ghananlpcommunity/ghana-gov-speeches-sentences huggingface dataset:
In the 1950s Baffour considered the actions and inactions of government as deceitful and detrimental to the cocoa farmers whose sweat constituted the backbone of the country’s economy.
One of the major issues after the 1954 elections had to do with cocoa producer pricing and the tax deductions from cocoa.
Nkrumah had promised that the cocoa producer price would be doubled to five pounds per ton.
But eventually the government pegged the price at 72 shillings (three pounds twelve shillings).
This enraged cocoa farmers.
Their sharp agitation found favour with Baffour Akoto, who himself at the time was one of the biggest cocoa farmers in the country.
The farmers looked up to him to protect their interests.
At the same time the youth in Ashanti were getting increasingly concerned with the propaganda which was being waged by the CPP against traditional authority, targeting chiefs in particular.
They were anxiously looking for someone in authority to lead them to halt the undermining of the traditional order.
The rising concerns of both the cocoa farmers and the youth (in Ashanti) conspired to pile political pressure on the prominent Baffour Osei Akoto to provide leadership.
So it was that on 7th September 1954, he led a large crowd of supporters to slaughter a sheep in the sacred.
River Subin which runs through the centre of Kumasi, to symbolise the birth of the National Liberaton Movement (NLM).
This was followed by a huge rally at the Prince of Wales Park near Kejetia attended by hundreds and hundreds of people with many coming from beyond the boundaries of Ashanti.
In sharp contrast to the CPP whose leader, Kwame Nkrumah, had threatened to annihilate the chieftaincy institution, the NLM aligned itself with traditional authorities.
Little wonder that the NLM had a strong alliance with the Northern People’s Party, which also had traditional rulers as its core base.
The NLM sought to ensure checks and balances in governance and to put some restraints on the central government.
It is gladdening that later constitutions of Ghana appear to have embraced all these ideas proffered by Baffour and his colleagues.
It was the NLM together with the Northern People’s Party that formed the foundation of the United Party (UP) from which the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) is rooted.
In the 1956 elections which ushered in Ghana’s Independence on 6th March 1957, six Political Parties were represented in the National Assembly.
They were as follows: Name of Political Party No of Seats Convention People's Party (CPP) -- 66 seats Northern People's Party (NPP) -- 14 seats National Liberation Movement (NLM) -- 13 seats Togoland Congress Party (TCP) -- 2 seats Federation of Youth Organisation (FYO) -- 1 seat Moslem Association Party (MAP) -- 1 seat It is significant to note that of the 31 seats belonging to the five opposition Parties represented in the first post-Independence Parliament (National Assembly), 27 were shared almost in equal measure between the NPP and NLM.
These two Parties formed the core of the drive to form the United Party (UP).
They were joined by the three other Parties in Parliament plus the Anglo Youth Organisation (AYO), the Ga-Adangbe Shifimo Kpee (GASK) and other local organisations.
As a founder and leader of the NLM it fell on Baffour in consultation with his Executives to appoint the leader of the 13 members of his party in the new Parliament.
Dr K. A. Busia was selected to lead the NLM Members in Parliament.
Subsequently Baffour led the discussions which made Dr Busia leader of the 31-Member minority in Parliament.
Baffour Akoto was indeed the power behind the minority in the first Parliament after Independence.
In exercising this power, he worked closely with the leader of the Northern People’s Party (NPP), Chief S. D. Dombo who was in Parliament and leaders of the other minority parties in Parliament.
So if you talk of the ancestry of the modern New Patriotic Party of the 4th Republic, Baffour Osei Akoto stands tall.
In 1957, the government enacted the Avoidance of Discrimination Act: 'An Act to prohibit organisations using or engaged in tribal, regional, racial or religious propaganda to the detriment of any other community, or securing the election of persons on account of their tribal, regional or religious affiliations and for other purposes connected therewith.'
Leaders of the opposition parties realised that the prime aim of the law was to disband all political parties except the CPP and introduce a One-party rule in Ghana.
Before the law could come into effect on 31st December 1957, in his capacity as the founder of the NLM, Baffour chaired negotiations which convinced the leadership of the other opposition Parties to come together to form one party to be called the United Party (UP).
