jeanflop/post_ocr_correction2 huggingface dataset:
» at the place de Grève and the Hôtel de Ville to read the wall posters and follow the latest rumours. We see the misery of the poorest, which led to the execution of speculators as well as officials on the « Grève », followed by popular processions brandishing the heads of the criminals. JEAN-CLAUDE DAVID PARIS IN AUGUST 1789. AN UNPUBLISHED LETTER FROM GINGUENÉ TO ÉCOUCHARD-LEBRUN. Pierre-Louis Ginguené (1748-1816), poet, literary critic and journalist, began his literary career with Marmontel, La Harpe, Chamfort and Garat, and can be considered a disciple of the « philosophes ». He was also, however, the close friend of Lebrun, the poet, known as Lebrun-Pindare. He wrote Lebrun a letter on 12th August 1789 which expresses the enthusiasm felt by a disciple of Voltaire and Rousseau for the first revolutionary events. ÉTIENNE HOFMANN AN UNPUBLISHED LETTER FROM PHILIPPE SECRETAN TO MIRABEAU (SEPTEMBER 1789). In the unpublished diary of Philippe Secretan (1756-1826), tutor to the children of the Duke d'Ursel and future magistrate and politician in Vaud, there is a copy of a letter he wrote to Mirabeau. This letter is interesting as it shows the reactions abroad to the French Constituent Assembly's discussions over bicameralism and the royal veto. In the advice that Secretan rather naively offers to the famous orator, we can see the extent of interest for political and constitutional issues among the enlightened French-speaking Swiss middle classes. DIX-HUITIÈME SIÈCLE, n° 20 (1988) ANDRÉ MAGNAN AN UNPUBLISHED LETTER WRITTEN BY THE COMTESSE DE BENTINCK (DECEMBER 1789). At the age of seventy-five, Voltaire's friend Charlotte Sophie, comtesse de Bentinck, wrote a letter (from Hamburg, dated 20-22 December 1789) to the Baron de Johnn, the Danish Chamberlain. This letter is particularly interesting for its combination of liberalism, sympathetic towards the ongoing revolutions, and radical feminism which criticized these revolutions for paying insufficient attention to social regeneration through « the perfect equality of rights between the sexes ». This text can be related to its ideological context, but it is nevertheless the result of an individual experience of the « abuses of male supremacy »
bicameralism and the royal veto. In the advice that Secretan rather naively offers to the famous orator, we can see the extent of interest for political and constitutional issues among the enlightened French-speaking Swiss middle classes. DIX-HUITIÈME SIÈCLE, n° 20 (1988) ANDRÉ MAGNAN AN UNPUBLISHED LETTER WRITTEN BY THE COMTESSE DE BENTINCK (DECEMBER 1789). At the age of seventy-five, Voltaire's friend Charlotte Sophie, comtesse de Bentinck, wrote a letter (from Hamburg, dated 20-22 December 1789) to the Baron de Johnn, the Danish Chamberlain. This letter is particularly interesting for its combination of liberalism, sympathetic towards the ongoing revolutions, and radical feminism which criticized these revolutions for paying insufficient attention to social regeneration through « the perfect equality of rights between the sexes ». This text can be related to its ideological context, but it is nevertheless the result of an individual experience of the « abuses of male supremacy » thus a personal history is given a new dimension by the revolutionary context. The letter can also be seen as a feminist prophecy for the period after 1789. PIERRE RÉTAT 1789 IN THE PAPERS. PROBLEMS AND PROPOSITIONS. A history of the year 1789, or the Revolution « seen by the newspapers », gives rise to certain problems which are frequently ignored. The newspaper article must, like any other text, be situated in its context, and its choice, although inevitable, affects the way it is interpreted. One must therefore first discuss the different types of newspapers, after which the main outlines of the representation of the Revolution can be discerned. We also study the different forms of expression, collective mentalités, and publishing activity. CLAUDE LABROSSE HOW THE FRENCH PRESS REPORTED THE EVENTS OF 1789. This article studies the conditions in which the newspapers announced and recounted the events of 1789, and analyses the different forms of narration. We also see how the large number of simultaneous events and the acceleration of history presented a problem. We can thus investigate the relationship between the press and the event and, through these forgotten texts, follow the year as it unfolds. PIERRE LAMAROUE THE
