ghanaopendata/ghanaian-research-english huggingface dataset:
Ghana language-in-education policy: The survival of two South Guan minority dialects

The paper investigates the survival of two South-Guan minority dialects, Leteh and Efutu, in the context of the Ghana language-in-education policy. The study is done from the perspective of the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Linguistic Rights (1996). In every multilingual state, the formulation of policies concerning language use has always presented challenges. The government has to decide which of the languages need to be promoted and for what purposes. In Ghana, since the introduction of formal education, English has indubitably been the language of education, trade, law, media, government and administration. However, there has always been a debate surrounding the language-in-education policy, especially at the basic level of education. The argument has always been whether English should be emphasised or Ghanaian languages. For purposes of formal education, the government of Ghana has promoted nine languages known as government-sponsored languages. These are languages which have literary tradition and can be used as media of instruction in schools. This decision was to the detriment of some Ghanaian languages; languages which are often described as minority languages, and which are not government-sponsored. The paper argues that, if language and culture are intertwined, and the culture of a people must be preserved, then language policymakers need to consider the linguistic rights of speakers of the so-called minority languages. Data for the study were sourced from language surveys and observation.

Source: UG
Ghana Medical Journal (Index of 1962-2013)

The Ghana Medical Journal (GMJ), a product of the Ghana Medical Association (GMA), was first published in September 1962. The first edition contained a message from Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah, President of Ghana and GMA patron, in which he expressed the hope that the “GMJ will afford the means of disseminating medical knowledge among yourselves and your colleagues throughout Africa and beyond”, and “May the pages of the Journal demonstrate the tireless efforts of medical men all over the world in the crusade against disease and ill health.”

Source: UG
Ghana Needs a Comprehensive Blueprint for Pandemic Management.

This major study aimed to determine Ghanaian physicians, pharmacists, and nurses' knowledge, perception, and preparedness for a pandemic or another wave of COVID-19. The cross-sectional study, comprising 55 questions about COVID-19 knowledge, 29 about perception, and 21 about preparedness, was conducted between May and July 2023. The questionnaire was distributed through various social media platforms, ensuring a national reach. Participation from all 16 regions of Ghana was recorded for all three professionals. The inclusion criteria, a key aspect, are based on the healthcare professionals directly linked with hospitals and facilities who had direct contact with patients. Three thousand three hundred and twenty-three healthcare professionals responded to the survey, giving a 97% response rate. Seven hundred seventy-seven physicians, 1199 pharmacists, and 1347 nurses responded to the study, showcasing the extensive expertise of Ghanaian healthcare professionals. The findings reveal that Ghanaian physicians ranked high regarding their knowledge of COVID-19. Our study further shows that 98% of the pharmacist participants provided positive feedback about knowledge-related questions and an adequate understanding of attitudes toward coronavirus symptoms, transmission, disease severity, and preventive measures. The study also reveals that Ghanaian nurses were knowledgeable, had a good perception, and were prepared for a pandemic or another wave of COVID-19. However, the study also highlights a concerning trend where the level of preparedness for a pandemic or another wave of COVID 19 was low in all instances. In conclusion, this study underscores the critical role of knowledge in shaping the actions of Ghanaian healthcare professionals in response to the COVID-19 pandemic threats. It also emphasizes the urgent need for a comprehensive blueprint for pandemic management in Ghana to address this gap.

Source: UG
The Ghana Police Service: A Practical Agenda for Reform

The cultural and historic context in which an institution develops makes the institution. The cultural and historic context includes both the formal (legal, administrative, bureaucratic, political economy) framework and the informal relations, processes and interactions within and without the institution. The combination of these defines the institution. Most Ghanaians are dissatisfied with the institution called the Ghana Police Service (GPS). Survey upon survey and various Commissions of Inquiry Reports have shown this to be true. If we are dissatisfied with it, we need to reform it.

Source: UG
The Ghana PrenaBelt trial: a double-blind, sham-controlled, randomised clinical trial to evaluate the effect of maternal positional therapy during third-trimester sleep on birth weight

OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the effect, on birth weight and birth weight centile, of use of the PrenaBelt, a maternal positional therapy device, during sleep in the home setting throughout the third trimester of pregnancy. DESIGN: A double-blind, sham-controlled, randomised clinical trial. SETTING: Conducted from September 2015 to May 2016, at a single, tertiary-level centre in Accra, Ghana. PARTICIPANTS: Two-hundred participants entered the study. One-hundred-eighty-one participants completed the study. Participants were women, 18 to 35 years of age, with low-risk, singleton, pregnancies in their third-trimester, with body mass index <35 kg/m2 at the first antenatal appointment for the index pregnancy and without known foetal abnormalities, pregnancy complications or medical conditions complicating sleep. INTERVENTIONS: Participants were randomised by computer-generated, one-to-one, simple randomisation to receive either the PrenaBelt or sham-PrenaBelt. Participants were instructed to wear their assigned device to sleep every night for the remainder of their pregnancy (approximately 12 weeks in total) and were provided a sleep diary to track their use. Allocation concealment was by unmarked, security-tinted, sealed envelopes. Participants and the outcomes assessor were blinded to allocation. PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OUTCOME MEASURES: The primary outcomes were birth weight and birth weight centile. Secondary outcomes included adherence to using the assigned device nightly, sleeping position, pregnancy outcomes and feedback from participants and maternity personnel. RESULTS: One-hundred-sixty-seven participants were included in the primary analysis. The adherence to using the assigned device nightly was 56%. The mean ±SD birth weight in the PrenaBelt group (n=83) was 3191g±483 and in the sham-PrenaBelt group (n=84) was 3081g±484 (difference 110 g, 95% CI -38 to 258, p=0.14). The median (IQR) customised birth weight centile in the PrenaBelt group was 43% (18 to 67) and in the sham-PrenaBelt group was 31% (14 to 58) (difference 7%, 95% CI -2 to 17, p=0.11). CONCLUSIONS: The PrenaBelt did not have a statistically significant effect on birth weight or birth weight centile in comparison to the sham-PrenaBelt.

Source: UG
Ghana’s 2004 Elections in the Nkawkaw Constituency and the Dilemma of Incumbency

The Nkawkaw Constituency in the Eastern Region of Ghana in the 2004 parliamentary election witnessed one of the most competitive contests. In a relatively safe constituency, the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) incumbent MP faced his stiffest electoral challenge from an independent candidate from the fringes of his party. It was a race in which the merits and demerits of incumbency, lack of intra-party democracy and the limitations of independent candidacy were all exhibited. Against the background of the electoral history of the constituency, this work analyses the dynamics and dilemmas of the 2004 contest and draws lessons for the future

Source: UG
Ghana’s 2016 general elections: Accounting for the monumental defeat of the national democratic congress.

Ghana is now seen as a thriving African democracy after having gone through seven presidential and parliamentary elections, resulting in three overturns of political power in 2001, 2009 and 2017. The 2016 election was another crossroad for Ghana’s maturing democracy. In this election, the incumbent National Democratic Congress (NDC) lost to the opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP). The margin of defeat suffered by the ruling NDC was puzzling and unprecedented. Using voter behaviour as a theoretical taxonomy, this paper attempts to explain the monumental defeat of the NDC in the 2016 general election. It poses the question: what factors led to this defeat and why was there such a monumental difference of over one million votes? The paper argues that firstly, the defeat was due to regime fatigue anchored in the two-term regime cycle of change and voting based on party identification. Secondly, the defeat was monumental because of poor economic performance; corruption on the part of some government ministers and attempts to shield them; unpopular last minute decisions; the gross display of arrogance by some ministers of state and party officials; a more appealing campaign message of hope from the main opposition party; poor branding and communication of NDC’s campaign promises and ideas; abuse of incumbency; voter apathy on the part of ruling party supporters and the general call for change across the world. The study concludes by offering some useful recommendations.

Source: UG
Ghana’s 2020 General Elections: An Assessment of the Journey and Processes

The December 7, 2020 General Election was the 8th milestone in Ghana’s electoral politics. It was keenly competitive for several reasons, including the fact that the two key contenders had a sense of unfinished agenda and wanted to capture or hold on to power to complete what had been initiated. The flag bearer of the main opposition party was voted out after one term in power, in a manner that challenged the creeping belief that all regimes in Ghana, since 1992, have served two terms in office. Whereas the ruling party did all it could to maintain the two-term tradition, the main opposition party also did its best to drum home the message that the two-term tradition is not yet institutionalized. It was also widely believed that a defeat of any of the two main contenders may mark the end of their respective political careers, as the two main political parties would file completely new candidates in future elections. This paper seeks to examine the journey and processes towards the 2020 General Elections within the context of the global pandemic, COVID-19. The paper highlights and fleshes out all the major issues before and during the elections and offers possible explanations on the outcome of the elections.

Source: UG
Ghana's burden of chronic non-communicable diseases: future directions in research, practice and policy

The prevalence of major chronic non-communicable diseases and their risk factors has increased over time and contributes significantly to the Ghana's disease burden. Conditions like hypertension, stroke and diabetes affect young and old, urban and rural, and wealthy and poor communities. The high cost of care drives the poor further into poverty. Lay awareness and knowledge are limited, health systems (biomedical, ethnomedical and complementary) are weak, and there are no chronic disease policies. These factors contribute to increasing risk, morbidity and mortality. As a result chronic diseases constitute a public health and a developmental problem that should be of urgent concern not only for the Ministry of Health, but also for the Government of Ghana. New directions in research, practice and policy are urgently needed. They should be supported by active partnerships between researchers, policymakers, industry, patient groups, civil society, government and development partners.

