Given a document, an entity and its sentiment towards the entity, verify if it is the correct sentiment towards the entity. Answer should be yes or no. Note that URLs in the text have been replaced with [Link].

Example Input: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Ted Cruz is Neutral . But could it be that U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas does n't get personally grilled by constituents very often ? 
The listed events Cruz attended from April through August 2017 demonstrate that the term ` town hall ' can be stretched every which way , even to events not open to the public . 
All told , it looks to us like Cruz took questions at gatherings of selected constituents , mostly business employees -- with the three veterans events open to members of the public who registered . 
Regardless , the Houston lawyer was told during the 2017 Texas Tribune Festival about a Democratic challenger 's suggestion that Cruz had n't visited small Texas towns during the term he won in 2012 . 
"Do you do enough interaction with your constituents , Sen. Cruz ?" 
Cruz , asked if he interacts enough with constituents , said : "In 2017 , I 've done 17 town halls" in Texas . 
Cruz replied : "That is a huge part of the job . 
A town hall , Cruz spokesman Phil Novack later noted by email , is defined by Merriam-Webster as "an event at which a public official or political candidate addresses an audience by answering questions posed by individual members ." 
Cruz , a Republican poised to seek re-election in 2018 , hardly has a reputation of avoiding attention . 
Novack otherwise told us Cruz had held 19 town halls with Texas constituents in 2017 , all "organized by third parties who determined attendees , where" the senator "has taken unvetted questions from anyone in the crowd -- at businesses , factories , chambers of commerce , and in public venues ." 
The businesses , including Division Laundry & Cleaners in San Antonio , Sysco Central Texas in New Braunfels and Igloo Products Corp. in Katy , had employee town halls with Cruz , the chart says . 
The veterans group , per the chart , hosted Cruz at July events in McKinney , Austin and Houston . 
By email to our inquiry , a CVA spokesman , Jim Fellinger , told us each CVA event with Cruz was open to the public by registration , without the group screening out anybody who registered . 
Fellinger pointed us to video posts of the CVA events showing that Cruz each time took questions via a moderator , who recognized a few individuals to speak directly to Cruz . 
Cruz 's office lists 19 events . 
Next , we confirmed from press releases , news stories and video snippets that Cruz made the appearances described in the Novack-provided chart . 
Events in bold on the chart below were open to reporters , Phil Novack , a spokesman for Sen. Ted Cruz , said . 
SOURCE : Chart provided by email from Phil Novack , press secretary to U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz , Sept. 28 , 2017 . 
We also asked Novack to share 2017 events Cruz had in Texas that were open to the public without registration -- where anyone could ask a question on any topic . 
Experts evaluate Cruz 's claim . 
Next , we shared our annotated version of the chart by email with academic experts and requested appraisals of Cruz 's statement that he 'd done 17 "town halls ." 
It seems these town halls are open only to the people from the sections of ` town ' that support Ted Cruz . 
In contrast , Trim , who directs a Pepperdine public engagement institute , said Cruz 's use of the "town hall" term struck her as "valid within the common use of the term ` town hall ' in 21st century America ." 
Mark Jones , a Rice University political scientist , said Cruz 's claim fits a "minimalist" definition of town hall in that they involved the senator speaking to , and fielding questions from , constituents from all walks of life across the state . 
But for a town hall "maximalist ," Jones wrote , none of Cruz 's events would qualify as a town hall "because they were held in largely controlled settings and were not open to the general public" with the exception of the veterans gatherings open to people registering ahead of time . 
John Gastil , a Penn State University professor , said that while the "town hall" term has lost clarity of definition over the years , he thinks Cruz 's claim was made to affirm his availability to the public . 
Cruz 's claim "strikes me as dubious ," Gastil summed up .
Example Output: no

Example Input: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Joe III is Positive . The similarities between Joe Kennedy III and Donald Trump are  in a sense  obvious. Both are white men  northeasterners  teetotalers. They are products of the Ivy League and great wealth. They joined their respective family trades – real estate for Trump  politics for Joe III.
The differences are obvious too  and more illuminating. Joe III is a liberal avatar of American institutions: the Kennedy family  Stanford  Harvard Law. Self-effacing in person  he recognizes how easy his path has been – he only briefly served as an assistant DA before taking a House seat -- and had  until now  chosen to mitigate charges of nepotism by playing the part of diligent backbencher. The Kennedys  for all their famous faults  have the saving grace that comes from being in on the joke; when President Kennedy appointed his younger brother attorney general  he quipped that he was just trying to give Bobby some experience before he started practicing law.
The result is the great destabilization of the Trump era. Few  it seems  have a firm grasp on what is happening  let alone what might happen next. Everybody  regardless of their ideology  thinks they're losing. A realignment appears to be happening in our politics  but nobody can agree on what it looks like. "We all feel the fault lines of a fractured country " as  Joe III  put it in  his  stilted  awkward speech on Tuesday night.
There is  of course  an element of nostalgia in liberalism's newfound fondness for our institutions. Trump-era liberalism  with its emphasis on American global leadership and veneration of federal agencies and the mainstream press  would be easily recognizable to that first generation of Kennedys. And in that sense  it makes sense that  Joe III  would become a natural face of contemporary Democratic politics.
Tuesday night was an attempt to make  Joe III  a symbol of institutional resistance to Trump. To the question of whether the institutions are worth saving  and therefore capable of reform   Joe III 's answer is an enthusiastic yes.  He  is  in a sense  already a symbol of how  his  own family has repaired itself from its reckless  impulsive  and selfish ways;  he  seems serious   he  is sober. The message  he  sends is that  his  family   his  party  and all the other institutions that nurtured  him  still have an innate and positive utility  an essential role to play. Where Trump says the rot must be amputated   Joe III  promises that a strong dose of antibiotics is all that's needed.
Whether this message resonates among the Democratic rank-and-file is another story. While the liberal commentariat   Joe III's  natural constituency  remains fixated on norms and the need to defend institutions  a newly ascendant left sees civility as a neoliberal plot to uphold the status quo. And whereas  Joe III  and  his  ilk see Trump as an aberration  the left sees  him  as a symptom of a decayed political order  they  wish to abolish and replace.
Robert Kennedy once said that he wished he had been born poor so he could have been a revolutionary. As his career advances  Joe III might harbor a similar desire  if only because his party is increasingly moving in a revolutionary direction.
Example Output: yes

Example Input: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Caren Harp is Positive . WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday said he plans to nominate  Liberty University School of Law professor Caren Harp  to oversee the Justice Departmentâs Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
If ultimately confirmed by the U.S. Senate   Harp  would oversee the Justice Department office that trains and works with state and local communities to develop effective juvenile justice programs and prevent delinquency.
 Harp  previously was director of the National Juvenile Justice Prosecution Center at the American Prosecutors Research Institute.
According to  Harp âs LinkedIn page   she  is in  her  sixth year as a professor at Liberty  which is located in Lynchburg  Virginia.
 Harp  who holds a law degree from the University of Arkansas-Fayetteville   has also worked as both a prosecutor and a public defender  including as chief of the Sex Crimes Prosecution Unit in New York City  Family Court Division  and as a trial attorney for the Arkansas Public Defender Commission.
In an article published in May   Harp  raises questions about the role of adolescent neuroscience in the courtroom and writes that the best way to tackle juvenile justice is by teaching youth to accept responsibility and involve them in community-based diversion programs to prevent them from re-offending.
It is unclear when the Senate may consider  Harp âs nomination.
Example Output:
yes