Given a document, an entity and its sentiment towards the entity, verify if it is the correct sentiment towards the entity. Answer should be yes or no. Note that URLs in the text have been replaced with [Link].

Q: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Kim Jong Un is Negative . Rhetoric between President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has escalated. In response  North Korea’s foreign minister reportedly said the nation may set off the “most powerful” hydrogen bomb detonation in the Pacific. No other details were provided  but at face value  such a blast would be 1 000 times as powerful as the Hiroshima bombing. Atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons can lead to multiple dangerous scenarios.
Ri Yong Ho  the foreign minister of the isolated nation  reportedly told journalists that North Korean leader Kim Jong Un is considering such a test blast.
“It could be the most powerful detonation of an H-bomb in the Pacific ” Yong Ho told reporters at the United Nations in New York on Thursday  according to a story by South Korea’s Yonhap News Agency. “We have no idea about what actions could be taken as it will be ordered by leader Kim Jong Un.”
caption North Korean ruler Kim Jong Un stands before what may be a miniaturized thermonuclear weapon. source Thomson Reuters
The suggestion came in response to bellicose rhetoric exchanged between US President Donald Trump and  Jong Un .
In a speech before the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday  Trump called  Jong Un  a suicidal “rocket man” and threatened to “totally destroy” North Korea if the US is “forced to defend itself or its allies.”  Jong Un  allegedly responded with a written statement  in which he called Trump a “mentally deranged US dotard” and said that “a frightened dog barks louder.”
“Trump is basically creating audience costs for  Kim  to back down ” Jeffrey Lewis  director of the East Asia Nonproliferation Program at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey  told Vox. “If you dare  Kim   it creates pressure for  him  to respond with  his  own provocation.”
“The stakes and heat in this conflict have not been this high since the Korean War ” Tristan Webb  a senior analyst for NK News  said in a story published by the outlet on Friday. “Kim Jong Un said in July that the … showdown was entering its final phase. He appears psychologically prepared for conflict.”

A: yes
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Q: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Reza Pahlavi is Negative . Reza Pahlavi  concentrates intently on the little cellphone in  his  hand  scrolling through clips of chanting Iranians and explaining why the protests unsettling  his  homeland are different this time. Even as the latest reports suggest the unrest may be ebbing  the scion of Persia's 2 500-year-old monarchy believes Iran's people are writing a new future for themselves  and perhaps for their exiled son.
More than want   he  believes they may succeed.
Iranian officials say they've arrested some 3 700 people since Dec. 28. Some protesters have called for the government's overthrow  and videos show some vocal support for Pahlavi  who left Iran at 17 for military flight school in the United States just before  his cancer-stricken father Mohammad Reza Pahlavi  abandoned the throne for exile. Revolution meant neither  Pahlavi  ever returned.
 Pahlavi  is staying abreast of developments in Iran through what  his  aides describe as a vast network of contacts  inside and outside of the government   he  has maintained for decades. An equally important source: normal Iranians reaching out to  him  directly via social media.
But  Pahlavi  may not be the credible voice for change in a country that  he  hasn't seen in 38 years. Iranian officials accuse  him  of exploiting the instability to advance  his  personal aspirations for power in a part of the world replete with cautionary tales about long-estranged exiles believing they know what's best for their homelands. And Pahlavi's father was hardly a paragon of democracy  ruling lavishly and repressively  and benefiting from a CIA-supported 1953 coup of Iran's prime minster.
While many of the young faces in today's crowds of protesters couldn't conceivably have been born when the last shah still ruled   Pahlavi  believes the support  he  is seeing in text messages and Telegram files is genuine.
"It is not a matter of coincidence or  if you will  nostalgia " said  Pahlavi   57  insisting that a young  scrutinizing Iranian generation is expressing "rapport" with  his  message of inclusion  and rejecting the Islamic Republic's "brainwashing" and exclusion.
 He  outlined a vision of how to achieve democratic change: Intensifying "the struggle" until Iran's government implodes; initiating a transition process; holding popular elections for a constitutional assembly; enshrining secularism and democracy; free and fair voting for a first parliament and government.
But these are broad ideas that would each entail incredibly difficult processes. For example   Pahlavi  said that whatever form Iran's future government takes  it should offer amnesty to military and paramilitary forces such as those in the Revolutionary Guard Corps so they abandon the camp of Khamenei and other hardliners. Such a promise wouldn't resolve their massive stakes in Iran's economy  a source of significant popular disgruntlement.
