen's fifth-largest city and a major port on the Arabian Sea.

The militants were guaranteed a safe route out and allowed to keep weapons and cash looted from the city — up to $100 million by some estimates — according to five sources, including military, security and government officials.

"Coalition fighter jets and U.S. drones were idle," said a senior tribal leader who saw the convoy leaving.

"I was wondering why they didn't strike them."

A tribal sheikh shuttled between AQAP leaders in Mukalla and Emirati officials in Aden to seal the deal, according to a former senior Yemeni commander.

Coalition-backed forces moved in two days later, announcing that hundreds of militants were killed and hailing the capture as "part of joint international efforts to defeat the terrorist organizations in Yemen."

No witnesses reported militants killed, however.

"We woke up one day and al-Qaida had vanished without a fight," a local journalist said, speaking to AP on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.

Soon after, another accord was struck for AQAP to pull out of six towns in the province of Abyan, including its capital, Zinjibar, according to five tribal mediators involved in the negotiations.

Again, the central provision was that the coalition and U.S. drones cease all bombings as AQAP pulled out with its weapons, the mediators said.

The agreement also included a provision that 10,000 local tribesmen — including 250 al-Qaida militants — be incorporated into the Security Belt, the UAE-backed Yemeni force in the area, four Yemeni officials said.

For nearly a week in May 2016, the militants departed in trucks.

One of the mediators told the AP that he threw the last of the departing fighters a farewell dinner among his olive and lemon orchards when they stopped at his farm to pay their respects.

Another mediator, Tarek al-Fadhli, a former jihadi once trained by al-Qaida leader Osama bin Laden, said he was in touch with officials at the U.S. Embassy and in the Saudi-led coalition, keeping them updated on the withdrawal.

"When the last one left, we called the coalition to say they are gone," he said.

To think of al-Qaida as an international terror group is to miss its other reality.

For many Yemenis, it is simply another faction on the ground — a very effective one, well-armed and battle-hardened.

Over the years, AQAP has woven itself into society by building ties with tribes, buying loyalties and marrying into major families.

Power players often see it as a useful tool.

Hadi's predecessor as Yemen's president, long-ruling strongman Ali Abdullah Saleh, set the model.

He took billions in U.S. aid to combat al-Qaida after the 9/11 attacks, even as he recruited its militants to fight his rivals.

Hadi's current vice president, Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, a military chief for decades, also has been accused of enlisting jihadis.

In that light, it would almost be more startling if the militants were not involved against the Houthis, especially since al-Qaida militants are extremist Sunnis seeking the defeat of the Shiite rebels.

Al-Qaida militants are present on all major front lines fighting the rebels, Khaled Baterfi, a senior leader in the group, said in a previously unpublished 2015 interview with a local journalist obtained by the AP.

Last month, Baterfi said in a Q&A session distributed by al-Qaida that "those at the front lines for sure know of our participation, which is either actual fighting with our brothers in Yemen or supporting them with weapons."

Al-Qaida has reduced attacks against Hadi's and Emirati-linked forces because assailing them would benefit the Houthis, Baterfi said.

The branch is following guidance from al-Qaida's worldwide leader, Ayman al-Zawahri, to focus on fighting the rebels, another top AQAP member said in written answers to the AP.

In some places, militants join battles independently.

But in many cases, militia commanders from the ultraconservative Salafi sect and the Muslim Brotherhood bring them directly into their ranks, where they benefit from coalition funding, the AP found.

The Brotherhood's Yemen branch is a powerful hard-line Islamic political organization allied to Hadi.

Two of the four main coalition-backed commanders along the Red Sea coast are allies of al-Qaida, the al-Qaida member said.

The coalition has made major advances on the coast, and is currently battling for the port of Hodeida.

Video footage shot by the AP in January 2017 showed a coalition-backed unit advancing on Mocha, part of an eventually successful campaign to recapture the Red Sea town.

Some of the unit's fighters were openly al-Qaida, wearing Afghan-style garb and carrying weapons with the group's logo.

As they climbed behind machine guns in pick-up trucks, explosions from coalition airstrikes could be seen on the horizon.

An AQAP member interviewed in person by the AP in May viewed the video and confirmed the fighters belonged to his group.

His affiliation is known from his past involvement in AQAP's rule over a southern city.

The impact of the intertwining of al-Qaida fighters with the coalition campaign is clearest in Taiz, Yemen's largest city and center of one of the war's longest running battles.

