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+[Transcriber’s Note:
+
+This text uses utf-8 (unicode) file encoding. If the apostrophes and
+quotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, make sure your
+text reader’s “character set” or “file encoding” is set to Unicode
+(UTF-8). You may also need to change the default font. As a last
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+Forms such as 8^o, 12^o with superscript “o” have been changed to 8vo,
+12mo. Typographical errors are listed at the end of the text.]
+
+
+
+
+  LAURENCE STERNE
+  IN GERMANY
+
+  A Contribution to the Study of the
+  Literary Relations of England and
+  Germany in the Eighteenth Century
+
+
+  By
+
+  HARVEY WATERMAN THAYER, Ph.D.
+
+  Sometime Fellow in Germanic Languages and
+  Literatures, Columbia University
+
+
+
+
+Copyright 1905, Columbia University Press, New York
+
+
+
+
+NOTE
+
+
+Mr. Thayer has undertaken to write, in detail and from the sources, the
+history of Sterne’s vogue in Germany. As thus broadly defined the task
+had not before been attempted, although phases of it had been treated,
+more or less thoroughly, in recent monographs. The work here submitted,
+the result of careful research in a number of American and European
+libraries, is in my judgment an interesting and valuable contribution to
+our knowledge of the literary relations of England and Germany at the
+time of the great renascence of German letters.
+
+  CALVIN THOMAS.
+
+    Columbia University, May, 1905.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The following study was begun in the autumn of 1901, and was practically
+finished now more than a year ago. Since its completion two works of
+interest to lovers of Sterne have been issued, Czerny’s study of
+Sterne’s influence upon Hippel and Jean Paul, a work which the present
+author had planned as a continuation of this book, and Prof. Cross’s new
+definitive edition of Sterne.
+
+I desire here to express my thanks to Prof. W. H. Carpenter, Prof.
+Calvin Thomas and Prof. W. P. Trent, under whose guidance my last year
+of University residence was spent: their interest in my work was
+generous and unfailing; their admirable scholarship has been and will
+continue to be an inspiration. I am indebted to Prof. Carpenter and
+Prof. Thomas for many helpful suggestions regarding the present work,
+and the latter especially has given freely of his valuable time to a
+consideration of my problems. I am grateful also to several other
+friends for helpful and kindly service, and to many librarians in this
+country and in Europe for their courtesy.
+
+  NEW YORK, May 1, 1905.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+  Chapter I.    Introduction                                        1
+
+  Chapter II.   Sterne in Germany before the Publication
+                of The Sentimental Journey                          9
+
+  Chapter III.  The Publication of The Sentimental Journey         35
+
+  Chapter IV.   Sterne in Germany after the Publication of
+                The Sentimental Journey                            55
+
+  Chapter V.    Sterne’s Influence in Germany                      84
+
+  Chapter VI.   Imitators of Sterne                               112
+
+  Chapter VII.  Opposition to Sterne and His Type of
+                Sentimentalism                                    156
+
+  Chapter VIII. Bibliography                                      183
+
+  Index                                                           196
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+The indebtedness of German culture to other peoples has been the theme
+of much painstaking investigation. The history of German literature is,
+in large measure, the story of its successive periods of connection with
+the literatures of other lands, and hence scholars have sought with
+industry and insight to bound and explain such literary inter-relations.
+
+The latter half of the eighteenth century was a period of predominant
+English influence. The first half of the century had fostered this
+ascendency through the popularity of the moral weeklies, the religious
+epic, and the didactic poetry of Britain. Admiration for English ideals
+was used as a weapon to combat French dominion in matters of taste, till
+a kind of Anglomania spread, which was less absolute than the waning
+Gallomania had been, only in such measure as the nature of the imitated
+lay nearer the German spirit and hence allowed and cherished a parallel
+independence rather than demanded utter subjection. Indeed, the study of
+English masters may be said to have contributed more than any other
+external cause to the golden age of German letters; to have worked with
+untold beneficence in bringing faltering Germany to a consciousness of
+her own inherent possibilities. This fact of foreign awakening of
+national greatness through kinship of inborn racial characteristics
+removes the seeming inconsistency that British influence was paramount
+at the very time of Germany’s most individual, most national, outburst.
