Given a document, an entity and its sentiment towards the entity, verify if it is the correct sentiment towards the entity. Answer should be yes or no. Note that URLs in the text have been replaced with [Link].

Ex Input:
Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity David Johnson is Neutral . But  David Johnson  also represents part of northwest Iowa. And while King might look to the White House and see a kindred spirit   Johnson  calls Donald Trump's rhetoric "misogynistic " "race-baiting " and "bigoted."
 David Johnson  is a former dairy farmer who's been a senator in the state legislature since 2003.  He  was a prominent local leader for both George W. Bush and Mitt Romney during their presidential campaigns but left  his  party after Donald Trump became its presidential nominee in 2016.
Now  he 's running as an independent  and  he 's not alone. Bob Krist  a Nebraska state legislator and retired Air Force Lieutenant Colonel  is running as an independent in that state's gubernatorial election. Kansas City attorney Craig O'Dear also left the Republican Party and is campaigning for the U.S. Senate in Missouri.
In Iowa   Sen. Johnson  is facing Republican Zach Whiting  an aide to Rep. King  in November. No Democrat has announced yet.
 Johnson  knows running without the backing of one of the two major political parties could spell trouble but  he  sees opportunity.
"There's no regrets here "  he  says. "I'm getting quite a bit of support from people that I never got before."
And  he 's also feeling more liberated as a lawmaker.
"I've even been told that my job was only to represent Republicans "  he  says  "the Democrats be damned."
Erica Schultes lives in  Sen. Johnson 's district and says she supports him more now than she did when he was a Republican.
Schultes  a realtor who also raises chickens and hogs  is concerned about the environment. In this part of the country  many environmental issues center around hog confinements.  Johnson  has sponsored a bill  opposed by Iowa Republicans  that would increase regulation on hog confinements.
The two hope behind those doors there's enough support for an independent  Johnson  to keep his seat.
Evan McMullin made his name as an independent presidential candidate in 2016. He thinks that even in rock-ribbed Republican districts like  Johnson 's  there are many voters in the middle.
Sen. David Johnson is facing just a sliver of that electorate in November but the challenge may be just as great.

Ex Output:
no


Ex Input:
Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Bernie Sanders is Positive . Bernie Sanders has spent decades attacking inequality . 
If you attended a Bernie Sanders rally this summer , when his seemingly quixotic Presidential campaign began gathering force , you might have noticed a few surprising things about the crowd . 
Young people who like Bernie Sanders like him because he sounds like an old record . 
In Portland , Maine , on an evening in July , the line to see Sanders looped around the Cross Insurance Arena . 
Sanders 's popularity had clearly been exceeding his own expectations . 
At the Portland rally , I met a group of five friends who were drawn to Sanders because of his commitment to banish money from politics : he has sharply criticized the Supreme Court 's 2010 decision , in Citizens United , to permit unlimited campaign spending by corporations , and has lamented the outsize influence exerted by billionaires . 
Several of the friends praised Sanders 's pledge to raise the federal minimum wage to fifteen dollars an hour . 
One member of the group , Erin Kiley , a millennial who owns Portland Flea-for-All , a marketplace of vintage and artisanal goods , said that she developed "a huge political crush on Bernie" in 2010 , after Sanders delivered an eight-and-a-half-hour speech on the Senate floor to protest the extension of tax cuts instituted during the Presidency of George W. Bush . 
Sanders 's gruffness , didacticism , and indifference to appearances -- both he and his wife , Jane , told me how much he loathes shopping -- are central to his appeal . 
All the friends described Sanders as "authentic ," a word that many people would be hesitant to apply to Hillary Clinton . 
Kiley acknowledged that Sanders 's unvarnished qualities might turn off some voters , but noted that in the current election cycle "the whole spectrum of candidates is less schmoozy , polished , and warm ." 
Sanders has been known as a democratic socialist for decades . 
This did n't matter much to Kiley or York , or to most other Sanders supporters I met during the next few weeks ; mainly , they were impressed that he had n't shed the term . 
York thought that , because of Sanders and his "social-media-driven fans ," socialism was "getting a bit of a P.R. makeover ." 
Peter Dreier , a professor of politics at Occidental College , who has written about Sanders , says that younger voters "may not be willing to entertain a whole new system , but they are open to a pretty profound critique of the current one . 
At a recent San Francisco gathering for Sanders , I met Derek Zender , a twenty-three-year-old marketing student . 
