geniacllm/wiki40b huggingface dataset:
The continuous fighting has severely limited the quality of medical care for injured survivors of the attack. A month after the attack, approximately 450 survivors still required medical attention for lingering symptoms such as respiratory and vision problems. By early October 2013, the 13,000 residents of Moadhamiya, one of the places targeted in the August attack, had been surrounded by pro-government forces and under siege for five months. Severe malnourishment and medical emergencies become pressing as all supply lines had stopped. Care for chronic symptoms of sarin exposure had become "just one among a sea of concerns."As countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom debated their response to the attacks, they encountered significant popular and legislative resistance to military intervention. In particular, British Prime Minister David Cameron's request to the House of Commons to use military force was declined by a 285–272 margin. UK government policy subsequently focused on providing humanitarian assistance inside Syria and to refugees in neighboring countries.Within a month of the attacks, Syria agreed to join the Chemical Weapons Convention and allow all its stockpiles to be destroyed. The destruction began under OPCW supervision on 6 October 2013. On 23 June 2014, the last shipment of Syria's declared chemical weapons was shipped out of the country for destruction.  By 18 August 2014, all toxic chemicals were destroyed aboard the US naval vessel MV Cape Ray.Nine months after the attack, there is evidence that mothers from the affected areas are giving birth to children with defects and as stillborn.
Dr. Amesh Adalja, a senior associate for the Center for Biosecurity at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, said the reported symptoms are a textbook case of nerve-agent poisoning.Médecins Sans Frontières Director of Operations Bart Janssens stated that MSF "can neither scientifically confirm the cause of these symptoms nor establish who is responsible for the attack. However, the reported symptoms of the patients, in addition to the epidemiological pattern of the events – characterised by the massive influx of patients in a short period of time, the origin of the patients, and the contamination of medical and first aid workers – strongly indicate mass exposure to a neurotoxic agent."Gwyn Winfield, Editorial Director at CBRNe World, analysed some videos from the day of the attack and wrote on the magazine's website: "It is difficult to define [an] agent by the signs and symptoms. Clearly respiratory distress, some nerve spasms and a half hearted washdown (involving water and bare hands?!), but it could equally be a riot control agent as a [chemical warfare agent]."
Human Rights Watch reported that two types of rockets were used: in Western Ghouta, a 140mm rocket made in the Soviet Union in 1967 and exported to Syria; and in Eastern Ghouta, a 330mm rocket of unknown origin. HRW also reported that at the time of the attack, Syrian rebels were not known to be in possession of the rockets used.Seymour Hersh has suggested that the 330mm rockets may have been produced locally, and with a limited range. Blogger Eliot Higgins has looked at the munitions linked to the attack and analysed footage of the putative launchers inside government territory.According to a study published in January 2014 by Theodore Postol and Richard Lloyd, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the rockets used in the attack had a range of about two kilometers, indicating the munitions could not have been fired from the 'heart' or from the Eastern edge of the Syrian Government Controlled Area shown in the Intelligence Map published by the White House on 30 August 2013. A response from Higgins and Kaszeta included an observation that the Russian-language news site ANNA News had posted videos showing a Syrian government military operation running from June to August 2013 to clear positions between Jobar and Qaboun, a strip of land about 2 km away from the 21 August impact sites. MIT Professor Theodore Postol contacted Dan Kaszeta and asked him how he came to the conclusion that Hexamine was the "smoking gun" regarding the alleged culpability of the Syrian Government. Åke Sellström told Postol that indeed "the presence of hexamine may mean that this substance was used as scavenger for protons when producing sarin" but that it was a common substance and not conclusive evidence implicating the Syrian government.Many of the munitions and their fragments had been moved; however, in two cases, the UN could identify the likely launch azimuths. Triangulating rocket trajectories suggests that the origin of the attack may have been within government or rebel-held territory. Consideration of missile ranges influences calculations as to whether rockets originated from the government or rebel-held regions.
