jeanflop/post_ocr_correction2 huggingface dataset:
= Co. Bret. a (len.) (for Ml. Br. a ve and sim. see 2p 201). b) interrog. a : a vyd M. 14, a weleist M. 194, a wely 219' Note. for Co. a (len.) see ZE. 755, KSB. V. 171 ; for Bret. Ha gel "vide" Ernault, Dict. p. 192, sub a 5. b) After the conjunctions pan, tra, yny e.g. 1) Vide ZE. 201, 728. Atkinson. On the subjunctive. p. 466, J. Morris Jones p. 445. 2) J. Morris Jones 445. 3) Cp. J. Morris Jones 446. pan gigleu Gr. 112, 118, 126, 136, 140, pan gychwydritl WB. 469, a ffan gaffer WB. 486, pan gyuarum WB. 4, pan gyuaJfei WB. 466, pan gaffwys WB. 479, 478, pan gah', WB. 467, pan dardawd WB. 478, pan dynhet WB. 466 (: Iyrtrll M.), panuei WB. 455, 463, 471, hyt pan welham WB. 4, hyt pan welwyf WB. 477, hyt pan vo WB. 481, 480, pan uyrt e~ WB. 482, pan ledeist WB. 4572. I. Bret. 1. sg.-m spir. of k, t, pi. -honspir. of k-, see also Ernault Gr. 5 J 5. 3. pl. ho spiro l, 2. For Co. pan (len.) see ZE. 129, KSBV. 17: [for instances like pauw tra : tra uei WB. 463, 465, 467; hyt tra uu WB. 464, Sk. 280; tra ivu BB. 689, 691, etc., tra luan BB. ys, tra vum Sk. 262,273, hyt tra uei RBB. 45, 49, tra vydat Sk. 264, tra Valli BB. 7912, tra uych WB. 154, M. 207, tra vo Sk. 649; b'ttrabarhaazudM. 94, hyt tra barhao WB. 192, unlenated : tra bo da Sk. 2522. 1 yny : (h)yny nyd WB. 486, M. 198, 202, hyny gaffer WB. 483, iny luuivu BB. 10015 CP4112, eny 110 L. 426, hyny vei WB. 161, ene llei Sk. 8122; yuy ivypiuyf SG. 11, hyny wyppych o. 172, yuy luypci SG. 14, ynv welwyf WB. 80, iny ganhvy B. 474, yny ostynghawd SG. 13, yny vyryawd M, 200, ynygyfvdes SG. 13; unlenated : ene bei Gr. 114, ene klywei Sk. 636 e'l'tyu tenho L. 2222, cp. iia,)2. c) after the
like pauw tra : tra uei WB. 463, 465, 467; hyt tra uu WB. 464, Sk. 280; tra ivu BB. 689, 691, etc., tra luan BB. ys, tra vum Sk. 262,273, hyt tra uei RBB. 45, 49, tra vydat Sk. 264, tra Valli BB. 7912, tra uych WB. 154, M. 207, tra vo Sk. 649; b'ttrabarhaazudM. 94, hyt tra barhao WB. 192, unlenated : tra bo da Sk. 2522. 1 yny : (h)yny nyd WB. 486, M. 198, 202, hyny gaffer WB. 483, iny luuivu BB. 10015 CP4112, eny 110 L. 426, hyny vei WB. 161, ene llei Sk. 8122; yuy ivypiuyf SG. 11, hyny wyppych o. 172, yuy luypci SG. 14, ynv welwyf WB. 80, iny ganhvy B. 474, yny ostynghawd SG. 13, yny vyryawd M, 200, ynygyfvdes SG. 13; unlenated : ene bei Gr. 114, ene klywei Sk. 636 e'l'tyu tenho L. 2222, cp. iia,)2. c) after the preverbs : a) negatives. b) After ny (ony, pony) and na, g, 11 is lenated, sometimes m; esp. b of bot, byddaf, bydd, bu, is commonly unlenated. But in the imperative (e.g. na uit be not") lenation seems to be rule. h) The tenues become spirants. In the early poetry ny produces the spirant mutation only when the verb is non relative, but when it is relative, c, t, p, is lenated (see Strachan Ériu III. V sq.). So still in P 61 280: peth ny gafas eiroed (WB. pethny c auas 53, M. peth nys kallas 37). — Exx. ny feit WB. 465, ny ygwys WB. 463, ny chollet WB. 472, ny chauas WB. 463, Gr. *40, 11Y cheffy WB. 484, 476 (: nys keffy M. 124, 118), ny c tisstvys WB. 463, ny c he fir WB. 483, ony cheffir WB. 442, ny cheffit WB. 467, ny chewch (non rel.) P. 61 279 (ny Zrch WB". 