+
+The German literary world concerned itself zealously with each new
+development across the channel. The German literary periodicals were
+diligent and alert in giving their subscribers adequate intelligence
+concerning new books in England,[1] and various journals[2] devoted
+exclusively to a retailing of English thought for German readers are by
+their very existence eloquent testimony to the supreme interest in
+things British. Through the medium of these literary journals,
+intelligence concerning British literary interests was disseminated,
+and the way was thus prepared for the reception of the British authors
+themselves. Every English writer of eminence, every English literary
+movement was in some way or other echoed in the literature of the German
+fatherland. English authors were read in the original, and in numerous
+and popular translations. A German following is a well-nigh certain
+inference from an English success. Sometimes the growth of German
+appreciation and imitation was immediate and contemporaneous, or nearly
+so, with the English interest, as in the case of the German enthusiasm
+for Bishop Percy’s “Reliques.” At other times it tarried behind the
+period of interest in England, and was gradual in its development. The
+suggestion that a book, especially a novel, was translated from the
+English was an assurance of its receiving consideration, and many
+original German novels were published under the guise of English
+translations. Hermes roguishly avoids downright falsehood, and yet
+avails himself of this popular trend by describing his “Miss Fanny
+Wilkes” upon the title page as “So gut als aus dem Englischen
+übersetzt,” and printing “so gut als” in very small type. Müller in a
+letter[3] to Gleim, dated at Cassel, May 27, 1781, proposes to alter
+names in Liscow’s works and to publish his books as an English
+translation: “Germany would read him with delight,” he says, and Gleim,
+in his reply, finds the idea “splendid.” Out of this one reads clearly
+how the Germany of that time was hanging on the lips of England.
+
+As has been suggested, conscious or unconscious imitation in the home
+literature is the unavoidable result of admiration for the foreign;
+imitation of English masters is written large on this period of German
+letters. Germany is especially indebted to the stirring impulse of the
+English novel.
+
+The intellectual development of a people is observable in its successive
+periods of interest in different kinds of narration, in its attitude
+toward the relation of fictitious events. The interest in the
+extraordinary always precedes that in the ordinary; the unstored mind
+finds pleasure only in the unusual. An appreciation of the absorbing,
+vital interest of everyday existence is the accomplishment of reflective
+training, and betokens the spiritualized nature. Yet it must be observed
+in passing that the crude interest of unschooled ignorance, and
+undeveloped taste in the grotesque, the monstrous, the unreal, is not
+the same as the intellectual man’s appreciation of the unreal in
+imagination and fancy. The German novel had passed its time of service
+under the wild, extraordinary and grotesque. The crudities of such tales
+of adventure were softened and eliminated by the culturing influence of
+formal classicism and by a newly won admiration for the everyday element
+in life, contemporaneous with and dependent upon the gradual
+appreciation of middle-class worth. At this point the English novel
+stepped in as a guide, and the gradual shaping of the German novel in
+the direction of an art-form is due primarily to the prevailing
+admiration of English models.
+
+The novel has never been a characteristic method of German
+self-expression, while if any form of literary endeavor can be
+designated as characteristically English, the novel may claim this
+distinction; that is, more particularly the novel as distinguished from
+the romance. “Robinson Crusoe” (1719) united the elements of the
+extraordinary and the everyday, being the practical, unromantic account
+of a remarkable situation; and its extensive vogue in Germany, the
+myriad confessed imitations, may be said to form a kind of transition
+of interests. In it the commonplace gains interest through the
+extraordinary situation. Such an awakening assures a certain measure
+of interest remaining over for the detailed relation of the everyday
+activities of life, when removed from the exceptional situation. Upon
+this vantage ground the novel of everyday life was built. Near the
+mid-century comes another mighty influence from England, Richardson,
+who brings into the narration of middle-class, everyday existence, the
+intense analysis of human sensibilities. Richardson taught Germany to
+remodel her theories of heroism, her whole system of admirations, her
+conception of deserts. Rousseau’s voice from France spoke out a stirring
+appeal for the recognition of human feelings. Fielding, though attacking
+Richardson’s exaggeration of manner, and opposing him in his excess of
+emotionalism, yet added a forceful influence still in favor of the real,
+present and ordinary, as exemplified in the lives of vigorous human
+beings.