Source: UG
Ghana's Burden of Chronic Non-Communicable Diseases: Future Directions in Research, Practice and Policy

The prevalence of major chronic non-communicable diseases and their risk factors has increased over time and contributes significantly to the Ghana’s disease burden. Conditions like hypertension, stroke and diabetes affect young and old, urban and rural, and wealthy and poor communities. The high cost of care drives the poor further into poverty. Lay awareness and knowledge are limited, health systems (biomedical, ethnomedical and complementary) are weak, and there are no chronic disease policies. These factors contribute to increasing risk, morbidity and mortality. As a result chronic diseases constitute a public health and a developmental problem that should be of urgent concern not only for the Ministry of Health, but also for the Government of Ghana. New directions in research, practice and policy are urgently needed. They should be supported by active partnerships between researchers, policymakers, industry, patient groups, civil society, government and development partners

Source: UG
Ghana's Community Information Centers (CiCs): e-Governance success or mirage?

Following the initial implementation of Information and Communication Technologies for development (ICT4D) projects in rural Africa, many did not yield the anticipated outcomes, and interest has been waning. People then began talking about "sustainable ICT" projects as projects which would become self-sufficient after their initial donor-led investment and set-up period. Beyond WSIS's broad objective for all nations, Ghana Government set its own specific objectives to Community Information Centres (CICs) project, to bridge the digital divide between urban and rural dwellers in the country. They are to serve as training centers where acquisition of ICT skills and knowledge are provided for underprivileged people and also to bring government services online closer to the people at the grassroots. Is it true that rural Ghana does not want to connect with the rest of the world through information centres? This analysis is based on data collected from all known public records, reports, and other materials which were researched, and where possible, persons either directly involved with the project as administrators or users were interviewed. This analysis is based on data collected from all known public records, reports, and other materials which were researched, and where possible, persons either directly involved with the project as administrators or users were interviewed. Copyright 2009 ACM.

Source: UG
Ghana's community-based primary health care: Why women and children are 'disadvantaged' by its implementation

Policy analysis on why women and children in low- and middle-income settings are still disadvantaged by access to appropriate care despite Primary Health Care (PHC) programmes implementation is limited. Drawing on the street-level bureaucracy theory, we explored how and why frontline providers (FLP) actions on their own and in interaction with health system factors shape Ghana's community-based PHC implementation to the disadvantage of women and children accessing and using health services. This was a qualitative study conducted in 4 communities drawn from rural and urban districts of the Upper West region. Data were collected from 8 focus group discussions with community informants, 73 in-depth interviews with clients, 13 in-depth interviews with district health managers and FLP, and observations. Data were recorded, transcribed and coded deductively and inductively for themes with the aid of Nvivo 11 software. Findings showed that apart from FLP frequent lateness to, and absenteeism from work, that affected care seeking for children, their exercise of discretionary power in determining children who deserve care over others had ripple effects: families experienced financial hardships in seeking alternative care for children, and avoided that by managing symptoms with care provided in non-traditional spaces. FLP adverse behaviours were driven by weak implementation structures embedded in the district health systems. Basic obstetric facilities such as labour room, infusion stand, and beds for deliveries, detention and palpation were lacking prompting FLP to cope by conducting deliveries using a patchwork of improvised delivery methods which worked out to encourage unassisted home deliveries. Perceived poor conditions of service weakened FLP commitment to quality maternal and child care delivery. Findings suggest the need for strategies to induce behaviour change in FLP, strengthen district administrative structures, and improve on the supply chain and logistics system to address gaps in CHPS maternal and child care delivery.

Source: UG
Ghana’s Cultural Policy and (Dis)Empowerment: Three Decades Reflections on the Centres for National Culture (CNCs)

Abstract The Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC) Law 238 (1990) established the Centres for National Culture to manage the cultural life of Ghanaians. Their mandate includes enhancing the status of artists and cultural bearers as well as promoting the economic viability of cultural products in the country. Using qualitative research, this chapter discusses the thirty-year stride in the implementation of the cultural policy by state-owned agencies and their impact on the people of Ghana. The chapter, therefore, addresses the questions, how have cultural policies (dis)empowered Ghanaians? In addition, how have the government and cultural institutions promoted and/or prohibited some cultural practices of Ghanaians?

