instruction:
Your task is to extract the thesis of an opinionated news article by selecting some of its text segments. The thesis is a summarization of what the author wants to persuade the reader of. Your answer should consist of segments of the given text. Note that you are not allowed to combine different sentences.
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Let's see Turkey for what it really is. How times have changed . In the 18th century, Russian meddling in Crimea and Syria would have likely led to war with Turkey . Today, Russia's actions in the former Ottoman world mean a state visit for Russian President Vladimir Putin, discounted natural gas, and lucrative trade deals . Turkey's recent coziness with Russia, and its reluctance to take on the ISIL, have left many politicians in the West confused and frustrated . However , to understand Turkish foreign policy one must first look at US and European foreign policy . The lack of any coherent US-Middle East policy has made Turkey reluctant to respond to ISIL in any meaningful way . US President Barack Obama's disinterest in the region began with his hell-bent desire to remove all US forces from Iraq, no matter what the security situation was like . As far as Ankara was concerned, the US left behind unfinished business in Iraq . Next came the US response to the so-called Arab Spring , which amounted to telling regional autocrats that they had to go , and when they did not leave, the US failed to do anything about it . Perhaps the biggest failure of Obama's Middle East policy was drawing a "red line", and then failing to enforce it when Bashar al-Assad used chemical weapons against his own people . Pushing Turkey away . Since Turkey does not believe the US will see through to the completion of its mission to take on ISIL and force Assad out of power , understandably, Ankara has been reluctant to come on board . As far as Ankara is concerned, US creditability in the Middle East is bankrupt . It is not just US foreign policy pushing Turkey away from the West . This week, the EU's new foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini, visited Ankara and told a group of journalists that the EU's "top priority will be Turkey's EU accession process" . After years of delays by Brussels, it is not likely anyone in Turkey will believe these words - nor should they . Europe's empty promises of EU membership, and its weak response over Russia's invasion of Ukraine, has forced Turkey to hedge its bets that closer ties with Moscow are preferable to those with Brussels . Making a bad situation worse is the degree of European xenophobia lurking inside the debate around Turkish membership of the EU . Make no mistake ; Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has not been the easiest leader for the West to work with . Apart from some of his more ridiculous, but harmless statements -"Muslim sailors reached the American continent 314 years before Columbus, in 1178" - many in the West have been put off by his crackdown on political dissent, limitations on press freedom, and his drive to bring a more conservative brand of Islam into what is still a largely secular society . Leaders in the West would be wise not to dismiss Turkey altogether because of Erdogan's ironfisted leadership style . Turkey is a parliamentary democracy , but as the president, Erdogan derives his extensive powers because his Justice and Development Party (AKP) currently controls parliament . Without an AKP majority in parliament, the centre of power in Turkish politics is likely to shift back to the prime minister's office . In June, Turkey will hold its next parliamentary elections - and if the elections are anything like Turkey's 2014 presidential elections , the race will be close . If the AKP does not get a majority, or if they have to form a coalition , Erdogan's power and influence will be significantly curtailed . Turkey is situated in a dangerous neighbourhood . It has land borders with Syria, Iraq, and Iran . Its border with Armenia is closed . A recent investigation uncovered a terror organisation operating inside Turkey with links to Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps . ISIL controls huge swaths of land along the Turkish border with Syria and Iran . The threat from Assad is so great that NATO currently provides air defence units to protect Turkish airspace . It is clear that foreign policy decisions taken by the US and Europe have left Turkey feeling exposed . Short-sighted leaders in the West need to open their eyes and see Turkey for what it really is: a valued NATO partner, a secular state (at least for now) bridging Europe and the Islamic world, a developing economy and a major player in the energy market . What a tragedy it would be if broken promises from Europe, combined with a lack of US leadership and strategy in the Middle East, results in a Turkey that becomes more fundamentalist, anti-western, and pro- Russian .