In the central highlands, Taiz is Yemen's cultural capital, a historic source of poets and writers and educated technocrats.

In 2015, the Houthis laid siege to the city, occupying surrounding mountain ranges, sealing the entrances and shelling it mercilessly.

Taiz residents rose up to fight back, and coalition cash and weapons poured in — as did al-Qaida and Islamic State militants, all aimed at the same enemy.

One liberal activist took up arms alongside other men from his neighborhood to defend the city, and they found themselves fighting side by side with al-Qaida members.

We are all together," said the activist, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

He said commanders received weapons and other aid from the coalition and distributed it to all the fighters, including al-Qaida militants.

Abdel-Sattar al-Shamiri, a former adviser to Taiz's governor, said he recognized al-Qaida's presence from the start and told commanders not to recruit members.

"Their response was, 'We will unite with the devil in the face of Houthis,'" al-Shamiri said.

He said he warned coalition officials, who were "upset" but took no action.

"We will get rid of the Houthis and we will be stuck with terrorist groups."

The activist and officials in the city said one of the main recruiters of al-Qaida fighters is Adnan Rouzek, a Salafi member tapped by Hadi to be a top military commander.

Rouzek's militia became notorious for kidnappings and street killings, with one online video showing its masked members shooting a kneeling, blindfolded man.

Its videos feature al-Qaida-style anthems and banners.

Rouzek's top aide was a senior al-Qaida figure who escaped from a prison in Aden in 2008 along with other AQAP detainees, according to a Yemeni security official.

Multiple photos seen by the AP show Rouzek with known al-Qaida commanders in recent years.

In November, Hadi named Rouzek head of the Taiz Operations Rooms, coordinating the military campaign, and top commander of a new fighting force, the 5th Presidential Protection Battalion.

Hadi's Defense Ministry also gave Rouzek $12 million for a new offensive against the Houthis.

The AP obtained copy of a receipt for the $12 million and a Rouzek aide confirmed the figure.

Rouzek denied any connection to militants, telling the AP that "there is no presence of al-Qaida" in Taiz.

Another coalition-backed warlord is on the U.S. list of designated terrorists due to his ties to al-Qaida.

The warlord, a Salafi known as Sheikh Aboul Abbas, has received millions of dollars from the coalition to distribute among anti-Houthi factions, according to his aide, Adel al-Ezzi.

Despite being put on the U.S. list in October, the UAE continues to fund him, al-Ezzi told the AP.

The aide denied any links to militants and dismissed his boss's designation on the U.S. terror list.

Nevertheless, he acknowledged that "al-Qaida has fought on all the front lines alongside all factions."

Right after the AP team spoke to him in Taiz, the team saw al-Ezzi meeting with a known senior al-Qaida figure, warmly hugging him outside the home of another former AQAP commander.

Aboul Abbas runs a coalition-funded militia controlling several districts in Taiz.

A 2016 video produced by al-Qaida shows militants in black uniforms with al-Qaida's logo fighting alongside other militias in districts known to be under his control.

A former security official in Taiz said militants and Aboul Abbas' forces attacked security headquarters in 2017 and freed a number of al-Qaida suspects.

The officer said he reported the attack to the coalition, only to learn soon after that it gave Aboul Abbas 40 more pick-up trucks.

"The more we warn, the more they are rewarded," the officer said.

"Al-Qaida leaders have armored vehicles given to them by the coalition while security commanders don't have such vehicles."

AP correspondent Desmond Butler also contributed to this report.

contents © copyright 2019 The Associated Press.

Timeline.:Military intervention.:Saudi-led intervention in Yemen.

Iran condemned the Saudi-led airstrikes and urged an immediate end to attacks on Yemen. Saudi Arabia requested that Pakistan commit forces as well, but Pakistan's parliament officially voted to remain neutral. However, Pakistan agreed to provide support in line with a United Nations Security Council resolution, dispatching warships to enforce an arms embargo against the Houthis.
 On 21 April 2015, the bombing campaign was officially declared over, with Saudi officials saying they would begin "Operation Restoring Hope" as a combination of political, diplomatic, and military efforts to end the war. Even still, airstrikes continued against Houthi targets, and fighting in Aden and Ad Dali' went on.
 The United Arab Emirates has also spearheaded an active role against fighting AQAP and ISIL-YP presence in Yemen through a partnership with the United States. In an Op-Ed in "The Washington Post," Yousef Al Otaiba, the UAE ambassador to the United States, described that the intervention has reduced AQAP presence in Yemen to its weakest point since 2012 with many areas previously under their control liberated. The ambassador claimed that more than 2,000 militants have been removed from the battlefield, with their controlled areas now having improved security and a better delivered humanitarian and development assistance such as to the port city of Mukalla and other liberated areas.


