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It was a gamble  but polling suggested it might be working. His opponent  Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam  saw his lead over Gillespie erode over the past few weeks.  Trump  weighed in for Gillespie in a series of tweets and with automated Election Day phone calls encouraging turnout.
.@EdWGillespie will totally turn around the high crime and poor economic performance of VA. MS-13 and crime will be gone. Vote today  ASAP! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 7  2017
 Trump  wasted no time in distancing  himself  from Gillespie  enjoying the spaciousness of  his  now-280-character tweets.
Ed Gillespie worked hard but did not embrace me or what I stand for. Don’t forget  Republicans won 4 out of 4 House seats  and with the economy doing record numbers  we will continue to win  even bigger than before! —  Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 8   2017
We’ve noted before that  Trump  has an insurance premium against any calls for  his  impeachment.  His  popularity with Republicans has slipped since the beginning of  his  presidency  but  he ’s still very popular with them  particularly more conservative members of  his  party. (Per Gallup  more than 9 in 10 conservative Republicans approve of  Trump .) Because Republican Party primaries see an overrepresentation of conservatives  that meant that Republicans eager to win reelection to Congress were less likely to turn on the president.
 Trump’s  tweet distancing  himself  from Gillespie sugarcoats the election in a way that may make  Trump  feel better but probably isn’t fooling anyone on Capitol Hill.  His  claim that the GOP won four of four federal races misses a few important points. The first is that those races were in Republican-held districts. The second is that the Democrats saw big gains in most of those races relative to past elections. The third is that the figure is actually four of five;  Trump  likes to ignore a race in California won by the Democrats.
But it also does something very dangerous for  Trump  right now. It shows  yet again  that  he  isn’t loyal to  his  political partners.
We’ve seen this before. When  Trump  backed the House effort to repeal and replace Obamacare (having no plan of  his  own)   he  responded to  its  passage by declaring the bill to be “mean” — as though  he  hadn’t previously claimed it was nearly without flaws. (It was health care  not immigration  that was the big issue in Virginia  according to exit polls. Northam won among voters concerned about health care by a more than 3-to-1 margin.) Even before Election Day in Alabama earlier this year   Trump  began to distance  himself  from  his  preferred candidate Republican Senate primary  Luther Strange  hinting that  he  had perhaps made a mistake — a shift that was certainly informed by polls showing a likely Strange loss. When that happened   Trump  deleted some of  his  tweets of endorsement.
Strange’s campaign  unlike Gillespie’s  didn’t embrace Trumpist politics such as the threat of the gang MS-13.  He  tried to win as a more typical establishment conservative  to no avail. Gillespie tried to more directly embrace  Trump  politics — and lost badly. And then saw  Trump  turn on him.
Think of the message that  Trump  has sent to Republicans. Stand with him on policy and have him bad-mouth what you passed. Embrace his endorsement and see a loss followed by  Trump  playing down his support. Embrace his endorsement and his politics  and see a loss followed by actual criticism. These are all one-offs — but politics generally suffers from a small sample size from which to draw conclusions  and no one spends more time trying to draw conclusions than politicians.
Bannon’s track record in electoral politics? He helped  Trump  lose the popular vote and win the electoral college in 2016. He embraced Luther Strange’s opponent after Strange was trailing. And now he watched the “Trump-Stewart talking points” lead nowhere.
On its home page  Breitbart also championed  Trump ’s argument that Gillespie should have embraced him more robustly. That’s a flawed theory.  Trump  is very unpopular in Virginia  and Northam won among those who disapprove of  Trump  by a 7-to-1 margin  according to preliminary exit polls. A third of voters said their vote in the race was meant to send a message of opposition to  Trump  — twice as many as said it was a message of support.
What’s more   Trump  made  his  feelings clear. Those who wanted to vote for  Trump’s  candidate knew who that candidate was. As in Alabama  voters went in another direction.
It’s critical to remember that Democrats were supposed to win this race  albeit not necessarily by as wide a margin as they did. Democrats hold the governor’s mansion and Hillary Clinton won by five points last year.  Trump  could have congratulated Gillespie on a hard-fought race and noted the uphill battle. Instead   he  decided to try to spin the loss to  his  advantage.
It’s unlikely that many Republicans worried about next November will be convinced by  Trump ’s argument. Instead  they’re likely to take another lesson:  Trump  can’t deliver a victory for you when you’re trailing  and neither can Trumpism. (In fact  there’s every reason to think that  Trump  was the liability that  his  poll numbers would suggest  with Gillespie doing fine in western Virginia but getting beaten badly in more-Democratic Northern Virginia.) Nor will  Trump  stand with you should things go south.
If  next summer  the question of  Trump ’s fate as president is raised  how might Republicans in center-right districts be expected to evaluate that decision?
Donald J. Trump

