Race_(human_categorization)

qas: question: What do all living humans belong to?
answers: text: the same species

question: What species are all humans?
answers: text: Homo sapiens

question: Race has no taxonomic significance among whom?
answers: text: humans

question: What set of traits do some scientists use race to make distinctions among?
answers: text: fuzzy

question: How do scientists around the world continue to conceptualize race?
answers: text: in widely differing ways
context: Even though there is a broad scientific agreement that essentialist and typological conceptualizations of race are untenable, scientists around the world continue to conceptualize race in widely differing ways, some of which have essentialist implications. While some researchers sometimes use the concept of race to make distinctions among fuzzy sets of traits, others in the scientific community suggest that the idea of race often is used in a naive or simplistic way,[page needed] and argue that, among humans, race has no taxonomic significance by pointing out that all living humans belong to the same species, Homo sapiens, and subspecies, Homo sapiens sapiens.

qas: question: What type of group can't be biologically defined?
answers: text: racial

question: What type of categorization in every day usage is there wide agreement it is only a social construct?
answers: text: racial

question: What do some people contend racial categories are obviously correlated with?
answers: text: biological traits

question: Some genetic markers have varying frequencies among what populations?
answers: text: human

question: What is the majority opinion on whether racial categories can be considered to have impact on human genetic variation? 
answers: text: no current consensus
context: There is a wide consensus that the racial categories that are common in everyday usage are socially constructed, and that racial groups cannot be biologically defined. Nonetheless, some scholars argue that racial categories obviously correlate with biological traits (e.g. phenotype) to some degree, and that certain genetic markers have varying frequencies among human populations, some of which correspond more or less to traditional racial groupings. For this reason, there is no current consensus about whether racial categories can be considered to have significance for understanding human genetic variation.

qas: question: How do people create a social reality in which social categorization is achieved?
answers: text: define and talk about a particular conception of race

question: What can be said to be a social construct?
answers: text: races

question: What contexts do racial social constructs develop within?
answers: text: legal, economic, and sociopolitical

question: Constructs may be the result rather than the inciter of what?
answers: text: major social situations

question: What effect does race have in the lives of people?
answers: text: real material
context: When people define and talk about a particular conception of race, they create a social reality through which social categorization is achieved. In this sense, races are said to be social constructs. These constructs develop within various legal, economic, and sociopolitical contexts, and may be the effect, rather than the cause, of major social situations. While race is understood to be a social construct by many, most scholars agree that race has real material effects in the lives of people through institutionalized practices of preference and discrimination.

qas: question: Socioeconomic factors and enduring views on race has led to what for certain racial groups?
answers: text: considerable suffering

question: What is discrimination often paired with?
answers: text: racist mindsets

question: What do members of one group typically perceive the moral standing of outgroups as?
answers: text: inferior

question: What do groups with less power often find themselves?
answers: text: excluded or oppressed

question: What has led to many tragic instances of events like slavery and genocide?
answers: text: Racism
context: Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but enduring views of race, have led to considerable suffering within disadvantaged racial groups. Racial discrimination often coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive the members of an outgroup as both racially defined and morally inferior. As a result, racial groups possessing relatively little power often find themselves excluded or oppressed, while hegemonic individuals and institutions are charged with holding racist attitudes. Racism has led to many instances of tragedy, including slavery and genocide.

qas: question: What does law enforcement in some countries use to profile suspects?
answers: text: race

question: Why is using racial categorization for profiling often criticized? 
answers: text: perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation

question: What promotes stereotypes?
answers: text: use of racial categories

question: Who can race serve as a significant factor when studying social inequality?
answers: text: social scientists

question: What may in part reflect subjective attributes, self-identities and social institutions? 
answers: text: sociological factors
context: In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and social institutions.

qas: question: What have human groups always considered themselves as compared to other nearby groups?
answers: text: distinct

question: What have differences among groups not typically been perceived as being?
answers: text: natural, immutable and global

question: During which process did our current idea of race come about?
answers: text: exploration and conquest

question: Where did Europeans come into contact with other groups?
answers: text: different continents

question: What ideaology is found in the natural sciences?
answers: text: classification and typology
context: Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the idea of race as we understand it today came about during the historical process of exploration and conquest which brought Europeans into contact with groups from different continents, and of the ideology of classification and typology found in the natural sciences.

qas: question: When did many of the ideas associated with the term "race" arise?
answers: text: time of the scientific revolution

question: What created relations between Europeans and people with different cultures?
answers: text: colonization

question: Who speculated about the observable difference among different groups of humans?
answers: text: Europeans

question: Justifying the subordination of what group was one of the incentives to categorize human groups?
answers: text: African slaves

question: What groups has there always been brutal conflict between?
answers: text: ethnic
context: The European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time of the scientific revolution, which introduced and privileged the study of natural kinds, and the age of European imperialism and colonization which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political traditions. As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the world, they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the Atlantic slave trade, which gradually displaced an earlier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a further incentive to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African slaves. Drawing on Classical sources and upon their own internal interactions — for example, the hostility between the English and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking about the differences between people — Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups based on physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals belonging to these groups behaviors and capacities which were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of folk beliefs took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and moral qualities. Similar ideas can be found in other cultures, for example in China, where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the Yellow Emperor, and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.

qas: question: Who was the author of the first published book classifying humans into distinct races?
answers: text: François Bernier

question: In what century did differences among human groups become a focus of science?
answers: text: 18th century

question: What race was typically ascribed the most desirable features?
answers: text: White

question: How was Homo sapiens europaeus described as?
answers: text: active, acute, and adventurous

question: What attributes were bestowed on homo spaiens afer?
answers: text: crafty, lazy, and careless
context: The first post-Classical published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684. In the 18th century the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1735 classification of Carl Linnaeus, inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human race Homo sapiens into continental varieties of europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer, each associated with a different humour: sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic, respectively. Homo sapiens europaeus was described as active, acute, and adventurous, whereas Homo sapiens afer was said to be crafty, lazy, and careless.

qas: question: What year was Blumenbach's treatise published?
answers: text: 1775

question: How many divisions did Blumenbach's treatise specify?
answers: text: five

question: What race was later renamed to Negroid?
answers: text: Ethiopian

question: What type of transition was noted from one group to the next?
answers: text: graded

question: What can one not mark between the variety of mankind?
answers: text: limits
context: The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind", by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach proposed five major divisions: the Caucasoid race, Mongoloid race, Ethiopian race (later termed Negroid, and not to be confused with the narrower Ethiopid race), American Indian race, and Malayan race, but he did not propose any hierarchy among the races. Blumenbach also noted the graded transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".