In addition, there was a foreword by Cahal Moran (co-author of The Econocracy), and an appendix "The Five Stages of Economic Grief" on how the economics profession is coming to terms with its role in the great financial crisis, which was excerpted in "Evonomics".

(meta data) TITLE: How the Economics Profession Is Coming to Terms with Its Role in the Great Financial Crisis - Evonomics

(meta data) AUTHOR: http://www.facebook.com/evonomics

(meta data) PUBLISHER: http://www.facebook.com/evonomics

# How the Economics Profession Is Coming to Terms with Its Role in the Great Financial Crisis

## It's time for mainstream economists to relax the defenses and open up a little.

Swiss psychiatrist Elisabeth Kübler-Ross, a pioneer in the field of grief counselling, identified the five stages of grief as denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance.

This extract from Economyths draws on her model of grief as inspiration to chart the long, arduous, but ultimately healthy and healing (we hope, it's not over yet) process as the economics profession slowly comes to terms with its role in the Great Financial Crisis.

The ten years since the first tremors of the crisis began in 2007 have been a difficult journey, not just for the world economy, but also for the economics profession.

The status of the field had never been higher than in the two decades preceding the crisis, during what Ben Bernanke and others called the Great Moderation.

Inflation and macroeconomic volatility seemed to be under control, and total national income was growing at an almost steady rate (the fact that total debt was growing even faster was less remarked upon).

In 2002, Alan Greenspan received an honorary knighthood from the Queen for 'his outstanding contribution to global economic stability'.

The following year, Nobel laureate Robert Lucas, famous for his theory of 'rational expectations', told his audience: 'My thesis in this lecture is that macroeconomics in this original sense has succeeded: Its central problem of depression prevention has been solved, for all practical purposes, and has in fact been solved for many decades.

'With its firm grounding in mathematical rigour

, economics was the undisputed queen of the social sciences.

Economists were therefore more than a little surprised by what jurist and economist Richard Posner – author of books including the aptly-named A Failure of Capitalism: The Crisis of '08 and the Descent into Depression – inventories as 'the bursting of the housing bubble (they didn't know it was a bubble), the ensuing banking collapse, the stock market crash, the sharp decline in output and employment, the global scope of the crisis, and the onset of deflation in the late fall of 2008 that created fears of a depression comparable to the Great Depression of the 1930s'.

According to James Heckman from the University of Chicago, 'Everybody here was blindsided by the magnitude of what happened.

Indeed, the crisis came as a traumatic event that left mainstream economists in what Greenspan called 'a state of shocked disbelief'.

Models which were based on assumptions of stability, equilibrium and efficiency were of little use when markets were cratering, real estate was sinking into the mud, and oil and food were spiking.

And since that time, economists have been working their way slowly and painfully through the different stages or aspects of the grief process, as they realise that their elegant models not only failed to predict the crisis, but also helped to create it.

When Economyths first came out, most economists were in a state of denial – especially those at the top of the profession.

Future laureate Tom Sargent said in a 2010 interview "It is just wrong to say that this financial crisis caught modern macroeconomists by surprise."

(No mention of whether the non-modern macroeconomists saw it coming too.)

Laureate Robert Lucas preferred to see the unpredictability as a natural result of future laureate Eugene Fama's efficient market hypothesis (though as Posner notes, that didn't stop him from predicting, shortly after Lehman's collapse, that the crisis would soon go away).Fama

agreed that the efficient market hypothesis 'did quite well in this episode'.

The Nobel committee apparently agreed too.

As reality sank in, economists soon began lashing out in anger at anyone who dared criticise their field, including yours truly (I'm going to talk about this because it seems to be quite a general problem).

At Canada's top-ranked economics blog Worthwhile Canadian Initiative, for example, a group of prominent academics, including regular contributors to national publications (Globe and Mail, National Post, Maclean's, Literary Review of Canada, etc.),shared their professional thoughts about the book online.

