jeanflop/post-ocr-correction huggingface dataset:
when it follows the predicate, exx. s. a thrist Vll Gr. 112, llawen vu ib., dyskymon vydei hynny utunt WB. 471, kyflawn uydeioeserch WB. 476, kanys diuudyawc г Jn ygeissaw WB. 484, cctnys brcu vyd ib., malpei teu uei B. 487, kyhyt ar prenn uchaf.. uydei WB. 471, ys drwc a ^dymdeith juosli P. 6" 282 (IlUùsti WB. 70, lmost di M. 51), Jfaiun o bont uydei WB. 465, os mab y mi lIyd kyndynnyawc uyd B. 465, oer uylh uyd y galon WB. 464, na tnawr na bychan Uo WB. 465, mwyuwy uyd WB. 458, marw uydaf WB. 452,
WB. 465, mwyuwy uyd WB. 458, marw uydaf WB. 452, Jjuryf Vyd hynny M. 13, pennaf neges uu M. 11, dilesteir uyd 10 aspirates, e. g. 0 chenneleir WB. 475 (: ony chenneteir M. 117). For b a (rad.), mar, mar a (rad., but med.>ten.) vide KSB. V.167, ZE. 190; g retmar (rad.) vide ZE. 190. Cp bei oll yt uei WB. 487 (: pei bei oil M. 127). 5. But note: keuei yr egluysseu Gr. 130. A, - (. T M> tIlal ZE. 189, negation mal na, e. g. mal na bwynt WB. 457 l' Ont M. icvrt. 5.
mal na bwynt WB. 457 l' Ont M. icvrt. 5. a naw dieu hyd uydei heb gYSClt WB. 471, y bydei M. 113. dy hynt M. 3, a thrwy gynghor Branwen uu hynny M. 37, ttal pei craswelll vei eu defnyt RB. 6ij, a lleidyr tin hi arnafi M. 56, direit wreic iivost M. 73, ys bychan a beth vyd dy gewilyd M. 69, llawen nuant wrthunt WB., a llaiuen vuwyt wrthunt RB. 625 I. Co. lader vyt fur erat P. 38.3, givel vya 36.3, pen nag vo, marow vetbots 0. 1644, vide ZE. 197, 557 sq. passim, KSB. V.
0. 1644, vide ZE. 197, 557 sq. passim, KSB. V. 171. Ml Bret. refuset vihel ZE. 558/9, guellve ZE. 560, etc., 197. For bieu: pien cp.: Pien y deueit. nett piell (bieu M. 115) y gtier WB. 473, pan yw cae" Yspydaden penkawr bieu ib., pieu y gaer WB. 486, nyt oes yn y byt nywypp0 piell. IVrnachgaiur pieu ib., y neb pieuy gelein WB. 474, ef bieu y llonge" M. 27, a gofyna wnaeth pioed M. 28, pivy biewynt hwy M. 60, ullbm ble/I) llys M. 75, neimus dywyssawcbieugwareu RB. 617, Berngar bieu ib., BertnV bieu gware RB. 618.
RB. 617, Berngar bieu ib., BertnV bieu gware RB. 618. Lenation in COMPOUNDS, cp. ZE. 202, 862, Pedersen, I. § 323. In noun compounds the second member was conn*1' only leniated 2; for instances see ZE. 1. c., Co. and. Bret. see ibid. Though the the leniation is often left unmarked, we may in some instances at least postulate provected forms, so e. g. 1) -nll-: brONLLallyn, beRLhydan WB. 465, M. 109, cp. ZB. 203; pennlliein WB. 481, M. 121, pennllat ib ., kynllyuan M123; ZE. 203: blaenllym, gwynnllwyt 3. 2) For alltud see EWGr. I. 104, kyllell-prenneu ib., cp.