James Harden  scored a game-high 41 points for the Rockets. (Photo: Isaiah J. Downing  USA TODAY Sports)
 James Harden  had 41 points and eight rebounds  Chris Paul scored 23 points and the Rockets beat the Nuggets 119-114 on Sunday night for their 12th straight victory.
 Harden  had 27 in the first half and seven in the fourth quarter  when the Rockets held off a late Denver rally.  Harden  has scored 40 or more points nine times this season.  He  finished with seven assists.
"Having a 17-point lead in the fourth quarter  we've got to finish games off like that "  Harden  said. "It was a good thing we finished the game off the right way down the stretch. We got stops when we needed to and we made shots."
That was when  Harden  took over.  He  scored 14 points in the last 2:47 of the period and assisted on Houston's other two baskets to end the period  when the Rockets extended the lead from five to 13.
Houston led by as many as 18 but Denver rallied in the fourth. Jokic's tip with 2:12 left made it 110-106 and after Joe Johnson missed from the corner  Gary Harris had a chance to cut it to a point with a 3-pointer. But the Nuggets' leading scorer  who finished with six points on 2-of-12 shooting  misfired and  Harden  hit two more free throws to make it 112-106 with 1:17 left.
DIFFERENT DEFENSE  SAME RESULT: The Nuggets lost by 25 and 30 points in Houston earlier this season  so they changed how they guarded the Rockets on Sunday by switching more on defense.  Harden  found  himself  going against the 7-foot Jokic and 6-11 Mason Plumlee a lot of the night. The new look didn't bother  him .
"We've seen a lot of defenses  and no matter who they put on James it's a pretty good chance  he 's going to score " Trevor Ariza said. "We give  him  the ball and let  him  make plays. It's been working out for us."
SIDELINE ASSIST: With Houston ahead 106-99 and 4:51 left  Ariza tried to save a ball off  Harden 's miss as it went into the crowd  but a fan sitting courtside grabbed the ball before he could get to it. Ariza pleaded with the referee that he had a chance to save it and then had a lighthearted exchange with the fan.
James Harden

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell would say he intended to bring a real immigration debate to the Senate floor.  Senate Minority Leader Schumer  would reject  it  initially. And then a day later  McConnell would speak again and  Schumer  -- despite concerns from  his  left flank -- would vote to re-open the government with a three-week stopgap resolution  giving the rest of  his  conference permission to also vote "yes."
The group also acted as emissaries for leadership. While McConnell and Schumer didn't speak all day Saturday after the shutdown and only briefly on Sunday evening  members in the bipartisan group were keeping their leadership apprised of the discussions they were having. At one point  while shuffling in between offices on Sunday  Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina -- dressed in a very weekend outfit of khaki pants  a fleece jacket  running shoes and an orange Clemson hat -- was seen grabbing a handful of Hershey's Kisses from a bowl on his way into McConnell's office. Given the sheer number of visits Graham made to the office in pursuit of a resolution  one aide wondered if McConnell's candy stash could withstand a lengthy shutdown.
Nelson described that throughout the process   Schumer  was always willing to listen to their ideas and proposals  even if it wasn't always clear they could form the basis of an eventual deal.
" Schumer  was always receptive " Nelson said. "Because  Schumer  wanted something that would work and  he  knew that the present course we were on  at the end of the day  we didn't have the majority and we didn't have the White House  so we didn't have a lot of cards to play."
In a caucus meeting just before the vote on the three-week continuing resolution Monday   Schumer  made the case to  his  members that  he 'd gotten McConnell to move on immigration and still had other points of leverage: Still to come were the budget caps agreement where Republicans want a lot of money for defense; the next continuing resolution; and the March 5 DACA deadline that  he  said the GOP is fearful of breaching because they don't want to take the hit for seeing DACA recipients deported  according to a source in the room.
Merkley later met with  liberal activists who were furious at Schumer  and warned that  they  would withhold funding from Democrats in key races  one source said.

Schumer