qas: question: What did the merging of superstitious beliefs and scientific ones regarding group differences produce?
answers: text: an "ideology of race"

question: What were races considered to be, according to the ideology of race?
answers: text: primordial, natural, enduring and distinct

question: How might some groups have resulted, according to the ideology?
answers: text: mixture between formerly distinct populations

question: What group was identified as being inferior to Europeans?
answers: text: Negros

question: Who particularly noted the unnatural sexual appetites of Africans?
answers: text: Thomas Jefferson
context: From the 17th through 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what one scholar has called an "ideology of race". According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups. Subsequent influential classifications by Georges Buffon, Petrus Camper and Christoph Meiners all classified "Negros" as inferior to Europeans. In the United States the racial theories of Thomas Jefferson were influential. He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described Native Americans as equals to whites.

qas: question: What theory is the belief that differences races had evolved independently on each continent?
answers: text: polygenism

question: What country did Edward Long and Charles White advocated the belief of polygenism in?
answers: text: England

question: What was the profession of Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster?
answers: text: ethnographers

question: In what century was polygenism most widespread?
answers: text: 19th century

question: The Ethnological Society was sympathetic towards what cause?
answers: text: abolitionist
context: In the last two decades of the 18th century, the theory of polygenism, the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor, was advocated in England by historian Edward Long and anatomist Charles White, in Germany by ethnographers Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster, and in France by Julien-Joseph Virey. In the US, Samuel George Morton, Josiah Nott and Louis Agassiz promoted this theory in the mid-nineteenth century. Polygenism was popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the founding of the Anthropological Society of London (1863) during the period of the American Civil War, in opposition to the Ethnological Society, which had abolitionist sympathies.

qas: question: What species do all living humans today belong to?
answers: text: Homo sapiens

question: When is it theorized that Homo habilis evolved in East Africa?
answers: text: 2 million years ago

question: How many millions of years ago had Homo erectus spread throughout Europa and Asia?
answers: text: 1.5

question: Members of what species populated parts of Africa in a relatively short time?
answers: text: Homo habilis

question: What group might have Archaic Homo sapiens evolve out of?
answers: text: African Homo erectus
context: Today, all humans are classified as belonging to the species Homo sapiens and sub-species Homo sapiens sapiens. However, this is not the first species of homininae: the first species of genus Homo, Homo habilis, are theorized to have evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. Homo erectus is theorized to have evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists agree that Archaic Homo sapiens (A group including the possible species H. heidelbergensis, H. rhodesiensis and H. neanderthalensis) evolved out of African Homo erectus ((sensu lato) or Homo ergaster).

qas: question: Who taught and accepted the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic?
answers: text: many anthropologists

question: What practice was combined with the field of eugenics regarding the distinctness of social groups?
answers: text: scientific racism

question: What effect did the Nazi eugenics program have on racial essentialism? 
answers: text: lost widespread popularity

question: What conclusions were race anthropologists pressured to revise?
answers: text: sources of phenotypic variation

question: What did a lot of modern anthropologists in the West come to view racial designation as?
answers: text: invalid
context: In the early 20th century, many anthropologists accepted and taught the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social groups, while popularly applying that belief to the field of eugenics, in conjunction with a practice that is now called scientific racism. After the Nazi eugenics program, racial essentialism lost widespread popularity. Race anthropologists were pressured to acknowledge findings coming from studies of culture and population genetics, and to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation. A significant number of modern anthropologists and biologists in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.

qas: question: What type of geneticists have debates about what can provide a basis for a new conception of race?
answers: text: Population

question: What class of researchers surprisingly have no generally accepted concept of population?
answers: text: biologists

question: What do most definitions of population rely on?
answers: text: qualitative descriptions

question: What do Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of?
answers: text: definitions for populations

question: What are both ecological and evolutionary definition modifiers of?
answers: text: paradigm
context: Population geneticists have debated whether the concept of population can provide a basis for a new conception of race. In order to do this, a working definition of population must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally accepted concept of population that biologists use. Although the concept of population is central to ecology, evolutionary biology and conservation biology, most definitions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such as "a group of organisms of the same species occupying a particular space at a particular time" Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of definitions for populations; those that fall into an ecological paradigm, and those that fall into an evolutionary paradigm. Examples of such definitions are:

qas: question: What are traditionally geographically isolated?
answers: text: subspecies

question: What is "subspecies" used to indicate an objective degree of?
answers: text: microevolutionary divergence

question: What is an objection to the idea of subspecies because it doesn't specify this?
answers: text: degree of differentiation

question: What would a population have to somewhat be to be considered a subspecies?
answers: text: biologically different

question: What did Templeton argue is necessary to impose a threshold on for a population to be a subspecies?
answers: text: level of difference
context: Traditionally, subspecies are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations. That is, "the designation 'subspecies' is used to indicate an objective degree of microevolutionary divergence" One objection to this idea is that it does not specify what degree of differentiation is required. Therefore, any population that is somewhat biologically different could be considered a subspecies, even to the level of a local population. As a result, Templeton has argued that it is necessary to impose a threshold on the level of difference that is required for a population to be designated a subspecies.

qas: question: What must organisms have a measurable level of to be seen as a subspecies?
answers: text: difference

question: Who proposed subspecies be defined by the seventy-five percent rule?
answers: text: Dean Amadon

question: What year did Dean Amadon make his proposal?
answers: text: 1949

question: The 75% rule states how much of a population must lie outside the range of other populations for a defining set of characters?
answers: text: 99%

question: Many scholars argue what should be replaced with a ninety or ninety-five percent rule?
answers: text: The seventy-five percent rule
context: This effectively means that populations of organisms must have reached a certain measurable level of difference to be recognised as subspecies. Dean Amadon proposed in 1949 that subspecies would be defined according to the seventy-five percent rule which means that 75% of a population must lie outside 99% of the range of other populations for a given defining morphological character or a set of characters. The seventy-five percent rule still has defenders but other scholars argue that it should be replaced with ninety or ninety-five percent rule.

qas: question: When did Sewall Wright make his suggestion about human populations?
answers: text: 1978

question: How should populations long inhabiting separate parts of the world be considered?
answers: text: different subspecies

question: What is required to allocate individuals in subspecies populations correctly?
answers: text: inspection

question: What did Wright feel it wouldn't take an anthropologist to easily distinguish between of in groups?
answers: text: individual

question: What term is it customary to use instead of subspecies?
answers: text: race
context: In 1978, Sewall Wright suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the usual criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright argued that it does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other. However, it is customary to use the term race rather than subspecies for the major subdivisions of the human species as well as for minor ones.

