The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam: Negotiating Ideology and Religious Identity (2008)

Omid Safi. The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam: Negotiating Ideology and Religious Identity. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. Pp. 292. ISBN 0-8078-2993-5 (cloth); 0-8078- 5657-6 (pbk.). This intensely personal narrative is argument about ancient question: how is moral individual conduct himself in immoral environment? In remarkable introduction, author (born in 1970 in United States) informs us that this project arose because of questions of religious that led his family return US from Iran in wake of 1979 revolution, only be confronted by similar, ongoing, inquisition in post-9/11 America. In America, he turned Persian mystic poets, in hope that they would help him recover fluid religiosity of my childhood. Like many other expatriate Iranians, I sought to-and perhaps needed to-identify de-politicized (and preferably de-historicized) realm of poetry out of which I could resurrect worldview that was at once and rational, tolerant and modern (pp. xxi-xxii). Safi writes that he found this fluid religiosity in an oppositional 'Ayn al-Qudat Abu 'l-Ma'ali 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad ibn 'Ali ibn al-Hasan al-Mayanji al-Hamadani (492-525/1098-1131), who possessed qualifications of being powerful insider, being a judge, sufi [sufi], popular preacher, etc., but used his position bargain with Saljuqs but rise against them, defiantly contesting their (p. 158) and was executed for it at age of thirty three in Isfahan. He was for me Rumi [Jalal al-Din Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Rumi (d. 672/1273)] and Ibn 'Arabi [Muhyi 'l-Din Muhammad b. 'Ali (d. 638/1240)], poet and social critic, lover and philosopher, all wrapped up in one. The book, originally doctoral dissertation, represents author's attempt to figure out something about why he was killed. The answer, erudite, intellectually disciplined account of journey of soul, is presented in six chapters. The first three set out methodological framework, as becomes dissertation; last three examine three stylised responses: capitulation, negotiation, or opposition. With some simplification of author's complex and nuanced account storyline may be sketched as follows. The Saljuqs were nominal Muslims, who contested and negotiated with Caliph, and-through vezir- coerced all (especially, notable scholars and mystics), in their for power. This is exemplified in life of Nizam al-Mulk (408-485/1018-1092) whose complex negotiations on politics and ideology were proximate determinants of substance of religious orthodoxy and sufi lore of times. In addition personal influence, state apparatus of surveillance, land-grants, madrasahs and khanqahs was employed ensure compliance. How did individuals respond this environment? Abau Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazali (450-505/1058-1111) accepted patronage of Nizam al-Mulk; contrary accounts of his allegedly quest (p. 204) al- Ghazali was, and remained forever, political creature (p. 109), not above using the ultimate trump card, Qur'an (p. 120) legitimize obedience Saljuqs. Less closely linked power than madrasah 'ulama', some sufis-Baba Tahir ('Uryan, dates uncertain), Abau Sa'id Abi 'l-Khayr (d. 440/1049), and Shaykh Ahmad ibn Abau 'l-Hasan Ahmad-i Jam, Zindahfil (d. 536/1141)-employed spiritual blackmail (p. 129) by asking for support for sufis and khanqahs, in return for enhancing legitimacy by their blessings, supportive visions, and wondrous deeds (karamat). Finally, there is oppositional-the posture approved by fellow-emigre, Edward Said-sufi, 'Ayn al-Qudat al-Hamadani, student of Abau Hamid al-Ghazali's works and his brother's (Abau 'l-Futauh Ahmad al-Ghazali, d. 520/1126) disciple, who was executed for his refusal legitimize Saljuqs and his opposition their ideology. …