2) For alltud see EWGr. I. 104, kyllell-prenneu ib., cp. ZE. 203, llwytkoch brastoll; lletty EWGr. I. 107, hyspytty ib., lletcred ib. 102, catpeis ib., Hychtwn, halawcty ib. 104; driccin ib. 107; p)'"r thee (< *pymp$eg ib. 108), Co. pymjek; cp. Mod. Bret. seKe *seiþ3eg; Co. brathky. In compounds with prepositions, the second member is leniated after leniating prepositions 4 (ad; am; ym; al"' can(nh-); di; dy; giuo; ollrh; heb; nac; try5), e. g. trydwl. For cyd see ZE. 903, e. g. kytuarehawc, kydledyr, kyt~ gerdet. I. Cp. also llawen vu gall baiub RB. 610. RB. 625, M. 61, a
vu gall baiub RB. 610. RB. 625, M. 61, a breid vu Gr. 128, ? as gwr mwyn vyd y mab M. 23. 2. For compounds with numerals see ZE. 203. 3. But, of course, callys WB. 488, M. 127, etc. 4. So too with hyand with intensive ry-. 5. For gllor-see EW Gr. 1. 123. Provection: atlcor, attgassau, etc., see EWGr. I. 102; kytirogion, givrlhlir ib. 109 (§ 147.2), gwrlhtwng AL. (Co. gortos. MlBr. gourtos ZE. 905), giurteith WB. 483, gwrthpwyll м. io; hepcor, datcanu, datciid see EWGr. I. 102. For darpar: Co. darbar, MlBr. darbari, see Pedersen, II.
102. For darpar: Co. darbar, MlBr. darbari, see Pedersen, II. p. 301. Cp. dannerth. For terfyscu see Loth, RC. XXXVII. 31. For verbal compounds like dichawn, LÌychludo" dygogan, dybyd, gochawll, gochelll, gorgolchi etc., see Strachan, Eriu III. 26 Sciq., Loth, Rem. pp. 74 sqq., Pedersen I, 473/4. J. BAUDIS ON THE USES OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD IN WELSH I The sign of the Welsh subjunctive is -h-, e. g. foher BB. 561 coffaho ib. 709, canho 845, guelher 26, elher 33,2, prouher 6, kymynhei 953, digonhei 968 etc. etc. (cp. Hotter M. 15 = dod-her, adnappo *adyiab + ho, etc.
Hotter M. 15 = dod-her, adnappo *adyiab + ho, etc. etc., cp. EWGr. 123 sq.). This -h- represents an earlier vowel flanked -sand we may postulate that these forms are akin or identical with IEurconjunctives of the saorist. It seems that the Brythonic subjunctives were originally thematic forms and they are preserved in W. carhom, MIBr. labourhomp, 2. pi. MIBr. Heil (pan querhet) 2, 3. pl. -hon (e.g. deceased N. Ll49) 3. -hein the past subjunctive must represent *-seviz. -s + thematic e/ù. This seems to be the simplest way of explanation, considering that in Brythonic there must have existed
of explanation, considering that in Brythonic there must have existed forms identical in formation with the Irish s-subjunctive. In Early Welsh there survived: duch *do-ukset, gwares *uo-ret-set, cp. Ir. fitWse (cp. Rhys, RC. IV. 35, Loth, RC. XX. 75, Vendryes, MSL. XI, 258 sq.). Besides the *-so-(jse-) forms there are some others, viz. 1) ï-forms: Bret. guillif, Co. gyllyf; 2. sg. Br. guilty, Co. gylly; I. pl. Br. beohimp (3. pl. galhinl). 2. a > e (infection) as in ind. queret. 3. 3. sg. -ho is obviously due to the influence of -horn, 3. pl. -hont. 2) Welsh diphtongic forms:
influence of -horn, 3. pl. -hont. 2) Welsh diphtongic forms: carhwyf, 3. sg. carhwy, 3. pl. carbwynt I 3) Welsh 2nd sg.: cer(h)ych < *-isvax (see Loth, RC. XV. 93). The ï-flexion seems to be preserved in EW. I sg. -if (fut.): llyngu BB. i00i5, golchiw i00,6, gwneif A. I; (see ZE. 583), bodif T. 57.2, 58.3, 595, 602,26, 6212, mudif RBP. 1037, Cenif nis dygif MA. 141 b etc. Note I. 3rd pl. -int: OBr. dec mint (vide Loth, MSL. V. 134). It is difficult to say whether there was a *-hisuffix; It seems probable that the -h was