He told me that his parents , who live in Orange County , dismissed Sanders as "a decrepit old socialist who means well but does n't understand how the world works ." 
In Portland , Sanders took the stage , a little hunched in a gray suit jacket . 
Sanders signals his moral ferocity by choosing words like "horrific" and "abysmal" and sonically italicizing them , as in "This grotesque level of income and wealth inequality is immoral ." 
In the speeches I heard , Sanders rarely discussed foreign policy , though he spoke with conviction about climate change and the need for the U.S. to set an example for Russia , India , and China by using fewer fossil fuels . 
Huck Gutman , one of Sanders 's close friends , is an English professor at the University of Vermont ; from 2008 to 2012 , he served as Sanders 's chief of staff in the Senate . 
Despite this abiding interest , Sanders does not seem to have immersed himself that deeply in the extensive literature on inequality . 
Sanders was interested less in academic arguments , Gutman said , than in hard numbers that "exemplify the disparities he sees and feels and hears about from people ." -RRB- 
Sanders dutifully mentioned that the economist Stephanie Kelton is an adviser to the Democrats on the Senate Budget Committee , of which he is the ranking member , but he was ardent in his admiration for Pope Francis , who has condemned the "economy of exclusion ." 
Sanders called the Pope "an extraordinary figure ," adding , "My God , he came along right at the time we need him !" 
After speeches , Sanders spars about issues with voters or reporters . 
Garrison Nelson , a political scientist at the University of Vermont , who has known him for decades , says that if Sanders is walking down the street in Burlington "and somebody yells at him Bernie will talk to him -- ` What 's the matter ? 
Sanders does not excel , however , at the middle ground of casual , friendly conversation . 
When talking to voters , Hillary Clinton has perfected the head-cocked semblance of keen interest ; it 's clear when Sanders becomes bored . 
Paula Routly , who is the publisher of Seven Days , a popular weekly in Burlington , told me a story that captured the counterintuitive Sanders charm . 
One evening , Jerry , of Ben & Jerry 's , scooped ice cream ; on another , Senator Sanders stopped by a group dinner . 
Though Sanders is steadfastly earnest , the youthful enthusiasm for him often partakes of irony . 
Whimsical buttons feature the slogan "Feel the Bern ," and Tumblr is full of memes that play up the contrast between Sanders 's age and his popularity with hipsters . 
Sanders 's message is particularly potent for young people who are struggling financially . 
Garrison Nelson describes Sanders as being "more from the nineteen-thirties left than the sixties one ." 
In June , when NPR 's David Greene pressed Sanders on whether he embraced the phrase "Black Lives Matter ," the Senator got irritated . 
Sanders does not argue that greater economic equality would end racism , but for most of his career he has subsumed discussions of race under class . 
On July 18th in Phoenix , Sanders appeared at Netroots Nation , an annual conference of progressive activists . 
After taking the stage , Sanders told the moderator , "Whoa , let me talk about what I want to talk about for a moment !" 
A week later , in his Senate office , Sanders sounded chastened . 
The video showing the arrest of Sandra Bland , the African-American woman who died in a Texas jail , had just been released , and Sanders seemed shaken . 
Sanders , speaking more broadly about police violence directed at black people , said , "I plead guilty -- I should have been more sensitive at the beginning of this campaign to talk about this issue ." 
On July 25th , Sanders addressed the annual convention of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference , in Baton Rouge . 
One of the convention 's listed sponsors was Koch Industries , and it was the first time I saw Sanders give a speech in which he did not inveigh against the company 's billionaire owners , who lavishly support conservative causes . 
In August , Sanders 's campaign issued a racial-justice platform that recommended police reform , federal funding for police body cameras , a ban on for-profit prisons , and the elimination of mandatory-minimum jail sentences . 
-LRB- Among other things , Sanders proposes making Election Day a federal holiday . -RRB- 
At the same time , the platform reasserted Sanders 's core philosophy : "We must simultaneously address the structural and institutional racism which exists in this country , while at the same time we vigorously attack the grotesque level of income and wealth inequality which is making the very rich much richer while everyone else -- especially those in our minority communities -- are becoming poorer ." 
Van Jones said of Sanders , "He 's shown tremendous character in his willingness to engage and grow and change ." 
But Vermont is ninety-five per cent white , and Sanders needed to establish stronger bonds with black voters . 
Sanders was "a reliable civil-rights vote , but not somebody who has been connected to these communities , to these kids and their neighborhoods . 