newspapers », gives rise to certain problems which are frequently ignored. The newspaper article must, like any other text, be situated in its context, and its choice, although inevitable, affects the way it is interpreted. One must therefore first discuss the different types of newspapers, after which the main outlines of the representation of the Revolution can be discerned. We also study the different forms of expression, collective mentalités, and publishing activity. CLAUDE LABROSSE HOW THE FRENCH PRESS REPORTED THE EVENTS OF 1789. This article studies the conditions in which the newspapers announced and recounted the events of 1789, and analyses the different forms of narration. We also see how the large number of simultaneous events and the acceleration of history presented a problem. We can thus investigate the relationship between the press and the event and, through these forgotten texts, follow the year as it unfolds. PIERRE LAMAROUE THE BIRTH OF THE ASSEMBLÉE NATIONALE. On the day after their royal opening on 5th May 1789, the Estates General began their sittings in three separate houses. That of the Third Estate took the name of "Commons", but in its first sitting on 6th May, the deputy Malouet spoke of the "National Assembly". This expression was used during the month of May and the first half of June by several speakers in the "Commons" and was even used in the Nobles' House. A few representatives of the clergy joined the Third Estate between the 13th and 16th June and, at Sieyès's suggestion, the Commons decided on 17th to form the National Assembly. This decision has been considered as the first revolutionary act of the Third Estate and the clerical minority. MICHEL PÉRONNET OUR LORDS, THE CLERGY OF FRANCE IN 1789. The French bishops, the first body of the first Order of the state, were frequently consulted during the 1780s, which indicates their importance. On 24th January 1789, the right to vote was accorded to all the members of the secular clergy and the baillage was fixed as the electoral unit, thus breaking with tradition by choosing the bishops in the dioceses.
"National Assembly". This expression was used during the month of May and the first half of June by several speakers in the "Commons" and was even used in the Nobles' House. A few representatives of the clergy joined the Third Estate between the 13th and 16th June and, at Sieyès's suggestion, the Commons decided on 17th to form the National Assembly. This decision has been considered as the first revolutionary act of the Third Estate and the clerical minority. MICHEL PÉRONNET OUR LORDS, THE CLERGY OF FRANCE IN 1789. The French bishops, the first body of the first Order of the state, were frequently consulted during the 1780s, which indicates their importance. On 24th January 1789, the right to vote was accorded to all the members of the secular clergy and the baillage was fixed as the electoral unit, thus breaking with tradition by choosing the bishops in the dioceses. There were only about forty bishops in the Estates General and they took part in all the 1789 debates, especially in the discussions concerning the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the nationalization of Church property and the establishment of the Catholic Church. The bishops "refused to proclaim catholicism the state religion (28th August) was the first sign of disagreement with the deputies, followed in October by the distribution of incendiary pastoral letters". VIDA AZIMI THE EMPLOYEES' CRY. 1789 introduced a new age in the history of the civil service in France. Many projects directly affected government employees who were forced, in view of their precarious situation, to demand justice from the National Assembly. These demands took the form of pamphlets, letters and booklets. We can see a certain hostility towards the civil service, perceived as an instrument of state oppression. The administration must be reorganized to produce a new being, the citizen-civil servant as opposed to the subject-employee. This struggle required the expression of social liberty and spontaneous "trade unions". The defence of professional interest was based on the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, seen as the model for an unwritten charter of employees' rights.
