ghananlpcommunity/ghana-gov-speeches-sentences huggingface dataset:
On the structure of our parties, the NDC and NPP, have maintained quite a good network across the country and this has helped to generate strong interest in party politics among Ghanaians.
As a result, there has been an averagely high voter turnout in our presidential and parliamentary elections.
For example, the turn out for 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, and 2020 were 85%, 73%, 80%, 69%, and 79% respectively.
By peer standards, these are relatively high, and on that score, Ghana’s democratic credentials have been touted as among the best in the sub region.
However, this assessment ignores other aspects of our democracy that have not progressed and are, in fact, impacting negatively on the progress made so far.
This is to do with the level of transparency and depth of regulatory oversight on how campaigns are financed in Ghana.
Usually, the normal practice has been that a political party would derive its resources from the regular dues paid by its members; donations by individuals; or special fundraising by the party for specific purposes.
According to the Ghana Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), in recent times, some financing of political campaigns was coming from illegal activities such as illegal miners, oil bunkering businessmen, fraudulent businesses, procurement dealings in the award of contracts, among others.
Their study even reported that there appeared to be a strong association between financing of political campaigns and organized crime in Ghana.
This is worrying!
Worrying because it has the potential of mortgaging our governance system to criminals.
If that happens, our democracy would be gradually turned into a plutocracy – a country ruled indirectly by a few wealthy individuals.
Ladies and gentlemen, viable political parties play a strong role in promoting democracy and sustainable development in any country.
They perform key roles in the formation of government, develop leaders at various levels, and serve as a watch dog for incumbent governments.
This is why we cannot continue to ignore the healthy development of our political parties, given the fact that these are also state political institutions.
On government support for political funding, some have argued that the only funding that may be advanced to parties and cannot be concealed in secrecy is public funding.
This refers to government giving financial resources or indirect assistance to political parties.
As mentioned, in the absence of such support, and given the huge cost of political activities, wealthy party financiers may take over as political godfathers who determine electoral outcomes and all that follows it.
Ghana today is broke.
International credit rating agencies have placed us in junk status.
Additional state financing can therefore not be a viable option on the table.
Even if that becomes an option in the future, I recommend that we put in place an explicit Public Funding of Political Parties Bill in a bipartisan and inclusive manner.
I further recommend that should public funding of political parties be scaled up in the foreseeable future, then, an independent and credible institution must be selected to administer the state resources advanced to political parties.
In that regard, a sharing formula could be established to ensure fairness, and specific disclosure requirements on beneficiary parties.
This must be complemented by auditing and publication of party accounts.
Ladies and gentlemen, even though I do not recommend additional state financing at this time of national economic meltdown, I accept a lot more needs to be understood regarding how political parties are financed because these could have implications on our developmental outcomes.
We must understand how politicians finance their campaigns for office, and to whom they are indebted and are expected to repay.
It is therefore important we engage in sustained discussions and build consensus on funding political parties within the context of public policy to promote good governance and democratic practices in Ghana.
Regarding the needed reforms, the starting point may be Chapter seven (7) of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution (Article 55) and the Political Parties Act (Act 574) that regulate campaign financing.
Whereas the Constitution makes room for non-financial support to political parties by institutions and external bodies, the Political Parties Act (Act 574) provides that only a citizen of Ghana may make a contribution or donation to a political party registered in Ghana.
According to the Act, “A non-citizen shall not directly or indirectly make a contribution or donation or loan whether in cash or in kind to funds held by or for the benefit of a political party, and no political party or person acting for or on behalf of a political party shall demand or accept a contribution, donation or loan from a non-citizen.”
Political parties are also required to declare to the public their revenues and assets and the source of those revenues and assets.
On private sector options for political parties to source funding, some experts have made some interesting suggestions that are worth considering in our debate on this.
In a recent paper authored by the Speaker of Parliament, Rt.
Alban S. K. Bagbin and Albert Ahenkan titled, “Political Party Financing and Reporting in Ghana: Practitioner Perspectives,” the authors recommended setting up a regulated fund, a common fund, or a matching fund.
They opined that these must be well structured to serve as an incentive for political parties to source private sector funding from legitimate sources.
Our debate should certainly evaluate each of these proposals and build consensus on the way forward.
In sum, the jury is still out on whether there must be some public support for political party funding in Ghana and how to broaden the funding mix for political parties in Ghana.
We must therefore engage on the way forward in the interest of our democracy.
We must be bold in reviewing the entire framework of our democratic experiment, identifying reform gaps in the legal and institutional framework and push for reforms whether in the Constitution, Acts of Parliament or other legal frameworks that are holding back progress.
