Your task is to extract the thesis of an opinionated news article by selecting some of its text segments. The thesis is a summarization of what the author wants to persuade the reader of. Your answer should consist of segments of the given text. Note that you are not allowed to combine different sentences.
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Question: The Paris unity march shows we must protect freedom of expression, not curtail it further. I was just one Australian face in a human sea of more than one and half million Parisians yesterday . I was trying to comprehend what I was a part of when the placard thrust in front of my eyes made it clear : "La liberte d'expression n'a pas de religion"- freedom of expression has no religion . This was a rally to defend the essential global human right to free expression . A right that should not be bound by religious, cultural or political strictures . We were marching to remember the victims of the Charlie Hebdo newsroom massacre and the Kosher grocery store siege . We were marching in sympathy with those in mourning who joined us . We were marching in defiance, determined to rise above the fear and chaos the terrorists inflicted on our city . But ,  overwhelmingly, we marched to defend our right to freely express our views . The main march stretched three kilometres between Place de la Republique and Place de la Nation, tracking down Boulevard Voltaire . When I cried "Je suis Charlie, nous somme Charlie!", it was in the spirit of the French philosopher Voltaire's revolutionary words:"I do not agree with what you have to say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it." The props of the rally - giant pencils supporting the French flag, a flood of demonstrators holding pens aloft and bibs emblazoned with the faces of the massacred Charlie Hebdo staff - told the story . Paris has been my home for a year . I am a research fellow with the World Editors Forum and the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers which is based in the city . It's a long way from the University of Wollongong in Australia , where I am on staff as a journalism academic . But the principle of freedom of expression we were marching to defend binds journalists, writers and artists, and by extension all citizens, globally . It transcends national borders, distance, culture, language, class and religion . That's why, as we marched, we saw Paris residents hanging models of pencils and banners carrying free speech slogans from their balconies . And it's why we paused to listen while a little African girl bellowed "Je suis Charlie!" from a third story window at her mother's side . We were a calm sea of over 1.5 million people pouring through the grand boulevards of central Paris . Led by the families of those killed and over 40 world leaders who walked with linked arms, it was a significant moment in history, a moment triggered by outrage at the act of terrorists who massacred journalists and cartoonists in the middle of a weekly editorial meeting and ordinary citizens doing their shopping . It was also a moment fuelled by a collective determination to display unity and defiance in the face of terror and fear . The attack on Charlie Hebdo and the climate of fear and anxiety it created are, sadly, regular occurrences in countries such as Iraq, Syria, Pakistan and Mexico, where journalists are frequent targets . The western media too often turns a blind eye to the murder of journalists elsewhere . The Paris unity march represents a watershed moment in the struggle to protect journalists and defend freedom of expression globally . Kalashnikov-wielding terrorists took the fight into the heart of a newsroom in one of western Europe's biggest cities . If that doesn't wake up complacent democracies to the need to vigorously defend the right to report , nothing will . Once the news cycle moves on from Paris and the cries of "Je suis Charlie" fade, we must harness the levels of public support and political will to enact significant and lasting change globally . We must be on guard against the already audible attempts to justify a further curtailment of media and internet freedoms in the interests of national security in the aftermath of the Paris terror attacks . The threats posed to investigative journalism by mass surveillance, data retention and the criminalisation of reporting certain information under anti-terrorism legislation are already significant . Especially in Australia . It would be an enormous tragedy if the lasting legacy of the Charlie Hebdo massacre was ultimately a further undermining of privacy and freedom of expression rights . Let us honour the victims and survivors of the Paris terrorist attacks by finding a sustainable balance between the need for anti- terrorism measures against our collective human right to freely express our views . As the murdered editor-in-chief of Charlie Hebdo, Stephane Charbonnier, told Le Monde in 2011:"I'd rather die standing than live on my knees."

Answer: A right that should not be bound by religious, cultural or political strictures