was a *-hisuffix; It seems probable that the -h was introduced from the 'ho-j-he' forms (cp. Loth, RC. XXX, p. 23 note). None of these forms can be indisputably identified with the IEur. optative forms. Therefore it is difficult to say how far the Brythonic subjunctive reflects the original optative functions. The present subjunctive (= Bret. future) had the function of the present and of the perfect; in the sense of perfect it may be preceded by ry. In main clauses it expressed a wish or futurity. In Breton the future meaning became most prominent not only in principal but
future meaning became most prominent not only in principal but also in dependent clauses. I x. (Wish) ren new an rotone ran trugaret may the Lord of Heaven give a share of mercy BB. 2912, buyf guas guinwydic )16, ath vo rad 1028, see infra2. [Cp. Bret. fut. with ra in Sentences like ram pardono N. 388, roz sal no 1057, doe ra roy 3^5 ra pell pado 1880, Doe voz miro 1078, cp. also maz vezo scaff ho caffou N. 1872, cp. 1852, 1812]. B. (Futurity). It has a shall-meaning. This usage is common in poetry but rare in
shall-meaning. This usage is common in poetry but rare in prose, e.g. moch guelher BB. 26 £ soon it will be seen, ef a welera yr awr honn pa delw y dielych di f G. 294, cp. 29626; further instances see infra. (Cp. Bret. future in principal clauses, e.g. MlBr. me yelo N. 40, te RImi^r■ • a faziff N. 87, hac ez griff ma deuotion N. 486, buy a caffo 1760, ma na be^aff. ez renllf895. Now it seems to me even more probable that the ty• 1' -li'y forms originated in the substantive verb OW. *bwy (y pop
forms originated in the substantive verb OW. *bwy (y pop viynnic ltoý Ll. 120). 2* Cp. poet ar antur drwc y del SG. 407. Note. In Early Welsh there are some special forms a) -iJ (MlBr. fut. -if) see supra; 2) 3. sg. -hawI, 3. pl. -hawnt, pass-hawr: briuhaud BB. 589, kaffaud 526 (76s), dirchafaud 536, 609, cp. 4812, cluitaud 1012, gunahaud 544, llettaud 25 etC., parahaud 1003, reddaud 58,; Uoscawt Sk. 11923, varnha^ IS 12, gwasgarawt 12-11, bythawt: bithaud BB. frq., bythawt Tal. 7610 etc., WB. 456; bydawt T. 1027, RBP. 585, 1049, 1041 etc. I ymhoelawd WB. 457,
1027, RBP. 585, 1049, 1041 etc. I ymhoelawd WB. 457, methaivd ib., llwyprawd MA. 232b etc. 2nd pl.: OW. cuinhaut gl. deflebunt; gwnahawnt Sk. 12-1 (T. 137), pebyllyawnt T. 7715, medhawnt 786, bydawnt 785 etc— Passive OW. guidaur Co., EW. talhawr BB. 3112, Sk. 12 a ganbawr BB. 589 (etc., see Dottin, Des. p. 169), WB. agofnawr 456, nyn lladawr 475. — These forms correspond to MlBr. guelheur etc. and most probably to OBr. *-(h)ol 111 cospitiot gI. titubaverit. It is clear that OW. -bãwgoes back to Bryt. *-Sã-, sometimes these forms occur together with the future-subjunctive, e.g. Arth 0
these forms occur together with the future-subjunctive, e.g. Arth 0 deheubarth a dircbajtlY. Ry llettaud y wir ew tra thir mynvy BB. 591M. Sometimes the subjunctive or the -aw future is found expressing general contingency, e.g. heb werth mawr ni chaff^L'r crys Sk. 23527, cp. 308; da y dirieit llV alter Sk. 25824. The different types of W. subjunctives in subordinate clauses seem to be derived first of all from the three Eur. types of conjunctives viz. the volitive, the deliberative and prospective; they correspond (in SG.) 1) to OFr. future 2) to OFr. subjunctive. The W. subjunctive in a
future 2) to OFr. subjunctive. The W. subjunctive in a subordinate clause expresses: A) A wish or a future contingency: a) (wish, cp. main clauses) after verbs of commanding, desiring, etc., e.g. sef y harchaf itt na mynnych wreic M. 100 (cp. MlBr. mo% pet oarse ez autrehct J. 357, ez goulenaff. • tlla. vizif glan N. 1246, for Mod. Bret. cp. Vallée p. 105). aa') Cp. clauses like poet ar antur drwc y del SG. 401 (inverted order). 3) (Future contingency). In Breton where the subjunctive became a future, the dependent clauses with the future are quite evident, e.g.