qas: question: What is cladistics a method of?
answers: text: classification

question: What is a clade a taxonomic group of?
answers: text: organisms

question: How many common ancestors does a clade have?
answers: text: single

question: What is another term for a phylogenetic tree?
answers: text: taxonomy

question: Which chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths?
answers: text: Y
context: Cladistics is another method of classification. A clade is a taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single common ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor. Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal. Whereas Carl Linnaeus established a taxonomy of living organisms based on anatomical similarities and differences, cladistics seeks to establish a taxonomy—the phylogenetic tree—based on genetic similarities and differences and tracing the process of acquisition of multiple characteristics by single organisms. Some researchers have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the biological idea of the clade. Often mitochondrial DNA or Y chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths. These single-locus sources of DNA do not recombine and are inherited from a single parent. Individuals from the various continental groups tend to be more similar to one another than to people from other continents, and tracing either mitochondrial DNA or non-recombinant Y-chromosome DNA explains how people in one place may be largely derived from people in some remote location.

qas: question: What analysis method are taxonomists fond of using in considering a population?
answers: text: phylogenetic

question: How are allopatric populations separated? 
answers: text: geographically

question: What is a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population called?
answers: text: a clade

question: What is a tongue twister of a word that merely means "cleanly divided"?
answers: text: monophyletic

question: Who argued in 2003 that all clades are by definition monophyletic groups?
answers: text: Rachel Caspari
context: Often taxonomists prefer to use phylogenetic analysis to determine whether a population can be considered a subspecies. Phylogenetic analysis relies on the concept of derived characteristics that are not shared between groups, usually applying to populations that are allopatric (geographically separated) and therefore discretely bounded. This would make a subspecies, evolutionarily speaking, a clade – a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population. The smooth gradation of human genetic variation in general tends to rule out any idea that human population groups can be considered monophyletic (cleanly divided), as there appears to always have been considerable gene flow between human populations. Rachel Caspari (2003) have argued that clades are by definition monophyletic groups (a taxon that includes all descendants of a given ancestor) and since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those groups can be clades.

qas: question: What did Lieberman and Jackon find profound problems using cladistics to support concepts of?
answers: text: race

question: What would the diverse group of East Indians, North Africans and Europeans be grouped as prior to DNA analysis?
answers: text: Caucasians

question: Cladistics can limit and skew what?
answers: text: interpretations

question: Lieberman and Jackson suggest authors of some studies use the term race in what ways?
answers: text: conceptually imprecise and careless

question: What is variation found in that can be labeled as races?
answers: text: packages
context: For the anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995), however, there are more profound methodological and conceptual problems with using cladistics to support concepts of race. They claim that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories in their initial grouping of samples". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew interpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deemphasize the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They argue that however significant the empirical research, these studies use the term race in conceptually imprecise and careless ways. They suggest that the authors of these studies find support for racial distinctions only because they began by assuming the validity of race. "For empirical reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation, which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hereditary variation and simultaneously stresses that such variation is not found in packages that can be labeled races."

qas: question: What did C. Loring Brace observe about about variations?
answers: text: distributed along geographic gradations or clines

question: Why are variations distributed along clines?
answers: text: isolation by distance

question: What is a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races?
answers: text: they ignore a host of other similarities and differences

question: What is Frank Livingstone's profession?
answers: text: anthropologist

question: What is the conclusion from the evidence that clines cross racial boundaries?
answers: text: there are no races, only clines
context: One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropologist C. Loring Brace's observation that such variations, insofar as it is affected by natural selection, slow migration, or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic gradations or clines. In part this is due to isolation by distance. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion, that since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".

qas: question: What must one be attentive to when talking about race?
answers: text: how the term is being used

question: On what point did Dobzhansky agree with Dr. Livingstone?
answers: text: if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races

question: What is merely "a matter of judgement"?
answers: text: "the race concept."

question: While race difference possible to easily see, they need not be given what?
answers: text: labels

question: Livingston and Dobzhansky disagree on whether the race concept is what?
answers: text: a meaningful and useful social convention
context: In a response to Livingstone, Theodore Dobzhansky argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept." The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment." He further observed that even when there is clinal variation, "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena… but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels." In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention.

qas: question: What did two biologists point out in 1964?
answers: text: cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly

question: What gene distribution decreases as you move away from the equator in either direction?
answers: text: melanin

question: What do the frequencies for the haplotype for beta-5 hemogoblin do from specific points in Africa?
answers: text: radiate

question: To what profession do both Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson belong?
answers: text: anthropologists

question: What patterns of heterogeneity falsify any descriptions of population?
answers: text: Discordant
context: In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa. As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".

qas: question: What is the consequence of the number and geographic location ascribed to a race highly dependent on?
answers: text: the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered.

question: What mutation did scientists discover?
answers: text: skin-lighting

question: What partially accounts for the appearance of light skin in humans?
answers: text: mutation

question: What do East Asians have to thank for their relatively light skin?
answers: text: different mutations

question: Traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to what type of location?
answers: text: geographical
context: Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discovered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations. On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or alleles) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as Ossorio & Duster (2005) put it:

qas: question: What thing that strongly differentiates the French from some other populations be clinal across Europe?
answers: text: a selected allele

question: When did Coop and others find out something about a selected allele?
answers: text: 2009

question: Something that is found at high frequency in Europe could be what elsewhere?
answers: text: absent

question: How many major geographic patterns do the global distributions fall into?
answers: text: three

question: What are sweeps?
answers: text: major geographic patterns
context: Coop et al. (2009) found "a selected allele that strongly differentiates the French from both the Yoruba and Han could be strongly clinal across Europe, or at high frequency in Europe and absent elsewhere, or follow any other distribution according to the geographic nature of the selective pressure. However, we see that the global geographic distributions of these putatively selected alleles are largely determined simply by their frequencies in Yoruba, French and Han (Figure 3). The global distributions fall into three major geographic patterns that we interpret as non-African sweeps, west Eurasian sweeps and East Asian sweeps, respectively."

qas: question: What can one use to look at differences between groups instead of physical differences?
answers: text: genetic differences

question: Who was William C. Boyd?
answers: text: mid-20th-century anthropologist

question: Boyd felt race was based on a specific differentiation of the frequency of what in a population?
answers: text: genes

question: How numerous would the number of races be if one gene can distinguish races?
answers: text: number of human couples reproducing

question: What may people who have lived in the same area for generations have in common?
answers: text: alleles
context: Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthropologist William C. Boyd defined race as: "A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant 'constellation'". Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk have pointed out that "the paramount weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, the anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless. The Human Genome Project states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other."