Question: The Observer view on the Paris attacks. Last week's attack on Charlie Hebdo magazine in Paris and the subsequent, linked hostage-taking at a Jewish supermarket were appalling acts of inhumanity that should be universally condemned . Despite the killers' grandiose claim to be "defenders of the prophet", their actions amounted to cold-blooded murder of defenceless people . Their pre-planned purpose was to terrorise, divide and dismay . Their aim was cowardly, contemptible and cruel . The perpetrators deserve only ignominy and the bitter scorn of the world . The attacks should be understood, more broadly, as a crude attempt to stifle a publication and its journalists who exercised, in vivid, unapologetic terms, the fundamental, priceless right to freedom of speech and expression . This right, though never absolute, was established through centuries of struggle and is still far from fully accepted around the world . There are many others - governments, dictators, religious fanatics - who would also like to shoot it down . That the killers' made Jews their additional, parallel target lends a woefully familiar, disgustingly antisemitic twist to a three-day trail of carnage and grief . By so doing, they hoped yet another community would be left in fear . This attack was thus also an attack on the French nation as a whole, on the values and beliefs that have sustained it, and on the message of liberty, equality and fraternity it has unevenly but persistently propagated . And while its principal victims were irreverent secularists , it was also an attack on faith - an offence against moral as well as human law . It was an attack on the life spiritual itself, whether conducted through church, mosque, synagogue or personal observance. It was an act of utter godlessness . By attempting to murder love with fear, to kill laughter with hatred, to substitute inflexible dogmas for shared truths, the masked gunmen attacked us all , European, American and Arab, Muslim, Christian and Jew, black, brown and white alike . In doing so, they posed a vital question . How, in the face of this assault on our common home, our common humanity, do we respond? Do we meet terror with a greater terror of our own or do we seek another way? Shall we unite together or shall we give in to division, discrimination and distrust? In Paris, and in other cities around the world, a spontaneous reply has already been given . The marchers, demonstrators, office workers, journalists, bloggers, politicians and governments who declared, with one voice:"Je suis Charlie", sent an immediate, welcome message of solidarity and defiance . Today, this roar of courage and belief will reach ear-splitting levels when people from every background join a march in Paris for unity, freedom and democracy . Out of blood and horror a unique moment has arisen, for France and all Europe . The choice is stark and unavoidable . It is between the ongoing struggle for enlightenment - Europe's gift to the world - and a gathering, hate-filled darkness . The evident danger is that this spirit of unity may not endure . French Muslim leaders have roundly condemned the attackers . "These men are criminals... For me, they are not Muslims," said the imam of Drancy . But at less emotional moments, French Muslims also speak of routine, entrenched discrimination, of insensitive restrictions such as curbs on women wearing the veil, and of a French policy of assimilation and integration, the flipside of Britain's let- it-all-hang-out multiculturalism , which has failed to achieve equal rights and equal treatment . It is this same embattled Muslim community, fractured, underprivileged, marginalised and disrespected which produced the killers . It is clear, conversely, that many French people have a problem with Islam . According to an Ipsos survey last year, 63% of French voters said Islam was not compatible with French values . Almost three-quarters said Muslims wanted to impose their values on others . Surveys also suggest seven out of 10 voters believe sections of the immigrant community have failed to integrate over the past 30 years . Some 65% say immigration levels are out of control . Anti-Muslim and anti-immigration movements are growing in strength in Germany, Britain and across Europe . But France's already powerful far-right Front National is certain to use the Charlie Hebdo affair to exploit these fears and prejudices . The urgent, daunting challenge for President Francois Hollande's ruling socialists, and the centre-right of former President Nicolas Sarkozy, is to plot a different, more conciliatory path . Their task: to tap into this spirit of unity, forging a new reality for both majority and minority communities . Muslim world leaders can help halt the cycles of violence and confrontation , if they wish . But this common challenge will not be assisted by wrong-headed, kneejerk reactions by western security services . In France, there is justified criticism that the Kouachi brothers were not under close watch, given their past record of extremism . Yet it would be wrong to massively increase monitoring of the Muslim community , thereby exacerbating existing tensions . Much better to use any additional resources to engage, rather than confront , while focusing more exactly on identifying truly hardline fanatics . Similarly ,  calls for more cash to counter a mounting but undefined terrorist menace to Britain should be treated with both respect and circumspection . Andrew Parker, head of MI5, warned last week of the "growing gap between the increasingly challenging threat and the decreasing availability of capabilities to address it" . But extended, intrusive internet surveillance does not necessarily bring increased security . What it does do is potentially deal a further blow to personal liberty, including the ability to speak and communicate freely and openly . The response to the Charlie Hebdo killings, in the longer term, should also include wider acceptance of the proper limits to individual and social freedoms, including free speech . It is not acceptable, for example, to use racist terms to describe a different ethnic group . It is not acceptable to resort to stereotypes to vilify minorities or ,  say, members of the opposite sex . And it is sometimes not appropriate, nor particularly funny, to deliberately provoke Muslims by publishing cartoons of the prophet that they view as blasphemous, offensive and insulting . Having said that, individuals or groups should not seek to prevent or ban published material just because they do not like it, do not agree or do not get the joke . Even more so, the ridiculing of Islam, however much resented, cannot be used to justify or explain gross acts of violence . The freedom to speak, write, draw and laugh fearlessly, without censorship and unreasonable restraint, lies at the very heart of a tolerant, democratic and inclusive society .