Descriptors used included idiotic, ignorant, intellectually lazy, juvenile, random, rubbish, semi-articulated, and 'sort of like Malcolm Gladwell without the insight' – ouch.

Someone even compared me to a climate change denier (not uncommon, as it turns out).

One commenter described the online book burning as part of a widely-deployed 'shoot the messenger' strategy against critics.

Which is fine – we give as good as we get, and at least they don't grade us.

But what was interesting about their discussion was the way these academics, who hailed from top universities such as British Columbia, Carleton, Laval, and so on, managed to maintain the illusion that they were being incredibly tolerant and open to criticism.

As one put it, 'Economists welcome criticism.

In the academy, we are well-known, if not infamous, for being direct, abrupt, and rude in criticizing each other (and others).

There is a very healthy discussion about methodology.

But they confused academic bickering with genuine criticism from people who share none of their biases.

The site linked to an even more vituperative blog review by an economics professor at the University of Victoria who of course took pains to say that economics 'benefits from criticism', as long as it's the right type, a topic we discuss further below.

(Fortunately I was spared the electronic 'viruses and hate mail' which have apparently afflicted other critics of mainstream economics.)

And that was about it for thoughtful response from the country's economics establishment, at least until former Deputy Governor of the Bank of Canada William White (now at OECD) – one of the few people who warned of the financial crisis – cited the paperback edition as a Bloomberg Best Book of 2013, perhaps out of sympathy.

As anger started to burn out, the next stage of the drawn-out and generally exhausting grief process involved bargaining: both with the future – perhaps we can put things right – and in a kind of retroactive bargaining with the past, saying that the event would not have occurred if only something had been done differently.

One common argument, anticipated in the book's introductory chapter, was that there is nothing wrong with economics per se, the problem is one of poor communication: the field's critics just don't understand the full rich diversity of economic thought, and are attacking a simplified caricature.

A good illustration of this approach was the 2015 book Economics Rules by Dani Rodrik from Harvard.

Echoing Lionel Robbins – who called economic man an 'expository device' in 1932 – Rodrick explains that the reason student groups such as the Post-Crash Economics Society are frustrated is that introductory economics courses offer only a pared down version of the theory and give 'little sense of the diversity of conclusions in economics'.

Also most economists are poor at presenting their arguments to the public, because they 'see themselves as scientists and researchers whose job it is to write academic papers'.

Rodrik does note the existence of a 'guild mentality' in economics which 'renders the profession insular and immune to outside criticism', and observes in a couple of places that 'Only card-carrying members of the profession are viewed as legitimate participants in economic debates'.

Yet later he cites the influence of behavioural psychologists and so on to conclude that 'the view of economics as an insular, inbred discipline closed to outside influence is more caricature than reality'.

The overall impression is one of bemusement at all the fuss.

After making a number of good points about models, the book concludes with 'Ten Commandments' (aka 'bargaining points') for economists, and ten for non-economists.

Some of these are very sensible – #3 from the latter list, for example, says: 'Analysis requires simplicity; beware of incoherence that passes itself off as complexity.'

Others are versions of common defences against critics, e.g. #9: 'If you think all economists think alike, attend one of their seminars', and #10: 'If you think economists are especially rude to noneconomists, attend one of their seminars.'

These are surely well-meant and sound fairly innocuous, unless you're afraid of economics seminars, but they come up all the time in different guises and it's worth inspecting them a little more closely.

The first is a polite variation of the 'caricature' or 'straw man' argument, implying that economics is far more diverse and complicated than it appears to an outsider.

However, the fact that economists do not agree on every point does not somehow innoculate the field against criticism; and the claim or implication that non-economists don't fully understand the subject, and need to attend a seminar or take a course to appreciate its mysteries, often boils down to a debating or avoidance tactic (and obviously doesn't apply to the increasing number of critics from within the field's own ranks).

It also leads to the catch-22, perfectly expressed in a generally glowing 2017 review of Rodrik's 'marvelous book' by economist and game theory expert Ariel Rubinstein, published in the Journal of Economic Literature, that 'One needs to be an outsider to criticize Economics but one needs to be an economist to do it sufficiently well so as not to be drawn astray by stereotypes', which doesn't seem to leave many people.

Apparently Rodrik qualifies, despite or because of the fact that he 'belongs to the elite of the Economics academic establishment'.

Commandment/bargaining point #10, meanwhile, echoes the idea, also expressed above, that rudeness between economists is evidence of a 'very healthy discussion about methodology'.