53, M. 37), cany cheynt Gr. 122, yssit ny cheffych B. 480 (nys keffych M. 121), nychwynei WB. 455, ny clywynt (non rel.) P. 611 281 (: ny chlywynt WB. 69, M. 50), nythorril B. 458, ny thrigwys WB. 463, kyn ny
ny produces the spirant mutation only when the verb is non relative, but when it is relative, c, t, p, is lenated (see Strachan Ériu III. V sq.). So still in P 61 280: peth ny gafas eiroed (WB. pethny c auas 53, M. peth nys kallas 37). — Exx. ny feit WB. 465, ny ygwys WB. 463, ny chollet WB. 472, ny chauas WB. 463, Gr. *40, 11Y cheffy WB. 484, 476 (: nys keffy M. 124, 118), ny c tisstvys WB. 463, ny c he fir WB. 483, ony cheffir WB. 442, ny cheffit WB. 467, ny chewch (non rel.) P. 61 279 (ny Zrch WB". 53, M. 37), cany cheynt Gr. 122, yssit ny cheffych B. 480 (nys keffych M. 121), nychwynei WB. 455, ny clywynt (non rel.) P. 611 281 (: ny chlywynt WB. 69, M. 50), nythorril B. 458, ny thrigwys WB. 463, kyn ny thriccych WB. 459, ny tbivyiiaf WB. 475, ny wyppo WB. 486, ny warandawei P. 279, WB. 53, .M. 37, ny ennis ef P. 6*279 (ni enghis WB. etc et'v see ZE. 191. After MIBr. pan the substantive verb bezaff IS lenated, g. þan veo pan vezer see ZE. 201. Mod. Br. pa lenates (Ernault, § 5, p. 7). I. Co. hedre (Cp. W. hyt tra) lenates, see ZE. 202. t For Mod. Br. endra (len.), Co. ema (Ien.), del (Ien.), see Pedersen, 473, ZE. 734/5, 738, etc. 53, nyteigiuys M. 37), ny velir WB. 465.5 (q. v.), ny wehl{ WB. 473, ny welsam P. 6" 281, nys gweleist M. 50, ny vueU1 P. 611 282, WB. 70; nys gwelei M. 50, yny lie ny we/sYfll WB. 69, M. 50 : nyr welsynt P. 6" 281. ny edir WB. 486 (gadu), nyadei WB. 465, cany at WB. 474, ny ellir WB. 484; 483, nyelly WB. 480-483, ny allaf WB. 476, ony allaf 1 P. 61 279 (WB. 52, M. 37), ny wnelei WB. 472, n) wlla (non rel.) WB. 480. ny byd (non rel.) WB. 456, 464, 465, ny bu Gr. 122, a ny bei M. 57, ny bo WB. 473,
Br. pa lenates (Ernault, § 5, p. 7). I. Co. hedre (Cp. W. hyt tra) lenates, see ZE. 202. t For Mod. Br. endra (len.), Co. ema (Ien.), del (Ien.), see Pedersen, 473, ZE. 734/5, 738, etc. 53, nyteigiuys M. 37), ny velir WB. 465.5 (q. v.), ny wehl{ WB. 473, ny welsam P. 6" 281, nys gweleist M. 50, ny vueU1 P. 611 282, WB. 70; nys gwelei M. 50, yny lie ny we/sYfll WB. 69, M. 50 : nyr welsynt P. 6" 281. ny edir WB. 486 (gadu), nyadei WB. 465, cany at WB. 474, ny ellir WB. 484; 483, nyelly WB. 480-483, ny allaf WB. 476, ony allaf 1 P. 61 279 (WB. 52, M. 37), ny wnelei WB. 472, n) wlla (non rel.) WB. 480. ny byd (non rel.) WB. 456, 464, 465, ny bu Gr. 122, a ny bei M. 57, ny bo WB. 473, 486 ny mwynha WB. 482, 484, ny uadeuaf P. 6" 282 : n)' madeuaf WB. 69, M. 50, ny ledir WB. 485. na : hyt na thyuei M. 101, na chaei M. 58, nachaffwyf WB. 454, na allei P. 611 282, na wnelhych WB. 479, na wneloch WB.475, na wnel WB. 472, na wnewch WB. 473. na bo hawd WB. 480, mal na biuynt WB. 457, hyt na bo ib., hyt na bei WB. 467, na bei Gr. 140 (bis); na uid (imp.) W~' 472. namynnych WB. 452, na ladaf WB. 475. Note : Co. ny, Bret. lie lenate, see ZE. 202. 