Answer: Last week's attack on Charlie Hebdo magazine in Paris and the subsequent, linked hostage-taking at a Jewish supermarket were appalling acts of inhumanity that should be universally condemned


Question: A Greek euro exit would hurt Europe - but not as much as it would hurt Greece. When the people of Greece go to the polls on 25 January, they will face some fairly fundamental choices . Contrary to what many politicians and commentators would have you believe, this election is not about whether Greeks want to stay in the euro - a majority clearly wants to . The real question is whether this latest turn in the drama will finally force Greek politicians to act in their country's long-term interest . Opinion polls suggest that Greek voters oscillate between anger and fear: anger about the enormous costs they have had to bear in the course of the adjustment programme; and fear of what would happen if Alexis Tsipras, head of the hard-left Syriza movement that still leads in the polls, tries to force through another cut in Greece's international debt . In the last debt restructuring in 2012, the creditors already promised to help Greece reduce its debt to more sustainable levels by 2020 - provided Athens continues to improve its budget . The Greeks have a democratic right to elect a leader who wants to tear up this agreement ; just as Germans, Dutch, Finns and others have a right to elect governments that insist on such deals being adhered to . Although Tsipras says he does not want to leave the euro , the resulting showdown could force Greece out of the single currency . Today, the spectre of "Grexit" is more threatening to the Greeks than to the rest of Europe . Reforms in Spain, Portugal and Ireland have made these countries more resilient . International rescue funds and the European Central Bank stand ready to help in case panic should nevertheless spread . Five out of Germany's eight leading economic research institutes think the eurozone could now cope with a Greek exit . This does not mean, however, that Germany or the other eurozone countries want Greece to leave . Even if contagion was limited, another worsening of the eurozone crisis would undermine confidence, stunt the region's fragile recovery and make Europe's leaders - many of whom have declared the crisis over- look inept . The political and economic consequences for other European countries would be severe . Therefore , even if the rest of Europe does not want to be blackmailed , it will likely be ready to talk . The new Greek government, whether it is led by the incumbent premier Antonis Samaras, Tsipras, or a new coalition, could reasonably demand a new grand bargain under which the ECB-IMF-EC troika of lenders agrees to revisit the debt issue while the Greek government promises to make the economy fit for the future . Economic reform, however, is hardly what Greek politicians are talking about in this election campaign . Greek voters face the unenviable choice between re- electing the mainstream politicians who landed Greece in its current mess in the first place, or voting for Tsipras or other populists who make unrealistic promises of higher wages and more security . The trouble is not that Tsipras is radical ; it is that he is not radical enough . By promising state handouts to voters and protection for vested interests, he is perpetuating the dysfunctional system that plunged Greece into crisis . Over the past few years, the ruling coalition between the two established parties has tried a tricky balancing act of preserving the system of bureaucratic cronyism that since the 1970s they have helped to build, and modernising Greece's state and economy , as promised to international lenders . The result was an often agonisingly slow process of to and fro, with troika officials regularly departing in frustration about Greek foot-dragging . It is not only the troika's emphasis on austerity that has caused the Greek people so much pain . As important was that huge adjustments were foisted upon an extraordinarily rigid economy . Despite much effort to open up mollycoddled sectors since 2010, Greece is still one of Europe's most overregulated economies . Sluggish bureaucracies and exaggerated form-filling are the main reason Greece's exports have not rebounded like those of Spain, Portugal and Ireland . The absence of a reliable land registry is holding back investment . An unreformed social security system still benefits better-off households more than the destitute . While the tax burden on ordinary people has risen , wealthy individuals and companies can still often evade their dues . And wages in the public sector have fallen - but nowhere near as fast as those in the private sector, despite starting from a much higher level . Greek politicians must get serious about removing the shackles from the economy . Economists think the benefits of structural reforms could materialise quickly in Greece's inefficient economy, and would be substantial . The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development estimates that Greek businesses could save hundreds of millions of euros a year if the government scrapped burdensome regulations . The Greek thinktank IOBE calculates that improvements to the business and investment environment could lift GDP by more than 2% in just two years , while steps to increase competition in industries and services would have an even bigger impact . Greece has started building a sounder economy on the wreckage of a public sector bubble and a strangulated private sector . The costs have been exorbitant . It would be a real Greek tragedy if the country's next government squandered the potential gains and reversed the process .

Answer:
Contrary to what many politicians and commentators would have you believe, this election is not about whether Greeks want to stay in the euro The real question is whether this latest turn in the drama will finally force Greek politicians to act in their country's long-term interest