Elizabeth Warren , the Massachusetts senator whose critiques of income inequality presaged Sanders 's Presidential campaign , often speaks of her parents ' economic hardship to help explain her values today . 
Sanders 's campaign Web site lists his educational history , says that he is married to Jane Sanders and that they have four children and seven grandchildren , and mentions that he worked as "a carpenter and a documentary filmmaker" before entering politics . 
There 's something admirable about Sanders 's reluctance to attribute his political beliefs to autobiography : he does n't want voters thinking that his commitment to redistributive economics stems from anything other than a deep-seated sense of fairness . 
When I asked Sanders a question about his early years , he sighed with the air of a man who knows he can no longer put off that visit to the periodontist . 
Sanders did say that two aspects of his upbringing had exerted a lasting influence . 
Sanders 's father was a Polish Jew who , at the age of seventeen , came to America shortly after his brother , and struggled through the Depression in Brooklyn . 
By the time Sanders was born , in 1941 , his father was working as a paint salesman . 
Sanders had an older brother , Larry , and their mother stayed home , like most of the women in their lower-middle-class corner of Flatbush . 
"There was tension about money ," Sanders said of his family . 
I spoke with a few of Sanders 's contemporaries who had grown up in the same neighborhood , and their memories were rosier : they recalled kids playing stickball on safe , familiar streets until their parents called them home for dinner . 
But Sanders rarely communicates in the key of nostalgia . 
Sid Ganis , a Hollywood producer who grew up in the same building as Sanders , described their neighborhood as an enclave of "ordinary secular Jews ," adding , "Some of us went to Hebrew school , but mainly it was an identity in that it got us out of school on Jewish holidays ." 
Sanders told me that , in the aftermath of the Second World War , his family "got a call in the middle of the night about some relative of my father 's , who was in a displaced-persons camp in Europe someplace ." 
Sanders learned that many of his father 's other relatives had perished . 
Sanders 's parents had been fundamentally apolitical , but he took away a lesson : "An election in 1932 ended up killing fifty million people around the world ." 
Sanders 's close friend Richard Sugarman , an Orthodox Jew who teaches religious studies at the University of Vermont , said , "He 's not what you would call rule-observant ." 
Sugarman and Sanders were housemates for a while in the seventies , and Sugarman says that his friend would often greet him in the morning by saying , "We 're not crazy , you know ," referring to the anger they felt about social injustices . 
Sanders attended Brooklyn College for a year , then transferred to the University of Chicago , where he joined the Young People 's Socialist League and the Congress on Racial Equality . 
Jim Rader , a friend who first met him in Chicago , recalls that Sanders was a "leader of the civil-rights movement on campus ." 
Sanders , who received a political-science degree in 1964 , has said that he was a mediocre student because he found the classroom boring and irrelevant -- and that he learned "infinitely more on the streets and in the community ." 
By the time Sanders graduated , both his parents had died , and his brother had moved to England . 
Sanders got married for the first time , to a woman named Deborah Shiling , just after college , and they took a road trip from New York to Vermont , where Sanders had never been . 
Sanders told me , convincingly , "I was n't a hippie ." 
Sanders and Shiling soon divorced . 
It came as a surprise to reporters who 'd covered Sanders for years in Vermont , but it was n't the sort of revelation likely to scandalize his supporters in 2015 . 
Sanders wore his social conscience on his sleeve , but few people who knew him in the sixties and seventies would have predicted that he would become a leading candidate for the Democratic Presidential nomination . 
It 's safe to say that had Sanders stuck with that career he would not have given Ken Burns a run for his money . 
One filmstrip , a portrait of Sanders 's hero , the socialist Eugene V. Debs , was rendered with static images that remained on the screen for a good long while . 
Sanders himself voiced Debs , an Indiana native , making him sound like a guy from Flatbush . 
-LRB- Another cultural foray of Sanders 's that makes you glad he stuck with politics : a 1987 cassette tape in which he talk-sings folk songs , William Shatner style . 
People who knew Sanders when he was in his thirties tend to share stories about how broke and frugal he was . 
Rader told me that when Sanders first bought land in Vermont , and was still living part time in New York , he sometimes camped out in the new property 's only shelter : a maple-sugar shack . 
In 1971 , Rader invited Sanders to a meeting of Vermont 's left-wing Liberty Union Party , in Plainfield . 