I'm assuming this doesn't include hate mail.

First, the main objection to the arguments made by economists concerns not the style, but the content.

Second: as seen below, economists are not rude at all when it comes to questioning their leaders – in fact obsequious deference would seem to be a better description.

Third: lack of civility (at least in itself) is not an indicator of healthy scientific debate, in the academy or in the playground.

I'd say that advertising it probably reflects more an anxiety about appearing robustly scientific.

Fourth: in his 2006 book The Trouble With Physics, physicist Lee Smolin notes that string theorists cultivate a 'brash, aggressive, and competitive atmosphere', though he doesn't see it as an advantage.

He also detects a 'blatant prejudice' against hiring women.

Could these be related – and could macho posturing be a similar problem in economics?

According to one article, by economist Miles Kimball and an untenured female economist who didn't want to be identified in case it hurt her career, some male economists 'may not even realize all the ways they routinely put others down – especially those in vulnerable positions who dare not strike back'.

Finally, and related, rudeness might be fine between equals, but one of the functions of social graces is to help deal with asymmetrical power relationships, of the sort encountered in economics departments.

A 2015 investigation at the University of Manitoba, for example, concluded that while the department head, an orthodox economist, had insisted 'that he was committed to maintaining diversity', his subsequent actions resulted in a change of climate that had the opposite effect.

This ultimately led among other things to 'a violation of academic freedom when orthodox members of the department behaved in ways that discriminated against doctoral students being supervised by heterodox economists'.

According to one professor there was 'serious bullying going on' including threats to interfere with the tenure process.

No wonder the students are calling for revolt (they're so rude).

It therefore comes as something of a relief to us critics that some economists at least may be proceeding to the penultimate, more passive stage of the grief process, depression.

Evidence is provided by a paper by Paul Romer, 'The Trouble With Macroeconomics' (he had also been reading Smolin's book, hence the title), a 2016 preprint of which caused a considerable stir in economics circles.

Sounding almost Economyths-like in style, the first sentence of the abstract announces that 'For more than three decades, macroeconomics has gone backwards'.

It goes on to describe the author's 'pessimistic assessment of regression into pseudoscience' and mention the 'serious failure' of top economists.

Decidedly non-upbeat section titles include 'Post-Real Models', 'Loyalty Can Corrode The Norms of Science', 'Back to Square One', and 'The Trouble Ahead For All of Economics'.

No concrete solutions are proposed for what sounds, to an outsider, like a rather dysfunctional state of affairs.

In the same way that elegant but unfalsifiable string theory has, as Smolin showed, taken over high-energy physics, so mainstream economics has increasingly emphasised elegant but unfalsifiable mathematical models over experimental reality.

Most of the parameters in the models cannot be determined from observations, but are simply made up to give the desired answers.

Events such as crashes are assumed to be caused by external shocks, rather than internal dynamics.

The models can't make sense out of even basic things like monetary policy, which according to theory – since money plays no significant role in these models – should have little or no effect.

However, the problems are as much sociological as they are mathematical.

Just as string theory is characterised by what Smolin described as 'groupthink' about the correct way to approach problems, so some economists see it as 'an extremely serious violation of some honor code for anyone to criticize openly a revered authority figure …

neither facts that are false, nor predictions that are wrong, nor models that make no sense matter enough to worry about'.

Romer, who is now chief economist at the World Bank, notes that he sees himself more as a practitioner rather than an academic, so feels free to speak out and tell it like it is, but many people are afraid to criticise a 'revered leader' because of the 'unpleasant reaction' that it may evoke.

He relates a story of running into a colleague who was so angry with him for criticising a paper by Robert Lucas that 'at first he could not speak.

Eventually, he told me, "You are killing Bob."'

So much for that self-image of economists being open to criticism.

In fact Romer says he was inspired to write the paper after seeing a documentary about the Church of Scientology.

Paul Mason observed in The Guardian that Romer's paper is important because he is not an outsider or a rebel, but 'a doyen of the profession, and from the heart of the US academic mainstream'.

As Bloomberg commented, 'along came one of the leading practitioners of his generation, to say that the skeptics were onto something'.

Which, speaking as one such sceptic, is certainly appreciated.