1 Co. Bret. na lenates, see ib., the only exception (in P) being na peg J} ne pecces P. 203, see KSB. V. 171. After MIBret. ne, na, initial b of forms of bezaff is lenated, see ZE. 202. b) After the verbal particle ry, 'r (e.g. neur) (Br. ra, etc.) see Loth, Quest. pp. 117 sqq. After nzvy, nyw, rwy, ryVJ the verb remains unchanged. d) After the verbal particle EW. yty e.g. yt, gaffei, yt galJ WB. 435, yt uoy Ll. 120, etc., see Strachan, Introd. § 91, note 1 and infra sub 'the Particle yd'
WB. 472, na wnewch WB. 473. na bo hawd WB. 480, mal na biuynt WB. 457, hyt na bo ib., hyt na bei WB. 467, na bei Gr. 140 (bis); na uid (imp.) W~' 472. namynnych WB. 452, na ladaf WB. 475. Note : Co. ny, Bret. lie lenate, see ZE. 202. 1 Co. Bret. na lenates, see ib., the only exception (in P) being na peg J} ne pecces P. 203, see KSB. V. 171. After MIBret. ne, na, initial b of forms of bezaff is lenated, see ZE. 202. b) After the verbal particle ry, 'r (e.g. neur) (Br. ra, etc.) see Loth, Quest. pp. 117 sqq. After nzvy, nyw, rwy, ryVJ the verb remains unchanged. d) After the verbal particle EW. yty e.g. yt, gaffei, yt galJ WB. 435, yt uoy Ll. 120, etc., see Strachan, Introd. § 91, note 1 and infra sub 'the Particle yd' (Cornish y corresponds to Wf y but lenates like EW. yt, cp. EWGr. 1.160). The effects of lenation were crossed by that of provection and so the tenues remain unchanged, cp. also Co. may, see Ebel, KSB. V. 17) ZE. 201 2. After MIBr. ez (llaz) the forms of the bezaff are 1. See Strachan, Introd. p. 14 (note) and also ZE. 19526. 2. Cf. also Co. kyn, see Le. For W. cwt, etc. see Loth, Rem. 51. e) In phrases like EW. ny pell gwyd BA. 26s, ny ivaeth 10nelut BA. 1320, ny mat anel Sk. 299, where the adverb and the verb seem to be loosely compounded, and the adverb is treated as if it were a preverb. Note. The verb remains unchanged after: or os, pei, kan, kanys (vide 2 E. '89), kyt, mat: or kaffaf WB. 459. (provection: os kouyn L. 128.18, 0 keill L. 12.27, cp. 55.23; 0 for ot, M vide Early Welsh Gr. I 105). — bei giunelhit WB. 458 2. can buost M. 223. — kyt kefjych WB. 480-485, kyd tybyckych WB. 480, kyt bei WB. 471,465.467 (provection ked kouenho L. 19.18, see EWGr. I 105) 3. — y "T-i'edi malkaivn a