Sanders brought his son along , and there 's a photograph of them at the meeting : Sanders is skinny , serious , with a luxuriant head of curls , uninhibited sideburns , and Buddy Holly glasses ; his towheaded toddler sits in his lap . 
The organizers asked if anyone would run for the Senate , and Sanders , one of the willing few , got the nod . 
In 1980 , Sanders 's friend Richard Sugarman suggested that he try for mayor of Burlington . 
Sanders ran as an Independent , and won by ten votes . 
Even in Vermont , it was unusual to elect a socialist in the time of Ronald Reagan ; Sanders was a thirty-nine-year-old man who did n't own a suit . 
Yet Sanders turned out to be a popular and effective mayor , and more pragmatic than some might have predicted . 
Sanders also resisted a developer 's plan to turn the derelict Lake Champlain waterfront into a cluster of high-rises , promising instead public access and open space . 
Sanders met Jane O'Meara Driscoll , a community organizer nine years his junior and a divorced mother of three young children , when she invited him to a debate during his first mayoral campaign . 
They were married in 1988 , and spent what even Sanders admits was "a strange honeymoon ," in the Soviet Union , finalizing a sister-city relationship with the city of Yaroslavl . 
All four children in the Sanders family are now grown . 
''' She mentioned a Quinnipiac University poll showing that , in a general-election contest against Donald Trump , Sanders would win by eight percentage points . 
When Sanders first ran for the House of Representatives , in 1988 , he lost to a Republican named Peter Smith , the scion of a banking family . 
In 1990 , Sanders ran again , and the N.R.A. went after Smith , sending letters to its Vermont members describing Sanders as the lesser of two evils , since he was n't publicly supporting the ban . 
Sanders won . 
This is the origin of the critique that Sanders has weak gun-control credentials for a progressive . 
In national office , Sanders has not been a vocal proponent of strict gun control . 
Sanders tends to present guns as an urban problem that Vermonters can afford not to worry about , though mass shootings can happen anywhere and suicides by gun are as much a problem in Vermont as they are in other states . 
Sanders 's congressional career did not get off to a promising start . 
Sanders did n't help matters by giving more than one interview denouncing Congress . 
Nelson told me that , when he ran into Sanders in Burlington , he warned him not to keep "pissing in the soup ," adding , "You 're our only representative !" 
According to Nelson , Sanders said , "Gary , you have no idea how totally corrupt it is ." 
In time , Sanders became slightly more discriminating in his criticism , and made some allies . 
In national matters such as curbing the excesses of the Patriot Act , Sanders found that he could at least try to make incremental changes through the amendment process ; in 2005 , a Rolling Stone profile dubbed him "the amendment king ." 
At home , Sanders became a symbol of Vermont 's cussed uniqueness , as affectionately regarded as a scoop of Chunky Monkey . 
But when Sanders has run for the Vermont governorship he has n't done well . 
But they do n't necessarily want Sanders running the state . 
Since joining the Senate , Sanders has received the most attention for his gestures of defiance -- such as his marathon oration against tax cuts for the wealthiest , which was published in book form as "The Speech : A Historic Filibuster on Corporate Greed and the Decline of Our Middle Class ." 
Yet Sanders has proved himself capable of bipartisan dealmaking . 
Sanders explained to reporters that it was far from the bill he would have devised on his own : "It opens up a fear of privatization , which I strongly , strongly am opposed to ." 
Sanders is proud of a few other Senate deals . 
Sanders helped lead the opposition , and the President recently stopped pushing for the proposal . 
"It was a tough fight ," Sanders said . 
Could Bernie Sanders win the Democratic nomination , let alone the Presidency ? 
Sanders , who refuses to take money from Super PACs , had raised forty-one million dollars , mostly in donations of less than two hundred dollars each . 
It 's impressive , too , that in a recent YouGovCBS News poll Sanders is leading Clinton by twenty-two percentage points in New Hampshire and ten in Iowa . 
But among black Democrats in South Carolina Clinton leads , at fifty-two per cent ; Sanders is at four per cent . 
And though Sanders quickly modified his platform to accommodate Black Lives Matter activists , he still has a long way to go to win over African-American voters . 
A Washington PostABC News poll released in September shows that , if Biden were in the race , he would attract more nonwhite voters than Sanders -LRB- though substantially fewer than Clinton -RRB- . 
Nor is Sanders 's trajectory likely to mirror that of Obama in 2008 . 
Sanders supporters like to point out that , in the summer of 2007 , Obama was polling behind Hillary Clinton among black Democrats . 