the dependent clauses with the future are quite evident, e.g. a pez a quiry J. 153%, petra vezo a anshyi"Pn^ J. 200b. [Note Mod. Bret. eul lech a glaskan ma vezjii e PeoC Je cherche un endroit où je sois tranquille (= tel que j'y serai tranquille) but °ma befen e peoc'h où je compte être tranquille, Vallée, P209], In Welsh the subjunctive expresses a future contingency in some temporal clauses and in some relative constructions. In temporal clauses with YllY, gwedy, pan, hyt pan, tra (cp. Co. Br. Pan, heddwr, the future meaning is usually most obvious (i.e. future
heddwr, the future meaning is usually most obvious (i.e. future contingency). In W. relative clauses, there are instances which could be explained in a similar way, e.g. a gwr mawr a llywelyn y penn y orsedd ni bo llei 0 dim no deuwr M. 166 (qui nihilo innullus sit duobus viris ZE. 751), peth arall ni elych byth y gafell M. 17628, cp. ny cheffys 120, yssit na laffys 121 (cp. also a thi ae gweinydd yr awr. yr arfarfo ni ef SG. 252, ni chanhatwyd hi namyl yr march avo goreu SG. 18), though it may have a general
avo goreu SG. 18), though it may have a general meaning as well. — In sentences like trial y barno y goreu'r as the nobles of the court shall decide' M. 2614 either a future contingency or a general one may be expressed; and eventually in consecutive ymhobbawd eu huchaf mal na vynt ueichawc WB. 457. These and similar instances are best explained as original prospective conjunctives. 7) Deliberative meaning: in indirect interrogations like 17lanac dithen y mi pa fford y deheu SG. 242. B) The most characteristic use of the Welsh subjunctive in Indefinite time clauses and in indefinite
the Welsh subjunctive in Indefinite time clauses and in indefinite relative clauses denoting a general as opposed to a particular contingency: e.g. pob cyfreith a uo Ll. 121 (cp. omnis lex quae fuerit), ni thir y pop "lynnic yt voy 120, dyr logiwn a dyscynno ib., yr neb ai torro hac ay dillanua 121, Y cam a diconher dy esgob 120, ar ennuet a gunech I (cp. de opprobrio et omni iniuria quod rex Morcanhuc et SUU homines fecerint); y neb ni charo nae vatll nae dat ni char ynteu dim SG. 300, cp. 3134. The general contingency is often
dim SG. 300, cp. 3134. The general contingency is often a future one and sometimes it is more future than general: a allorn ni 0 drive awnauun yno M. 137 (but indo a oed 0 gi M. 139), ar hynn ni allo dyn vyth y waret M. 132 (note ar lleill nyt ant Y gwynf (fact), ac ni wenleont (contingency) da SG. 80; cp. also Goreu a alio vyth M. 23, cp. MIBr. guefhaf maz guillif J. 54, ue1haf maz guelhet J. 45b (cp. also MlBr. nep a vez..a ha so ^Uisquis erit et est' J. 178b, en manyer maz
so ^Uisquis erit et est' J. 178b, en manyer maz diliberhet J. 45a; ere the reason of the future is quite obvious). Note: in constructions like hyt y galluwyd M. 15 hyt y llawn barhad M. 213, either the meaning of general or that of future contingency may have predominated; similarly in some clauses with pan ( = += at whatever time; see Atkinson p. 466) and also in clauses like mal y mynnwn just as he likes M. 22323. It is clear that the general subjunctive is best expressed in clauses like pa dylydwyd bynnach a eisteddi M. 819,
in clauses like pa dylydwyd bynnach a eisteddi M. 819, and that these constructions belong to the concessive clauses (cp. Atkinson p. 471) i.e. to clauses like kyt archo M. 3,9, yr llas kaffo 10123 2 which in their turn seem to be closely connected with the volitive conjunctive. Expected or intended: action a) in final clauses carchar wynt hyt y llat eleint M. 3414 (: mal na bwynt iteichawc WB. 447, could be explained as future contingency in consecutive clause 5 as well), mal y crettoch M. 131,0 3 etc. (cp. MIBret. mallet. ula viff. tamallet N. 67). -b)
etc. (cp. MIBret. mallet. ula viff. tamallet N. 67). -b) after verbs of affecting, causing etc., e.g. mi a wnaf na chaffo M. 136 (WB. 21) etc. and in sentences like ni allaf na chysgwynt M. 2774. c) In some relative clauses like keis ath ladho M. 52 (WB. 8). In conditional clauses, the pres. subjunctive expresses a future contingency only if completing an O clause (with indic.) e.g. otey di yna ef a vyd reit yti odef yr pen y llac, neu dithen a dynno y cled), ac ni dylyw SG. 366. Observe also the following types of clauses:
dylyw SG. 366. Observe also the following types of clauses: a) in clauses of comparison: mal y barno goreu wy'r y llys, see supra 4; b) cp. further constructions with ac: na vit neb kyn hofnet ac y kymera y daryan SG. 22, nat ivyf kyndailungbet (IC) dylywynt 17 (but a chymyn eu gwybot ac nat oed.,.. M. 94); c) in negative clauses after verbs of thinking (etc. where positive knowledge of the statement is not categorical), e.g. kyt lybyckych di, na bo hawd 11. 12626 (WB. 480) etc. d) after pryt na, e.g. pryt nat ymendoa SG. 201, cp.