bezaff are 1. See Strachan, Introd. p. 14 (note) and also ZE. 19526. 2. Cf. also Co. kyn, see Le. For W. cwt, etc. see Loth, Rem. 51. e) In phrases like EW. ny pell gwyd BA. 26s, ny ivaeth 10nelut BA. 1320, ny mat anel Sk. 299, where the adverb and the verb seem to be loosely compounded, and the adverb is treated as if it were a preverb. Note. The verb remains unchanged after: or os, pei, kan, kanys (vide 2 E. '89), kyt, mat: or kaffaf WB. 459. (provection: os kouyn L. 128.18, 0 keill L. 12.27, cp. 55.23; 0 for ot, M vide Early Welsh Gr. I 105). — bei giunelhit WB. 458 2. can buost M. 223. — kyt kefjych WB. 480-485, kyd tybyckych WB. 480, kyt bei WB. 471,465.467 (provection ked kouenho L. 19.18, see EWGr. I 105) 3. — y "T-i'edi malkaivn a geffynt etiued WB. 452 4, vial pei llat yssynt WB, 467 v Walpei y edrvcb WB. 488: malphei M. 127, malphei y cledyf a dottei yn y lL'ein WB. 488. For a(c) spir. see supra. 4) The copula is leniated when it follows the predicate, exx. s. a thrist Vll Gr. 112, llawen vu ib., dyskymon vydei hynny utunt WB. 471, kyflawn uydeioeserch WB. 476, kanys diuudyawc г Jn ygeissaw WB. 484, cctnys brcu vyd ib., malpei teu uei B. 487, kyhyt ar prenn uchaf.. uydei WB. 471, ys drwc a ^dymdeith juosli P. 6" 282 (IlUùsti WB. 70, lmost di M. 51), Jfaiun o bont uydei WB. 465, os mab y mi lIyd kyndynnyawc uyd B. 465, oer uylh uyd y galon WB. 464, na tnawr na bychan Uo WB. 465, mwyuwy uyd WB. 458, marw uydaf WB. 452, Jjuryf Vyd hynny M. 13, pennaf neges uu M. 11, dilesteir uyd 10 aspirates, e. g. 0 chenneleir WB. 475 (: ony chenneteir M. 117). For b a (rad.), mar, mar a (rad., but med.>ten.) vide KSB. V.167, ZE. 190; g retmar (rad.) vide ZE. 190. Cp bei oll yt uei WB. 487 (: pei bei oil M. 127). 5.
Gr. 112, llawen vu ib., dyskymon vydei hynny utunt WB. 471, kyflawn uydeioeserch WB. 476, kanys diuudyawc г Jn ygeissaw WB. 484, cctnys brcu vyd ib., malpei teu uei B. 487, kyhyt ar prenn uchaf.. uydei WB. 471, ys drwc a ^dymdeith juosli P. 6" 282 (IlUùsti WB. 70, lmost di M. 51), Jfaiun o bont uydei WB. 465, os mab y mi lIyd kyndynnyawc uyd B. 465, oer uylh uyd y galon WB. 464, na tnawr na bychan Uo WB. 465, mwyuwy uyd WB. 458, marw uydaf WB. 452, Jjuryf Vyd hynny M. 13, pennaf neges uu M. 11, dilesteir uyd 10 aspirates, e. g. 0 chenneleir WB. 475 (: ony chenneteir M. 117). For b a (rad.), mar, mar a (rad., but med.>ten.) vide KSB. V.167, ZE. 190; g retmar (rad.) vide ZE. 190. Cp bei oll yt uei WB. 487 (: pei bei oil M. 127). 5. But note: keuei yr egluysseu Gr. 130. A, - (. T M> tIlal ZE. 189, negation mal na, e. g. mal na bwynt WB. 457 l' Ont M. icvrt. 5. a naw dieu hyd uydei heb gYSClt WB. 471, y bydei M. 113. dy hynt M. 3, a thrwy gynghor Branwen uu hynny M. 37, ttal pei craswelll vei eu defnyt RB. 6ij, a lleidyr tin hi arnafi M. 56, direit wreic iivost M. 73, ys bychan a beth vyd dy gewilyd M. 69, llawen nuant wrthunt WB., a llaiuen vuwyt wrthunt RB. 625 I. Co. lader vyt fur erat P. 38.3, givel vya 36.3, pen nag vo, marow vetbots 0. 1644, vide ZE. 197, 557 sq. passim, KSB. V. 171. Ml Bret. refuset vihel ZE. 558/9, guellve ZE. 560, etc., 197. For bieu: pien cp.: Pien y deueit. nett piell (bieu M. 115) y gtier WB. 473, pan yw cae" Yspydaden penkawr bieu ib., pieu y gaer WB. 486, nyt oes yn y byt nywypp0 piell. IVrnachgaiur pieu ib., y neb pieuy gelein WB. 474, ef bieu y llonge" M. 27, a gofyna wnaeth pioed M. 28, pivy biewynt hwy M. 60, ullbm ble/I) llys M. 75, neimus dywyssawcbieugwareu