Two purported intercepts of communications that appeared to implicate the Syrian government received prominent media coverage. One was a phone call allegedly between Syrian officials which Israel's Unit 8200 was said to have intercepted and passed to the US. The other was a phone call which the German Bundesnachrichtendienst said it had intercepted, between a high-ranking representative of Hezbollah and the Iranian embassy, in which the purported Hezbollah official said that poison gas had been used and that Assad's order to attack with chemical weapons had been a strategic error.On 29 August the Associated Press reported that, according to two U.S. intelligence officials and two other U.S. officials, the U.S. intercept was a conversation between "low-level" Syrian officials with no direct link to the upper echelons of the government or military.The Bild am Sonntag newspaper subsequently reported that German intelligence indicated that Assad had likely not ordered the attacks. According to Bild, "intelligence interception specialists" relying on communications intercepted by the German vessel Oker said that Syrian military commanders had repeatedly been asking permission to launch chemical attacks for around four months, with permission always being denied from the presidential palace. The sources concluded that 21 August attack had probably not been approved by Bashar al-Assad.
Murad Abu Bilal, Khaled Naddaf and other Center for Documentation of Violations in Syria and Local Coordination Committees of Syria (LCC) media staff went to Zamalka soon after the attacks to film and obtain other documentary evidence. Almost all the journalists died from inhalation of the neurotoxins, except Murad Abu Bilal, who was the only Zamalka LCC media member to survive. The videos were published on YouTube, attracting world-wide media attention.Experts who have analysed the first video said it shows the strongest evidence yet consistent with the use of a lethal toxic agent. Visible symptoms reportedly included rolling eyes, foaming at the mouth, and tremors. There was at least one image of a child suffering miosis, the pin-point pupil effect associated with the nerve agent Sarin, a powerful neurotoxin reportedly used before in Syria. Ralph Trapp, a former scientist at the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, said the footage showed what a chemical weapons attack on a civilian area would look like, and went on to note "This is one of the first videos I've seen from Syria where the numbers start to make sense. If you have a gas attack you would expect large numbers of people, children and adults, to be affected, particularly if it's in a built-up area."Some experts, among them Jean Pascal Zanders, initially stated that evidence that sarin was used, as claimed by pro-rebel sources, was still lacking and highlighted the lack of second-hand contaminations typically associated with use of weapons-grade nerve agents: "I remain sceptical that it was a nerve agent like sarin. I would have expected to see more convulsions," he said. "The other thing that seems inconsistent with sarin is that, given the footage of first responders treating victims without proper protective equipment, you would expect to see considerable secondary casualties from contamination – which does not appear to be evident." However, after Zanders saw footage imminently after the attack, he changed his mind, saying: "The video footage and pictures this time are of a far better quality. You can clearly see the typical signs of asphyxiation, including a pinkish blueish tinge to the skin colour. There is one image of an adult woman where you can see the tell-tale blackish mark around her mouth, all of which suggests death from asphyxiation." Zanders however cautioned that these symptoms covered a range of neurotoxicants, including some available for civilian use as pest control agents, and said that until the UN reported its analysis of samples, "I can't make a judgement.. I have to keep an open mind."According to a report by The Daily Telegraph, "videos uploaded to YouTube by activists showed rows of motionless bodies and medics attending to patients apparently in the grip of seizures. In one piece of footage, a young boy appeared to be foaming at the mouth while convulsing."Hamish de Bretton-Gordon, a former commander of British Chemical and Biological counterterrorism forces, told BBC that the images were very similar to previous incidents he had witnessed, although he could not verify the footage.