We must do so for most of our state institutions and act to mend the growing breach between society and Ghana’s political system.
We must also intensify stakeholder efforts and engagement on the National Anti-Corruption Action Plan (NACAP).
It is sad observing Ghana’s performance on the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index score card after many years of NACAP’s existence.
This is not how we programmed NACAP to be.
NACAP can do better!
And NACAP must do better!
God willing, in 2025, when I have the opportunity to be the President of Ghana who has been a President before, I will come with priceless experience to fix our broken nation.
I want us to build the Ghana we want together by writing – not footnotes, not pages but – chapters in the anticorruption history of our dear country Ghana.
We must also uphold human rights, including freedom of expression and not be describing some journalists as terrorists.
Chairman, my agenda to Build the Ghana We Want Together from 2025, will involve farreaching constitutional, political and governance reforms to restore confidence in our democracy and governance systems.
We plan to take up and conclude the constitution review process that started under President John Evans Atta Mills.
The reforms will include a review of the controversial Article 71.
I still believe that in this crisis period, Ghana can be managed with not more than 60 ministers.
And to cut down on the number of officeholders and remove the disparities in privileges and emoluments.
Let me state once again that I will scrap the payment of ex-gratia to members of the Executive and persuade other arms of government to accept same.
Let those who oppose the scrapping of exgratia state so explicitly instead of moving in meandering contours in a failed attempt to trivialize this important promise.
While I was determined to take this very action and others in the past through the implementation of the constitution review process, a legal challenge that was eventually determined too late in my tenure of office; and the NPP’s general opposition to the constitution review process made it impossible to proceed further with the review implementation phase.
I invite you all, including the NPP, to join me to form a consortium of the willing for us to succeed in scrapping the payment of ex-gratia.
I have every confidence that an Independent Emoluments Commission can determine the conditions of service of all public officers, from the president to the lowest ranking public officer on government’s payroll.
My brothers and sisters, that will constitute a true and proper ‘Single Spine’ to replace the current ‘Double Spine Salary System’ – where Article 71 office holders are on a different spine separate from other public sector workers.
In building the Ghana we want; we will listen attentively to suggestions from civil society groups and the youth front for other constitutional reforms.
I have heard the arguments asking for Articles 86 and 87 to be amended to have an entrenched provision for a comprehensive long-term national development plan that will be binding on all successive governments.
This is to curtail the uncoordinated approach to our long-term development policymaking.
You may recall my administration developed a 40-year National Development Plan that was jettisoned in 2017.
I have also heard the call for the interface between the Executive and Legislature in Article 78 to be dissolved to make Parliament truly independent.
Additionally, I am aware of calls for more autonomy for the police service and to ensure the rule of law by amending Articles 202 and 203.
These voices are advocating the depoliticization of the Police Council and calling for the appointment of the leadership of the Police Service for a fixed term with security of tenure.
This it is believed will loosen the current overwhelming control the Executive maintains over the service.
Other areas include amendment of Article 243 to make for the election of District Chief Executives and Article 128 to put a cap on the number of Supreme Court Justices that may be appointed.
Off course, the appointments of known party activists onto the Electoral Commission by our current President may require an amendment of Article 43(2), to provide for parliamentary approval of new Commissioners to the Commission.
Let me assure you once again, I remain committed to these reforms.
Ladies and gentlemen, as I indicated in my introduction, I intend to introduce an interactive and smart digital retail fundraising platform to help broaden the scope of campaign financiers with the view to addressing dependency on a few.
There are emerging opportunities for political parties to broaden the source of their funding.
These new opportunities are being driven by technology and in particular, electronic crowdfunding platforms, as are being used in developed countries.
I have therefore adopted a crowdfunding technology to promote a more transparent and accessible means to raise funds to execute my 2024 campaign.
The use of reliable fintech payment systems will push this agenda to promote citizen participation in the financing of political parties’ activities.
We did not have to go far in search of such a robust solution because Ghana has a lot of young talented fintech entrepreneurs who have invested so much within the digital ecosystem and have already created a lot of employment opportunities for several Ghanaians.
These fintech entrepreneurs are successfully using their innovations to transform various sectors of the economy such as financial services, Agri-business, Health, Education and many more.
As a former Minister for Communications, I feel proud witnessing the evolution of the reforms I led in the 90s and the investments I made as President in Ghana’s technology and digital space.
Talk about the Eastern corridor fiberoptic project, the 300-kilometre Accra- Tema metro fibre optic link, the 119 4G/LTE Base Stations constructed to provide high speed internet and more.
Not to forget the ultramodern edifices housing the Ministry of Communications, the National Data Centre, the National Communications Authority (NCA) and the Accra Digital Centre, all provided by the NDC administration.