And what of  Pahlavi 's path in this new Iran? Does it end with him sitting upon the Peacock Throne? Or does he aspire for something akin to the "Baba" role played by Mohammed Zahir Shah  Afghanistan's deposed king who returned after the fall of the Taliban as a symbolic but powerless figure of national unity?
"I don't know  to be honest with you. I know what I need to do now "  Pahlavi  answered. "I've never been preoccupied with my personal role or destiny " he said  describing fair elections in Iran as his "only mission in life " replacing the current votes for presidents and parliamentarians among pre-approved candidates.
"Of course  I stand ready to serve my country  " Pahlavi  said  noncommittally. "I have no idea in what capacity it may or may not be. I may end up just being a regular citizen living the rest of my days  or I may be called upon to play a bigger role."

A: no
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Q: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Alexei Navalny is Negative . Banned From Election   Putin Foe Navalny Pursues Politics By Other Means Enlarge this image toggle caption Evgeny Feldman / AP Evgeny Feldman / AP All that separates Alexei Navalny ' s office from the outside world is a long hallway and a door — which police have sawed open twice in the past year to search for imaginary bombs . The Kremlin ' s most vocal critic runs his nationwide opposition network from a desk strewn with papers in a cramped corner office of his Anti - Corruption Foundation   housed in a nondescript Moscow business center . " I want to live in a normal country   and refuse to accept any talk about Russia being doomed to being a bad   poor or servile country  " Navalny said in an interview with NPR . " I want to live here   and I can ' t tolerate the injustice that for many people has become routine ." Europe The Role Opposition Parties Play In Russian Politics The Role Opposition Parties Play In Russian Politics Listen · 3 : 25 3 : 25 The 41 - year - old lawyer   who once tried to foment shareholder revolts at giant state - run companies   has in less than a decade risen to the forefront of Russia ' s opposition — and provokes such an allergic reaction with President Vladimir Putin that he won ' t utter Navalny ' s name in public . Yet after spending a year crisscrossing the country in a quixotic bid to unseat Putin   Navalny was denied registration as a candidate in the March 18 presidential election . Now Navalny is calling for an election boycott to protest what he calls a predetermined vote   pitting Putin against seven preapproved candidates who have no intention of winning . ' The basis of Putin ' s regime ' His experience as a lawyer in Russia ' s courts steered him toward politics   Navalny said   because he realized the only way to guarantee an independent judiciary is by overhauling the country ' s entire political system . " I ' m definitely not alone   and I ' m not some kind of dissident  " he said . " If you take any of my anti - corruption investigations or any points from my political platform   I ' m sure the majority of Russian citizens would support me — and that ' s why I wasn ' t allowed to run ."  Navalny  said  his  main challenge isn ' t so much overcoming apathy as the belief imposed from above that nothing can be changed : " That ' s the basis of Putin ' s regime ." Putin is afraid because he knows his legendary 80 percent approval ratings are possible only in a political vacuum where there is no competition   Navalny said . His presidential campaign claims that it had signed up more than 200   000 volunteers and had opened 81 offices nationwide . Enlarge this image toggle caption Vasily Maximov / AFP / Getty Images Vasily Maximov / AFP / Getty Images What kind of threat Navalny really poses to Putin   65   who has run Russia for 18 years   is open to debate . " Putin is doing everything to convince himself that Navalny isn ' t dangerous  " said Russian political analyst Tatyana Stanovaya . " Navalny is betting on the gradual deterioration of the regime as it gets older ." A poll published by the Carnegie Moscow Center this week shows that 42 percent of Russians believe " decisive   comprehensive changes " are necessary — while almost the same amount   41 percent   said " only minor changes " are needed and 11 percent think no changes are necessary . Asked to name the politician with the best reform plan   25 percent said Putin and just 2 percent Navalny . More than 60 percent said " no one " or " not sure ." An Internet native with a fuzzy ideology Navalny vows to keep fighting Putin by using his main tool to reach Russia ' s far - flung population — the Internet . He has more than 2 million followers on Twitter as well as 2 million subscribers to his two YouTube channels . " Probably you can call me a person of the Internet  " he said . " It was a lifesaver not just for me but everyone else who suddenly found themselves under censorship ."  Navalny  has been all but banned from Russia ' s national TV stations   except for documentary - style films that paint  him  as a paid stooge of Western European governments . In January   Putin said criticism from the State Department that  Navalny ' s  candidacy was not registered showed the U . S . administration ' s true preference for who should sit in the Kremlin   and constituted interference in Russia ' s domestic politics .  