Branwen uu hynny M. 37, ttal pei craswelll vei eu defnyt RB. 6ij, a lleidyr tin hi arnafi M. 56, direit wreic iivost M. 73, ys bychan a beth vyd dy gewilyd M. 69, llawen nuant wrthunt WB., a llaiuen vuwyt wrthunt RB. 625 I. Co. lader vyt fur erat P. 38.3, givel vya 36.3, pen nag vo, marow vetbots 0. 1644, vide ZE. 197, 557 sq. passim, KSB. V. 171. Ml Bret. refuset vihel ZE. 558/9, guellve ZE. 560, etc., 197. For bieu: pien cp.: Pien y deueit. nett piell (bieu M. 115) y gtier WB. 473, pan yw cae" Yspydaden penkawr bieu ib., pieu y gaer WB. 486, nyt oes yn y byt nywypp0 piell. IVrnachgaiur pieu ib., y neb pieuy gelein WB. 474, ef bieu y llonge" M. 27, a gofyna wnaeth pioed M. 28, pivy biewynt hwy M. 60, ullbm ble/I) llys M. 75, neimus dywyssawcbieugwareu RB. 617, Berngar bieu ib., BertnV bieu gware RB. 618. Lenation in COMPOUNDS, cp. ZE. 202, 862, Pedersen, I. § 323. In noun compounds the second member was conn*1' only leniated 2; for instances see ZE. 1. c., Co. and. Bret. see ibid. Though the the leniation is often left unmarked, we may in some instances at least postulate provected forms, so e. g. 1) -nll-: brONLLallyn, beRLhydan WB. 465, M. 109, cp. ZB. 203; pennlliein WB. 481, M. 121, pennllat ib ., kynllyuan M123; ZE. 203: blaenllym, gwynnllwyt 3. 2) For alltud see EWGr. I. 104, kyllell-prenneu ib., cp. ZE. 203, llwytkoch brastoll; lletty EWGr. I. 107, hyspytty ib., lletcred ib. 102, catpeis ib., Hychtwn, halawcty ib. 104; driccin ib. 107; p)'"r thee (< *pymp$eg ib. 108), Co. pymjek; cp. Mod. Bret. seKe *seiþ3eg; Co. brathky. In compounds with prepositions, the second member is leniated after leniating prepositions 4 (ad; am; ym; al"' can(nh-); di; dy; giuo; ollrh; heb; nac; try5), e. g. trydwl. For cyd see ZE. 903, e. g. kytuarehawc, kydledyr, kyt~ gerdet. I. Cp. also llawen vu gall baiub RB. 610. RB. 625, M. 61, a breid vu Gr. 128, ? as gwr mwyn vyd y
unmarked, we may in some instances at least postulate provected forms, so e. g. 1) -nll-: brONLLallyn, beRLhydan WB. 465, M. 109, cp. ZB. 203; pennlliein WB. 481, M. 121, pennllat ib ., kynllyuan M123; ZE. 203: blaenllym, gwynnllwyt 3. 2) For alltud see EWGr. I. 104, kyllell-prenneu ib., cp. ZE. 203, llwytkoch brastoll; lletty EWGr. I. 107, hyspytty ib., lletcred ib. 102, catpeis ib., Hychtwn, halawcty ib. 104; driccin ib. 107; p)'"r thee (< *pymp$eg ib. 108), Co. pymjek; cp. Mod. Bret. seKe *seiþ3eg; Co. brathky. In compounds with prepositions, the second member is leniated after leniating prepositions 4 (ad; am; ym; al"' can(nh-); di; dy; giuo; ollrh; heb; nac; try5), e. g. trydwl. For cyd see ZE. 903, e. g. kytuarehawc, kydledyr, kyt~ gerdet. I. Cp. also llawen vu gall baiub RB. 610. RB. 625, M. 61, a breid vu Gr. 128, ? as gwr mwyn vyd y mab M. 23. 2. For compounds with numerals see ZE. 203. 3. But, of course, callys WB. 488, M. 127, etc. 4. So too with hyand with intensive ry-. 