+
+England’s leadership in narrative fiction, the superiority of the
+English novel, especially the humorous novel, which was tacitly
+acknowledged by these successive periods of imitation, when not actually
+declared by the acclaim of the critic and the preference of the reading
+public, has been attributed quite generally to the freedom of life in
+England and the comparative thraldom in Germany. Gervinus[4] enlarges
+upon this point, the possibility in Britain of individual development in
+character and in action as compared with the constraint obtaining in
+Germany, where originality, banished from life, was permissible only in
+opinion. His ideas are substantially identical with those expressed many
+years before in an article in the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen
+Wissenschaften_[5] entitled “Ueber die Laune.” Lichtenberg in his brief
+essay, “Ueber den deutschen Roman,”[6] is undoubtedly more than half
+serious in his arraignment of the German novel and his acknowledgment of
+the English novelist’s advantage: the trend of this satirical skit
+coincides with the opinion above outlined, the points he makes being
+characteristic of his own humorous bent. That the English sleep in
+separate apartments, with big chimneys in their bedchambers, that they
+have comfortable post-chaises with seats facing one another, where all
+sorts of things may happen, and merry inns for the accommodation of the
+traveler,--these features of British life are represented as affording a
+grateful material to the novelist, compared with which German life
+offers no corresponding opportunity. Humor, as a characteristic element
+of the English novel, has been felt to be peculiarly dependent upon the
+fashion of life in Britain. Blankenburg, another eighteenth-century
+student of German literary conditions, in his treatise on the novel[7],
+has similar theories concerning the sterility of German life as compared
+with English, especially in the production of humorous characters[8]. He
+asserts theoretically that humor (Laune) should never be employed in a
+novel of German life, because “Germany’s political institutions and
+laws, and our nice Frenchified customs would not permit this humor.” “On
+the one side,” he goes on to say, “is Gothic formality; on the other,
+frivolity.” Later in the volume (p. 191) he confines the use of humorous
+characters to subordinate rôles; otherwise, he says, the tendency to
+exaggeration would easily awaken displeasure and disgust. Yet in a
+footnote, prompted by some misgiving as to his theory, Blankenburg
+admits that much is possible to genius and cites English novels where a
+humorous character appears with success in the leading part; thus the
+theorist swerves about, and implies the lack of German genius in this
+regard. Eberhard in his “Handbuch der Aesthetik,”[9] in a rather
+unsatisfactory and confused study of humor, expresses opinions agreeing
+with those cited above, and states that in England the feeling of
+independence sanctions the surrender of the individual to eccentric
+humor: hence England has produced more humorists than all the rest of
+the world combined. There is, however, at least one voice raised to
+explain in another way this deficiency of humor in German letters.
+A critic in the _Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_[10] attributes
+this lack not to want of original characters but to a lack of men like
+Cervantes, Ben Jonson, Butler, Addison, Fielding.
+
+There is undoubtedly some truth in both points of view, but the defects
+of the eighteenth century German novel are due in larger measure to the
+peculiar mental organization of German authorship than to lack of
+interesting material in German life. The German novel was crushed under
+the weight of pedantry and pedagogy. Hillebrand strikes the root of the
+matter when he says,[11] “We are all schoolmasters, even Hippel could
+not get away from the tutorial attitude.” The inborn necessity of German
+culture is to impart information, to seek recruits for the maintenance
+of some idea, to exploit some political, educational, or moral theory.
+This irresistible impulse has left its trail over German fiction.
+The men who wrote novels, as soon as they began to observe, began to
+theorize, and the results of this speculation were inevitably embodied
+in their works. They were men of mind rather than men of deeds, who
+minimized the importance of action and exaggerated the reflective,
+the abstract, the theoretical, the inner life of man. Hettner,[12] with
+fine insight, points to the introduction to “Sebaldus Nothanker” as
+exhibiting the characteristic of this epoch of fiction. Speculation was
+the hero’s world, and in speculation lay for him the important things of
+life; he knew not the real world, hence speculation concerning it was
+his occupation. Consequential connection of events with character makes
+the English novel the mirror of English life. Failure to achieve such a
+union makes the German novel a mirror of speculative opinions concerning
+life.
