Given a document, an entity and its sentiment towards the entity, verify if it is the correct sentiment towards the entity. Answer should be yes or no. Note that URLs in the text have been replaced with [Link].

[Q]: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Kylie Jenner Kylie is Negative . Kara Alaimo  an assistant professor of public relations at Hofstra University  is the author of " Pitch  Tweet  or Engage on the Street: How to Practice Global Public Relations and Strategic Communication ."  She  was spokeswoman for international affairs in the Treasury Department during the Obama administration. Follow  her  on Twitter @karaalaimo . The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.
"sooo does anyone else not open Snapchat anymore? Or is it just me... ugh this is so sad  " Kylie Jenner  tweeted the day before.
Earlier this month   Jenner 's picture of  her  baby Stormi got more likes than any photo ever before on Instagram. And celebs don't just capture the attention of America on social media. They also profoundly influence behavior. A 2014 study by Defy Media found that 63% of millennials would take a YouTube celebrity's advice to check out a company or product.
And while celebs sometimes talk about social issues on the Internet  regrettably  it isn't their usual focus. Wouldn't it be better if our conversations on social media focused on things like what our country should do about health care  immigration and the opioid epidemic  rather than what brands celebs like  Jenner  are wearing?
Social media companies should also pay more attention to users themselves. Well before  Jenner 's tweet   more than 1.2 million people signed a Change.org petition letting Snapchat know they didn't like its new layout. If Snapchat had responded to these people faster  the company wouldn't be facing the losses it just experienced.
On Thursday  Snapchat became a victim of the undue influence  Jenner  wields in America. But companies like Snapchat are also part of the solution. They and all of us need to start paying less attention to celebrities and more attention to the people in our society who really matter.
[A]: no


[Q]: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Saad al-Hariri is Negative . BEIRUT (Reuters) - Lebanon believes  Saad al-Hariri  is held in Saudi Arabia  from where  he  resigned as prime minister  two top Lebanese government officials said  amid a deepening crisis pushing Lebanon onto the frontlines of a power struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's prime minister Saad al-Hariri gestures during a press conference in parliament building at downtown Beirut  Lebanon October 9  2017. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir/File Photo
In a televised statement indicating deep concern at  Hariri âs situation   his  Future Movement political party said  his  return home was necessary to uphold the Lebanese system  describing  him  as prime minister and a national leader.
 Hariri âs shock resignation  read out on television from Saudi Arabia  came as a shock even to  his  aides and embroils Lebanon further in a regional contest between Riyadh and Tehran.
 Hariri âs exit fueled wide speculation that the Sunni Muslim politician  long an ally of Riyadh  was coerced into stepping down by Saudi Arabia as it seeks to hit back against Iran and its Lebanese Shiâite ally Hezbollah.
In his resignation speech   Hariri  denounced Iran and Hezbollah for sowing strife in Arab states and said  he  feared assassination.  His  father  a veteran former prime minister  was killed by a bomb in 2005.
âKeeping  Hariri  with restricted freedom in Riyadh is an attack on Lebanese sovereignty. Our dignity is his dignity. We will work with (foreign) states to return him to Beirut â said the senior Lebanese official  speaking on condition of anonymity because the government had yet to declare this position.
Saudi Arabia says  Hariri  resigned because Hezbollah  which was included in  Hariri âs coalition government  had âhijackedâ Lebanonâs political system.
 Hariri  aides had until Thursday denied  he  was under house arrest but took a dramatically different tone after a meeting of the Future Movement convened at Haririâs Beirut residence on Thursday.
 Hariri âs aunt  Bahia  sat next to Siniora as he read the statement. The party stood behind his leadership  it said.
 Hariri  came to office last year in a political deal that made the Hezbollah-allied Christian politician Michel Aoun head of state and produced a coalition government grouping most Lebanese parties including Hezbollah.
Saudi Arabia blessed the government at the time  but has been fiercely critical of the Hariri-led government since  he  stepped down  saying it failed to act against Hezbollah  whose guerrilla army is far more powerful than the weak state.
FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri attends a general parliament discussion in downtown Beirut  Lebanon October 18  2017. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir/File Photo
Saudi Arabia had wanted  Hariri  to take a tougher stance toward Hezbollah  and  he  failed to do so  the fourth source said. â He  was functioning as if it is business as usual  so the Saudis had to accelerate the process and to force a resignation.â
 Hariri  flew to Saudi Arabia last Friday.