5. For gllor-see EW Gr. 1. 123. Provection: atlcor, attgassau, etc., see EWGr. I. 102; kytirogion, givrlhlir ib. 109 (§ 147.2), gwrlhtwng AL. (Co. gortos. MlBr. gourtos ZE. 905), giurteith WB. 483, gwrthpwyll м. io; hepcor, datcanu, datciid see EWGr. I. 102. For darpar: Co. darbar, MlBr. darbari, see Pedersen, II. p. 301. Cp. dannerth. For terfyscu see Loth, RC. XXXVII. 31. For verbal compounds like dichawn, LÌychludo" dygogan, dybyd, gochawll, gochelll, gorgolchi etc., see Strachan, Eriu III. 26 Sciq., Loth, Rem. pp. 74 sqq., Pedersen I, 473/4. J. BAUDIS ON THE USES OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD IN WELSH I The sign of the Welsh subjunctive is -h-, e. g. foher BB. 561 coffaho ib. 709, canho 845, guelher 26, elher 33,2, prouher 6, kymynhei 953, digonhei 968 etc. etc. (cp. Hotter M. 15 = dod-her, adnappo *adyiab + ho, etc. etc., cp. EWGr. 123 sq.). This -h- represents an earlier vowel flanked -sand we may postulate that these forms are akin or identical with IEurconjunctives of the saorist. It seems
gwrlhtwng AL. (Co. gortos. MlBr. gourtos ZE. 905), giurteith WB. 483, gwrthpwyll м. io; hepcor, datcanu, datciid see EWGr. I. 102. For darpar: Co. darbar, MlBr. darbari, see Pedersen, II. p. 301. Cp. dannerth. For terfyscu see Loth, RC. XXXVII. 31. For verbal compounds like dichawn, LÌychludo" dygogan, dybyd, gochawll, gochelll, gorgolchi etc., see Strachan, Eriu III. 26 Sciq., Loth, Rem. pp. 74 sqq., Pedersen I, 473/4. J. BAUDIS ON THE USES OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD IN WELSH I The sign of the Welsh subjunctive is -h-, e. g. foher BB. 561 coffaho ib. 709, canho 845, guelher 26, elher 33,2, prouher 6, kymynhei 953, digonhei 968 etc. etc. (cp. Hotter M. 15 = dod-her, adnappo *adyiab + ho, etc. etc., cp. EWGr. 123 sq.). This -h- represents an earlier vowel flanked -sand we may postulate that these forms are akin or identical with IEurconjunctives of the saorist. It seems that the Brythonic subjunctives were originally thematic forms and they are preserved in W. carhom, MIBr. labourhomp, 2. pi. MIBr. Heil (pan querhet) 2, 3. pl. -hon (e.g. deceased N. Ll49) 3. -hein the past subjunctive must represent *-seviz. -s + thematic e/ù. This seems to be the simplest way of explanation, considering that in Brythonic there must have existed forms identical in formation with the Irish s-subjunctive. In Early Welsh there survived: duch *do-ukset, gwares *uo-ret-set, cp. Ir. fitWse (cp. Rhys, RC. IV. 35, Loth, RC. XX. 75, Vendryes, MSL. XI, 258 sq.). Besides the *-so-(jse-) forms there are some others, viz. 1) ï-forms: Bret. guillif, Co. gyllyf; 2. sg. Br. guilty, Co. gylly; I. pl. Br. beohimp (3. pl. galhinl). 2. a > e (infection) as in ind. queret. 3. 3. sg. -ho is obviously due to the influence of -horn, 3. pl. -hont. 2) Welsh diphtongic forms: carhwyf, 3. sg. carhwy, 3. pl. carbwynt I 3) Welsh 2nd sg.: cer(h)ych < *-isvax (see Loth, RC. XV. 93). The ï-flexion seems to be preserved in EW. I sg. -if (fut.): llyngu BB. i00i5, golchiw i00,6, gwneif A. I; (see ZE. 583), bodif T. 57.2, 58.3, 595, 602,26, 6212,