Source: UG
Ghana’s demand for restitution of material artifacts: a decolonial reflection

This paper incisively engages with the ways in which African leaders are not assertively demanding restitution of their material artifacts dispossessed in the eras of enslavement and colonization. It ques tions indigenous people’s struggles for restitution of materialities colonially dispossessed beyond a simplistic view of decentering their hierarchy and ownership. Besides, the paper critically inter rogates why Euro-America scholarship generously offers resilience discourse as perhaps the most important conceptual addition to international policy making in the last few decades to Africa, but it ironically does not care to restitute dispossessed material artifacts back to indigenous African peoples. The paper argues that colonial dispossession is about recentering indigenous people as masters and owners of material artifacts via restitution. Using coloniality of dispossession/theft this paper proposes a framework of restitution that aims to address resilient colonial dispossession enacted by the West. It is pointed out that decolonization will be achievable through restitution of indigenous material artifacts. I engage in the topic of restitution of material artifacts, particularly in the con text of Asante people of Ghana. The paper contends that restitution of dispossessed material artifacts would empower indigenous peo ples in Africa and strategically position them in global geopolitics

Source: UG
Ghana’s Democracy: A Radical Perspective

This paper reveals a paradox of Ghana’s ‘successful democracy’. It demonstrates that the wave of ‘good governance’ in Ghana is more of an institutional imperialism than a democracy. As such, current approaches to consolidate democracy in Ghana have been top-down, emphasizing government, not governance; institutions not people. For this reason, the basic act of casting ballots is even problematic; hence between 1992 and 2008 the number of ballots wrongly cast has increased by 137 per cent. To make a bad situation worse, the people who cast valid votes do so based on factors unrelated to their welfare such as tribalism and “kalabuleism”. Ghana’s 'successful’ democracy has therefore disempowered the people, the main actors in a democracy

Source: UG
Ghana’s Diplomacy In The 21st Century: Prospects And Challenges

The belief that Ghana’s diplomatic organisation offers far less value than it used to, is the result of people in diplomatic roles not being fully aware of the development that has taken place and currently happening. The study aimed to identify the changes, prospects and challenges in Ghana’s diplomacy in the 21st century. For the purposes of this analysis, a qualitative and deductive method were used. The study used both primary and secondary data. The study used purposive sampling method to select a sample size of 20 respondents. The information gathered for the study was transcribed verbatim and organized into appropriate themes and analyzed (Thematic Analysis). The study found that some changes in Ghana’s diplomacy in the current century include adequate integration of technology in diplomatic operations that has improved communication, transportation, service delivery and ultimately, the overall performance. The study found that some prospects of Ghana’s diplomacy in the 21st century are easy and fast communication, increased promotion and national image building, effective crisis management and conflict resolution, and dynamic roles of foreign mission. The study found that some challenges of diplomacy include difficulties in integrating IT tools into diplomacy, challenges in policy implementation, hacking and information breaches. Some recommendations are that the Government should invest in the right cybersecurity equipment and software to be able to prevent or control the attacks by hackers. Institutions and other stakeholders should use the new media social media to educate the citizenry to practice self-leaning about new technologies in Diplomacy.

Source: UG
Ghana’s economy at half century: An overview of stability, growth &amp; poverty

Introduction Ghana experienced its first half-century as an independent nation in March 2007. However, the early promise of democracy combined with economic and social development that hailed the new era in 1957 led to disappointments in the first three decades of independence. While democracy has now been restored, with the peaceful transfer of one civilian administration to another in 2001, and while there has been some recovery from the earlier economic collapse, the challenge of economic and social transformation looms large. Indeed, the last two decades have seen steady and significant economic growth in spite of considerable instability in macroeconomic performance and a growing dependence on aid and other foreign inflows. An average of 4.9% GDP growth and a per capita GDP growth of about 2.9% have been recorded for the best part of that period. While the growth performance may not be exceptional it has been significantly above average by African standards. In their study of the ‘Drivers of Change’ in Ghana, Booth et al. (2004) identify economic liberalization in the 1980s and political liberalization in the 1990s as the key factors behind the fairly decent growth performance. It is important to observe that, since 2001, the macroeconomic policy situation has improved considerably, and the environment is less subject to policy reversals and deviations from agreed policies. But the relationship between economic growth and the most important social concern, poverty, has been unclear. The perception is that the number of people living below the poverty line has not changed in tandem. © James Currey Ltd 2007.

Source: UG
Ghana's elections of 7 December 2016: A post-mortem

Ghana went to presidential and parliamentary polls on 7 December 2016, leading to the defeat of President John Mahama and the National Democratic Congress government by the opposition, the New Patriotic Party led by Nana Akufo-Addo. The outcome of the elections therefore followed in the same vein as those held in Ghana in 2000 and 2008, in which the incumbent party lost to the opposition. This article is based on a desk study review of the 2016 elections. There is a brief overview of the state of affairs in Ghana's electoral politics, followed by a discussion of Ghana's electoral reforms, the organisation and management of the elections, the candidates and the campaigns, and the outcome of the elections, as well as some of the challenges that faced the transition process. © 2017 The South African Institute of International Affairs.

Source: UG