after pryt na, e.g. pryt nat ymendoa SG. 201, cp. 30621, 3*728,425 (cp. 2963:) [but also: pryt natyddw SG. 34828]. The subjunctive expresses here a possible reason. The past subjunctive had the function of an imperfect or a Pluperfect (in the sense of plpf. it may be preceded by ry). It is used in dependent clauses only: it stands in the protasis of irreal conditional clauses (and in similar clauses as well) or it represents the past of the present subjunctive; sometimes it denotes a repeated action in the past. The past subjunctive expresses possibility or unreality not only in
The past subjunctive expresses possibility or unreality not only in hypothetical clauses (e.g. pei as gwypwn mi ae dywedwn 13° 2, pei as rodei y neb, y rodei wrth ei Odgar M. 136; kanys ef ath ogenyt ti os nackaut SG. 265) 3 and in similar clauses e.g. Oed digawn 0 drwc. kyny delcwch M. 137, cp. MIBr. vent etiam sint ii J. 187b) even if the main clause is not irreal (e.g. llawen yw gennynt pei gallwn wneuthur peth a rangei l'ot SG. 352, cp. ni wybydir pa fford yd a mwy 110 cbYll elei yn dayar WB. 107
yd a mwy 110 cbYll elei yn dayar WB. 107 (M. 78) but also in indirect questions, in native clauses, with pan and sim., e.g. Man ac pwy mai ynny M. 177 4, tebi yw genwgat nat wyt y llwfyr pan vei well e'nyni SG. 2544 S, ryiu dychmyg yw hwnn pan gaffei. G. 298,7. — nyt oes dim nys gwyddwn SG. 106 (cp. nyt oes dill l1)'s gwyddwni yrot ti os gallwn 390 bes. : nys gwyddelwyf 2607, nyt oes yn vyw gwr a garwyf yn gymmeint a thi 2566. The past subjunctive represents the past of the present
2566. The past subjunctive represents the past of the present I. (The earliest instance) ir ni be cas igridu CH. 2. Cp. MlBr. ha mar fatlech mezequaet vech atque si deficiatis pudore Clani'ni J. 62, pa en callen ez venn seven J. 187". — The pres. conj. in th a vuypwyf mi ae dywedaf M. 131 shows the difference between the present and the past subj. N 3. But or v marchawc a vyml hvnny SG. 278 (cp. MlBr. ma na bezaj 95). Ojj. a berthynei efo y ti SG. 253 seems to be a conditional (cp. OIr.). 5. Cp.