The top Lebanese government official  speaking on condition of anonymity  said: âLebanon is heading toward asking foreign and Arab states to put pressure on Saudi Arabia to release Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri.â
[A]: no


[Q]: Verify if the sentiment of the following document towards the entity Julia Barnett Rice is Negative . Concerns about hearing loss largely focus on excessive noise exposure. But environmental noise is just as unsafe. People living in cities are regularly exposed (against their will) to noise above 85 decibels from sources like traffic  subways  industrial activity  and airports. That’s enough to cause significant hearing loss over time. If you have an hour-long commute at such sound levels  your hearing has probably already been affected. Urban life also sustains average background noise levels of 60 decibels  which is loud enough to raise one’s blood pressure and heart rate  and cause stress  loss of concentration  and loss of sleep. Sirens are a particularly extreme example of the kind of noise inflicted on people every day: They ring at a sound-pressure level of 120 decibels —a level that corresponds with the human pain threshold  according to the World Health Organization. But since the turn of the 20th century  protecting human hearing has taken a back seat to securing quiet for those with means  and punishing those without. Noise-abatement laws transformed an objective concern about environmental and health conditions into a subjective fight over aesthetic moralism. One of the earliest urban anti-noise campaigns was initiated by  Julia Barnett Rice   the wealthy  well-educated wife of a businessman and publisher. The sound of tugboat horns was causing  Rice  great annoyance as  she  tried to relax in  her  ornate Italianate mansion. But  she  knew that this appeal would fall on deaf ears  so to speak. So  she  decided to use the poor and sick people languishing in urban hospitals as a scapegoat. Isaac Rice  her husband and the publisher of The Forum  became a champion of his wife’s crusade. In 1906  he published  her  piece  “An Effort to Suppress Noise ” which amounts to a call for class antagonism.  She  begins by channeling the pessimistic philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer  who likens noise to boorishness: There are people  it is true—nay  a great many people—who smile at such [sounds]  because they are not sensitive to noise; but they are just the very people who are also not sensitive to argument  or thought  or poetry  or art; in a word  to any kind of intellectual influence. Who are these insipid people in  Rice ’s narrative? The tugboat workers. The piece recounts  Rice ’s efforts to ban excessive whistling from aboard their vessels.  Rice  portrays  herself  as a dogged crusader  pleading for quietude amidst unrelenting clamor.
First   she  sought aid from the law. In the New York City Collector’s Office Law Division   she  discovered a clause that “seems to vest in the Local Board of Steamboat Inspectors all necessary powers to punish ... any act on the part of a licensed officer that they adjudge to be ‘misconduct’ or ‘negligence’ or ‘unskillfulness.’” In other words   Rice  attempted to present the call of tugboat horns as professional misconduct. Alas for  her   the U.S. Local Steamboat Inspectors decided that “the point was not well taken.”  Rice  then went to the police to start a petition drive.  She  promised signatures from “poor and rich alike ” but sent establishment personalities to collect them. Among the endorsees were wealthy hospital superintendents  who lent credence to  Rice ’s claims to help the sick rather than to punish marine workers. The inspectors were still unmoved. When  Rice  finally interviewed some of the tugboat workers   she  presented their responses as evidence of wrongdoing rather than as the accounts of workingmen describing their labor. The tugboat captains offered reasonable rationales for sounding whistles. One explained that removing the whistles “would necessitate an extra deckhand to act as messenger to notify the pier hands  besides all the time that would be lost.” Another stated  “We run a risk of losing a whole tide if we do not rouse the crew on the barge.” And yet another  “You must whistle to wake up the crew  which you cannot expect to stay on watch day and night.”
 Rice  did not relent.  She  went to maritime academics and higher-ups  who endorsed  her  and researched  her  claim. At last   she  won a victory: The National Board of Steam Navigation passed a resolution prohibiting unnecessary whistle-blowing. The tugboat workers adhered for a day or two  and then  finding that work became impossible and that the National Board had no way of enforcing the resolution  returned to using the horns as often as they liked.  Rice  had had enough.  She  proposed a law restricting all but a few scenarios in which tugboats can use their whistles  and demanded a standing representative in the Department of Commerce and Labor who would police the waterways for nuisance. In this effort  too   she  came away empty-handed. Finally  in one last-ditch effort   Rice  found success. At a meeting of about 10 000 representatives from the transportation industry  the American Association of Masters  Mates  and Pilots passed a resolution ending the use of “indiscriminate and  above all  noisy signaling.” The law was replicated at the federal level under the 1907 Bennet Act  the first anti-noise bill ratified by Congress.  Rice ’s use of the poor and the sick as a tool to pass  her  legislation played little part in why the authorities finally listened. Researchers had found that the signaling was impacting tugboat navigation  making entering and exiting the harbor confusing and unsafe at night.