In fact in some respects Romer probably goes further – even I didn't sum an economic argument up as: 'Assume A, assume B, … blah blah blah …

However, while it is refreshing that some in the mainstream are facing up to these problems, and Romer's paper is written with great courage, a dose of dark humour, and an obvious concern for the state of economics, there is in fact little acknowledgement that these issues have long been debated and solutions proposed outside of the mainstream; and as argued in this book, it is exactly this deafness to other voices which is at the root of the 'trouble with economics', and the reason it has taken so long to confront the fact that there might be a serious problem, let alone actually do something about it.

Of course, depression is a state of mind that involves turning inwards.

But for an area as insular as mainstream economics, the final stage of the grief process – acceptance – will only come when the field finally gets over itself and opens up to new ideas – or even the old ideas that have been there all along.

In 2017 for example the UK's Economic and Social Research Council announced that it intended to set up a network with its remit being to 'revolutionise' the field of economics: 'It will be led by a team of 25 world leading experts taken not only from different branches of economics, but also from psychology, anthropology, sociology, neuroscience, economic history, political science, biology and physics.'

Perhaps those experts can answer some of the questions we posed for them back in the original 2010 edition of Economyths.

As seen in the revised edition, ideas from areas such as complexity science and data analysis are starting to sink in and have an effect.

And some high-profile economists are having a go at new approaches.

Joseph Stiglitz, for example, recently contributed to a paper that uses an agent-based model to account for 'the complex adaptive nature of economic systems, and the implications of money endogeneity' (i.e. the fact that money is produced by banks).

But one thing that mainstream economists won't go near – it doesn't fit with the models – is the idea that economists might not be quite so impartial, objective and unbiased as they appear.

Rodrik, for example, notes that leading economists had bought into the dominant efficient market paradigm which saw markets 'not only as inherently efficient and stable, but also as self-disciplining', and that this 'legitimized and enabled a great wave of financial deregulation that set the stage for the crisis'.

He describes it as 'curious' that other models were not used.

But why would they make that particular choice?

Why were other models, such as Minsky's model of the credit cycle, repressed?

The field of economics has an unhealthily close dependency relationship with the financial sector, which may just have clouded its judgement.

Instead of acting out against critics in a way that embarrasses the profession, or ignoring those who want to help, it's time for mainstream economists to relax the defences and open up a little.

A first step is to untangle those institutional effects and other motivations that have shaped their field and which continue to resist change.

I'm sure there are plenty of sociologists and psychologists (even grief counsellors probably) who can help.

Of course the process can't be rushed, so here is, not a commandment, but a gentle suggestion to economists in this difficult time: ten years is enough.

Time to open the windows and let in the fresh air.

Adapted from Economyths: 11 Ways That Economics Gets it Wrong, Icon Books; 2nd edition edition (September 12, 2017)

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David Orrell is an applied mathematician and author of popular science books.

He studied mathematics at the University of Alberta, and obtained his doctorate from Oxford University on the prediction of nonlinear systems.

His latest book is Quantum Economics: The New Science of Money.

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9. Economic growth will make us happy
 10. Economic growth is always good
 In each case, Orrell explains the role that the myth plays in economics, discusses the problems it creates, and proposes solutions and alternatives based on ideas from areas such as complexity, network theory, nonlinear dynamics, heterodox economics, and so on.
 The 2017 extended version included a new chapter on the idea that
 11. The economy boils down to barter
 This chapter included a summary of Orrell's quantum theory of money and value.


Originally proposed by the Olmsted Brothers, architects involved in the planning for Portland's Lewis and Clark Centennial Exposition of 1905, it has expanded to a projected 140 miles (230 km), encircling the city and connecting parks along the Columbia, Sandy, and Willamette rivers and Johnson Creek.

(meta data) TITLE: History of the Loop | 40-Mile Loop Land Trust

The Internet Archive discovers and captures web pages through many different web crawls.

At any given time several distinct crawls are running, some for months, and some every day or longer.

View the web archive through the Wayback Machine.

Content crawled via the Wayback Machine Live Proxy mostly by the Save Page Now feature on web.archive.org.

Liveweb proxy is a component of Internet Archive's wayback machine project.

The liveweb proxy captures the content of a web page in real time, archives it into a ARC or WARC file and returns the ARC/WARC record back to the wayback machine to process.

The recorded ARC/WARC file becomes part of the wayback machine in due course of time.