Given his strategic role in founding and leading the NLM and in playing such a critical part in the negotiations for the formation of the United Party (the precursor of the New Patriotic Party) it is surprising that Baffour Akoto does not even get a mention in contemporary discussion on the history of our political tradition.
There is a gaping hole in contemporary discourse on his enormous contribution.
I would like to use this platform to appeal to the leadership of the New Patriotic Party to take urgent steps to rectify this omission by recognising the contribution of Baffour Akoto in the political development of our tradition.
The guiding principle of the NLM was in tandem with a phrase in what became the national pledge, upon Ghana’s independence, ‘to resist oppressor’s rule….’
The NLM indeed sought to resist oppression and suppression and to ensure true freedom for the Ghanaian.
The NLM advocated federalism, a concept that was informed by the time tested Asante or Akan political system that permitted each state (Oman) to enjoy some amount of autonomy in economic and political terms.
Federalism, as was advocated by Baffour, anchored on the belief that every part of the nation would contribute into the national treasury according to its means and that the total national cake would be shared in such a way that each region would receive according to its needs.
In 1956, the NLM and its allied parties, led by Baffour accepted a proposal by the colonial authorities for general elections before independence instead of the request for a federal constitution.
This was a difficult situation but Baffour thought deep into the future and convinced his colleagues to accept that offer.
His prime motive was for the NLM and other opposition Parties to get a voice in Parliament.
Although the call for federalism did not materialise, it yielded some useful results as it led to devolution of powers to the regional authorities at Independence.
This arrangement did not last as the CPP rode a coach and horses through it soon after Independence.
It was that concept that has become the basis of the current decentralisation in Ghana, also known as Local Government in which we have Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies, which are coordinated by the Regional Coordinating Councils.
At the time that the CPP Government was nursing an ambition to monopolise power in Ghana, it was men like Baffour Osei Akoto who stood up against the emerging dictatorship.
And they suffered for it.
Re: Akoto & 7 Others One of the notable issues that underpinned the political life of Baffour Osei Akoto was his arrest and detention under the Preventive Detention Act (PDA) and which he sought intervention of the Supreme Court.
After independence, the Convention People's Party government enforced the infamous PDA, which initially allowed the President to imprison for up to five years people whose activities posed a threat to the security of the state.
The period of imprisonment was later increased to 10 years.
According to the law, persons charged under the PDA may not have recourse to a trial.
The PDA was renewed in June 1962 and in May 1964.
It was abolished after the 1966 coup.
It was under the PDA that J B Danquah was arrested and kept in cells meant for prisoners who have been condemned to die for their crimes till his death in prison in 1965.
Section 2(1) of the Preventive Detention Act of 1958 provides that: The President may order the detention of any person who is a citizen of Ghana if satisfied that the order is necessary to prevent that person from acting in a manner prejudicial to: a) the defence of Ghana.
b) the relations of Ghana with other countries.
c) the security of the state On 11th November 1959, Baffour Akoto, then senior Okyeame of the Asantehene and seven other Ghanaians were arrested and summarily detained without trial under the PDA.
The seven persons were Peter Alex Danso, Osei Asibey Mensah, Nana Antwi Boasiako, Joseph Kwadwo Antwi-Kusi, Benjamin Kwaku Owusu, Andrew Kwadwo Edusei and Halidu Kramo.
In the book, ‘Historical Dictionary of Ghana,’ the author justly states the PDA set the course of dictatorship in Ghana.
There are hundreds of thousands of Ghanaians today who, if given the chance, would narrate the harrowing effect of the PDA on their lives and their families as a result of the thousands of people, notably parents, guardians and bread winners who were incarcerated under thar law.
The allegations for the detention of Baffour and his colleagues were that they encouraged the commission of acts of violence in Ashanti and Brong Ahafo and associated with persons who had adopted a policy of violence as a means of achieving political aims in those regions.
Dr J B Danquah, counsel for the suspects applied to the High Court for (habeas corpus) the release of the suspects to enable them appear before the court for trial.
This was refused by the High Court.