Navalny  has built  his  political career on attacking Putin and investigating the fortunes of members of the president ' s entourage . But asked to describe  his  own ideology    Navalny  balks   saying Russian political labels don ' t translate well to the American context . For example    he  said   the views of a Russian Communist might be most comparable to a right - wing conservative in the United States   while a liberal in Russia could be considered a libertarian in America . Under the conditions of an authoritarian regime   political labels are irrelevant   Navalny said   because his main goal is to unite people who agree on basic values such as the separation of powers   the rule of law and an independent judiciary . Once Putin leaves power   that coalition will then go its separate ways   he said . Some opposition supporters cannot forgive Navalny for flirting with far - right Russian nationalists before the last wave of anti - government protests six years ago . He maintains that the label doesn ' t bother him . Political analyst Stanovaya said she wouldn ' t exaggerate Navalny ' s sympathy for nationalists   as any politician who wants to be successful in Russia has to appeal to Russian patriotism . " It ' s Navalny ' s conscious choice not to define his ideology so he doesn ' t box himself in beforehand . He needs the freedom to act   and the game he ' s playing is beyond any ideological boundaries  " Stanovaya said . " He ' s counting on protest — any protest — and on discontent in the population ." Putin ' s ' creeping expansion into the Internet ' A lot of Navalny ' s ideas about how politics should work come from an eight - month fellowship at Yale University eight years ago   which he said opened his eyes to " the bigger picture " of how the rest of the world functions   including the rough - and - tumble ride of American politics . One reason for current tensions between the U . S . and Russia is that Putin ' s people still can ' t believe that democracy actually works   according to Navalny . Enlarge this image toggle caption Alexandra Dalsbaek / AFP / Getty Images Alexandra Dalsbaek / AFP / Getty Images He said he doesn ' t have any doubts that the Russian government interfered in the 2016 U . S . presidential election because similar methods have been deployed against members of the Russian opposition : hacked emails   the publication of false personal information and attacks on social media accounts by armies of bots . " Putin is conducting a creeping expansion into the Internet — extremely effectively and cheaply  " Navalny said . " Of course he had fun hacking those servers and meddling   but it didn ' t have any significant effect on the elections ." Amid all the hostility between the U . S . and Russia   Navalny said the affinity between Putin and President Trump is inexplicable   especially considering that the Kremlin has based even its domestic policy on anti - Americanism . " This makes no sense   and there is no rational explanation for it . But maybe one day there will be a new Watergate and we ' ll learn a lot about these amazing ties  " he said . Beyond the personal relationship of presidents    Navalny  said that the strategic interests of Washington and Moscow are largely aligned   and that instead of squabbling the countries should be pursuing nuclear non - proliferation and fighting terrorists together . A key move to bettering relations would be for Russia to stop its involvement in the war in eastern Ukraine   he said . " We ' re a Western country  "  Navalny  said . " Russia — based on its size   population   nuclear weapons and intellectual potential — should strive to be a leading European country ." Russia should aim to join the European Union and work on participating in a joint security system with NATO members like the U . S .  Britain and France   he said . Persevering in pursuit of transformation Russia ' s orientation has been the subject of debate for centuries in a tug - of - war between Westernizers and traditionalists . In today ' s globalized world   that choice is no longer relevant   said Fyodor Lukyanov   editor - in - chief of Russia in Global Affairs . " It ' s not about how to become part of so - called wider Europe   because wider Europe is shrinking  " said Lukyanov   referring to centrifugal forces driving countries like Britain out of the EU . " It ' s a completely different constellation of forces . It ' s not current or relevant for Russia   NATO or Europe ." Enlarge this image toggle caption Alexander Zemlianichenko / AP Alexander Zemlianichenko / AP Even if Navalny ' s vision of Russia ' s place in the world seems illusory   he also wants Russia to be more Western internally . Should he ever come to power    Navalny  said   his first priority would be reforming the judiciary . The second would be abandoning Russia ' s strong presidency for a European - style parliamentary system . For now    Navalny  is focusing on activating what  he  calls the " living political network "  he  formed while preparing  his  luckless presidential bid . On election day    Navalny  wants to send out teams of volunteers to observe polling nationwide for any irregularities . A little more than six years ago   reports of mass vote rigging during parliamentary elections served as the spark that got tens of thousands of Russians taking part in a winter of anti - government protests that rattled the Kremlin . In December 2011   he was one of the first opposition leaders to call people out to the street .

A:
no
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