+
+Hence we have Germany in the mid-eighteenth century prepared to accept
+and adopt any literary dogma, especially when stamped with an English
+popularity, which shall represent an interest rather in extraordinary
+characters and unusual opinions than in astounding adventure; which
+shall display a knowledge of human feeling and foster the exuberant
+expression of it.
+
+Beside the devotees of any literary fashion are those who analyze
+philosophically the causes, and forecast the probable results of such a
+following. Thinking Germany became exercised over these facts of
+successive intellectual and literary dependence, as indicative of
+national limitations or foreboding disintegration. And thought was
+accordingly directed to the study of the influence of imitation upon the
+imitator, the effects of the imitative process upon national
+characteristics, as well as the causes of imitation, the fundamental
+occasion for national bondage in matters of life and letters. The part
+played by Dr. Edward Young’s famous epistle to Richardson, “Conjectures
+on Original Composition” (London, 1759), in this struggle for
+originality is considerable. The essay was reprinted, translated and
+made the theme of numerous treatises and discussions.[13] One needs only
+to mention the concern of Herder, as displayed in the “Fragmente über
+die neuere deutsche Litteratur,” and his statement[14] with reference to
+the predicament as realized by thoughtful minds may serve as a summing
+up of that part of the situation. “Seit der Zeit ist keine Klage lauter
+and häufiger als über den Mangel von Originalen, von Genies, von
+Erfindern, Beschwerden über die Nachahmungs- und gedankenlose
+Schreibsucht der Deutschen.”
+
+This thoughtful study of imitation itself was accompanied by more or
+less pointed opposition to the heedless importation of foreign views,
+and protests, sometimes vigorous and keen, sometimes flimsy and silly,
+were entered against the slavish imitation of things foreign. Endeavor
+was turned toward the establishment of independent ideals, and the
+fostering of a taste for the characteristically national in literature,
+as opposed to frank imitation and open borrowing.[15]
+
+The story of Laurence Sterne in Germany is an individual example of
+sweeping popularity, servile admiration, extensive imitation and
+concomitant opposition.
+
+
+    [Footnote 1: This is well illustrated by the words prefaced to the
+    revived and retitled _Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_, which state
+    the purpose of the periodical: “Besonders wird man für den
+    Liebhaber der englischen Litteratur dahin sorgen, dass ihm kein
+    einziger Artikel, der seiner Aufmerksamkeit würdig ist, entgehe,
+    und die Preise der englischen Bücher wo möglich allzeit bemerken.”
+    (_Frankfurter gel. Anz._, 1772, No. 1, January 3.)]
+
+    [Footnote 2: Elze, “Die Englische Sprache und Litteratur in
+    Deutschland,” gives what purports to be a complete list of these
+    German-English periodicals in chronological order, but he begins
+    his register with Eschenburg’s _Brittisches Museum für die
+    Deutschen_, 1777-81, thus failing to mention the more significant,
+    because earlier, journals: _die Brittische Bibliothek_, which
+    appeared first in 1759 in Leipzig, edited by Karl Wilhelm Müller:
+    and _Bremisches Magazin zur Ausbreitung der Wissenschaften, Künste
+    und Tugend, Von einigen Liebhabern derselben mehrentheils aus den
+    Englischen Monatsschriften gesammelt und herausgegeben_, Bremen
+    and Leipzig, 1757-1766, when the _Neues Bremisches Magazin_
+    begins.]
+
+    [Footnote 3: Briefe deutscher Gelehrten aus Gleim’s Nachlass.
+    Bd. II, p. 213.]
+
+    [Footnote 4: “Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung,” V, pp. 184 ff.
+    The comparative inferiority of the German novel is discussed by
+    l’Abbé Dénina in “La Prusse Littéraire sous Frédéric II,” Berlin,
+    1791. Vol. I, pp. 112 ff. See also Julian Schmidt, “Bilder aus dem
+    geistigen Leben unserer Zeit.” Leipzig, 1870. IV, pp. 270 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 5: III, pp. 1 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 6: Vermischte Schriften, II, p. 215.]
+
+    [Footnote 7: “Versuch über den Roman.” Frankfort and Leipzig,
+    1774, p. 528. This study contains frequent allusions to Sterne and
+    occasional quotation from his works, pp. 48, 191, 193, 200, 210,
+    273, 351, 365, 383, 426.]