The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/web/20150809215451/http://40mileloop.org/wordpress/?page_id=6

The 40-Mile Loop was originally proposed in 1904 by the Olmsted Brothers (Frederick Law, Jr. and John Charles, sons of Frederick Law Olmstead) who were brought to Portland from Boston to propose a park system as part of the planning for the Lewis and Clark Centennial Exposition and World's Fair.

Parks should be connected and approached by boulevards and parkways…They should be located and improved to take advantages of the beautiful natural scenery.

The above system of scenic reservations, parks and park-ways and connecting boulevards would…from an admirable park system for such an important city as Portland is bound to become.

It was a remarkable, visionary concept then when the area was still largely meadows and forested hillsides.

Fortunately, city leaders of the time had the foresight to recognize the importance of parks to a livable community.

Though many outstanding park lands were acquired, linking them was always put off to the future.

In 1904 the desired linking parkways were to be for the recreation craze of the time.

Sunday drives in carriages or the newfangled motorized touring car, for those fortunate enough to have them.

Scenic, separated walking or biking paths were to parallel the boulevards and parkways.

As times and tastes changed, pathways replaced parkways.

That connected system was to be a 40-Mile Loop encircling the city.

The name, 40-Mile Loop stuck, even as the planned loop trail has lengthened to more than 140 miles to include all of Multnomah County and to connect more than 30 parks.

Now, a century later the 40-Mile Loop is nearly complete.

The trail connects parks along the Columbia, Sandy, and Willamette Rivers and Johnson Creek in an almost continuous loop.

There is something somewhere along the route for everyone, whether it is hiking or biking, whether you're in a stroller or a wheel chair, whether you are skating or boarding or even horse-back riding or canoeing.

The loop includes accessible trails and nature trails along forest hillsides and overlooking wetlands and wildlife.

It can be reached by the MAX Light Rail or Tri-Met buses at many points.

It connects to downtown Portland, Gresham, and Troutdale.

It connects major public attractions, institutions, and campuses.

Its proximity makes it easily usable by neighborhood residents, visitors, students, office and industrial workers.

It is our gateway to and through the natural, nearby open spaces so basic to the quality of our lives.

Now, a century after being proposed, the 40-Mile loop is nearly complete.

It is time to complete the 40-Mile Loop.

Next to Columbia River, long segments of the 40-Mile Loop skirt the north edge of the slough watershed, while other segments such as the north–south I-205 Bike Path cross it or, as in the case of the largely unfinished Columbia Slough Trail, run through it generally along an east–west axis. The 40 Mile Loop is a partly completed greenway trail around and through Portland and other parts of Multnomah County.


Frederick (Fredrak) W. Fraske (March 8, 1872 – June 18, 1973) is believed to have been the last surviving veteran of the Indian Wars.

(meta data) TITLE: The Last Man Standing | Mental Floss

This past Sunday marked the end of an era in US history.

Frank W. Buckles celebrated his 110th birthday on February first.

He died peacefully at his home on February 27th.

Buckles was one of 4,734,992 Americans who served in World War I.

With his death, there are no more surviving US veterans of that war.

Buckles was rejected by the Marine Corps and the Navy in 1917 for being too small (or more likely, suspiciously young-looking).

Buckles told an Army recruiter he was 21 and that the only proof of his age was the family Bible.

He was inducted and served as an ambulance driver in France.

After the war, Buckles escorted prisoners back to Germany and returned home to Oklahoma in 1920.

Working for a shipping company in 1942, he was captured by the Japanese in the Philippines and spent three years as a prisoner until the end of the war.

Buckles then married and raised livestock on his farm.

In 2008, he became famous as the last living US veteran of the "Great War."

Buckles worked with the World War I Memorial Foundation, and gave interviews which are being made into a documentary of his life called Pershing's Last Patriot.

There are two other documented living World War I veterans, who both served the United Kingdom.

Florence Green, who joined the RAF as a waitress, is 110 years old and lives in West Norfolk, England.

Claude Stanley Choules will turn 110 this week.

He was only 14 years old when he joined the Nautical Training Ship Mercury, and then transferred to the Royal Navy in 1916.

Choules was still a teenager at the end of World War I.

He transferred to the Royal Australian Navy in 1926, and served during World War II as well.

In fact, he remained with the Australian Navy until his retirement in 1956!

He now lives in a retirement home in Perth.

Choules' autobiography is named The Last of the Last.

He is now the only documented living combat veteran of World War I.

Reading about the dwindling number of World War I veterans made me curious about the last survivors of previous wars.