qas: question: What did Sewall Wright develop one way of measuring?
answers: text: genetic differences between populations

question: What was Wright's method known as?
answers: text: the Fixation index

question: What is the often stated FST for humans?
answers: text: 0.15

question: Richard Lewontin, upon looking at the FST ratios, concluded race wasn't an appropriate or useful way to describe what?
answers: text: human populations

question: Human group variation is similar to variation observed in what other species?
answers: text: mammalian
context: The population geneticist Sewall Wright developed one way of measuring genetic differences between populations known as the Fixation index, which is often abbreviated to FST. This statistic is often used in taxonomy to compare differences between any two given populations by measuring the genetic differences among and between populations for individual genes, or for many genes simultaneously. It is often stated that the fixation index for humans is about 0.15. This translates to an estimated 85% of the variation measured in the overall human population is found within individuals of the same population, and about 15% of the variation occurs between populations. These estimates imply that any two individuals from different populations are almost as likely to be more similar to each other than either is to a member of their own group. Richard Lewontin, who affirmed these ratios, thus concluded neither "race" nor "subspecies" were appropriate or useful ways to describe human populations. However, others have noticed that group variation was relatively similar to the variation observed in other mammalian species.

qas: question: FST values greater than .25 represent very great what?
answers: text: genetic variation

question: About how much human variation occurs between continental populations?
answers: text: 5%

question: FST values as low as what amount have been found in some studies?
answers: text: 0.1

question: What is the name of the person who thinks FST shouldn't be used as a marker of subspecies status?
answers: text: Graves

question: FST is used to measure the degree of differentiation between what?
answers: text: populations
context: Wright himself believed that values >0.25 represent very great genetic variation and that an FST of 0.15–0.25 represented great variation. However, about 5% of human variation occurs between populations within continents, therefore FST values between continental groups of humans (or races) of as low as 0.1 (or possibly lower) have been found in some studies, suggesting more moderate levels of genetic variation. Graves (1996) has countered that FST should not be used as a marker of subspecies status, as the statistic is used to measure the degree of differentiation between populations, although see also Wright (1978).

qas: question: What two researchers gave a long critique regarding the application of FST to human populations in 2003?
answers: text: Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles

question: What do Long and Kittles think of the implication that human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity?
answers: text: misleading

question: Non-African groups of human population may only drive from what type of sample of the African population?
answers: text: non-representative

question: What type of bottleneck did the migration out of Africa represent?
answers: text: genetic

question: How much human genetic diversity exists in a single African population?
answers: text: 100%
context: Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles give a long critique of the application of FST to human populations in their 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence of Biological Races". They find that the figure of 85% is misleading because it implies that all human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity. They claim that this does not correctly reflect human population history, because it treats all human groups as independent. A more realistic portrayal of the way human groups are related is to understand that some human groups are parental to other groups and that these groups represent paraphyletic groups to their descent groups. For example, under the recent African origin theory the human population in Africa is paraphyletic to all other human groups because it represents the ancestral group from which all non-African populations derive, but more than that, non-African groups only derive from a small non-representative sample of this African population. This means that all non-African groups are more closely related to each other and to some African groups (probably east Africans) than they are to others, and further that the migration out of Africa represented a genetic bottleneck, with much of the diversity that existed in Africa not being carried out of Africa by the emigrating groups. This view produces a version of human population movements that do not result in all human populations being independent; but rather, produces a series of dilutions of diversity the further from Africa any population lives, each founding event representing a genetic subset of its parental population. Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 70% of human genetic diversity exists in a population derived from New Guinea. Long and Kittles argued that this still produces a global human population that is genetically homogeneous compared to other mammalian populations.

qas: question: What type of classification system for humans did A.W.F. Edwards argue for?
answers: text: characteristic genetic patterns

question: What might genetic clusters be shown to correspond to one day?
answers: text: phenotypic variations between groups

question: How is the relationship between genes and complex traits understood?
answers: text: poorly

question: Risch feels any category someone comes up with will be what?
answers: text: imperfect

question: Risch thinks imperfect categories still have what?
answers: text: utility
context: In his 2003 paper, "Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy", A. W. F. Edwards argued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct a human classification system based on characteristic genetic patterns, or clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data. Geographically based human studies since have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort individuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional continental racial groups. Joanna Mountain and Neil Risch cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between groups, such assumptions were premature as the relationship between genes and complex traits remains poorly understood. However, Risch denied such limitations render the analysis useless: "Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility."

qas: question: What groups were early samples from for genetic cluster analysis?
answers: text: ancestral population

question: Where did the groups the genetic clusters were taken from live from each other?
answers: text: extreme geographic distances

question: What was thought might maximize the odds of finding unique cluster patterns in groups?
answers: text: large geographic distances

question: What human activity has only recently accelerated?
answers: text: migration

question: Human migration tends to accelerate this type of what flow?
answers: text: gene
context: Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were conducted with samples taken from ancestral population groups living at extreme geographic distances from each other. It was thought that such large geographic distances would maximize the genetic variation between the groups sampled in the analysis and thus maximize the probability of finding cluster patterns unique to each group. In light of the historically recent acceleration of human migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern ancestrally identified groups as well as geographically separated groups. One such study looked at a large multiethnic population in the United States, and "detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population." (Tang et al. (2005))

qas: question: Randomly chosen people from different groups may be more similar to each other than with members of their own what?
answers: text: cluster

question: How many genetic markers need to be used to show people from different groups are dissimilar to each other?
answers: text: thousands

question: Studying increasing number of groups require an increasing number of what?
answers: text: markers

question: What should be used when using ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes?
answers: text: caution

question: People are more frequently similar to members of what populations?
answers: text: other populations
context: Witherspoon et al. (2007) have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes." Witherspoon, et al. concluded that, "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our ﬁnding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population."

qas: question: Cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on what initial thing?
answers: text: hypotheses

question: If one samples a continental group, what do the clusters become?
answers: text: continental

question: What is not a natural taxonomy of the human species?
answers: text: racial classification

question: What are objective social constructions?
answers: text: racial groupings

question: What are diversity partition and clustering analysis are examples of?
answers: text: methodologies
context: Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace, the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther, and the geneticist Joseph Graves,[page needed] have argued that while there it is certainly possible to find biological and genetic variation that corresponds roughly to the groupings normally defined as "continental races", this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations. The cluster structure of the genetic data is therefore dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials. Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills 1998 ) that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.