253 seems to be a conditional (cp. OIr.). 5. Cp. Br. pan si'. Note also: cp. also kani vr na bo da ydau a deuedillt AL. I 15219 (var. d 'l.Veltoellt). — na guenelynt dytn (var. wnethont D. !) I. 1421. subjunctive (cp. Vendryes MSL. XI. 260-1), e.g. ny chauas. • • ty y gangheiu yndei WB. 53 (M. 3725), dwyn. a ornc. • • ual nat adnepit WB. 96 (M. 709), nyt ymydauvn inheu ac ef y't: zuypivn pwy vei WB. 408 (M. 2626) etc. etc. Note also phel viuvyaf y heiryolei hi arnaw ef. mwyaj yr afrangei vod
viuvyaf y heiryolei hi arnaw ef. mwyaj yr afrangei vod idail[ ynteu hynny SG. 295 T and also mi ath gymeraf mcgys y neb a v?1 yn vy vediant i yngynt noc arall SG. 64 (a vei — who was ') (past general contingency, repeated past action, cp. end ryes, MSL. XI. 263 sq.), mynyd elhei WB. 476 (cp. M. 11728),/^ bynnac a ofynhei WB. 153 (M. 222). — pan elhei M. 852 a phan elhei galaath y gysgu nen ynteu pan gyuotei bellllyd y givel' diei SG. 166, or pan elem M. 7. Note. In Corn. the past subjunctive
pan elem M. 7. Note. In Corn. the past subjunctive (see Pedersen II 363) expresses 1) the past of the pres. subjunctive, 2) a possibility (potentiality) or an unreal action; so naturally in irreal conditional clauses; after verbs of commanding pvsollgh ma feve ev)'s D. 828 (cp. na wrella O. 1424); in final clauses: saw Ie." may fen sur P. 1914; rel. a zurelyn quod facerem O. 445 T a vynnegh D. 2037 (velletisne) may be a conditional as well. In Olr. the past subjunctive expresses a) either the past of the present subjunctive, b) or it has a potential
of the present subjunctive, b) or it has a potential meaning or even that of an unreality (irrealis): co m-bad it would, (see Strachan, Subj. 5 25-26), nt ndd bed not that it is not (Strachan ib. § 28), after a/daas (ib. § 52), after con: condw messed Wb. 8b 26 until God should have judged him O §59 (c))In sentences of purpose the past subjunctive seems to express partly possibility, partly a less direct purpose or purpose of which the fulfilment is doubtful (Str. § 64) for relative clauses see Strachan, Subj. pp. 314, 316, 318, § 75) It
see Strachan, Subj. pp. 314, 316, 318, § 75) It is clear, then, that in Celtic the past subjunctive expresses the potentiality or unreality, though there are some instances where the present subjunctive seems to have a potential meaning (cp. Strachan, Subj. 5 22-24). It is not necessary to derive them from the IEur. optative, especially seeing that In / pir. where the pres. subjunctive has a similar meaning there is no trace of any original optative form. Note II. The Welsh conditional is used 1) to express a secondary time to the future, 2) to state the issue without
time to the future, 2) to state the issue without relation to time in a hypothetical contingency: Ac am hynny mi a adolygwn itt os ranghei dy vod SG. 20, ej a vydei oner ytt 445, ef a welit y mi SG. 28; adolygwn itt 17/18, mi a vynniun 292, CP183; dylyut (cp. OFr. devez) 231, cp. 3602, 202y; mi a Synghorwn 17, cp. also 60 10-13 q. v. [Note megys y bydei SG. 406]. Note III. MlBr. past subj. and conditional corresponds to the W. past subjunctive but syntactically it has the function of a past subjunctive and of
it has the function of a past subjunctive and of a conditional as well: e.g. Ole a crethe crediderim J. 216% a te pronffe tu ne pro bares N. 1509. — ne crete nep Icch ne curech quet ez grahemp pechet N. 347, cp. also N. 854. Observe also ne gonn lIllaz af no gOU{affen N. 884. (For Mod. Bret. cp. also Vallee p. 209.) Note IV. In MIW. the pluperfect sometimes replaces the disjunctive and the conditional in pluperfect sense (see sub Conditional sentences). For Co. or MlBr., where the modal waning is the most frequent one, see ZE.
