In this task, you are given news articles and you need to generate a highlight, i.e., a short summary, with a maximum length of 10 lines.

NEW YORK (CNN) -- Most New Yorkers and visitors to Times Square know of The Naked Cowboy. The Naked Cowboy is part of the scenery at New York City's Times Square. For the past 10 years, he's the guy you've seen on the sidewalk, with the great body, strumming his guitar and singing, dressed in a cowboy hat, cowboy boots and underwear -- and nothing else, even in the dead of winter. As a native New Yorker, I will admit that at times, it has been my guilty pleasure to walk or drive by The Cowboy to see if he can bear the elements. To my amazement, he's always there and pretty naked -- in rain, sleet, snow, heat or bitter cold. I've even taken pictures.  Watch The Naked Cowboy in his natural habitat » . Well, it seems that Mars Inc., the makers of M&Ms, also knows about Robert Burck (The Cowboy's real name). Burck sued Mars this week for $6 million in federal court in New York. The allegations: trademark infringement under the Lanham Act and violation of his right of publicity under New York Civil Rights Law §51, arising from a video billboard for M&Ms. The video ad depicts an M&M frolicking around New York, in what kind of looks like Times Square, in what kind of looks like The Naked Cowboy's outfit -- briefs and nothing more than a smile. There have been plenty of jokes about the lawsuit, and I'm especially fond of the ones found on The Wall Street Journal Law Blog on Thursday, such as: . All jokes aside, I think he may have a case. In order for him to show trademark infringement, The Naked Cowboy has to be trademarked; has to prove that Mars, without his consent, infringed upon the trademark; and has to show there's a "likelihood of confusion" between his trademark and the allegedly infringing mark -- in this case the naked M&M. To state a claim under New York's civil rights law, Burck has to show that Mars used his name, portrait or picture for purposes of trade or advertising, and without his written consent. Surprising to some -- at least to me -- The Naked Cowboy's name and likeness are in fact registered trademarks owned by Burck. According to the complaint, Burck has licensed The Naked Cowboy name and/or likeness to companies for the purposes of advertising and endorsement. Mars, Inc., had no immediate comment. His character is part of the USA Network's "Characters Welcome" campaign; he appeared in a music video for the song "Rockstar" by the multiplatinum artist Nickelback; and he's featured singing in the video game "True Crime: New York City at Times Square." He also has appeared in several movies and television programs, including "Starship Dave," "Survive This," "Mulva: Zombie A** Kicker," "Steve Harvey's Big Time," "New York Minute," "Creature Feature," "Lonely Planet," "Troma's Edge," "American Icon" and "The Howard Stern Show." He even appeared in a Chevrolet commercial that debuted during Super Bowl XLI. And this isn't the first time a pseudo-celebrity (sorry Cowboy) has sued and won. Remember Vanna White? She was awarded $403,000 when Samsung used a robot, wearing a blond wig, jewelry and a dress, that turned letters on a game board similar to White's role on "Wheel of Fortune," the TV game show. Still laughing? I'm not. At the end of the day, this lawsuit may be the end of the era of the "naked" cowboy. I predict he will be able to afford some very nice duds. E-mail to a friend .
The Naked Cowboy, aka Robert Burck, registered his trademark .
He has filed a federal lawsuit against Mars Inc., the maker of M&Ms .
His suit seeks $6 million .

LONDON, England (CNN) --   Bread. For Egypt's middle classes it is breakfast, lunch and dinner. In Egyptian Arabic it is known as "aish" which means both bread and life. Bread is the staple food of Egypt's poor -- 40 percent of whom live on around $2 per day . For many Egyptians the flat, round bread is also becoming a symbol of the country's inequalities. Rocketing global commodity prices and failing domestic supplies have made this staple food unaffordable for 20 percent of the country's 76 million inhabitants. The Middle East's most populous country is not alone in these problems. The UN warned economic turmoil could hit many of the world's poorer countries as global inflation spirals -- but with 40 percent of the population living near the poverty line, the price rise has struck particularly hard. Earlier this week, in the gritty industrial city of Mahalla al-Kobra, northern Egypt, a teenager was killed during two days of violent clashes between residents and police. The protesters, who are enraged by low wages and rising prices, also tore down a billboard of Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak. Prime Minister, Ahmed Nazif, rushed to the city to try to head off any further escalation in the civil disturbances and workers were promised bonuses and concessions. But for many Egyptians, these moves are too little too late. On the streets, the popularity of Mubarak's regime is at an all time low. The riots in Mahalla al-Kobra are the latest in a series of flares in social unrest. Read CNN Correspondent, Ben Wedeman's blog about the Egypt crisis . Despite a growing economy and billions of dollars in international investment, average wages remain low and the gulf between the country's tiny elite and the majority of workers grows ever wider. The doubling of prices over the past year and an acute shortage of government subsidized bread has acted as a catalyst to the population's smoldering discontent. All Egyptians can buy the cheap government subsidised bread under a decades old socialist-inspired system that also provides subsidies for public transport and gasoline. As unsubsidized bread -- which can sell at 10 to 12 times the cost of government bread -- becomes unaffordable for a portion of the population the demand for government bread is growing. At the same time the supplies of subsidized bread have also decreased. The population is jaded and many people believe