+
+    [Footnote 8: There is a similar tribute to English humor in “Ueber
+    die moralische Schönheit und Philosophie des Lebens.” Altenburg,
+    1772, p. 199. Compare also Herder’s opinion in “Ideen zur
+    Geschichte und Kritik der Poesie und bildenden Künste,” 1794-96,
+    No. 49, in “Abhandlungen und Briefe über schöne Literatur und
+    Kunst.” Tübingen, 1806, I, pp. 375-380; compare also passages in
+    his “Fragmente” and “Wäldchen.”]
+
+    [Footnote 9: Second edition, Halle, 1807, II, pp. 309 ff. The
+    definition of humor and the perplexing question as to how far it
+    is identical with “Laune,” have received considerable attention at
+    the hands of aesthetic critics; compare, for example, Lessing in
+    the “Hamburgische Dramaturgie.”]
+
+    [Footnote 10: VII. p. 353. 1761.]
+
+    [Footnote 11: “Deutsche Nationalliteratur,” II, p. 535. Hamburg,
+    1850.]
+
+    [Footnote 12: “Geschichte der deutschen Literatur im achtzehnten
+    Jahrhundert,” III, 1, pp. 363 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 13: See Introduction to “Briefe über Merkwürdigkeiten
+    der Litteratur” in Seuffert’s Deutsche Litteraturdenkmale des 18.
+    und 19. Jahrhunderts. The literature of this study of imitation in
+    the Germany of the second half of the eighteenth century is
+    considerable. The effort of much in the Litteratur-Briefe may be
+    mentioned as contributing to this line of thought. The prize
+    question of the Berlin Academy for 1788 brought forth a book
+    entitled: “Wie kann die Nachahmung sowohl alter als neuer fremden
+    Werke der schönen Wissenschaften des vaterländischen Geschmack
+    entwickeln und vervollkommnen?” by Joh. Chr. Schwabe, professor in
+    Stuttgart. (Berlin, pp. 120; reviewed in _Allg. Litt. Zeitung._
+    1790. I, pp. 632-640.) Perhaps the first English essay upon German
+    imitation of British masters is that in the _Critical Journal_,
+    Vol. III, which was considered of sufficient moment for a German
+    translation. See _Morgenblatt_, I, Nr. 162, July 8, 1807. A writer
+    in the _Auserlesene Bibliothek der neusten deutschen Litteratur_
+    (Lemgo, 1772-3), in an article entitled “Vom Zustande des
+    Geschmacks beim deutschen Publikum,” traces the tendency to
+    imitate to the German capacity for thinking rather than for
+    feeling. (III, pp. 683 ff.) “Das deutsche Publikum,” he says,
+    “scheint dazu bestimmt zu seyn, nachzuahmen, nachzuurtheilen,
+    nachzuempfinden.” Justus Möser condemns his fellow countrymen
+    soundly for their empty imitation. See fragment published in
+    “Sämmtliche Werke,” edited by B. R. Abeken. Berlin, 1858. IV,
+    pp. 104-5.]
+
+    [Footnote 14: Herder’s sämmtliche Werke, edited by B. Suphan,
+    Berlin, Weidman, 1877, I, 254. In the tenth fragment (second
+    edition) he says the Germans have imitated other nations, “so dass
+    Nachahmer beinahe zum Beiwort und zur zweiten Sylbe unseres Namens
+    geworden.” See II, p. 51. Many years later Herder does not seem to
+    view this period of imitation with such regret as the attitude of
+    these earlier criticisms would forecast. In the “Ideen zur
+    Geschichte und Kritik der Poesie und bildenden Künste,” 1794-96,
+    he states with a burst of enthusiasm over the adaptability of the
+    German language that he regards imitation as no just reproach, for
+    thereby has Germany become immeasurably the richer.]
+
+    [Footnote 15: The kind of praise bestowed on Hermes’s “Sophiens
+    Reise” is a case in point; it was greeted as the first real German
+    novel, the traces of English imitation being hardly noticeable.