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Turkey's recent coziness with Russia, and its reluctance to take on the ISIL, have left many politicians in the West confused and frustrated


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Let the Iraqi Army have its day. On January 6, Iraq will hold its annual Army Day parade in Baghdad . The ceremony evokes mixed feelings amongst Iraqis : after all ,  the parade marches under massive crossed swords wielded by giant bronze hands modelled on those of Saddam Hussein himself . For the Kurds it is an ominous ritual, a leftover from an era when Baghdad's military power far outstripped that of the Kurds and when Iraqi state power was used ruthlessly against northern rebellions . The stronger the Iraqi army gets, the Kurds reckon, the more chance it will be used against Kurdistan again . Iraq's Sunnis were the leading force within the Iraqi army since its foundation on January 6, 1921 . In general ,  the Sunnis fondly remember the pre-2003 army as a national institution of unrivalled prestige but view today's Iraqi army as a weak shadow of its former self, dominated by Shia officers . The views of Iraq's Shia community may be more complex . Before 2003, the Iraqi military was regularly used as a tool of oppression against the Iraqi Shia , yet many older Shia also remember the army as a symbol of modernity and Arab nationalist pride . With a Shia-led government in Baghdad, young Shia were beginning to recognise the army as a friendly institution . The collapse of Iraqi army divisions in northern and western Iraq in June 2014 dented the army's reputation, with recent victories being credited to the predominately-Shia popular mobilisation militias (al-Hashd al-Shaabi) or else the tiny cadre of special forces - the so-called Golden Division . This is a critical year for the Iraqi army , which is in danger of losing its status as the nation's premier armed force . In 2009, when the US-led"train and equip" effort reached its zenith, the Iraqi army fielded 55 combat brigades with approximately 210,000 troops . The Iraqi Ministry of Interior (MoI) fielded around 30 smaller brigades, totaling around 120,000 troops . Today the Iraqi army fields 40 weak brigades with a total combat strength of around 48,000 troops . In contrast ,  the MoI survived the summer comparatively well and now fields 24 brigades, totaling around 36,000 troops . The gap has narrowed between the two security ministries . In addition to the army and MoI, there are two other security forces that are on the rise . One is the Popular Mobilisation forces , which seem to field approximately 100,000 troops, including a well-trained offensive cadre of around 20,000 fighters . The final potential force is the National Guard that is being considered as an option by Iraqi politicians . This force would, in theory, be trained, equipped and paid by the federal government, whilst being recruited and operated by the provincial councils . In a step towards this concept, a 5,000-strong US-equipped Tribal Security Force brigade has been provided with $13.5 million worth of US weapons and training in the new US Department of Defense budget . It is now up to Iraq's government whether the country will pay these troops as part of the first National Guard units in the forthcoming 2015 budget . It is also unclear exactly which ministry would administer the training, equipping and paying of National Guard troops: the US-backed Ministry of Defense (MoD) under Minister Khalid al-Ubeidi, a Sunni from Mosul, or the MoI, led by Badr leader Mohammed Ghabban, a close lieutenant of Badr leader Hadi al-Amiri . The scheme could become a way of permanently employing the Popular Mobilisation forces in the National Guard units of the predominately-Shia southern provinces . With the Kurdish Peshmerga representing another large force of around 54 brigades with 113,000 troops, the Iraqi army is thus on-track to become one of the smaller security forces in Iraq . In 2015, the army's performance and the international support provided to Iraq's MoD will be critical factors in determining the future of this proud institution . In the background, the slow process of rebuilding the army has already begun . New half-manned brigades are popping up at training bases in Nasiriya, Kirkush and at the collection points for the shattered army divisions across north- central Iraq . More units will follow in the coming months . Meanwhile a US-funded $1.6 billion train and equip programme will aim to produce a further nine full-strength Iraqi army brigades in 2015, adding a further 45,000 troops to the army and nearly doubling its frontline combat strength . (Three Peshmerga brigades or 15,000 troops will also be re-equipped under the programme) . The first of 250 US-provided Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles have arrived in Iraq, sent directly by the United States at no cost from Afghanistan . Another 3,496 tactical vehicles (Hummers, trucks, fuel tankers and engineering vehicles) will also be provided to the Iraqi army cost-free by the US military , and Iraq will probably buy a further 1,000 newly-built M1151A1 up-armoured Hummers in 2015 . If the US follows through on its pledges of training and equipment , the Iraqi army could survive its disastrous year in 2014 and play a key role in the struggle to evict Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) forces from cities like Mosul, Tikrit, Ramadi and Fallujah . The Iraqi army can draw on some illustrious history . In 1973, it deployed 18,000 troops with 300 tanks to save Damascus during the "October War" : this feat, mustering and moving an army 1,200km in just six days, remains deeply impressive . Iraq's five lightning offensives in April, May and June of 1988 shattered the Iranian army and were textbook examples of planning and execution . If the Iraqi army can be rebuilt with Shia, Sunni Arab and Kurdish political support , and if the well-led Ministry of Defense can guide the National Guard initiative , the coming year could witness new Iraqi army victories at Mosul . Successful operations undertaken by this national institution, with deep roots in the Iraq's history, will be far more beneficial to the country than victories scored solely by Shia militias or local Sunni uprisings, either of which could further fracture Iraq .