the modal waning is the most frequent one, see ZE. 525 and note the instances; it would be beyond the scope of this paper to assign it here. MAIN CLAUSES a) The subjunctive of wish (will) 1: anbiic gHell gl., aue Ox. 2, hanpich gwell BB. 352, hanpych well WB. 5°, 185 32 (M. 3522, 8725), duiu a rhodo da ytt M. frq. (etc., see So' 18532 (M. 3522, 8725), duiw a ib o do da ytt M. frq. (etc., see Vinson, Subj. 462), ath uendicco BB. 353, an duch ir gnlet 40,-, cpo 30}, 3212, 5 16, 349, 702,
ir gnlet 40,-, cpo 30}, 3212, 5 16, 349, 702, 3411, lor 14 etc. (cp. Atkinson, ib. 462/3), Duiv a gannatto ym vot nelly SG. 352, duw a rwydhao raS°t 358. 1057, CPRyfnosera Brigit Hy. IV4, soita-siu liberator Ml. 16'15. Note II. A wish with the reference to the past is expressed by the past subjunctive, vide Strachan, Introd. § 13 note. The prospective subjunctive: honot ti yt gaffo ef kanys For forms see Loth, Quest. rygaffo o arall WB. 453, nyth atter ti y mIWll 457, cp. 453 (cp. nyt a. mi yn nyw yd aho ef y gernyw
nyt a. mi yn nyw yd aho ef y gernyw M. 140), meint achupvy BB. 7510, arbenygaullllon ae guledychuy 47/48, nyt achatuo J deithi Sk. 2228, dywedWjf225,, ry drychafwyiit 12610, nyt arbettwy 127,0, ef tynho 11925, a luniont BB. 58Il, kwyner Sk. 2961P a Thrahaearn a later MA. 142% dydeuho Sk. 148, dydoent 30235? cf an gwnaho 1197, Giuitil. a 'llVnahnnt dyhet a divysci BB. 6114. Cp. Bret. fut. (= W. subjunctive), e. g. nez refusif non recusa bo J. 152 b, ez credif 148 b [Note. Note: da y dywedi. a mi a vynniuyf vy mot i yno SG.
dywedi. a mi a vynniuyf vy mot i yno SG. 413 and I would I were there". ] The W. subjunctive in SUBORDINATE CLAUSES: 1) a) after verbs of wishing, commanding, entreating (mostly negatively): see Atkinson, Subj. p. 463; yssyd yn erchi. na dyckont SG. 12, ar tvyf inneu yn adolwyn yt nat elych y wrthyf SG. 421/2. Past su bj. gorchymyn y bawp kerdet. ar na ladei neb o homint vn gzur RB. II. 48 (noun-clause vy mam a erchis y t/ll y gymryt M. 196 etc. etc.). Note Co. pys. man danfonno R. 1620, cp. D. 1077, O.
Co. pys. man danfonno R. 1620, cp. D. 1077, O. 1092, 1823, R. 1932, O. 1587 etc.; MlBr. e% gonlenaff. • • maz vixif glan N. 1242, Olr. asbert friu nad remthiastais LO. 83b27 (Strachan, Subj. 5 65). b) Usually in negative sense after verbs of effecting and similar verbs: mi a wnaf na chaffo ef vini M. 13, mi a uintf na bych bellach WB. 155, minneu a baraf na bo llawnach M. 13 (but WB. 21 na bydei), a wney di.. nat agorycb WB. io7' (Past subj.) dywawt y wnaei ef nas darlleei SG. 3, cp. MlBr. Gret.
y wnaei ef nas darlleei SG. 3, cp. MlBr. Gret. da Davy maz day N. 1133. Cp. also ny allaf na chysgwyf M. 2774 (WB. 427) (see Atkinson 465), cp. Olr. nad chumaing ara fi-isar Sg. 209bI) (see Strachan, Subj. 5 66). Note. Cp. MlBr. mir na vizi ZE. 558 q. vide. For Olr. cpStrachan, Subj. 302 sq. 2) Negatively after verbs of swearing: mi a tynghaf dyng^ idaw na chaffo enw M. 6921 etc., see Atkinson o. c. 463. 3) Negatively in phrases like cret a erchis. nat e1W)1 M. 118, cp. 117.5, 120,5, 211,3, 214,3 (WB. 476,475,479, Mo,,
M. 118, cp. 117.5, 120,5, 211,3, 214,3 (WB. 476,475,479, Mo,, 14735) [cp. myngwrhytgwyr nyt a mi yn vyw ydahoef., q. vide supra]. 4) Negatively after verbs of knowing, thinking etc. and Such like where positive knowledge of the statement is not categorically asserted (Atkinson Subj. 463), e. g. kyt tybyckych di na bo hawl M. 12026 (WB. 480) etc. (see Atkinson 1. c.); Ossit neb a dyiuetto, na bo kyfiawn. SG. 386. Past su bj. or a debyckei nas gwypei WB. 30 (M. 205). Note: But in indirect speech as such the indicative is used, See Strachan, Introd., p. 71.