Given a document, find the main entity about whom the author is writing. Write the full name if mentioned in the text. Note that URLs in the text have been replaced with [Link].

Ex Input:
Northwestern athletics dodged a bullet on Bryant McIntoshâs knee injury. But not Clayton Thorsonâs.
 Thorson  got carted off Friday in the Music City Bowl after making a 24-yard catch on a trick play.  He  immediately grabbed  his  right knee as Nissan Stadium hushed and teammates approached to offer encouragement.
After the game NU coach Pat Fitzgerald said that a preliminary exam revealed ânothing overly alarming â¦ I think  he  hyperextended it  from my vantage point.â
But subsequent tests revealed a tear and there is no timetable for  his  return. Surgery is expected in a few weeks. Torn ACLs typically have a 9- to 12-month recovery period.
 Thorson  announced Dec. 19 that  he  would return to Evanston for  his  fifth season and fourth as a starter. Had  he  been healthy and entered the NFL draft   he  figured to be a late-round pick.
If  Thorson  isnât ready for NUâs Aug. 30 (Thursday night) season-opener at Purdue  Northwestern likely will turn to either TJ Green or Andrew Marty.
 Thorson âs 27 victories as the starting quarterback are the most in NU history. The 6-foot-4  220-pound Wheaton North alumnus ranks second in program history in passing yards (7 513) and completions (688). Heâs a career 57.4 percent passer and made third-team all-Big Ten in 2017.
 Clayton Thorson 's return gives NU a fourth-year starter at QB Â»

Ex Output:
Clayton Thorson


Ex Input:
Back in 2000   Rich Cohen  went on a mission.
The magazine writer  put on the literary map two years earlier with the book "Tough Jews " flew to Chicago to chronicle the legendary losing of  his  favorite baseball team for the esteemed pages of Harper's. It was such an unlikely assignment that the Cubs' hitting coach  Hall of Fame slugger Billy Williams  was convinced there was no such magazine as Harper's;  Cohen  must have made it up to get free tickets.
 Cohen 's observations included Mark Grace's smoking habits (a cigarette at his locker before and after every game)  Joe Girardi's naked body ("old-fashioned  a body from the Great Depression: thick torso and heavy arms  social realism  a WPA poster")  and Sammy Sosa's daily boombox battles with his teammates. They liked loud Pearl Jam. He liked even louder salsa music.  Cohen  wrote: "Today  and each day  it ended with the Pearl Jam turned down and turned off. It was not hard to tell how Sosa's teammates felt about this."
The Cubs lost seven straight games while  Cohen  was on their trail  reinforcing everything  he  was there to see: misery  piled up for generations. The piece is essential reading for any Cubs fan  precisely because  Cohen  is one of us  trying to make sense of it all: "For every Cub fan  there is a season  an inning  an at bat  when all hope is lost  when  at long last  he becomes disillusioned and realizes with dread certainty that no matter how good its prospects the team will never win."
Now  at last   Cohen  gets to update the story.
But how did we get here? Why did such futility endure? What scars were wrought across generations of the fan base? These are the questions  Cohen  takes up  and  he  hints at  his  own scars as early as the dedication. It is to  his  four sons  who "will grow up with the nonsensical idea that the Chicago Cubs are a great baseball team."
To those of us who suffered long enough —  Cohen   me  probably you (any White Sox fan stumbling onto this presumably bailed paragraphs ago) — it still sometimes doesn't quite seem possible. That shared sentiment is part of the book's power.  Cohen  tells a story that is all of ours: "When I was 13  I began going to Cubs games on my own. This was my first taste of adulthood. I've associated Wrigley Field with freedom ever since."
Jessica Medoff / Farrar  Straus and Giroux Magazine writer Rich Cohen chronicles the Cubs’ journey to a World Series championship in “The Chicago Cubs: Story of a Curse.” Magazine writer Rich Cohen chronicles the Cubs’ journey to a World Series championship in “The Chicago Cubs: Story of a Curse.” (Jessica Medoff / Farrar  Straus and Giroux) (Jessica Medoff / Farrar  Straus and Giroux)
Weaving between history lesson  memoir and fairly faithful sports reporting  "The Chicago Cubs: Story of a Curse" is a brisk and engaging read. It's hard to say much new or novel about the Cubs — probably no team has had more words spent in a bid to understand it — but  Cohen  does  his  best and employs an advantage even beyond  his  skilled storytelling:  He  has lived a life of good fortune.
Not only has  he  been on the front lines for Harper's  Sports Illustrated  Vanity Fair  Rolling Stone and The New Yorker  but also we learn that  Cohen 's father  legendary negotiation expert Herb Cohen  was friendly with former Dodgers manager Tommy Lasorda (we get an amusing personal anecdote from it) and Ernie Banks (an even better personal anecdote).
Along the way   Cohen  grapples with the hiccups — '84  '89  '03  '07 and '08 — along with the question of why the Cubs could never pull it out. The answer  of course  is not a literal curse. There may be no single answer  but  Cohen  sifts through a handful of compelling options. The "schizo" ballpark  which offered no true home field advantage. Bad ownership (meaning  in part  the Tribune Company — sorry everyone!). Bad organizational culture. It's not a new insight  but it's a fascinating one: In Chapter 11  current Cubs owner Tom Ricketts says winning the World Series is a fluke. Once you're in the playoffs  he says  any team can win it: "The fact is  when you go back and look  you'll see there's little correlation between how many games you win during a season and how far you go in the postseason. Almost zero." Simply  all the Cubs needed to do all these years was build a core of talent to consistently reach the playoffs. Then a World Series would inevitably have happened. Instead  the franchise was doomed by a lack of vision.