answer:
On January 6, Iraq will hold its annual Army Day parade in Baghdad


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The internet is fertile ground for the mosaic of allegiances out of which teens build identity. Young people - at least weird young people, at very least weird young girls - are often eager to announce themselves . In lieu of a strong self-concept, the young build themselves out of a mosaic of allegiances . The online world is fertile ground for these . Tumblr, Twitter and 4chan, for example, are full of young people pledging fervent allegiance to a favorite fan culture, a political movement or a self-diagnosis, with all the rights, privileges, and rivalries that implies . Some of these will be important parts of a person's identity for life . Others will mortify them within a year . At that age, it can be very, very hard to tell which will be which . Building a self-concept means staking your claim for an audience, however small . I'm sure kids still write private stuff . But it's hard when you are young and lonely - no matter how many fandoms you join- to resist a readily- available audience that doubles as a support group . I wouldn't have been able to, I think : I wrote letters , but if there had been Tumblr back then , I would have been on it like scarves on Sherlock . The support of the invisible masses can be incredibly positive . For teens who are isolated physically or emotionally, the internet might provide the first glimmer of understanding that there's nothing actually wrong with them . It can be a way to connect with other people, to build support systems to which you don't have access in your offline life, a way to live and explore an identity that you might have to keep hidden or secret for your own protection . But there can also be pitfalls . Sometimes, when you're trying to figure out who you are and what you believe, you test out a lot of convictions . (I had an"I hate feminists because they get mad when men hold doors for them" phase, for example .) Once you've made those statements in public , it's harder to pull up, to nix one bit of the person you've created from scratch and go exploring down a different route . You've already told Tumblr that you are definitely, really a wolf with wings ; you've argued in favor of Otherkin rights and awareness ; you've become a leader of the Otherkin community . Or worse, you've helped your 4chan buddies dox a female game developer and your rape-threat tweets are screencapped and re-tweeted all over the internet . You've pledged allegiance , and everyone saw you do it . Now, when someone challenges you, you have to double down . The danger of overcommitting to passing thoughts by making them public isn't just a pitfall for teens . Adults do it all the time  - they make an offhanded comment and then make it worse with a defensive non-apology, or complain about an offhanded comment and set off the outrage machine . But the teen years are an identities factory, churning out new products right and left . You try out more opinions and self-concepts , and you're much more susceptible to peer pressure . It's perfect lab conditions for getting locked into an idea of yourself that would have otherwise been ephemeral . I'm not saying we should keep teenagers off the internet . Teens are the internet's beating heart , and they always have been ; an internet without teens doesn't bear thinking about . Besides ,  young people who are marginalized, or confused, or in any way lonely need to see that there is a whole world they can connect to- that there are people who share their problems, or maybe that their idiosyncrasies aren't problems at all . In an ideal world we'd keep adults off the internet instead, to preserve it as a space of identity experimentation for the people who really need that . Given that adults are unlikely to accept this idea , maybe we can all go back to using cute handles like LadyBloodrayne instead of our real names all the time . (I don't know, I was a goth .) If she embarrasses you , ditch her for TitaniaDarkwing! If she gets you in trouble , switch to EldritchAngel! Actually, don't : I like that one, and I'm keeping it . At any rate, I hope that young people - at least lonely, weird young people, at very least lonely weird young girls - occasionally resist some of their urges for public self-declaration . I hope they're writing emails to friends, even ones they've never met in person . In my ideal world they'd even take up writing letters again . Cobbling together an identity is a fraught, uncertain, often very retroactively embarrassing pursuit . I hope that the young weirdos of today can be kind enough to their future selves to draw a decorous veil over some of that floundering . At least until 20 years in the future, when it becomes funny again .
answer:

In an ideal world we'd keep adults off the internet instead, to preserve it as a space of identity experimentation for the people who really need that