state religion (28th August) was the first sign of disagreement with the deputies, followed in October by the distribution of incendiary pastoral letters". VIDA AZIMI THE EMPLOYEES' CRY. 1789 introduced a new age in the history of the civil service in France. Many projects directly affected government employees who were forced, in view of their precarious situation, to demand justice from the National Assembly. These demands took the form of pamphlets, letters and booklets. We can see a certain hostility towards the civil service, perceived as an instrument of state oppression. The administration must be reorganized to produce a new being, the citizen-civil servant as opposed to the subject-employee. This struggle required the expression of social liberty and spontaneous "trade unions". The defence of professional interest was based on the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, seen as the model for an unwritten charter of employees' rights. This employees' movement of 1789 was to have long-term social repercussions. FRANÇOISE BLÉCHET 1789 IN THE BIBLIOTHÈQUE DU ROI. In 1789 the Bibliothèque du Roi was under the control of Jean-Charles Pierre Lenoir, former head of the Paris police, who was a firm and active manager but was too close to Calonne. He was attacked in a mass of very violent pamphlets for his past and his running of the library. In addition, the library was inundated by requests for information from the nobles' assembly and the Estates General. The Palais Mazarin, with its long arcades, seemed to many to be an ideal meeting-place in easy reach of Palais Royal. Thus there were assemblies of nobles, of the inhabitants of the Filles-Saint-Thomas area, and finally of a regiment of the guards. Even Bailly set up an office for patriotic donations. Finally Lenoir resigned at the end of the year and emigrated to Switzerland; his successor, Lefèvre d'Ormesson, was appointed on 23rd December 1789. MONIQUE CUBELLS Aix-EN-PROVENCE IN 1789, MOVEMENT AND RESISTANCE. As a result of the dispute over the Provence Estates, the debate concerning the elections for the Estates General, the popular agitation and the events in Paris on 14th
to Calonne. He was attacked in a mass of very violent pamphlets for his past and his running of the library. In addition, the library was inundated by requests for information from the nobles' assembly and the Estates General. The Palais Mazarin, with its long arcades, seemed to many to be an ideal meeting-place in easy reach of Palais Royal. Thus there were assemblies of nobles, of the inhabitants of the Filles-Saint-Thomas area, and finally of a regiment of the guards. Even Bailly set up an office for patriotic donations. Finally Lenoir resigned at the end of the year and emigrated to Switzerland; his successor, Lefèvre d'Ormesson, was appointed on 23rd December 1789. MONIQUE CUBELLS Aix-EN-PROVENCE IN 1789, MOVEMENT AND RESISTANCE. As a result of the dispute over the Provence Estates, the debate concerning the elections for the Estates General, the popular agitation and the events in Paris on 14th July, the oligarchical Aix town council was forced to hold enlarged meetings even general assemblies of the citizens to set up the future national guard and reform slightly its ancient charter. But in spite of these apparent changes, the town council managed to remain unchanged until the February 1790 elections which produced a new council. The influence of the nobles all but vanished and the artisans and rich farmers were no longer totally excluded from the council; nevertheless the traditional Aix middle classes, composed of lawyers, still predominated and were even represented by the same men. YVES BENOT THE COLONIAL QUESTION IN 1789. A YEAR OF DISAPPOINTMENTS AND CONTRADICTIONS. This article, based on four texts by Brissot, by a journalist in Les Révolutions de Paris, by Grégoire and by Mirabeau studies the obstacles facing the anti-slavery movement in the early months of the Revolution. It emphasizes, first of all, a political problem, namely the de facto alliance between the moderate revolutionaries and the slave-trading middle classes in the ports. More important, however, is the analysis (following Mirabeau) of the short-term economic constraints: a new form of industrial and economic development was the precondition for a coherent anti-slavery policy. But a