qas: question: What word do many social scientists instead of race?
answers: text: ethnicity

question: What had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery and genocide in WWII?
answers: text: beliefs about race

question: When did the civil rights movement take place?
answers: text: the 1960s

question: What movement gained momentum worldwide in the 60's?
answers: text: anti-colonial

question: What type of reality do some believe race is a social construct corresponding to?
answers: text: objective
context: Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race", following the Second World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. civil rights movement and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.

qas: question: What organization is Craig Venter and Francis Collins associated with?
answers: text: the National Institute of Health

question: What year was the announcement that the human genome had been mapped made in?
answers: text: 2000

question: What doesn't the genetic variation within the human species support?
answers: text: notion of genetically defined races

question: What is a social concept, not a scientific one?
answers: text: Race

question: What happens when scientists try to apply science to sort out social differences?
answers: text: it all falls apart
context: Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."

qas: question: Researchers from which university challenged the theory of race being only a social construct?
answers: text: Stanford

question: Where was the challenge to the theory of racing being a social construct published?
answers: text: the American Journal of Human Genetics

question: Neil Risch found a 99.9% agree between genetic structure and people's description of their what?
answers: text: self

question: What is a problematic category in addition to race?
answers: text: sex

question: What may self-identification not correlate with precisely?
answers: text: biology
context: The theory that race is merely a social construct has been challenged by the findings of researchers at the Stanford University School of Medicine, published in the American Journal of Human Genetics as "Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies". One of the researchers, Neil Risch, noted: "we looked at the correlation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism."

qas: question: What country was race "Biologized" in?
answers: text: Brazil

question: What wasn't racial identity governed by in Brazil?
answers: text: rigid descent rule

question: What were Brazillian children never automatically identified with the type of?
answers: text: racial

question: What may full siblings belong to?
answers: text: different racial groups

question: What determines genotype?
answers: text: ancestry
context: Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized", but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the one-drop rule, as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from, to the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial groups.

qas: question: How many racial categories would be needed with all the possible combinations of outward features?
answers: text: Over a dozen

question: What way would categories grade into each other, rather than being isolated from each other?
answers: text: like the colors of the spectrum

question: What did race refer to instead of heredity?
answers: text: appearance

question: What is appearance a poor indication of?
answers: text: ancestry

question: Where is there a lot of complexity in racial classifications?
answers: text: Brazil
context: Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward, and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).

qas: question: What categories have an aspect of fluidity?
answers: text: racial

question: What are people with high quantities of Amerindian ancestry grouped as?
answers: text: caboclos

question: What's a rough translation of "pardos"?
answers: text: hillbilly

question: What do people with less than 60-65% of European descent usually cluster with?
answers: text: Afro-Brazilians

question: What percentage of Afro-Brazillian DNA is reported to be Subsaharan African?
answers: text: 50%
context: Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).

qas: question: What would more people report themselves as if a more consistent report were considered?
answers: text: white

question: What do people with a high quality of African descent classify themselves as?
answers: text: mixed

question: How much of the population of Brazil reported themselves as pardo in 2010?
answers: text: 42.4%

question: Brazil's population is believed to have between what percentages of autosomal European ancestry?
answers: text: 65 and 80%

question: Brazil's population is thought to have greater than what percentage of European Y-DNA?
answers: text: 95%
context: If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).

qas: question: What is roughly the amount of African slaves imported to Brazil?
answers: text: 3.5 million

question: What conditions did the African slaves in Brazil live in?
answers: text: miserable

question: Most African descent in Brazil came from what sort of congress?
answers: text: relations between white masters and female slaves

question: Between what years did Brazil welcome 5.5 million immigrants?
answers: text: 1821 and 1932

question: Between 1500 and 1760, how many Europeans settled in Brazil?
answers: text: 700.000
context: This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, totalizing roughly 3.5 million people, they lived in such miserable conditions that male African Y-DNA there is significantly rare due to the lack of resources and time involved with raising of children, so that most African descent originarily came from relations between white masters and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million, and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time. Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majoritarily European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.

qas: question: Who uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin interchangeably? 
answers: text: The European Union

question: What does using race as a category within the law legitimize?
answers: text: its existence

question: In what context is the historical use of race underscored by its problematic nature?
answers: text: European

question: Race is strongly associated with laws by what type of governments?
answers: text: Fascist

question: In what year did the European Parliament adopt a resolution to remove "race" from all official texts?
answers: text: 1996
context: The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".[full citation needed] Haney López warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".

qas: question: What relies on the idea humans can be divided into biologically distinct races?
answers: text: The concept of racial origin

question: What community rejects the idea there are biologically distinct races?
answers: text: scientific

question: Why does the ECRI reject theories based on the existence of different races?
answers: text: all human beings belong to the same species

question: What does the ECRI strive to make sure no one becomes?
answers: text: excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation

question: The law penalizes situations where someone is treated less favourably on the ground of what?
answers: text: race
context: The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.

qas: question: France has become a more ethnically diverse country since the end of which war?
answers: text: Second World War

question: What percentage of the French population today is non-European?
answers: text: approximately five percent

question: What is the number of non-white citizens in the United States?
answers: text: roughly 28–37%

question: What issue has the existence of three million non-European people in France forced onto French policy agendas?
answers: text: ethnic diversity

question: What type of model of public policy does France maintain?
answers: text: color-blind
context: Since the end of the Second World War, France has become an ethnically diverse country. Today, approximately five percent of the French population is non-European and non-white. This does not approach the number of non-white citizens in the United States (roughly 28–37%, depending on how Latinos are classified; see Demographics of the United States). Nevertheless, it amounts to at least three million people, and has forced the issues of ethnic diversity onto the French policy agenda. France has developed an approach to dealing with ethnic problems that stands in contrast to that of many advanced, industrialized countries. Unlike the United States, Britain, or even the Netherlands, France maintains a "color-blind" model of public policy. This means that it targets virtually no policies directly at racial or ethnic groups. Instead, it uses geographic or class criteria to address issues of social inequalities. It has, however, developed an extensive anti-racist policy repertoire since the early 1970s. Until recently, French policies focused primarily on issues of hate speech—going much further than their American counterparts—and relatively less on issues of discrimination in jobs, housing, and in provision of goods and services.