Throughout  Rice ’s entire ordeal   she  presented the tugboat workers as personal enemies rather than potential allies.  Her  plight for quiet was a moral one; as  she  saw it  the peace had been stolen from  her  by the mariners. Looking back   she  comes off as vindictive and elitist. But unfortunately   her  belligerent approach set the stage for subsequent noise-abatement campaigns in cities around the country. As the historian Emily Thompson explains in her book The Soundscape of Modernity  noise-abatement laws singled out relatively powerless people  those who were seen to impede “the middle-class vision of a well-ordered city.” Among these was the 1908 General Order 47  issued by New York City Police Commissioner Thomas Bingham. It targeted street ruckus rather than port noise: commotion from street vendors  newsboys  tin-can kickers  roller skaters  street musicians  automobile horns  flat-wheeled streetcars  and more. Soon after  laws that banned occupational noises  preventing people from working for a living in order to protect the quietude  appeared in Boston; Little Rock  Arkansas; San Francisco; and elsewhere. These fights hit street workers  most of whom were immigrants  hard. Still  the courts upheld the laws. One infamous incident involved a Chicago ordinance that limited peddlers to certain parts of the city and banned them from advertising using shouting. When the courts upheld this law in 1911  the peddlers first went on strike  and then rioted  causing a mass uprising and widespread damages. The police punished the peddlers  the strike was broken  and the law remained on the books. Soon there were no more vendors walking the streets. By the 1920s and ’30s  noise law after noise law helped clear the urban street. Eventually  it ceased to be the domain of people and was overtaken instead by cars—which created their own noise  of course.
Noise laws also played a key role in the development and implementation of zoning  the separating of a city’s parcels of land into “zones” for which a specific purpose (such as residential  commercial  or industrial) is assigned. A lasting legacy of  Rice ’s tugboat campaign was the concept of “quiet zones”—places where noisemaking was especially prohibited because of its potential harm  such as around hospitals  schools  and the houses of the sick. New York set up its first quiet zones in 1908  aided by  Rice ’s work in talking to hospital administrators  and other cities followed soon after. Violating a quiet zone usually constituted a misdemeanor offense  punishable by fine  imprisonment  or both. Enforcing anti-noise ordinances troubled legislators at both the local and national levels  especially when the perpetrator of a noise was an industry vital to a city  a conflict that persists to this day. Interfering with commerce in order to protect silence was perfectly acceptable when it limited barkers  peddlers  or other individuals with little power. But when it came to manufacturers  factories  or the transporters of goods  the risk of disturbing commerce outweighed the benefits to the peace. Also  since noise and its treatment in the law was subjective  anti-noise legislation was often ineffective. Police in urban areas had much more pressing issues at hand anyway. However  the idea of “quiet zones” persisted in urban planning. The first zoning laws took noise into account  designating residential zones in places separate from commerce and industry. Like noise-abatement laws  zoning was also built on a foundation of inequality. One of its earliest uses created boundaries separating black and white families  a practice that persisted even after the Supreme Court struck it down in 1917. Middle-class whites looking to prevent lower-income nonwhites (and to some extent lower-income whites as well) from infiltrating their neighborhoods had to come up with a different legal solution.
Today  as suburbanites return to cities  they bring the fight for quiet along with them. To gentrify a neighborhood also involves quieting it down. The desire for sonic control in and around the home is prioritized above the social fabric of the city  a practice exemplified by the targeting of arts and music venues that are cited as being partially responsible for neighborhood revival in the first place. In her book Beyond Unwanted Sound  Marie Thompson describes an example from the industrial area of Ouseburn Valley in the United Kingdom. The region had become a hotbed of music and the arts partly because there were few residences to disturb. Eventually  several venues closed after repeated run-ins with the law due to noise complaints. These complaints came not from concerned locals  but from wealthy newcomers buying into new developments built explicitly to capitalize on the area’s vibrant nightlife. The noise that does the most harm doesn’t come from clubs and house parties—the causes of many garden-variety noise complaints and violations. Ironically   Rice  did get something right in  her  crusade: Industrial noise poses the worst problem  although individual workers were not to blame for it  as  Rice  had also concluded. The two largest sources of environmental noise are transportation and industrial activity. The cars for which early noise ordinances helped clear the streets have amplified that noise to a universal  inescapable level. Industrial areas  often designated for land close to the poorest nonwhite areas in a city  are even worse.
To solve the environmental-noise problem  cities and their citizens should learn from the mistakes of the past. Targeting the noise of individuals is ineffective  antisocial  and fails to eradicate the noise that really hurts people: environmental noise. Solutions to that problem must be systemic  requiring a large-scale  collective response across many different targets. Despite her intentions  Julia Barnett Rice offers a model. She arrived at success only once she began addressing the marine industry at large. Similar approaches can work today. Instead of punishing individual transportation workers whose trucks may be too old  a more comprehensive solution could target the Department of Transportation  with demands to repave worn roads with the porous asphalt configurations used in Europe to reduce tire noise. Likewise  any move toward using renewable energy sources will result in a quieter environment  as coal and oil extraction are extremely noisy labors. At the local and state level  demanding funding for repairs and improvement to outdated transit infrastructure will greatly reduce the noise caused by trains  cars  and trucks. Urban-planning approaches to eliminating noise on a city-by-city basis can be as simple as taking a single lane away from cars and giving it to bicycles  people  or green space. Improving  expanding  and properly funding public transit removes cars from the road  both reducing the sound they produce and replacing it with quieter options like trams and high-speed light-rail. In architecture  acoustics should play a greater role in all structures  from mundane apartment buildings to the grandest art museums. Noise control should be a consideration from the very first planning stage  rather than tacked on as an afterthought.
[A]:
no