Many are documented from wars going back to antiquity.

This post looks at the last surviving veterans of US wars.

Ostensibly born in 1882, Jones Morgan was a Buffalo soldier who ran away from home at age 15 and served during the Spanish-American War in 1898.

He was not in combat, but took care of Teddy Roosevelt's horses and was present during the Battle of San Juan Hill.

After two years of service, Morgan's parents found him and took him home.

His status as a veteran of the Spanish-American War is in dispute, as any records of his service were destroyed in a fire, which led to the denial of veterans benefits.

Albert Woolson was born in 1847 and signed up for the Union Army in 1864 after his father died in the conflict.

The 17-year-old served as a drummer and bugler with Company C, 1st Minnesota Heavy Artillery.

After the war, he worked as a railroad fireman, a grain miller, a lumberjack, an electrician, and in appliance manufacturing.

He finally retired from his last job at age 86.

After he reached the age of 100, Woolson became a celebrity as a surviving veteran of the Civil War and took the office of senior vice commander in chief of the Grand Army of the Republic.

He was the last member of the organization.

When Woolson died on August 2, 1956, thousands of people attended his funeral and lined the parade route.

Some film footage of Woolson is available at YouTube.

The last surviving veteran of the Confederate Army is considered to be Pleasant Crump, who was born in 1847 in Alabama and joined the Virginia forces at age 16.

Crump was a witness to the Confederate surrender at Appomattox Courthouse in 1865.

He returned to Alabama after the war, where he farmed for the rest of his life.

Crump died on December 31st, 1951 at the age of 104.

Owen Thomas Edgar was born in 1831 and was 14 years old when he joined the US Navy as an apprentice.

Edgar was aboard ship during the Mexican War of 1846, and served until he was discharged in 1849.

He later worked at the Bureau of Engraving and Printing and afterward worked in a bank.

Edgar was 98 years old when he died on September 3rd, 1929.

The American Indian Wars were a collection of conflicts that spanned over a hundred years, from the founding of the United States to the Battle of Bear Valley in 1918, although some sources put the end of the conflicts at 1898.

John Daw was a Navajo named Hasteen-tsoh at his birth in 1870.

He took the name John Daw when he enlisted in the US Army in 1891 and served at Fort Wingate in the New Mexico Territory.

Daw was a tracker who looked for Apaches until he left the service in 1894.

Afterward, he lived on Navajo Nation land in Arizona.

After Daw died in 1965 (the exact date is not known), he was acknowledged as the last Navajo Tracker for the US Army.

Frederick Fraske was born in Prussia in 1872, and emigrated to the US as a young child.

In 1894 the age of 21, he enlisted in the US Army and served with company F of the 17th infantry at Fort D.A. Russell in Wyoming.

Fraske worked as a letter carrier and medic.

Although his unit saw action against the Indians, Fraske never fired a shot, and later said he was glad of it because had nothing against the Indians.

He was discharged in 1897 after three years.

He later worked as a painter and a security guard until he retired at age 88.

Fraske died on June 8th, 1973, at the age 0f 101 and is widely considered to be the last veteran of the Indian Wars.

Hiram Cronk was born in 1800, which makes the fact that he served in the War of 1812 sound impossible.

However, the war lasted until February of 1815.

Cronk was 14 when he enlisted and served for approximately 100 days before the war's end.

He surprised the other soldiers by fighting well at Sackett's Harbor despite his small size.

As an adult, he married, worked as a shoemaker, and had seven children.

When he died in 1905, an estimated 25,000 people came to pay respects to the last veteran of that war.

Cronk's funeral procession was recorded on film.

The Continental Army in the Revolutionary War had many soldiers who were not properly documented, and there are several candidates for the last surviving veteran.

Lemuel Cook was also born in 1759 and survived to the age of 106.

He joined the Continental Army at age 16 and received an honorable discharge signed by George Washington in 1784.

Cook died in 1866, making him the longest-surviving documented Revolutionary War veteran.

Cook dictated his experiences for posterity.

Daniel Bakeman was born in 1759 and died in 1869 at the age of 109.

There were no documents to show that he served in the Revolutionary War, but Congress passed a special act to grant Bakeman a pension two years before he died.

John Gray is another candidate for the title of last Revolutionary War veteran, as he joined the army at age 16 in 1780, four years after his father died in the war.

However, Gray only served for six months, and so was ineligible for a pension.