Ex Output:
Rich Cohen


Ex Input:
There is nothing the US can do to North Korea that will lead to its renunciation of its nuclear weapons program. That is because North Korea already holds US allies hostage to violence we cannot controlâand may already or will soon pose a similar threat to the US homelandâand thus presents an unacceptable risk of retaliation for any American offensive military action. There is nothing the US can do for North Korea that might induce it to denuclearize  because keeping North Korea on a war footing vis-Ã -vis the US keeps  the regime of Kim Jong Un  in power. There is nothing the international community  including China  can do to North Korea by enforcing sanctions  or for North Korea by relieving it of sanctions  that would convince North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons because  the regime  is convinced  with some reason  that it is only the threats it poses to others that keep it from suffering regime change. Nevertheless  the US cannot tolerate or co-exist with a North Korean nuclear capability; that is because such a capability would deter the US from protecting its allies were they threatened  extorted or attacked by North Korea. This result would risk dissolution of the American-Pacific alliance and the rapid proliferation of nuclear weapons to former allies that had become intensely nationalistic and anti-American. There is however one option that has yet to be considered and that has some promise.
Itâs true that North Korea used to seek financial assistance in exchange for promises to restrain its weapons programs.  Kim  has changed all that. This isnât because of  his  ferocious and aggressive personality so much as it arises from the evolution of the North Korean regime and its political role in the world.
That role has developed in an ominous new direction since 1989. When Russian subsidies to North Korea disappeared in 1990  the resulting famine killed up to 10% of the North Korean population  but North Korea neither collapsed nor moderated its policies. In fact  we can now see that the development of a nuclear weapons program was a crucial part of  the regimeâs  domestic survival strategy after 1989 precisely because this program provokes US hostility and concern.
During the Cold War  North Korea and South Korea had comparable economic development  and South Korea had a series of highly authoritarian if not totalitarian governments. With the end of the Cold War  South Korea enjoyed a booming economy and a very promising democracy. Internationally  communist governments were collapsing everywhere. But the response of Kim Jung Il was to increase its reliance on military force and put the nation on a war footing for an imminent US invasion. Consumer shortages  famine  rationing were all justified in order to maintain an immense militaryâits active duty army is the fourth largest in the world. The external threat also justified political oppression to identify and destroy traitors. B. R. Myers  a North Korea scholar at Dongseo University in South Korea  has suggested that the famine âmay have strengthened support for  the regime  by [animating a] sense of ethnic victimhood.â Myers concluded in a 2010 book  âit is  the regime âs awareness of a pending legitimacy crisis  not a fear of attack from without  which makes it behave evermore provocatively on the world stage.â Thus US reactions tend to consolidate power in North Korea; and there is nothing we can do to ease the threat to North Korean legitimacy in the long run because the threat to  the regime  derives from global trends that are weakening the domestic hold on power of all industrial nation-state regimes (though  as we shall see  there are steps that can ease  Kim âs domestic anxieties in the near term.)
Moreover  North Korean weaknessâas to which their aggressive foreign policy is a compensationâalso tends to limit US options. I suppose it might be said  âWhen you ainât got nothing  you got nothing to lose.â But it is true with respect to all states that while sanctions can force small foreign policy changes  they cannot effectuate changes that fundamentally threaten the stability and continuity of the government. North Korea sees its weapons as essential to its survivalânot only by keeping its enemies at bay (this is the lesson of Saddam Hussein  Mouammar Khadafy and the Ukraine)âbut nuclear weapons are also essential to the internal stature of  the regime . It is a feature that is not often appreciated of sanctions that they work  or can work  quite successfully  only within a rather narrow sphere because that is their utility. People who say  âSanctions donât work â donât appreciate that if sanctions could result in the kind of policy changes that are wrought from military action  a military response would ensue. Itâs their very limitation that makes sanctions useful.
