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Satu pendakwaan dilakukan di Mahkamah Keadilan Antarabangsa, berikutan satu tindakan undang-undang pada tahun 1993 oleh kerajaan Bosnia dan Herzegovina ke atas Serbia dan Montenegro atas dakwaan melakukan genosid. Mahkamah Keadilan Antarabangsa (ICJ) memutuskan pada 26 Februari 2007 secara tidak langsung menentukan keadaan perang pada tahap antarabangsa, oleh itu membersihkan Serbia daripada tanggungjawab langsung akan kejadian genosid yang dilakukan oleh tentera Republika Srpska. ICJ bagaimanapun menyimpulkan bahawa Serbia gagal untuk menghalang genosid yang dilakukan oleh tentera Serbia dan gagal untuk menghukum mereka yang bertanggungjawab, dan membawa mereka ke muka pengadilan. Sebuah telegram dihantar ke Rumah Putih pada 8 Februari 1994 dan ditulis oleh Duta A.S. ke Croatia, Peter W. Galbraith, menyatakan bahawa genosid telah berlaku. Telegram ini memetik "pengeboman dan tembakan secara sembarangan dan konstant" ke atas Sarajevo oleh Tentera Darat Rakyat Yugoslavia yang dipimpin oleh Karadzic; gangguan ke atas kumpulan minoriti di utara Bosnia "dalam cubaan untuk memaksa mereka untuk melarikan diri"; dan menggunakan para tawanan "untuk melakukan kerja-kerja berbahaya di barisan hadapan" sebagai bukti bahawa genosid telah berlaku. Pada tahun 2005, Kongres Amerika Syarikat telah meluluskan sebuah resolusi yang mengistiharkan bahawa "bahawa polisi-polisi Serbia berkaitan pencerobohan dan pembersihan etnik memenuhi terma-terma definasi genosid".

Meskipun banyak bukti-bukti berkaitan jenayah perang dilakukan secara serentak oleh pasukan-pasukan berbeza tentera Serb di bahagian-bahagian berbeza di Bosnia dan Herzegovina, terutamanya di Bijeljina, Sarajevo, Prijedor, Zvornik, Banja Luka, Višegrad dan Foča, para hakim memutuskan kriteria genosid dengan kandungan spesifik (dolus specialis) untuk menghapuskan Muslim Bosnia hanya berlaku di Srebrenica atau Bosnia Timur pada tahun 1995.

Mahkamah menyimpulkan bahawa jenayah dilakukan semasa perang tahun 1992–1995, mungkin tergolong dalam jenayah menentang kemanusiaan berdasarkan pada undang-undang antarabangsa, tetapi tindak-tindakan ini tidak, memenuhi criteria genosid. Mahkamah kemudian memutuskan lagi, berikutan dengan Pengistiharan Kemerdekaan Montenegro pada bulan Mei 2006, Serbia merupakan satu-satunya pihak yang bertanggungjawab dalam kes ini, tetapi "sebarang tanggungjawab untuk peristiwa lepas yang berlaku pada masa berkaitan terdiri daripada negara Serbia dan Montenegro".

Perogolan besar-besaran and penindasan psikologi

Perang etnik-agama di Bosnia dan Herzegovina mengakibatkan satu tindakan perogolan dengan meluas sebagai salah satu alat perang. Jumlah wanita dan gadis yang dirogol antara 20,000 hingga 50,000 orang, kebanyakan mereka adalah Bosniak (Muslim Bosnia). Kejadian ini dirujuk sebagai "perogolan massa"

dan kadang kala "perogolan genosidal", terutamanya penggunaan rogol tersusun sebagai sebuah alat peperangan oleh tentera bersenjata Serb. Untuk kali pertama dalam sejarah kehakiman, Tribunal Jenayah Antarabangsa untuk bekas Yugoslavia (ICTY) mengistiharkan bahawa "rogol sistematik", dan "perhambaan seks" pada masa perang adalah satu jenayah menentang kemanusiaan, berada ditempat kedua selepas jenayah perang genosid.

Common complications among surviving women and girls include psychological, gynaecological and other physical disorders, as well as unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. The survivors often feel uncomfortable or sickened with men, sex and relationships; ultimately affecting the growth and development of a population or society as such (thus constituting a slow genocide according to some). In accordance with the norms of Muslim society, most of the unmarried girls were virgins at the time of rape. Mass rapes were the most systematic in Eastern Bosnia (e.g. during the Foča and Višegrad massacres), and in Grbavica during the Siege of Sarajevo. Women and girls were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions and were mistreated in many ways including being repeatedly raped. Serb soldiers or policemen would come to these detention centres, select one or more women, take them out and rape them. All this was done in full view, in complete knowledge and sometimes with the direct involvement of the Serb local authorities, particularly the police forces. The head of Foča police forces, Dragan Gagović, was personally identified as one of the men who came to these detention centres to take women out and rape them. There were numerous rape camps in Foča. "Karaman's house" was one of the most notable rape camps. While kept in this house, the girls were constantly raped. Among the women held in "Karaman's house" there were minors as young as 12 and 14 years of age.

Girls and women selected by convicted war criminal Dragoljub Kunarac or his men, were systematically taken to the soldiers' base, a house in Osmana Đikić Street #16, where girls and women, whom Kunarac knew were civilians, were raped by his men or by the convicted himself. Serb soldiers demonstrated a total disregard for Bosniaks in general, and Bosniak women in particular. Serb soldiers removed many Bosniak girls from various detention centres and kept some of them for various periods of time, for him or his soldiers to rape.

The other example include Radomir Kovač, also convicted by the ICTY. While four girls were kept in his apartment, the convicted Radomir Kovač abused them and raped three of them many times, thereby perpetuating the attack upon the Bosniak civilian population. Kovač would also invite his friends to his apartment, and he sometimes allowed them to rape one of the girls. Kovač also sold three of the girls. Prior to their being sold, Kovač had given two of these girls to other Bosnian Serb soldiers who abused them for more than three weeks before taking them back to Kovač, who proceeded to sell one and give the other away to acquaintances of his.