of explanation, considering that in Brythonic there must have existed forms identical in formation with the Irish s-subjunctive. In Early Welsh there survived: duch *do-ukset, gwares *uo-ret-set, cp. Ir. fitWse (cp. Rhys, RC. IV. 35, Loth, RC. XX. 75, Vendryes, MSL. XI, 258 sq.). Besides the *-so-(jse-) forms there are some others, viz. 1) ï-forms: Bret. guillif, Co. gyllyf; 2. sg. Br. guilty, Co. gylly; I. pl. Br. beohimp (3. pl. galhinl). 2. a > e (infection) as in ind. queret. 3. 3. sg. -ho is obviously due to the influence of -horn, 3. pl. -hont. 2) Welsh diphtongic forms: carhwyf, 3. sg. carhwy, 3. pl. carbwynt I 3) Welsh 2nd sg.: cer(h)ych < *-isvax (see Loth, RC. XV. 93). The ï-flexion seems to be preserved in EW. I sg. -if (fut.): llyngu BB. i00i5, golchiw i00,6, gwneif A. I; (see ZE. 583), bodif T. 57.2, 58.3, 595, 602,26, 6212, mudif RBP. 1037, Cenif nis dygif MA. 141 b etc. Note I. 3rd pl. -int: OBr. dec mint (vide Loth, MSL. V. 134). It is difficult to say whether there was a *-hisuffix; It seems probable that the -h was introduced from the 'ho-j-he' forms (cp. Loth, RC. XXX, p. 23 note). None of these forms can be indisputably identified with the IEur. optative forms. Therefore it is difficult to say how far the Brythonic subjunctive reflects the original optative functions. The present subjunctive (= Bret. future) had the function of the present and of the perfect; in the sense of perfect it may be preceded by ry. In main clauses it expressed a wish or futurity. In Breton the future meaning became most prominent not only in principal but also in dependent clauses. I x. (Wish) ren new an rotone ran trugaret may the Lord of Heaven give a share of mercy BB. 2912, buyf guas guinwydic )16, ath vo rad 1028, see infra2. [Cp. Bret. fut. with ra in Sentences like ram pardono N. 388, roz sal no 1057, doe ra roy 3^5 ra pell pado 1880, Doe voz miro 1078, cp. also maz vezo scaff ho caffou
23 note). None of these forms can be indisputably identified with the IEur. optative forms. Therefore it is difficult to say how far the Brythonic subjunctive reflects the original optative functions. The present subjunctive (= Bret. future) had the function of the present and of the perfect; in the sense of perfect it may be preceded by ry. In main clauses it expressed a wish or futurity. In Breton the future meaning became most prominent not only in principal but also in dependent clauses. I x. (Wish) ren new an rotone ran trugaret may the Lord of Heaven give a share of mercy BB. 2912, buyf guas guinwydic )16, ath vo rad 1028, see infra2. [Cp. Bret. fut. with ra in Sentences like ram pardono N. 388, roz sal no 1057, doe ra roy 3^5 ra pell pado 1880, Doe voz miro 1078, cp. also maz vezo scaff ho caffou N. 1872, cp. 1852, 1812]. B. (Futurity). It has a shall-meaning. This usage is common in poetry but rare