Danquah invoked the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court for interpretation of Article 13(1) of the 1960 constitution, which provided amongst other things that the President on assuming office shall make a declaration that he will ensure the safety and security of all persons in Ghana without discrimination.
The Supreme Court, speaking through Arku Korsah JSC, held that the said provision of constitution was a mere declaration of the President and unenforceable in a law court.
This decision of the apex court has since been criticised by legal scholars as retrogressive because it gave the then President an unfettered power to trample on the fundamental rights of Ghanaians.
It is not for nothing, therefore, that various Law faculties in Ghana as well as the Ghana School of Law, organise Re Akoto Memorial Lectures, debates, and moot courts.
In view of the unpleasant outcome of Re Akoto, the framers of the 1992 Constitution have broadened the frontiers of human rights law in Ghana such that the chapter on human rights–Chapter Five (Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms) is not only entrenched but open-ended and has also been made explicit and enforceable by the law courts.
The decision of Baffour not to sleep on his rights but to test the constitutionality of the PDA by invoking the interpretational powers of the Supreme Court was legendary.
May that remarkable legacy provoke us all to think of something memorable that would survive us when we are no more.
These may include the fight against corruption, environmental degradation, breaking of the cycles of poverty, ignorance and diseases.
CONCLUSION In conclusion, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, the life and works of Baffour Osei Akoto entreat us all to cultivate the virtue of courage to banish elements that may jeopardise the progress of the nation.
He did not wait for any sophisticated weapons to accomplish all these legacies.
What he possessed were bravery, oratorical and rhetorical competence, which underpins the importance of language in governance and cultural transmission.
Everyone is endowed with some skills, ideas or knowledge with which they can achieve something remarkable.
That he challenged the dictatorial tendencies of the times points to the innate quest of all individuals - regardless of the academic achievements - to fight for human dignity.
In our time too, there are many areas that threaten our very lives and survival and the wellbeing of posterity.
These include corruption of all forms, environmental degradation, the fast eroding values including discipline, care for humanity and neighbourliness, which our forefathers bequeathed to us.
Let us think and act in ways that would inure to the greater good of society so that some day when we are no more, like Baffour, society would consider it apt to continue our good works.
As a traditional ruler, Baffour, the Senior Okyeame of the Asantehene played an instrumental role in helping to deepen chieftaincy and culture.
Even his going into politics was, to a large extent, driven by his resolve to help sustain the legitimacy of Ghana’s traditional institutions and he succeeded in resisting the efforts to reduce the prestige and authority of the Ghanaian chief.
By Akan traditions, an Okyeame is someone who is endowed with the skills of oratory, wit and mastery of the language.
To a very large extent, he must also be knowledgeable about the history of the state.
And one must be at the apex of these traits to be the okyeame of the Asantehene.
These, therefore, point out the place and persona of Baffour Osei Akoto in terms of traditional leadership.
His Excellency Busumuru Kofi Annan, the late Secretary-General of the UN, in his tribute to Baffour admonished: ‘The greatest tribute we can pay to his memory is for each and every one of us to do all we can to preserve for posterity, as he did, the best in our traditions, cultures and societies, thereby enriching all humankind.’
In the area of politics, Baffour Akoto was one of the leading founders of the United Party tradition which has now become Danquah-Dombo- Busia Tradition.
It was the NLM, the party formed by Baffour Akoto, which together with the NPP led by Dombo, that formed the nucleus of the other political parties that merged to form the UP in 1956.
Baffour helped to lay the foundation for multiparty democracy in Ghana.
As a generational thinker and futuristic person, he accepted, in 1956, the proposal for general election in the hope that even if his party did not form government, it would have representatives who would offer alternative ideas for national development and to ensure that Ghana remained a multiparty democracy.
At the time that the liberty of the Ghanaian was being eroded with the introduction of one-party rule in Ghana, Baffour and his colleagues fought to reverse that trend because it was incongruent to our traditions and that policy was bound to deprive the citizenry of their rights and freedoms.
In his quest to defend the liberty of his fellow citizens, he lost his personal liberty and suffered imprisonment and loss of his ancestral duty as a chief.
But years on, one party rule has been exorcized.
That is a remarkable legacy of Baffour and all those who fought the gallant battle with him.