But , as Michael Tesler , a political scientist at the University of California , Irvine , recently noted in the Washington Post , Obama enjoyed much higher favorability ratings among black Democrats than Sanders does now . 
Sanders 's commitment to recapturing some of the white working-class males that the Democratic Party lost in the Reagan years wo n't necessarily help his candidacy ; indeed , it could hurt his quest to connect with minority voters . 
Yet Sanders is doing well enough to concern the Clinton team , and that creates its own challenges . 
On the trail , Clinton has avoided mention of him ; Sanders , for his part , emphasizes their policy differences . 
Sanders appears to be sticking with that approach . 
Correct the Record , a Super PAC backing Clinton , recently sent an e-mail to the Huffington Post suggesting that Sanders shared many views with the controversial new British Labour leader , Jeremy Corbyn , then noting that Corbyn had called the death of Osama bin Laden a tragedy . 
Correct the Record has also sent trackers -- operatives who tape rival candidates , looking for gaffes -- to Sanders events . 
Sanders has promised not to run for President as an Independent in the general election , saying that he does n't want to have any role in handing victory to a Republican . 
Sanders often says that he is not that far outside the mainstream -- that a majority of Americans agree with him on many of his tenets . 
In mid-September , Sanders spoke before the weekly convocation attended by the student body at Liberty University , the evangelical school in Lynchburg , Virginia , founded by the Reverend Jerry Falwell . 
Unlike many liberal élites , Sanders does not seem to prefer talking to people who share his views ; because he is not an especially convivial person , he does not require conviviality from others . 
Sanders relishes the opportunity to enter enemy territory , where he believes that he can find secret allies . 
He did not make knowing jokes about these differences : as usual , Sanders was dead serious . 
But the occasion also played to the prophetic side of Sanders -- the register in which he can sound like an Old Testament preacher . 
Unlike his slicker rivals , Sanders is most at ease talking about the moral and ethical dimensions of politics .

Ex Output:
yes


Ex Input:
Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Armour is Negative . A woman runs past an Under Armour store in downtown Chicago on Oct. 16. (Christopher Dilts/Bloomberg)
Americans  it seems  are over Under Armour.
âThis is an abrupt about-turn for a company that  until recently  was on a mission to challenge the might of Nike â Neil Saunders  managing director of the analytical firm GlobalData Retail  said in an email. âUnder  Armour  has become just another brand in a sea of brands.â
The problems are multiple  he said. Although Under  Armour  racks up billions of dollars in sales each year  analysts say it has failed to drum up much loyalty among its customers. It has also been slow to resonate with women and has struggled to compete with larger rivals such as Nike and Adidas  which often offer lower-priced goods. Another factor: bankruptcy filings by key retail distributors such as Sports Authority and Sports Chalet.
âWe are incredibly disappointed with our 2017 performance â Kevin Plank  Under Armourâs founder and chief executive  said during the call with analysts. âWe have not performed to the level we had originally aspired to.â
Under Armour tried to keep up  he said  by discounting prices and offering more promotions than usual  which further cut into the companyâs profit margins. But  Plank added  those were just temporary efforts to shore up sales and not a long-term strategy for the company  which once could command higher prices than its competitors. (Menâs running shoes  for example  start at $74.99 at  Under Armour   $65 at Adidas and $60 at Nike  according to the companiesâ websites.)
âIn no way  shape or form do we anticipate changing the pricing model that makes Under Armour special and unique â Plank said. âWe invented the $25 T-shirt. Weâve pressed the bounds as to what consumers will pay for apparel. Thatâll continue. No one is looking for  Under Armour  to have the $25 hooded fleece. They want Under  Armour  at the $75 and $100 price points.â
But analysts say that might be a tough sell  particularly as customers grow accustomed to deep discounts. Saunders added that a âmarked slowdownâ in demand for athletic apparel is likely to further complicate Under  Armour âs turnaround efforts.
âWhile customer numbers have risen  loyalty to the brand is not deep-rooted in the same way that it is at Lululemon and Nike â he wrote. âWhat this means is that as demand moderated  Under  Armour  has been quick to drop off the radar of many consumers.â
The latest round of disappointing earnings comes on the heels of a tough year. The company posted its first-ever loss in April and in August announced it would lay off 2 percent of its workers. Thereâs also been changes to the leadership team. Still   shares of Under Armour stock  which are currently trading at about $13   have lost more than half  their  value this year.

Ex Output:

yes