qas: question: Groups of people have been classified as belonging to difference races since what part of the U.S.'s history?
answers: text: early

question: What did efforts to track mixing between different groups lead to?
answers: text: a proliferation of categories

question: When did the criteria for membership in mixed race groups diverge?
answers: text: in the late 19th century

question: When did increasing numbers of Americans consider anyone with even a drop of "Black blood" to be Black?
answers: text: During Reconstruction

question: What is a particularly African-American experience because it's specific to only the United States?
answers: text: The one-drop rule
context: Since the early history of the United States, Amerindians, African–Americans, and European Americans have been classified as belonging to different races. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories, such as mulatto and octoroon. The criteria for membership in these races diverged in the late 19th century. During Reconstruction, increasing numbers of Americans began to consider anyone with "one drop" of known "Black blood" to be Black, regardless of appearance.3 By the early 20th century, this notion was made statutory in many states.4 Amerindians continue to be defined by a certain percentage of "Indian blood" (called blood quantum). To be White one had to have perceived "pure" White ancestry. The one-drop rule or hypodescent rule refers to the convention of defining a person as racially black if he or she has any known African ancestry. This rule meant that those that were mixed race but with some discernible African ancestry were defined as black. The one-drop rule is specific to not only those with African ancestry but to the United States, making it a particularly African-American experience.

qas: question: When did the term "Hispanic" begin being used?
answers: text: the 20th century

question: What is the word "Latino" often used as a synonym for?
answers: text: Hispanic

question: How are the terms Hispanic and Latino not specific?
answers: text: non-race specific

question: What is common misconception in the US about what some national origins are?
answers: text: races

question: Anglo can refer to non-Hispanic European Americans who speak English but are not necessarily what?
answers: text: of English descent
context: The term "Hispanic" as an ethnonym emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America to the United States. Today, the word "Latino" is often used as a synonym for "Hispanic". The definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races (Black, White, Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups). However, there is a common misconception in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a race or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican, Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In contrast to "Latino" or "Hispanic", "Anglo" refers to non-Hispanic White Americans or non-Hispanic European Americans, most of whom speak the English language but are not necessarily of English descent.

qas: question: What is the name of China's only anthropology journal?
answers: text: Acta Anthropologica Sinica

question: Who is the race concept widely used by?
answers: text: Chinese anthropologists

question: What is race a factor of for the ethnically diverse people of China?
answers: text: social cohesion

question: Why does race undermine social cohesion in America?
answers: text: sensitive issue

question: What are academics in China encouraged to use that their American counterparts are not?
answers: text: racial categories
context: Wang, Štrkalj et al. (2003) examined the use of race as a biological concept in research papers published in China's only biological anthropology journal, Acta Anthropologica Sinica. The study showed that the race concept was widely used among Chinese anthropologists. In a 2007 review paper, Štrkalj suggested that the stark contrast of the racial approach between the United States and China was due to the fact that race is a factor for social cohesion among the ethnically diverse people of China, whereas "race" is a very sensitive issue in America and the racial approach is considered to undermine social cohesion - with the result that in the socio-political context of US academics scientists are encouraged not to use racial categories, whereas in China they are encouraged to use them.

qas: question: What years did Kaszycka survey Eureopean anthropolgists' opinions toward the biological race concept?
answers: text: 2002–2003

question: How many factors were found to be significant in differentiating the responses of European anthropologists?
answers: text: Three

question: What did the people educated in Western Europe reject more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe?
answers: text: race

question: How are views on race influenced?
answers: text: ideologically

question: What are views on race highly dependent on?
answers: text: education
context: Kaszycka et al. (2009) in 2002–2003 surveyed European anthropologists' opinions toward the biological race concept. Three factors, country of academic education, discipline, and age, were found to be significant in differentiating the replies. Those educated in Western Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged persons rejected race more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of science, and those from both younger and older generations." The survey shows that the views on race are sociopolitically (ideologically) influenced and highly dependent on education."

qas: question: What does the current literature regarding human variation lack?
answers: text: consensus

question: What do some studies use the word race in the sense of?
answers: text: taxonomic

question: What term do some use to mean population, clade, or haplogroup?
answers: text: race

question: What do some eschew altogether? 
answers: text: the concept of race

question: What is a less problematic unit of analysis?
answers: text: concept of population
context: One result of debates over the meaning and validity of the concept of race is that the current literature across different disciplines regarding human variation lacks consensus, though within some fields, such as some branches of anthropology, there is strong consensus. Some studies use the word race in its early essentialist taxonomic sense. Many others still use the term race, but use it to mean a population, clade, or haplogroup. Others eschew the concept of race altogether, and use the concept of population as a less problematic unit of analysis.

qas: question: Where is Eduardo Bonilla-Silver a Sociology professor?
answers: text: Duke University

question: What does Bonilla-Silva contend racism is about more than anything else?
answers: text: group power

question: Who does Bonilla-Silva think is the dominant racial group?
answers: text: whites

question: What idea does color-blind racism thrive on?
answers: text: that race is no longer an issue

question: What exists between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a system of inequality?
answers: text: contradictions
context: Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Sociology professor at Duke University, remarks, "I contend that racism is, more than anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dominant racial group (whites) striving to maintain its systemic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the racial status quo."  The types of practices that take place under this new color-blind racism is subtle, institutionalized, and supposedly not racial. Color-blind racism thrives on the idea that race is no longer an issue in the United States. There are contradictions between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a color-coded system of inequality.

qas: question: What concept's use has declined significantly in the U.S. during the 20th century?
answers: text: biological race

question: The majority of what group in the U.S. has rejected the concept of biological races?
answers: text: physical anthropologists

question: What textbooks introducing anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept since 1932?
answers: text: college

question: How many books out of 33, from 1975 to 1984, rejected race?
answers: text: thirteen

question: What percentage of articles in 1996 employed a bio-race paradigm?
answers: text: 28 percent
context: The concept of biological race has declined significantly in frequency of use in physical anthropology in the United States during the 20th century. A majority of physical anthropologists in the United States have rejected the concept of biological races. Since 1932, an increasing number of college textbooks introducing physical anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept: from 1932 to 1976, only seven out of thirty-two rejected race; from 1975 to 1984, thirteen out of thirty-three rejected race; from 1985 to 1993, thirteen out of nineteen rejected race. According to one academic journal entry, where 78 percent of the articles in the 1931 Journal of Physical Anthropology employed these or nearly synonymous terms reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in 1965, and just 28 percent did in 1996.

qas: question: What group of anthropologists overwhelmingly support the idea of human races?
answers: text: forensic

question: What does George W. Gill think about the veracity of the idea that race is only skin deep?
answers: text: simply not true

question: What are probably the primary forces of nature which shaped human races?
answers: text: selective forces of climate

question: What does Gill think the complete denial of opposing evidence stems from?
answers: text: socio-political motivation

question: What does Gill attribute the lack of presenting the perspective as a possibility to?
answers: text: politically motivated censorship
context: According to the 2000 edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, forensic anthropologists are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races. Forensic physical anthropologist and professor George W. Gill has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affirm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evidence "seems to stem largely from socio-political motivation and not science at all". He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship".