The timing of the attacks prompted some U.S. intelligence officials to speculate they were meant to draw western intervention, a concept dismissed by others. In December 2013 Seymour Hersh wrote that in the days before and after the attack, sensors notifying U.S. intelligence agencies of Syrian chemical weapons deployment did not activate, and intelligence briefings shown to the U.S. president contained no information about an impending government chemical weapons attack. Publicly, the U.S. government cited classified intercepts of communications it said were between Syrian officials, unavailable to the public, which they state prove Syrian government forces carried out the chemical attack. Criticizing what they called a misleading presentation of intelligence, a former senior U.S. intelligence official quoted by Seymour Hersh said the transcript actually included intercepts from many months prior to the attack, collated to make them appear related to the Ghouta attacks.In April 2014 Hersh wrote an article proposing the attacks were committed by Al-Qaeda affiliate Al-Nusra Front, whom Hersh writes were supplied with sarin by Turkey. Hersh's argument received some support, but was dismissed by other commentators. The US and Turkish governments denied the accuracy of Hersh's article. On October 20, 2015, Republican People's Party deputy Eren Erdem stated that documents from a Turkish government investigation showed that ISIL and affiliated groups received help from Turkish intelligence to carry out the Ghouta chemical attack.
According to public statements, intelligence agencies in Israel, the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Turkey, and Germany concluded that the Syrian government was most likely responsible for the attacks. Western intelligence agencies agreed that video evidence is consistent with the use of a nerve agent, such as sarin. Laboratory tests showed traces of sarin, in blood and hair samples collected from emergency workers who responded to the attacks.Russia said there was no evidence tying the Syrian government to the attack and that it was likely carried out by an opposition group.
On 2 September, the French government published a nine-page intelligence report blaming the Syrian government for the Ghouta attacks. An unnamed French government official said that the analysis was carried out by the Directorate-General for External Security (DGSE) and Direction du renseignement militaire (DRM) based on satellite and video images, on-the-ground sources, and samples collected from two April attacks. The report said analysis of samples collected from attacks in Saraqeb and Jobar in April 2013 had confirmed the use of sarin.The Guardian reported that French intelligence had images that showed rocket attacks on opposition neighborhoods from government-controlled areas to the east and west of Damascus. The report said that the government later launched conventional bombing of those neighborhoods in order to destroy evidence of a chemical attack. Based on analysis of 47 videos, the report said at least 281 fatalities occurred. Using other sources and extrapolation a chemical attack model estimated the total number of death at approximately 1,500.
The Bundesnachrichtendienst said it intercepted a phone call between a Hezbollah official and the Iranian Embassy in which the Hezbollah representative criticised Assad's decision to attack with poison gas, apparently confirming its use by the Syrian government. German newspaper Der Spiegel reported on 3 September that BND President Gerhard Schindler told them that based on the agency's evidence, Germany now shared the United Kingdom, United States, and France's view that the attacks were carried out by the Syrian government. However, they also said the attack may have been much more potent than intended, speculating that there may have been an error in mixing the chemical weapons used.
Russian officials said that there was no proof that the government of Syria had a hand in the chemical attacks. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov described the American, British and French intelligence reports as "unconvincing" and said at a joint news conference with his French counterpart Laurent Fabius after the release of the United Nations report in mid-September that he continued to believe the rebels carried out the attack. Russian President Vladimir Putin said he wanted to see evidence that would make it "obvious" who used chemical weapons in Ghouta.In a commentary published in The New York Times on 11 September 2013, Putin wrote that "there is every reason to believe [poison gas] was used not by the Syrian Army, but by opposition forces, to provoke intervention by their powerful foreign patrons,". Lavrov said on 18 September that "new evidence" given to Russia by the Syrian government would be forthcoming.
A report on the attacks by the United Kingdom's Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) was published on 29 August 2013 prior to a vote on intervention by the House of Commons of the United Kingdom. The report said at least 350 people were killed and that it was "highly likely" that the attacks had been carried out by the Syrian government, resting in part on the firm view that the Syrian opposition was not capable of carrying out a chemical weapons attack on this scale, and on the JIC view that the Syrian government had used chemical weapons in the Syrian civil war on a small scale on 14 previous occasions. Analysis of the Ghouta attacks themselves was based largely on reviewing video footage and publicly available witness evidence. The report conceded problems with motivation for the attacks, saying there was "no obvious political or military trigger for regime use of CW on an apparently larger scale now." British officials said they believe the Syrian military used chemical weapons, including the nerve agent sarin, on a small scale against the opposition on at least 14 times prior to the Ghouta attacks and described "a clear pattern of regime use" of the nerve agent since 2012.The report was met with substantial scepticism in the British media, with the Daily Mail explicitly comparing it with the "dodgy dossier" the UK government had published in 2003 prior to the Iraq War. A vote in the House of Commons to approve UK participation in military action against Syria was narrowly rejected, with some MPs arguing that the case for Syrian government culpability was not sufficiently strong to justify approving action. Prime Minister David Cameron himself had been forced to concede that "in the end there is no 100 percent certainty about who is responsible."