What Baffour and his ideological allies sought for Ghana was to establish in the country a government based on true democracy, constitutional governance, the rule of law, sound democratic institutions, the freedom of the individual and a national economic development in which the private sector played the dominant role.
These elements now form the foundations of Ghana’s constitution.
In law, one of the notable case studies in Ghana is Re Akoto, a matter which nearly dented the image of the apex court of the land.
It was through Re Akoto that the constitutionality of a law passed by Parliament on the due interpretation of a constitutional provision in Ghana was tested and thus, paved the way eventually to human rights to assume an entrenched position in Ghana’s constitution.
I am sure that our friends in the legal fraternity would agree with me that many of the provisions in the 1992 Constitutions, and indeed, the Constitutions post 1966, were informed by historical antecedents.
Notable amongst them is the provision that prohibits ‘one party’ rule in Ghana.
Undoubtedly, the wisdom to abolish one-party rule stemmed from the lessons of the bad experiences of that concept in the First Republic and its concomitant human rights abuses as suffered Baffour Akoto and several others.
Another area that Baffour Akoto’s life influenced society was his deep love and concern for farmers.
He was a farmer himself and he championed the cause of cocoa farmers.
Baffour’s position and role in the struggle for Ghana’s independence is reflected by the Daily Graphic publication of 24 September 1956, in which he pointed out that the National Liberation Movement and its allies were not opposed to Gold Coast independence and underscored that what the NLM was asking for was an agreed constitution for a self-governing Gold Coast.
REFERENCES Agyei, A.
(2018) K. A. Busia: A Symbol of Democracy Exploration of His Life and Works Ghana Universities Press, Accra Agyemang-Duah, I.
(2006) Between Faith and History: A Biography of J. A. Kufuor Ayebia Clarke Publishing Ltd, UK Austin Dennis, Politics in Ghana 1946-60, Oxford Oxford University Press, 1964 Busia, K. A.
(1951) The Position of the Chief in the Modern Traditional System of Ashanti Oxford University Press Constitution of the Republic of Ghana (1992) Fordwor, D. K. K.
The Danquah-Busia Tradition in the Politics of Ghana Unimax Macmillan Ltd.- Accra, Ghana Funeral Brochure for the late Baafour Osei Akoto Oquaye, Mike.
Politics In Ghana, 1972 – 79, Accra Tornedo Publications, 1980.
Oquaye, Mike.
Politics in Ghana 1982-1992, Accra Tornado Publications, 200 Owusu-Ansah D., Historical Dictionary of Ghana Roman and Littlefield, Lanham, USA The Inaugural Speech of President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo Addo The 1960 Constitution of Ghana
As the Chancellor of this great University, I am honoured to be chairing this prestigious lecture series which is dedicated to the memory of our first President of the Republic, Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah.
Osagyefo’s legacy is one that resonates not only within Ghana but throughout the entire continent of Africa and beyond.
Osagyefo is universally recognised as the greatest leader in the post-colonial era of Africa, for good reason.
His pivotal role in the emancipation of Africa from colonial rule is an achievement that reverberates through the annals of history.
He was a visionary whose ideas and leadership transcended his time, leaving an indelible mark in the course of history.
Indeed his inspirational leadership continues to inspire generations everywhere.
What sets Osagyefo apart is not only his historical significance but also the enduring relevance of his ideas and insights.
He foresaw and wrote extensively about the multifaceted challenges that Africa faces today, encompassing political, social and economic dimensions.
His ability to articulate these challenges with clarity and propose solutions underscore his status as a pre-eminent thinker and doer.
Osagyefo’s unwavering commitment to serving the interests of the common man remains a guiding light for our leaders today.
His achievements, both in terms of Ghana’s independence and his broader pan-African vision, are nothing short of legendary.
His legacy has only grown more profound and celebrated since his passing.
This is, in large part, due to his ability to articulate the myriad political, social and economic challenges that Africa continues to grapple with today.
He, without a doubt, had intense passion and commitment to the welfare of the common man.
His ideas continue to shape the aspirations of leaders and citizens striving for a better future in Africa and indeed the world at large.