qas: question: What type of anthropology is "race" sometimes still used within?
answers: text: forensic

question: What term would Brace prefer forensic anthropologists use?
answers: text: regional ancestry

question: What can forensic anthropologists determine about the ancestors of someone from their skeletal remains?
answers: text: specific region

question: What does Brace feel the term "black" in meaningful in?
answers: text: particular context

question: Why is it bad that a category is merely socially constructed?
answers: text: is not itself scientifically valid
context: "Race" is still sometimes used within forensic anthropology (when analyzing skeletal remains), biomedical research, and race-based medicine. Brace has criticized this, the practice of forensic anthropologists for using the controversial concept "race" out of convention when they in fact should be talking about regional ancestry. He argues that while forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal remain comes from a person with ancestors in a specific region of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being "black" is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful in the particular context of the United States, and which is not itself scientifically valid.

qas: question: How many college textbooks in biology did the authors of the study examine?
answers: text: 77

question: Up until when did physical anthropology texts still argue that biological races exist?
answers: text: the 1970s

question: What did biology textbooks drop altogether?
answers: text: their discussion of race

question: What were biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of?
answers: text: racial classifications

question: What did Douglas J. Futuyama consider the concept of race as not only being socially dysfunctional but this as well?
answers: text: biologically indefensible
context: The authors of the study also examined 77 college textbooks in biology and 69 in physical anthropology published between 1932 and 1989. Physical anthropology texts argued that biological races exist until the 1970s, when they began to argue that races do not exist. In contrast, biology textbooks did not undergo such a reversal but many instead dropped their discussion of race altogether. The authors attributed this to biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of racial classifications, instead of discussing them, and to the ongoing discussions in biology about the validity of the concept "subspecies". The authors also noted that some widely used textbooks in biology such as Douglas J. Futuyama's 1986 "Evolutionary Biology" had abandoned the race concept, "The concept of race, masking the overwhelming genetic similarity of all peoples and the mosaic patterns of variation that do not correspond to racial divisions, is not only socially dysfunctional but is biologically indefensible as well (pp. 5 18-5 19)." (Lieberman et al. 1992, pp. 316–17)

qas: question: What did Morning find when he looked at biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period?
answers: text: similar pattern

question: How many of the textbooks between 1983 and 1992 discussed race?
answers: text: 35%

question: After 1992, what did the percentage of textbooks discussing race increase to?
answers: text: 43%

question: What percentage have discussions of race in the context of medical disorders increased from zero to?
answers: text: 93%

question: What does the study argue about the fundamental message regarding the existence of races?
answers: text: changed little
context: Morning (2008) looked at high school biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period and initially found a similar pattern with only 35% directly discussing race in the 1983–92 period from initially 92% doing so. However, this has increased somewhat after this to 43%. More indirect and brief discussions of race in the context of medical disorders have increased from none to 93% of textbooks. In general, the material on race has moved from surface traits to genetics and evolutionary history. The study argues that the textbooks' fundamental message about the existence of races has changed little.

qas: question: Who promotes the use of racially categorized data in the United States?
answers: text: federal government

question: What has race sometimes been used in clinical settings to diagnose and treat?
answers: text: medical conditions

question: What have doctors noted about some medical conditions in certain racial groups?
answers: text: more prevalent

question: What fueled the recent interest in race-based medicine?
answers: text: proliferation of human genetic data

question: What do proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine think it makes possible?
answers: text: application of new genetic findings,
context: In the United States, federal government policy promotes the use of racially categorized data to identify and address health disparities between racial or ethnic groups. In clinical settings, race has sometimes been considered in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions. Doctors have noted that some medical conditions are more prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in others, without being sure of the cause of those differences. Recent interest in race-based medicine, or race-targeted pharmacogenomics, has been fueled by the proliferation of human genetic data which followed the decoding of the human genome in the first decade of the twenty-first century. There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research. Proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine argue that continued use of racial categorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice makes possible the application of new genetic findings, and provides a clue to diagnosis.

qas: question: What does finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups not necessarily imply?
answers: text: genetic causation of the difference

question: What do some research suggest medical practices should maintain their focus on?
answers: text: the individual

question: What is a risk of overemphasizing genetic contributions to health issues?
answers: text: reinforcing stereotypes

question: What is makes more of a difference than race in health outcomes for "race specific" diseases?
answers: text: living conditions

question: What have some studies found patients reluctant to accept in medical practice?
answers: text: racial categorization
context: Other researchers point out that finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups does not necessarily imply genetic causation of the difference. They suggest that medical practices should maintain their focus on the individual rather than an individual's membership to any group. They argue that overemphasizing genetic contributions to health disparities carries various risks such as reinforcing stereotypes, promoting racism or ignoring the contribution of non-genetic factors to health disparities. International epidemiological data show that living conditions rather than race make the biggest difference in health outcomes even for diseases that have "race-specific" treatments. Some studies have found that patients are reluctant to accept racial categorization in medical practice.

qas: question: What does the FBI feel providing general descriptions helps to facilitate?
answers: text: job of law enforcement officers

question: What does the FBI employ the term race to summarize?
answers: text: general appearance

question: What does law enforcement feel appearance characteristics of individuals help them do to those individuals?
answers: text: apprehend

question: What is more important for law enforcement in categorizing instead of DNA?
answers: text: arrive at a description

question: What does a description of a wanted individual include beyond their racial category?
answers: text: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.
context: In an attempt to provide general descriptions that may facilitate the job of law enforcement officers seeking to apprehend suspects, the United States FBI employs the term "race" to summarize the general appearance (skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and other such easily noticed characteristics) of individuals whom they are attempting to apprehend. From the perspective of law enforcement officers, it is generally more important to arrive at a description that will readily suggest the general appearance of an individual than to make a scientifically valid categorization by DNA or other such means. Thus, in addition to assigning a wanted individual to a racial category, such a description will include: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.