which produced a new council. The influence of the nobles all but vanished and the artisans and rich farmers were no longer totally excluded from the council; nevertheless the traditional Aix middle classes, composed of lawyers, still predominated and were even represented by the same men. YVES BENOT THE COLONIAL QUESTION IN 1789. A YEAR OF DISAPPOINTMENTS AND CONTRADICTIONS. This article, based on four texts by Brissot, by a journalist in Les Révolutions de Paris, by Grégoire and by Mirabeau studies the obstacles facing the anti-slavery movement in the early months of the Revolution. It emphasizes, first of all, a political problem, namely the de facto alliance between the moderate revolutionaries and the slave-trading middle classes in the ports. More important, however, is the analysis (following Mirabeau) of the short-term economic constraints: a new form of industrial and economic development was the precondition for a coherent anti-slavery policy. But a new idea was gaining ground, that of home rule for the colonies which would form a federation with the mother country. ANTOINE DE BAECOUE BRAVE NEW MAN. THE IDEA OF THE REGENERATION OF THE FRENCH IN 1789. The idea of a sudden historical break predominates in the political imagination of the French Revolution. This break is often seen as a sort of biological revolution, an idealized renewal of human nature through political action. The main illustration of this is the appeal for the regeneration of man, to be heard on many lips. The symbols of a crumbling "barbaric feudalism" are replaced by those of a new world which has brought forth the regenerated Frenchman. Here we attempt to see how at what moment, in response to which events, in relation to which themes and following which paths this myth of the "new man" was constructed (or reconstructed) during 1789. JACQUES GUILHAUMOU ACCOUNTS OF 14th JULY 1789 IN POLITICAL LIVES (1793-1794). Imprisoned suspects in the years 1793-4 tried to justify themselves by writing their political lives. These documents, which have been preserved in manuscript form, recount their participation in the main events of the French Revolution. References to 14th July 1789
the French Revolution. This break is often seen as a sort of biological revolution, an idealized renewal of human nature through political action. The main illustration of this is the appeal for the regeneration of man, to be heard on many lips. The symbols of a crumbling "barbaric feudalism" are replaced by those of a new world which has brought forth the regenerated Frenchman. Here we attempt to see how at what moment, in response to which events, in relation to which themes and following which paths this myth of the "new man" was constructed (or reconstructed) during 1789. JACQUES GUILHAUMOU ACCOUNTS OF 14th JULY 1789 IN POLITICAL LIVES (1793-1794). Imprisoned suspects in the years 1793-4 tried to justify themselves by writing their political lives. These documents, which have been preserved in manuscript form, recount their participation in the main events of the French Revolution. References to 14th July 1789 occupy a large place in these accounts, as the initial, and major, event. In addition to the storming of the Bastille itself, the recurrent theme is that of the « people in arms », amongst whom are to be found the protagonists of these Political Lives. However, the retrospective interpretation of July 1789 also depends on the moment of writing, as can be seen in the two Lives written by Antoine Collin, at a few months' distance, which are published as an appendix to the article. MALCOLM COOK THE FRENCH NOVEL IN 1789. Long novels, popular as they were in 1789, did not portray a precise revolutionary reality. The most striking novel of 1789, Lavallée's Le Nègre comme il y a peu de blancs is an effective example of political propaganda in fiction. It is analysed here in relation to the political pamphlets of the period which dealt specifically with the slave trade. Many short political pamphlets used fictional allegorical forms. Three are studied here Le Royaume de Naudelit Le Rêve philosophique de Bryltophend and Une nuit de Babylone. Using allegorical veils, these works offer transpositions of the revolutionary reality but tend, as do the majority of short contemporary fictional
of July 1789 also depends on the moment of writing, as can be seen in the two Lives written by Antoine Collin, at a few months' distance, which are published as an appendix to the article. MALCOLM COOK THE FRENCH NOVEL IN 1789. Long novels, popular as they were in 1789, did not portray a precise revolutionary reality. The most striking novel of 1789, Lavallée's Le Nègre comme il y a peu de blancs is an effective example of political propaganda in fiction. It is analysed here in relation to the political pamphlets of the period which dealt specifically with the slave trade. Many short political pamphlets used fictional allegorical forms. Three are studied here Le Royaume de Naudelit Le Rêve philosophique de Bryltophend and Une nuit de Babylone. Using allegorical veils, these works offer transpositions of the revolutionary reality but tend, as do the majority of short contemporary fictional works, to favour a conservative view. JEAN-RÉMY MANTION AUTOPSY OF THE BASTILLE. This article studies the problem created by the urgent need to paint the storming of the Bastille, symbol of the beginning of the Revolution. This difficulty is particularly in evidence in the few paintings of the 1789 Salon devoted to the important events of that historic summer. It can be especially seen in a perhaps momentary, but nevertheless significant, blurring of the hierarchy of pictorial genres. Painters like Vestier, Hubert Robert, Moreau le Jeune, Demachy or Houel, whose status was unclear (were they genre, architecture or landscape painters ?), painted the demolition rather than the storming of the Bastille. This example leads us to reflect on why, in the space of a year, there was an unexpected alliance of history and landscape. JEAN-LOUIS JAM MUSIC IN PARIS. Nothing in the musical scene in 1789 foreshadowed the coming upheaval. All the programmes for both opera and concerts continued the tradition dating from the 1770s. The favourite French composers were all at the height of long and glorious careers, and their successors were as yet hardly emerging or were still children. This period saw the beginning of the music-lovers' long