This lecture is an opportunity to reflect on his profound contributions, honour his memory and engage in thoughtful discussion about the enduring relevance of his ideas.
Importantly, it is an opportunity for us to contemplate how Osagyefo’s vision can guide us in addressing the many challenges that still face our great continent.
For today and tomorrow, Prof.
Emmanuel Kwaku Akyeampong, who will be introduced later, will deliver a lecture on the theme, “Diaspora, Pan-Africanism and Spiritual Awakening: Nkrumah’s Years Abroad as Head of State”.
We look forward to a meaningful, insightful and indeed intellectually stimulating discourse that will pay tribute to a truly remarkable man.
Let us use these lectures as a catalyst for positive change and continued progress in Africa.
In keeping with the tradition of the University, our distinguished Speaker will be honoured with an Honorary Degree.
Congratulations in advance Prof.
Akyeampong!
I will end my remarks by thanking all of you for joining us in the celebration of a truly exceptional leader.
God bless you all!
I believe the lecture has been meaningful, insightful and indeed intellectually stimulating and a befitting tribute to Dr.
Nkrumah.
I hope we are all taking home very useful lessons from the lecture.
I look forward to seeing all of you here tomorrow for the continuation of the lecture and conferment of an honorary degree on the Speaker.
THE ELECTORAL COMMMISSIONS ROAD MAP TO THE 2020 ELECTIONS.
PRESENTED BY MRS JEAN MENSA CHAIRPERSON TO THE PARLIAMENT OF GHANA A good morning to you Rt.
Honourable Speaker of Parliament, Honourable Majority Leader, Honourable Minority Leader and Honourable Members of this August House.
We bring you warm greetings from the Electoral Commission and thank you for your invitation to the Commission to brief this August House on our plans and preparations towards a peaceful, credible and transparent Election in December 2020.
We thank the Good Lord for this day and for His Mercies.
This morning I am here with my able team made up of Mr Samuel Tettey -Deputy Chair Operations, Dr Bossman Eric Asare - Deputy Chair Corporate Services, Mr Kye Duodo– Procurement Officer and Mr Henry Ashong – Deputy Finance Director.
It is important to emphasize that this is the first time I have been invited to the House in my capacity as the Chairperson of the Electoral Commission, I have on no occasion turned down an invitation from the Parliament of Ghana.
As an individual who has been at the forefront of championing Ghana’s democratic development for over twenty years, I respect and value the Institutions of State, a major one being the Parliament of Ghana.
Indeed, I was informed of your invitation to the Commission on the night of Wednesday, 4 th November 2020 at a time I was out of the jurisdiction.
Our Deputy Chair for Cooperate Services informed the Majority Leader about this and made arrangements for our presentation to be delivered to the Parliament today.
This morning we are here to give an account of progress we have made regarding the conduct of the Election 2020.
Speaker I’m pleased to inform you that the Electoral Commission is 95% ready for the successful, credible, fair, orderly and peaceful conduct of the Election in December 2020.
Permit me to highlight a number of significant achievements.
Procurement of Materials Mr.
Speaker the Commission procured a wide variety of election materials for the 2020 Election.
These include, ballot boxes, thumbprint pads, stationary, identifications jackets, polling station booths, rechargeable lamps, indelible ink, educational posters, seals among others.
As we speak, distribution of these items to our regions and districts is well underway.
I can confirm that as a result of the thorough planning and distribution mechanisms employed, we are about 95% done with the distribution of election materials to our various locations across the country.
What is left to be delivered are the Ballots and Registers.
Procurement of Vehicles To facilitate the movement of our staff and promote the delivery of their mandate at the grassroot level, the Commission procured a number of vehicles.
In total 147 vehicles made up of: 15 motorbikes 30 four-wheel drives 107 pick ups 8 haulage trucks 2 Coaster Buses These were procured at a total cost of 38 million 373 thousand 545 cedis (38,373,545.00).
This has promoted the efficiency of our staff as well as the swift movement of goods and materials from our stores to our regions and districts.
It has also helped to eliminate costs that were associated with the hiring and rental of vehicles.
It is important to note that close to 95% of our procurement was done through an open tender process.
We achieved this by advertising all our procurement processes in the newspapers.