in prose, e.g. moch guelher BB. 26 £ soon it will be seen, ef a welera yr awr honn pa delw y dielych di f G. 294, cp. 29626; further instances see infra. (Cp. Bret. future in principal clauses, e.g. MlBr. me yelo N. 40, te RImi^r■ • a faziff N. 87, hac ez griff ma deuotion N. 486, buy a caffo 1760, ma na be^aff. ez renllf895. Now it seems to me even more probable that the ty• 1' -li'y forms originated in the substantive verb OW. *bwy (y pop viynnic ltoý Ll. 120). 2* Cp. poet ar antur drwc y del SG. 407. Note. In Early Welsh there are some special forms a) -iJ (MlBr. fut. -if) see supra; 2) 3. sg. -hawI, 3. pl. -hawnt, pass-hawr: briuhaud BB. 589, kaffaud 526 (76s), dirchafaud 536, 609, cp. 4812, cluitaud 1012, gunahaud 544, llettaud 25 etC., parahaud 1003, reddaud 58,; Uoscawt Sk. 11923, varnha^ IS 12, gwasgarawt 12-11, bythawt: bithaud BB. frq., bythawt Tal. 7610 etc., WB. 456; bydawt T. 1027, RBP. 585, 1049, 1041 etc. I ymhoelawd WB. 457,
see infra. (Cp. Bret. future in principal clauses, e.g. MlBr. me yelo N. 40, te RImi^r■ • a faziff N. 87, hac ez griff ma deuotion N. 486, buy a caffo 1760, ma na be^aff. ez renllf895. Now it seems to me even more probable that the ty• 1' -li'y forms originated in the substantive verb OW. *bwy (y pop viynnic ltoý Ll. 120). 2* Cp. poet ar antur drwc y del SG. 407. Note. In Early Welsh there are some special forms a) -iJ (MlBr. fut. -if) see supra; 2) 3. sg. -hawI, 3. pl. -hawnt, pass-hawr: briuhaud BB. 589, kaffaud 526 (76s), dirchafaud 536, 609, cp. 4812, cluitaud 1012, gunahaud 544, llettaud 25 etC., parahaud 1003, reddaud 58,; Uoscawt Sk. 11923, varnha^ IS 12, gwasgarawt 12-11, bythawt: bithaud BB. frq., bythawt Tal. 7610 etc., WB. 456; bydawt T. 1027, RBP. 585, 1049, 1041 etc. I ymhoelawd WB. 457, methaivd ib., llwyprawd MA. 232b etc. 2nd pl.: OW. cuinhaut gl. deflebunt; gwnahawnt Sk. 12-1 (T. 137), pebyllyawnt T. 7715, medhawnt 786, bydawnt 785 etc— Passive OW. guidaur Co., EW. talhawr BB. 3112, Sk. 12 a ganbawr BB. 589 (etc., see Dottin, Des. p. 169), WB. agofnawr 456, nyn lladawr 475. — These forms correspond to MlBr. guelheur etc. and most probably to OBr. *-(h)ol 111 cospitiot gI. titubaverit. It is clear that OW. -bãwgoes back to Bryt. *-Sã-, sometimes these forms occur together with the future-subjunctive, e.g. Arth 0 deheubarth a dircbajtlY. Ry llettaud y wir ew tra thir mynvy BB. 591M. Sometimes the subjunctive or the -aw future is found expressing general contingency, e.g. heb werth mawr ni chaff^L'r crys Sk. 23527, cp. 308; da y dirieit llV alter Sk. 25824. The different types of W. subjunctives in subordinate clauses seem to be derived first of all from the three Eur. types of conjunctives viz. the volitive, the deliberative and prospective; they correspond (in SG.) 1) to OFr. future 2) to OFr. subjunctive. The W. subjunctive in a subordinate clause expresses: A) A wish or a future contingency: a) (wish, cp. main clauses) after verbs of commanding, desiring,