devoted to the important events of that historic summer. It can be especially seen in a perhaps momentary, but nevertheless significant, blurring of the hierarchy of pictorial genres. Painters like Vestier, Hubert Robert, Moreau le Jeune, Demachy or Houel, whose status was unclear (were they genre, architecture or landscape painters ?), painted the demolition rather than the storming of the Bastille. This example leads us to reflect on why, in the space of a year, there was an unexpected alliance of history and landscape. JEAN-LOUIS JAM MUSIC IN PARIS. Nothing in the musical scene in 1789 foreshadowed the coming upheaval. All the programmes for both opera and concerts continued the tradition dating from the 1770s. The favourite French composers were all at the height of long and glorious careers, and their successors were as yet hardly emerging or were still children. This period saw the beginning of the music-lovers' long preference for Italian composers, who triumphed on the stage, in the concert-hall and in amateur circles. The quarrel between French and Italian music, which had marked the whole century, was finally over the majority, « the Public », had overridden the philosophes' diatribes. 1789 was for the French, united in their admiration for Italian music, a year of consensus, which was to be only briefly disturbed by the needs of revolutionary propaganda. HANS-JÜRGEN LÜSEBRINK AND ROLF REICHARDT ECHOES OF 1789 IN GERMANY. Two main aspects of echoes of 1789 in Germany are here analysed. Firstly, we discuss how information concerning the revolutionary events in France reached the other side of the Rhine, mainly through the press; a few representative examples of newspaper reports are studied. Secondly, we consider movements of revolt stimulated by the news from France, with a number of case studies concerning both urban centres (Nuremberg, Cologne etc.) and rural areas, in the years 1789-1794. LEOPOLDO COLLOR JOBIM AND JOÃO LUIS LISBOA PORTUGUESE DIPLOMATS AND THE REVOLUTION. This article studies the dispatches sent to the Foreign Secretary in Lisbon throughout the year 1789 through these reports we can analyse the reactions of Portuguese diplomats in European courts to
their admiration for Italian music, a year of consensus, which was to be only briefly disturbed by the needs of revolutionary propaganda. HANS-JÜRGEN LÜSEBRINK AND ROLF REICHARDT ECHOES OF 1789 IN GERMANY. Two main aspects of echoes of 1789 in Germany are here analysed. Firstly, we discuss how information concerning the revolutionary events in France reached the other side of the Rhine, mainly through the press; a few representative examples of newspaper reports are studied. Secondly, we consider movements of revolt stimulated by the news from France, with a number of case studies concerning both urban centres (Nuremberg, Cologne etc.) and rural areas, in the years 1789-1794. LEOPOLDO COLLOR JOBIM AND JOÃO LUIS LISBOA PORTUGUESE DIPLOMATS AND THE REVOLUTION. This article studies the dispatches sent to the Foreign Secretary in Lisbon throughout the year 1789 through these reports we can analyse the reactions of Portuguese diplomats in European courts to the events of that year in France, Geneva and the Austrian Low Countries. We can see not only the unfolding of the revolutionary events, but also the way in which they were interpreted, and how they affected the outlook of these eye-witnesses. Thus we can follow the emergence of an awareness of the French Revolution as the foundation of a new political and social order. ANDRÉE MANSUY-DINIZ-SILVA THE REVOLUTION SEEN FROM TURIN BY A PORTUGUESE DIPLOMAT IN 1789. The Portuguese plenipotentiary at the Sardinian Court, D. Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, in Turin since 1779, was an attentive observer of the political, economic and social situation in France. In the weekly dispatches he sent to the Foreign Secretary, he recounted and commented on some of the main events in France in 1789. His attempt to grasp the underlying reasons for the unfolding revolution produced a lucid analysis which drew the lesson from the events. He was a man of the Enlightenment in favour of necessary reforms, but also a supporter of enlightened despotism, and he was concerned to preserve the king's complete sovereignty. JEAN-PAUL DE LAGRAVE EVENTS IN FRANCE AS SEEN BY THE MONTREAL GAZETTE. The beginning of the French Revolution