At the time of the attack, Syria was not a member of the Chemical Weapons Convention. However, Human Rights Watch argues that the Ghouta chemical attack was illegal under a different international agreement:Syria is a party to the 1925 Geneva Gas protocol, which bans the use in war of asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases, and of all analogous liquids, materials or devices. The use of chemical weapons is also prohibited as a matter of customary international humanitarian law, or the laws of war. The prohibition on the use of chemical weapons applies to all armed conflicts, including so-called non-international armed conflicts such as the current fighting in Syria. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, in the Tadic case, stated "there undisputedly emerged a general consensus in the international community on the principle that the use of [chemical] weapons is also prohibited in internal armed conflicts."
Information Minister Omran al-Zoubi was quoted by the official state news agency, Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA), as saying that the government did not and would not use such weapons, if in fact they even existed. Al-Zoubi said, "everything that has been said is absurd, primitive, illogical and fabricated. What we say is what we mean: there is no use of such things (chemical weapons) at all, at least not by the Syrian army or the Syrian state, and it's easy to prove and it is not that complicated." SANA called the reports of chemical attacks as "untrue and designed to derail the ongoing UN inquiry." A Syrian military official appeared on state television denouncing the reports as "a desperate opposition attempt to make up for rebel defeats on the ground." Deputy Foreign Minister Faisal Mekdad declared it a tactic by the rebels to turn around the civil war which he said "they were losing" and that, though the government had admitted to having stocks of chemical weapons, stated they would never be used "inside Syria". Democratic Union Party leader Salih Muslim said he doubted that the Syrian government carried out the chemical attack.The National Coalition called the attack a "coup de grace that kills all hopes for a political solution in Syria." In a statement on Facebook, the Coventry-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, an anti-government activist network, blamed the attack on the Syrian military and said of the incident that "we assure the world that silence and inaction in the face of such gross and large-scale war crimes, committed in this instance by the Syrian regime, will only embolden the criminals to continue in this path. The international community is thus complicit in these crimes because of its [polarisation], silence and inability to work on a settlement that would lead to the end of the daily bloodshed in Syria."
The international community condemned the attacks. United States President Barack Obama said the US military should strike targets in Syria to retaliate for the government's purported use of chemical weapons, a proposal publicly supported by French President François Hollande, but condemned by Russia and Iran. The Arab League stated it would support military action against Syria in the event of UN support, though member states Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, and Tunisia opposed it.At the end of August, the House of Commons of the United Kingdom voted against military intervention in Syria. In early September, the United States Congress began debating a proposed authorisation to use military force, although votes on the resolution were indefinitely postponed amid opposition from many legislators and tentative agreement between Obama and Russian President Vladimir Putin on an alternative proposal, under which Syria would declare and surrender its chemical weapons to be destroyed under international supervision.In contrast to the positions of their governments, polls in early September indicated that most people in the US, UK, Germany and France opposed military intervention in Syria. One poll indicated that 50% of Americans could support military intervention with cruise missiles only, "meant to destroy military units and infrastructure that have been used to carry out chemical attacks." In a survey of American military personnel, around 75% said they opposed air strikes on Syria, with 80% saying an attack would not be "in the U.S. national interest". Meanwhile, a Russian poll suggested that most Russians supported neither side in the conflict, with less than 10% saying they supported Assad.