that corruption is behind the shortages. Rumors circulate that subsidized bakeries would rather sell their flour on the black market than use it to produce bread. People have no choice but to wait in line to buy government bread. "I've been standing here for hours, and we are not close to getting bread yet," Mohammed el-Deeb, a manager at a medical company told the Associated Press, "Of course I need to stand in the line, I can't afford the other bread." In recent weeks, two people were stabbed and killed when fights broke out over government bread. Five others died from exhaustion caused by hours spent standing in line. There are fears the unrest could emulate the 1997 bread riots in which 70 people were killed after the government raised the price of bread and other subsidized foods. The government is facing a political crisis and has ordered the army -- which normally only makes bread for employees -- to increase production and distribute it to the public. The army opened 10 large bakeries in Cairo and set up 500 kiosks to sell bread to the public, according to the government. Read John Defterios' blog about the Egyptian food crisis . Egypt grows about half the wheat it consumes every year and buys the rest from the world market. Egypt's Finance Minister, Youssef Boutros Ghali says this is what is causing all the problems: "The price rise is being driven by what is happening in the international markets. The local component is very little." He also believes the international investment and economic growth needs time to trickle down through the whole population, "It's not enough. There are 77 million of us. For the 77 million to feel it we need at least five, six, seven years plus of growth," he said. But that won't give much relief to the country's citizens, many of whom currently live on $2 a day.  E-mail to a friend .
Bread is the staple food of the Middle East's most populous country .
Skyrocketing global commodities prices are making it unaffordable for the poor .
Egyptians blame government corruption for continuing low wages .
A teenager was shot by police in Northern Egypt during two days of civil unrest .

(CNN) -- A spate of deadly shootings during anti-drug operations in Honduras -- including two in which U.S. agents killed suspects -- is linked to an aggressive new strategy to disrupt a preferred corridor for traffickers. Operation Anvil, as the multinational mission is known, differs from past efforts because of its reliance on military outposts close to the front lines to provide quick responses. It is a strategy reminiscent of counterinsurgency tactics used by the U.S. military on battlefields in Iraq and Afghanistan. In a two-month span, six people have been killed in the operation, including possibly four innocent civilians. Despite the controversial shootings, American and Honduran officials say they both are happy with their collaboration and consider Operation Anvil -- launched in April -- a success. As of Wednesday, authorities said, they had interdicted five planes, seized about 2,300 kilos of cocaine, and made seven arrests. Firearms, including military assault rifles, have also been seized. "The amount of drugs seized and the disruption of narcotrafficking routes speak for themselves," said Jorge Ramon Hernandez Alcerro, the Honduran ambassador to the United States. Meanwhile, critics in Honduras and the United States oppose the law enforcement strategy and question why American agents are killing anyone on foreign soil during peacetime. The latest incident was just after midnight on July 3, when a plane carrying 900 kilograms of cocaine crashed in northeast Honduras -- not an uncommon occurrence in a region that is among traffickers' preferred smuggling stopovers. Authorities descended on the scene, and when one of the suspected traffickers aboard the plane allegedly made a threatening move, two Drug Enforcement Agency officers opened fire, agency spokeswoman Barbara Carreno said. The suspect later died. It was the second such incident in a two-week span. On June 23, a DEA agent shot and killed a suspected trafficker after he reached for a weapon, the agency said. The pair of shootings by DEA agents follow an episode in May in which villagers in the country's Mosquitia coastal region say Honduran forces aboard American helicopters mistakenly fired on a civilian riverboat, killing four, including two pregnant women. A U.S. official with knowledge of the incident said that the preliminary Honduran investigation, as well as a video of the incident, raises doubts about claims by those on the riverboat that they were innocent victims. The official asked not to be named because the a final report has not been issued. "I think this is a disheartening sign of the escalation of U.S. involvement in Honduras without clear goals and guidelines," said Dana Frank, a Honduras expert and history professor at the University of California Santa Cruz. "There is no clear oversight from Congress over what is going on," she said. "It's not clear under what terms the DEA is there, operating in killings." Anti-narcotics cooperation between the United States and Central American countries is not new, but Anvil represents a new approach to intercepting smugglers' aircraft. Oliver Stone film revolves around drug war . Anvil's major innovation is the use of military outposts closer to the drug trafficking routes, known as forward operating locations, for quicker deployment by Honduran police and their DEA advisers. Anvil appears modeled after counterinsurgency tactics used by the United States in Afghanistan and Iraq, but the Hondurans say the suggestion to use the forward operating locations came from them. About 600 American troops are located in Honduras, mostly at Soto Cano Air Base. Officials say they have seen a decreased role in Operation Anvil as the DEA team has stepped up, but a limited number of U.S. troops remain at the forward operating locations. Joint Task Force Bravo, as the U.S. contingent is called, serves "purely as a support element, providing re-fueling