+    See _Magazin der deutschen Critik_, Vol. I, St. 2, pp. 245-251,
+    1772, signed “Kl.” Sattler’s “Friederike” was accorded a similar
+    welcome of German patriotism; see _Magazin der deutschen Critik_,
+    III, St. 1, p. 233. The “Litterarische Reise durch Deutschland”
+    (Leipzig, 1786, p. 82) calls “Sophiens Reise” the first original
+    German novel. See also the praise of Von Thümmel’s “Wilhelmine”
+    and “Sophiens Reise” in Blankenburg’s “Versuch über den Roman,”
+    pp. 237-9. Previously Germans had often hesitated to lay the
+    scenes of their novels in Germany, and in many others English
+    characters traveling or residing in Germany supply the un-German
+    element.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+STERNE IN GERMANY BEFORE THE PUBLICATION OF THE SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY
+
+
+It is no exaggeration to assert that the works of Yorick obtained and
+still retain a relatively more substantial position of serious
+consideration and recognized merit in France and Germany than in the
+countries where Sterne’s own tongue is spoken.[1] His place among the
+English classics has, from the foreign point of view, never been a
+dubious question, a matter of capricious taste and unstable ideals. His
+peculiar message, whether interpreted and insisted upon with clearness
+of insight, or blindness of misunderstanding, played its not unimportant
+part in certain developments of continental literatures, and his station
+in English literature, as viewed from a continental standpoint, is
+naturally in part the reflex of the magnitude of his influence in the
+literature of France and Germany, rather than an estimate obtained
+exclusively from the actual worth of his own accomplishment, and the
+nature of his own service as a leader and innovator in English letters.
+
+Sterne’s career in German literature, the esteem in which his own works
+have been held, and the connection between the sentimental, whimsical,
+contradictory English clergyman and his German imitators have been
+noted, generally speaking, by all the historians of literature; and
+several monographs and separate articles have been published on single
+phases of the theme.[2] As yet, however, save for the investigations
+which treat only of two or three authors, there has been hardly more
+than the general statement of the facts, often inadequate, incomplete,
+and sometimes inexact.
+
+Sterne’s period of literary activity falls in the sixties, the very
+heyday of British supremacy in Germany. The fame of Richardson was
+hardly dimmed, though Musäus ridiculed his extravagances in “Grandison
+der Zweite” (1760) at the beginning of the decade. In 1762-66 Wieland’s
+Shakespeare translation appeared, and his original works of the period,
+“Agathon,” begun in 1761, and “Don Silvio von Rosalva,” published in
+1764, betray the influence of both Richardson and Fielding. Ebert
+(1760--) revised and republished his translation of Young’s “Night
+Thoughts,” which had attained popularity in the previous decade.
+Goldsmith’s “Vicar of Wakefield” (1766) aroused admiration and
+enthusiasm. To this time too belongs Ossian’s mighty voice. As early as
+1762 the first bardic translations appeared, and Denis’s work came out
+in 1768. Percy’s “Reliques,” published in England in 1765, were
+extensively read and cited, a stimulating force to parallel German
+activity. A selection from the “Reliques” appeared in Göttingen in 1767.
+
+The outlook maintained in Germany for the worthy in British thought,
+the translatable, the reproducible, was so vigilant and, in general,
+so discerning that the introduction of Yorick into Germany was all but
+inevitable. The nature of the literary relations then obtaining and
+outlined above would forecast and almost necessitate such an adoption,
+and his very failure to secure recognition would demand an explanation.
+
+Before the publication of Tristram Shandy it would be futile to seek for
+any knowledge of Sterne on German soil. He had published, as is well
+known, two sermons preached on occasions of note; and a satirical skit,
+with kindly purpose, entitled “The History of a Good Warm Watchcoat,”
+had been written, privately circulated, and then suppressed; yet he was
+an unknown and comparatively insignificant English clergyman residing in
+a provincial town, far, in those days very far, from those centers of
+life which sent their enlightenment over the channel to the continent.