Ladies and gentlemen, on the back of these achievements, we are launching this digitalized retail donation campaign tonight to mobilize small contributions from Ghanaians, both locally and in the diaspora.
The platform is transparent and has a dashboard screen that will show all inflows in real time.
The dashboard is in turn linked to a collection bank account so that proceeds from all the channels can be received directly and used for the intended purpose.
Four (4) channels will be available for sending donations.
These include: 1.
A John Mahama campaign mobile money number.
A USSD code.
An Official Zenith Bank account number; and 4.
A John Mahama fundraising mobile App.
There will be a hotline you can call and access always to make enquiries.
You can also email donations@johnmahama.org I encourage everyone to donate freely.
I must also emphasize that the retail donation platform is subject to the Crowdfunding Policy issued by the Bank of Ghana in February 2022.
Therefore, the framework will be managed in line with a strict regulatory policy.
Ladies and Gentlemen, it is now my honour to declare the John Mahama 2024 Campaign Fund Raising Platform formally launched.
Let’s build the Ghana We Want and let’s do this together.
Good evening ladies and gentlemen, fellow Ghanaians, my Brothers and Sisters.
Let me begin by wishing you all Merry Christmas and a prosperous New Year.
I am speaking to you, my countrymen and women, today because I would like to address a few of the issues that have come up since the December 7 election, particularly the issue of how best to proceed - for me, as a candidate; and, I believe, for us, as a nation.
Increasingly, many of us who are attempting to understand how the Electoral Commission arrived at the results of this last election are being advised to forgo the issue—in the interest of peace.
We are being reminded that Ghanaians are a peace-loving people and that Ghana, unlike many other nations on our dear continent of Africa, has not succumbed to war or been plagued with violence.
As a former president of the Republic of Ghana, a country that I love dearly, I am here to assure you that I know what it is to act in the interest of peace.
I have always done so without reservation or hesitation.
I know what it is to contest an election and to have the good people of this country choose my opponent to serve as their next president.
I know what it is to concede.
I have done so before.
In 2016 when the election was not called in my favour, I conceded.
I conceded in a congratulatory call to my opponent.
And then, not long after that, I conceded in a public address to the good people of Ghana.
I conceded not simply in the interest of peace and democracy, but because I respect the will of the people.
I did then, and I do now.
So, when I say that I will not concede this election, please know that I have not taken this decision lightly; understand that it is not because of a desire for power, but because of a dedication to principle and a commitment to democracy.
Based on the irregular and inconsistent results that were reported, I have reason to doubt that this election was free, or fair, or transparent.
And without those fundamental pillars in place, how can any of us be sure that the results announced truly represent the will of the people?
My Brothers and Sisters, I stand here today to remind you that Ghana is a peaceful nation precisely because Ghanaians have always stood on principle.
We have always fought for our democracy.
Our forefathers and foremothers have always understood that without this basic foundation, whatever peace exists in our country will not be lasting; whatever liberation we have as the architects of our collective future will soon be lost.
Whenever we decide to take the easiest road, the first step is always to surrender.
And, often, the thing that we lose is the very thing that we value the most.
The freedom that we enjoy today was not given on a silver platter.
It came at a price.
It came because our forefathers and mothers stood on principle.
Our history books are filled with the names of individuals who refused to take the road that was the easiest, or safest, or most convenient.
They refused to surrender their ability to appeal for justice in a land where they were meant to have a voice and use it for the betterment of themselves and their children and future generations.
All who fought for independence stood on principle to demand the sovereignty of this land that belongs to us, the people of Ghana.
Kwame Nkrumah once said, “Those who would judge us merely by the heights we have achieved would do well to remember the depths from which we started.”
There are many of you who are listening to me this evening who have spent your entire lives knowing only democracy.
You know a Ghana in which every four years the citizens go to the ballot box to exercise their right to choose leaders who they believe will best serve their interests.
You know a Ghana in which the baton of power has been passed graciously, and without incident, from one party to another; a country with hundreds of radio stations and dozens of newspapers; a country where citizens can openly critique the performance of their elected officials; a country where they can protest peacefully, and without fear of punishment.
It is the Ghana that your mothers and fathers, your grandmothers and grandfathers—wanted you to know.
It is the Ghana that they dreamed of, and some even died trying to make that dream a reality.
Also listening tonight are many of you who remember a different Ghana.
In that Ghana, most, if not all, of those political traditions and social liberties I spoke of earlier did not exist: the airwaves were not filled with radio stations; there were not numerous newspapers; people held their peace because to complain about the people in power was to risk all manner of reprisals.