capability, communications infrastructure and medical evacuation capability" at the forward bases, said Lt. Christopher Diaz, the spokesman for the group. The forward operating bases are owned and maintained by the Hondurans, and they have operated them for years, Diaz said. The helicopters used in the operations belong to the U.S. State Department, and are piloted either by Guatemalan military pilots who are on loan, or by U.S. contractors, said Stephen Posivak, spokesman for the U.S. Embassy in Honduras. What's not new is the teamwork between the DEA and vetted Honduran police who participate in the operations, Posivak said. "This concept is new, but previously there's been these type of bi-national efforts done by the Honduran government and DEA," he said. Operation Anvil seeks to track planes entering Honduras, ascertains where they will land, and then sends helicopters out to make arrests, Posivak said. Both governments insist that the DEA agents provide a supporting role only, and that under their rules of engagement are allowed to fire their weapons only in response to a threat. The DEA "is in Honduras at the request of our government in a support and training capacity," Hernandez said. The three shooting incidents are the part of Operation Anvil that has received the most attention, but law enforcement aid is just one of the facets of American help. Anvil falls within the larger framework of Central American Regional Security Initiative, or CARSI, which has provided more than half a billion dollars to the region since 2008. Besides law enforcement efforts, the money goes toward institution building and anti-corruption efforts, Posivak said. Nobelists focus on violence against women in Central America . "It's not a problem that can be solved by law enforcement alone," he said. The goal is to address security concerns through all means, he said. U.S. funding for CARSI has increased from $60 million in 2008 to an estimated $135 million in 2012. The most controversial of the Anvil-related confrontations has been the May 11 incident near Ahuas in the Mosquitia region. Hilda Lezama, the owner of the boat that was attacked, told reporters last month that she was carrying passengers before dawn when helicopters appeared and opened fire, wounding her and killing four. The State Department, however, has indicated that the Honduran forces were justified in firing in self-defense. DEA agents were present, but did not fire their weapons, officials say. The Honduran government is investigating the incident, but critics don't believe the government has the capacity to fairly assess itself. "What happened in Ahuas is unbelievable. They claim they combat crime but they cover up their own crime?" said Rodolfo Pastor Fasquelle, a Honduran historian and former minister of culture, arts and sports. Pastor is one of 40 Honduran scholars, joined by 300 from outside the country, who signed a letter to President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton asking that the United States cease all military and police aid until corrupt agencies are cleaned up. For the Americans, "the collateral damages are related to an equation that supposes that the high price paid to keep drugs from reaching its market is in some way beneficial and worth it. For us who gain no benefit, these costs are unacceptable," Pastor said. They wrote the letter, he said, because Hondurans are "fearful of the prospect of militarization without end." Hernandez, the Honduran ambassador, counters that Operation Anvil and other programs are not military operations, but law enforcement ones. "These are crime-fighting operations and, as such, entail serious risks for people involved in illicit activities and for the law enforcement agents on the field," Hernandez said. "The DEA agents have followed their own rules of engagement and have used arms only when their lives have been threatened. Any loss of life is regrettable; the security authorities of Honduras have repeatedly alerted the local population of the dangers they incur by participating in this criminal activity." Given the lack of control by Honduran authorities in the northeastern part of the country, it was inevitable that the United States would play a more direct role in combating drug trafficking there, said Mark Ungar, a professor of political science and criminal justice at Brooklyn College who has studied and worked in Honduras. Drug cartels exert such influence in the region that both law enforcement and civilian government agencies have been corrupted, he said. The corruption is entrenched, with local police, aeronautic agencies, rural logging interests and indigenous groups infiltrated by the cartels. Just as part of the counterinsurgency missions in Afghanistan and Iraq had an element of earning locals' trust, the same is needed in Honduras, Ungar said. "It's not just a matter of seizing planes and catching people in the act, but a matter of gaining trust and understanding how these organizations work," he said. Drug trafficking through this corridor is not likely to stop until there is an understanding of how deeply entrenched the drug trade is in local communities, he added . But the Honduran government is weak, its institutions and police suffer from corruption, and public opinion favors security on the streets more than security in remote parts of the country, Ungar said. These factors are not favorable for long-term success, he said. Posivak, the U.S. embassy spokesman, said Operation Anvil has already proven successful at disrupting criminal organizations. "We believe these interdictions have had a strong impact," he said. Why the U.S. can't afford to ignore Latin America . CNN's Catherine Shoichet contributed to this report.

Six people have been killed in three incidents over the past two months in Honduras .
The incidents happened during the course of Operation Anvil, a joint Honduran-U.S. effort .
Both countries consider it a successful program against traffickers .
Critics decry what they call the militarization of the drug war .