This suggests that the Chinese  who cannot be indifferent to the proliferation of nuclear weapons to South Korea and Japan  ought to be willing to pressure North Korea into denuclearization. And indeed  pressuring the Chinese to pressure the North Koreans is the substance of current US policy. There are risks in pursuing this policy; China would probably insist on the withdrawal of the THAAD systems from South Korea because they not only protect South Korea from North Korea but also degrade the effectiveness of the Chinese deterrent (even if only marginally). But more important than this is the fact that China really has very little leverage over North Korea. Indeed it should be noted that  Kim  has steadily weakened Chinese influence by purging pro-Chinese North Korean officials. Moreover  there is no negative pressureâcutting off fuel supplies or reducing an already modest trading relationshipâthat could force  the North Korean regime  to change course because  as has been remarked  one does not commit suicide for fear of death. Thus I have concluded that there is nothing the US or China can do to North Koreaâno coercive acts at an acceptable cost to the USâthat will yield the denuclearization of the North Korean arsenal.
But that doesnât mean that there is no conceivable way out of this crisis. On the contrary  one can already see the outlines of a possible negotiation. What follows is a rather radical proposal that has many counterintuitive aspects but which  I have come to believe  represents the best way out of a rapidly deteriorating position. This option would be to induce a nuclear guarantee for  the North Korean regime from China âan instance of Chinese extended deterrence.
Jang Song Thaek  Kimâs uncle  was North Koreaâs principal interlocutor with China. His arrest and executionâas well as the removal of dozens of other officials associated with closer ties to Chinaâmarked a turning point in Kimâs rejection of a foreign policy that attempted to promote economic growth in favor of a âmilitary firstâ policy. His truculent indifference to Chinese sensibilities was confirmed when he ordered the assassination in February of his brother  Kim Jong Nam  who had been living in Macao under Chinese protection. Then earlier this month  Kim Jong Un pointedly chose the week of Xi Jinpingâs BRICS summit in Beijing to detonate a nuclear test. So one mustnât oversell the chance of success for this proposal.
But if the policy I propose is the least bad for the US to pursueâif it is imperative that we at least try this new option before resorting to war or accepting defeatâis it not also the least bad option for North Korea in light of the certain decline of its long-term security in the face of advancing US first-strike technology? Remember that it was  Kim âs awareness of a crisis in legitimacy that drove  him  to the âmilitary-firstâ policy. The integration of China into the international system  rather than the collapse of the Soviet satellite regimes  could show a new path toward the domestic legitimation of  Kimâs regime . Our aim must be to re-orient  Kim âs paranoia  making  him  more afraid of losing an attractive opportunity for security in the eyes of  his  own people than  he  is afraid of dependence on China.
No one will take this radical proposal seriously unless we stop deluding ourselves about the incentives we can realistically employ to compel  the North Korean regime . There is no chance that anything short of an ironclad guarantee of their preservation as a dynastic regime free from outside intervention will modify their behavior. They will starve their people and run almost incalculable risks because they have no other credible choice. And no guarantee that the US gives is credible to the North Korean leadership.
This observation leads one to draw a couple of further conclusions that are sometimes absent in the public debate. The first is that as our alliances are what are actually threatened  we should move swiftly to shore these up. Consultations with our allies in Tokyo  Canberra and Seoul are paramount. What do they want to see from us? How can we avoid embarrassing them in front of their own publics without hamstringing the protection of our legitimate security interests? Second  we should not make threats that validate Kimâs rhetoric by making it appear that we are planning to punish him for his rhetoric. That there is a plot by the Americans to destroy  his regime  is the fundamental premise of his domestic propaganda as well as his thinking.
In summary  economic sanctions  and/or threats of our military action can push  Kim  towards negotiations but in the end those negotiations will be highly likely to founder on  his  need for nuclear guarantees. We need to prepare for the fact that a resolution of the current crisis will likely require a PRC guarantee. Are we prepared to support that? I think we should be. The course I propose is not without costs: it might increase the risk of a Chinese-US confrontation  and it would link Chinese nuclear strategy to a surrogate state that is inclined to get into conflicts. It is  however  a more promising option than any being canvassed at the present. And time  at this juncture  is not on our side.

Ex Output:

Kim Jong Un