In that Ghana, presidential terms were interrupted by coups, and former heads of state were executed.
There was 'kalabule', and 'Operation Feed Yourself', not to mention years of hunger, bush fires, drought, and one economic recovery programme after another.
Even the Ghana of the Kume Preko demonstrations bear little resemblance to the Ghana of today.
We have travelled quite far as a nation in such a short period of time.
The road has not been easy, nor has it been absent of obstacles.
That is why our beloved nation, Ghana, is often referred to as a trailblazer on the African continent.
With each achievement, we have grown stronger—as a people, and as a nation.
Through these trials and tribulations, our democracy has also been strengthened.
My Brothers and Sisters, in a democracy as strong as ours, peace and justice can - and, in fact, they usually do - coexist.
And that is because in a democracy such as the one we have built-in Ghana; it is the people who hold the power.
Indeed, in 2012 when the election was called in my favour, my opponent challenged the results - as was his right; and he took the matter to court.
Eight long months of an election petition, far from destroying our democracy, rather reinforced our commitment to it - and affirmed the strength of our institutions, particularly the judiciary.
It is only in governments where the people are powerless, and at the mercy of those who hold office, that peace—or at least what passes as peace—can exist without justice.
Some people have asked me what I hope to gain by challenging the results of this election.
Let me tell you: I want, perhaps, the very same thing that my opponent wanted when in 2012 he challenged the results of that election; I want the removal of doubt.
I want for all of us to know that our elections should be free, fair, and safe—and that we do not have to settle for a process that leaves us confused, and with more questions than answers.
I want a Ghana where institutions of the state can be held to account.
Where we can stand on principle and demand transparency without the risk of losing our lives.
When people lose their lives - as seven people did - in the course of our elections, we are moving backwards not forward; we are unravelling the very fabric of our democracy; we are risking the loss of three decades worth of progress.
When today we see armed military and militia in our collation centres and election outcomes declared at the point of a gun, for us who have witnessed our country’s journey through all its post-independence travails, we wonder if we have truly exorcised the ghosts of our torturous past.
We must continue to be a nation in which our young citizens have faith in our institutions, trust the rule of law, and rely on the presence of peace because there is justice.
Ghana must be a country where we citizens know and believe, without any doubt whatsoever, that the way forward is determined by the will of the Ghanaian people.
And that we can hold our institutions of state accountable and guarantee that they work in favour of the national interest and not in the interest of the administration or person in power.
That is what I want.
This is why earlier today, my lawyers filed a petition in the Supreme Court of Ghana challenging the declaration of the results of the December 7, 2020, Presidential Election made by Mrs Jean Mensa, the Chairperson of the Electoral Commission.
I have been compelled to do this because of her clear failure to act in accordance with the Constitution.
May your New Year be one of good health and prosperity.
May God bless each of you, and may God continue to bless our homeland, Ghana.
Thank you, Right Honourable Speaker Honourable Members of the August House Your Excellency, Vice President Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang Your Excellency, the First Lady, Mrs Lordina Dramani Mahama Your Lordship, the Chief Justice The good people of Ghana Ladies and gentlemen, It is both a profound honour and a constitutional duty to appear before the House to deliver a message on the State of the Nation, as required by Article 67 of our Constitution.
I do so with the perspective earned through decades of public service, including my time in this very Chamber as a Member of Parliament and my previous term as President from 2012 to 2017.
My journey in public service, like that of our nation, has not followed a straight path.
It has been marked by periods of steady progress, by setbacks, and by determined recovery.
Speaker, That pattern of resilience mirrors the national experience.
And today, I stand before you to speak to another such defining moment, a moment of rebound, of national renewal, and of restored hope in our country's history.
This moment is being shaped by hard choices, institutional resolve, and a renewed commitment to stability and national purpose.
Speaker, In just a few days, on 6 th March 2026, Ghana will celebrate 69 years of independence on the theme "Building Prosperity, Restoring Hope."
This theme is not merely ceremonial.
It is the blueprint that guides my administration's vision and action.
It reflects where we have been, acknowledges the difficulties we have endured, and confidently declares where we are headed.
At the heart of this vision are two complementary and mutually reinforcing agendas: the Resetting Ghana Agenda and the Accra Reset.
The Resetting Ghana Agenda is our national commitment to restore economic stability, rebuild public trust, strengthen institutions, and deliver tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary Ghanaians.
It is about turning the page on years of mismanagement, confronting our challenges with honesty, and charting a new course anchored in fiscal discipline, transparency, and sustainable development.
The Accra Reset, on the other hand, is our continental commitment.
It recognises that Ghana's prosperity cannot be separated from Africa's progress.