エクアドルには青年海外協力隊が野球の指導に訪れる。2006年の北京オリンピック野球・アメリカ大陸予選に出場。南米地区予選を突破したが、二次リーグで敗退した。
婚約者もおり、普通に生活を送っていた普通のOL芳村香は、突如会社からリストラされてしまう。ハローワークで紹介された職場はボクシングジムだった。ボクシングジムとは知らず就職した香は、早く辞めようと思案する。そこで香が出会ったのは、少し奇妙なロートルボクサー澤田亮平だった。澤田は一流大学を出、一流企業に勤めていた順風満帆な日々を捨て、ボクサーになった偏屈者だった。婚約者からプロポーズを受けた香だったが、引退の年齢も近く、日々負けつづけてもなおボクサーであることを辞めない澤田との出会いが、香の人生を徐々に変えていく。
ヤコブ・ネッベ（Jacob Nöbbe、1850年10月4日 - 1919年3月31日）はドイツの画家である。
シュレスヴィヒ＝ホルシュタイン州のフレンスブルクに生まれた。父親は絵描き職人（master painter）で1867年から1870年まで父親のもとで見習いをした。デュッセルドルフ美術アカデミーで学んだ後、ドレスデン美術学校で、ルートヴィヒ・リヒターやユリウス・ヒュープナーに学んだ。1年ほど肖像画家として働いた後、ベルリン美術アカデミーでも学んだ。ここで、画家のハインリヒ・ペーターゼン＝アンゲルンやキュビールシュキー（Erich Kubierschky）と友人となり、彼らと1882年に故郷に近い、南デンマークのイーヤンソン教区（Egernsund Sogn）にヴィルヘルム・ドレーゼンが中心となって作られた「Künstlerkolonie Ekensund」（エーケンズント芸術家村)のメンバーとなった。美術教師としてエーケンズントで教えた。教えた画家にはデンマークの北シュレースヴィヒ地方出身のエミール・ノルデやフレンスブルクに生まれのアレクサンダー・エッケナーらがいる。
亀屋 左京（かめや さきょう、天明2年（1782年） - 嘉永3年（1850年）は、江戸時代後期の近江商人。艾（もぐさ）を商い、コマーシャルソングを用い伊吹艾を一世風靡させた。
天明2年（1782年）近江坂田郡中山道60番目の宿場である柏原宿の艾屋の次男に生まれた。なお、誕生年については、寛政元年（1789年）とも言われる。本姓は松浦、通称七兵衛、諱は氏幸と称し亀屋左京6代目の当主、肥前松浦氏の裔とされる。七兵衛が20歳の頃、行商で江戸に下ると儲けた金で吉原に行き、遊女に「江州柏原、伊吹山の麓の亀屋左京の切り艾」と言う歌を教え込み、毎夜宴席で歌わせていたところ、歌の流行につれ伊吹艾の名も全国に広まった。七兵衛は大金を手にし、郷里で田畑を買って嫁を迎えたが、人の妬みを買い乱暴を受けてしまった。すると、七兵衛は早速この一件を浄瑠璃に仕立て、「伊吹艾」の演目名で大阪・京で興行を行った。これが大当たりとなって伊吹艾の名はますます有名になり、亀屋左京は盛況を極めた。七兵衛は儲けた資金で邸宅裏に庭園を造り、宿場を往来する人達に公開し休憩所として利用してもらうと共に艾販売を行った。歌川広重の絵にも亀屋左京の店と、店に隣接する庭園・休憩所の様子が描かれている。
東京都生まれ、東京芸術大学大学院で高田博厚の「彫刻論」を受講。大学院修了と同時に高田が借りていた新宿区西落合のアトリエを引き継ぎ、鎌倉市稲村ガ崎に転居した高田の第一作「ガンジー立像」の制作を手伝い、以来、高田を師と仰ぐ。群馬県前橋市の書店、煥乎堂において高田を中心に「一元会」を結成し、中心メンバーとして「一元会展」を25年以上にわたり参加する。ロストワックス法による鋳造技術を独学でマスターし、埼玉県三郷市に有限会社三郷工房を創立。鋳造を生業としながら、自身の彫刻作品の制作も続ける。師事した高田博厚をはじめとして、文化勲章受章者の彫刻家、澤田政廣の作品など数々の作家の作品鋳造にかかわる。晩年の高田博厚からは、自作をブロンズにするすべてを任されていた。埼玉県東松山市立図書館や岩手県一関市迎橋など、数々の公共設置作品を残した。