qas: question: How many separate classification systems do agencies in England and Wales use?
answers: text: at least two

question: When did individuals self-identify as belonging to a particular ethnic group?
answers: text: the 2001 Census

question: How do police identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group?
answers: text: visually

question: What does IC stand for?
answers: text: Identification Code

question: What ethnicity term was one problem cited about the number of reports containing it?
answers: text: Not Stated
context: Criminal justice agencies in England and Wales use at least two separate racial/ethnic classification systems when reporting crime, as of 2010. One is the system used in the 2001 Census when individuals identify themselves as belonging to a particular ethnic group: W1 (White-British), W2 (White-Irish), W9 (Any other white background); M1 (White and black Caribbean), M2 (White and black African), M3 (White and Asian), M9 (Any other mixed background); A1 (Asian-Indian), A2 (Asian-Pakistani), A3 (Asian-Bangladeshi), A9 (Any other Asian background); B1 (Black Caribbean), B2 (Black African), B3 (Any other black background); O1 (Chinese), O9 (Any other). The other is categories used by the police when they visually identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group, e.g. at the time of a stop and search or an arrest: White – North European (IC1), White – South European (IC2), Black (IC3), Asian (IC4), Chinese, Japanese, or South East Asian (IC5), Middle Eastern (IC6), and Unknown (IC0). "IC" stands for "Identification Code;" these items are also referred to as Phoenix classifications. Officers are instructed to "record the response that has been given" even if the person gives an answer which may be incorrect; their own perception of the person's ethnic background is recorded separately. Comparability of the information being recorded by officers was brought into question by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) in September 2007, as part of its Equality Data Review; one problem cited was the number of reports that contained an ethnicity of "Not Stated."

qas: question: Where has the practice of racial profiling been ruled to be unconstitutional?
answers: text: United States

question: What is a violation of civil rights in the United States?
answers: text: racial profiling

question: What do many consider an example of institutional racism in law enforcement?
answers: text: de facto racial profiling

question: How has the misuse of racial categories historically impacted one or more groups?
answers: text: adversely

question: What has impacted the debate on the legitimate use of known phenotypical characteristics?
answers: text: misuse of racial categories
context: In the United States, the practice of racial profiling has been ruled to be both unconstitutional and a violation of civil rights. There is active debate regarding the cause of a marked correlation between the recorded crimes, punishments meted out, and the country's populations. Many consider de facto racial profiling an example of institutional racism in law enforcement. The history of misuse of racial categories to impact adversely one or more groups and/or to offer protection and advantage to another has a clear impact on debate of the legitimate use of known phenotypical or genotypical characteristics tied to the presumed race of both victims and perpetrators by the government.

qas: question: What impacts African American and Latino communities in disproportionate numbers?
answers: text: Mass incarceration

question: Who is the author of "The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness"?
answers: text: Michelle Alexander

question: What type of bars and walls beyond physical ones does Alexander think people are behind?
answers: text: virtual

question: Who does Alexander think a second class citizenship is imposed upon disproportionately?
answers: text: people of color

question: What type of caste system is mass incarceration compared to?
answers: text: racial
context: Mass incarceration in the United States disproportionately impacts African American and Latino communities. Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010), argues that mass incarceration is best understood as not only a system of overcrowded prisons. Mass incarceration is also, "the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison." She defines it further as "a system that locks people not only behind actual bars in actual prisons, but also behind virtual bars and virtual walls", illustrating the second-class citizenship that is imposed on a disproportionate number of people of color, specifically African-Americans. She compares mass incarceration to Jim Crow laws, stating that both work as racial caste systems.

qas: question: What morphological features do forensic anthropologists draw on?
answers: text: highly heritable

question: What measurement can aid in the identification of a human body?
answers: text: cranial

question: Who noted in a 1992 article that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as valid?
answers: text: Norman Sauer

question: What group still uses race as a valid means to represent human biological diversity?
answers: text: forensic anthropologists

question: What are forensic anthropologists very good at identifying?
answers: text: races
context: Similarly, forensic anthropologists draw on highly heritable morphological features of human remains (e.g. cranial measurements) to aid in the identification of the body, including in terms of race. In a 1992 article, anthropologist Norman Sauer noted that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as a valid representation of human biological diversity, except for forensic anthropologists. He asked, "If races don't exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them?" He concluded:

qas: question: What does mapping clusters disentangle ancestry from?
answers: text: culture

question: Hammer and others recently aimed to test what claim about how closely related present-day Jews are to what group?
answers: text: neighbouring non-Jewish populations

question: What shifted depending on the locus investigated?
answers: text: the degree of genetic similarity among Jews

question: What was suggested the reason for the degree of genetic shift among Jews was the result of?
answers: text: natural selection acting on particular loci

question: What chromosome was focused on to circumvent some of the complications associated with selection?
answers: text: Y
context: Abu el-Haj argues that genomics and the mapping of lineages and clusters liberates "the new racial science from the older one by disentangling ancestry from culture and capacity."[citation needed] As an example, she refers to recent work by Hammer et al., which aimed to test the claim that present-day Jews are more closely related to one another than to neighbouring non-Jewish populations. Hammer et al. found that the degree of genetic similarity among Jews shifted depending on the locus investigated, and suggested that this was the result of natural selection acting on particular loci. They focused on the non-recombining Y-chromosome to "circumvent some of the complications associated with selection".

qas: question: Thomas and others sought to distinguish between what chromosome of Jewish priests and that of non-Jews?
answers: text: Y

question: What does the new "race science" call attention to the importance of?
answers: text: ancestry

question: What do people desire to use science to confirm?
answers: text: their claims about ancestry

question: What is fundamentally different from older notions of race?
answers: text: race science

question: How were older notions of race used?
answers: text: to explain differences in human behaviour or social status
context: As another example, she points to work by Thomas et al., who sought to distinguish between the Y chromosomes of Jewish priests (Kohanim), (in Judaism, membership in the priesthood is passed on through the father's line) and the Y chromosomes of non-Jews. Abu el-Haj concluded that this new "race science" calls attention to the importance of "ancestry" (narrowly defined, as it does not include all ancestors) in some religions and in popular culture, and people's desire to use science to confirm their claims about ancestry; this "race science", she argues, is fundamentally different from older notions of race that were used to explain differences in human behaviour or social status:

qas: question: What is a problem with racial assignments? 
answers: text: admixture

question: How many people have a varied ancestry?
answers: text: Many

question: When were periods of numerous interracial relationships in the U.S.?
answers: text: colonial and early federal history

question: Who do many people who identify as white have for ancestors?
answers: text: African

question: What percentage of African ancestry were 30% of college students identifying as white estimated to have?
answers: text: 10%
context: One problem with these assignments is admixture. Many people have a highly varied ancestry. For example, in the United States, colonial and early federal history were periods of numerous interracial relationships, both outside and inside slavery. This has resulted in a majority of people who identify as African American having some European ancestors. Similarly, many people who identify as white have some African ancestors. In a survey in a northeastern U.S. university of college students who identified as "white", about 30% were estimated to have up to 10% African ancestry.