1970〜77年はペンシルベニア州の高校生の試合で、1974年と1977年は東部バスケットボール協会（後のコンチネンタル・バスケットボール・アソシエーション）で審判を務めた後、1977年26歳の時にNBAに雇用された。
ミョウバン（明礬、英: Alum）とは、1価の陽イオンの硫酸塩  と3価の金属イオンの硫酸塩  の複塩の総称である。 または  などで表され、陽イオン1モルあたり12モルの結晶水を含む。 及び2個の から構成され、結晶構造は 等軸晶系に属する。溶解度は温度によって大きく変わる。水に高温でより多く溶ける。水溶液は弱酸性である。単にミョウバンといった場合、硫酸カリウムアルミニウム十二水和物  を示すことが多いが、このほかにも鉄ミョウバン、アンモニウム鉄ミョウバンなどがあり、混同を避けるためにしばしばカリミョウバンまたはカリウムミョウバンと呼ばれる。特に、カリミョウバンの無水物を焼きミョウバンといい、食品添加物として乾物屋などで販売している。
媒染剤や防水剤、消火剤、皮なめし剤、沈殿剤などの用途があり、古代ローマ時代から使われてきた。上質の井戸がない場合、質の悪い水にミョウバンを入れて不純物を沈殿させて飲用に使うこともあった。また、腋の制汗・防臭剤としても使用されていた。天然のミョウバンは白礬（はくばん）とも呼ばれ、その収斂作用、殺菌作用から、洗眼、含嗽に用いられることがあった。食物への用途としては、根菜や芋類・栗のアク抜きの他、甘露煮などを作る際に、細胞壁と結合して不溶化することで煮崩れを防ぎ、またナスの漬物では色素であるアントシアニンの色を安定化して、紫色を保つ働きがある。ウニ（雲丹）の加工時の型崩れ防止・保存のための添加物としても使用される。多量に用いるとミョウバン独特の苦みを呈する。温度の変化により溶解度が大きく変わる性質があり、溶解度曲線や単結晶生成の化学実験によく使用される。 写真現像の定着処理液で硬膜処理剤としてミョウバンが用いられる。とくにフィルム感光面の長寿命化が要求される場合にクロムミョウバンを用いて定着処理の後に超硬膜処理をする場合がある。日本画では和紙への絵具滲みを防ぐために、ミョウバンと膠の混合液である「礬水（どうさ）」を和紙に塗る。園芸においてはアジサイの発色に用いられる。アントシアニンの色を安定化して鮮やかな青色を発色させる働きがある。アルム石という名称で、固形物や軟膏に配合され、収斂作用、殺菌作用から制汗・デオドラント（防臭）製品に使用される。
1933年に建設され、1942年日本軍により拡張された。1958年、民用航空として改修され、1960年9月1日に正式に開港し瀋陽便を開設した。しかし、空港施設が粗末だった為に休航となった。1974年、基礎の上にセメントの滑走路と副滑走路を建造して駐機場も設置し空港は2C級に達した。1985年と1993年に2度に渡って大規模拡張をし3C級に達し、総面積は113.4m²となった。大型や中型機も就航できるようになり、1994年、北京、大連、丹東、青島、済南、秦皇島等8路線が開通した。しかし、再び欠航となるが、2008年2月29日にフライト再開された。
現在アガディールのある場所は、中世においては、小さな漁村があるのみであった。1505年、ポルトガル人によってSanta Cruz do Cabo de Guéという町が造られ、貿易業の拠点となった。1541年にはワッタース朝の支配下に置かれる。1572年には要塞が築かれ、アガディールは2世紀の間、繁栄した。
松本商業学校から立教大学、社会人野球の中央産業、今泉産業、小口工作所を経て、1950年に近鉄パールスへ入団。1951年に退団し、翌年は日本コロムビアプレー。選手引退後は日本コロムビア宣伝部に所属した。