+His fame was purely local. His sermons had, without doubt, rendered the
+vicar of Sutton a rather conspicuous ecclesiastic throughout that
+region; his eccentricities were presumably the talk of neighboring
+parishes; the cathedral town itself probably tittered at his drolleries,
+and chattered over his sentiments; his social graces undoubtedly found
+recognition among county families and in provincial society, and his
+reputation as a wit had probably spread in a vague, uncertain,
+transitory fashion beyond the boundaries of the county. Yet the facts of
+local notoriety and personal vogue are without real significance save in
+the light of later developments; and we may well date his career in the
+world of books from the year 1760, when the London world began to smile
+over the first volumes of Tristram Shandy. From internal evidence in
+these early volumes it is possible to note with some assurance the
+progress of their composition and the approximate time of their
+completion. In his wayward, fitful way, and possibly for his own
+amusement more than with dreams of fame and fortune,[3] Sterne probably
+began the composition of Shandy in January, 1759, and the completion of
+the first installment is assigned to the summer or early autumn of that
+year. At the end of the year[4] the first edition of the first two
+volumes was issued in York, bearing the imprint of John Hinxham. Dodsley
+and Cooper undertook the sale of the volumes in London, though the
+former had declined to be responsible for the publication. They were
+ready for delivery in the capital on the first day of the new year 1760.
+Sterne’s fame was immediate; his personal triumph was complete and ranks
+with the great successes in the history of our literature. On his
+arrival in London in March, the world aristocratic, ecclesiastic,
+and literary was eager to receive the new favorite, and his career of
+bewildering social enjoyment, vigorous feasting and noteworthy privilege
+began. “No one”, says Forster, “was so talked of in London this year
+and no one so admired as the tall, thin, hectic-looking Yorkshire
+parson.”[5] From this time on until his death Sterne was a most
+conspicuous personage in English society, a striking, envied figure
+in English letters.
+
+And yet it was some time before Germany learned of the new prodigy: for
+reasons which will be treated later, the growth of the Sterne cult in
+Germany was delayed, so that Yorick was in the plenitude of his German
+fame when England had begun to look askance at him with critical,
+fault-finding eye, or to accord him the more damning condemnation of
+forgetfulness.
+
+The first mention of Sterne’s name in Germany may well be the brief word
+in the _Hamburgischer unpartheyischer Correspondent_[6] for January 19,
+1762, in a letter from the regular London correspondent, dated January
+8. In a tone of particularity which would mark the introduction of a new
+and strange personality into his communications, the correspondent
+states the fact of Sterne’s departure for Paris in pursuit of lost
+health. This journal may further be taken as an example of those which
+devoted a remarkable amount of space to British affairs, since it was
+published in the North German seaport town, where the mercantile
+connection with Britain readily fostered the exchange of other than
+purely commercial commodities. And yet in Hamburg Sterne waited full two
+years for a scanty recognition even of his English fame.
+
+In the fourth year after the English publication of Shandy comes the
+first attempt to transplant Sterne’s gallery of originals to German
+shores. This effort, of rather dubious success, is the Zückert
+translation of Tristram Shandy, a rendering weak and inaccurate, but
+nevertheless an important first step in the German Shandy cult. Johann
+Friedrich Zückert,[7] the translator, was born December 19, 1739, and
+died in Berlin May 1, 1778. He studied medicine at the University of
+Frankfurt an der Oder, became a physician in Berlin, but, because of
+bodily disabilities, devoted himself rather to study and society than to
+the practice of his profession. His publications are fairly numerous and
+deal principally with medical topics, especially with the question of
+foods. In the year after the appearance of his Shandy translation,
+Zückert published an essay which indicates the direction of his tastes
+and gives a clue to his interest in Tristram. It was entitled
+“Medizinische und Moralische Abhandlung von den Leidenschaften,”[8] and
+discloses a tendency on the part of the author to an analysis of the
+passions and moods of man, an interest in the manner of their
+generation, and the method of their working. This treatise was quite
+probably written, or conceived, while its author was busied with Shandy,
+and his division of the temperaments (p. 53) into the sanguine or warm
+moist, the choleric or warm dry, the phlegmatic or cold moist, and the
+melancholy or cold dry, is not unlike some of Walter Shandy’s
+half-serious, half-jesting scientific theories, though, to be sure, it
+falls in with much of the inadequate and ill-applied terminology of the
+time.
+
+Zückert’s translation of the first six parts[9] of Tristram Shandy
+appeared in 1763, and bore the imprint of the publisher Lange, Berlin
+und Stralsund. The title read “Das Leben und die Meynungen des Herrn
+Tristram Shandy,” the first of the long series of “Leben und Meynungen”
+which flooded the literature of the succeeding decades, this becoming a
+conventional title for a novel. It is noteworthy that until the
+publication of parts VII and VIII in 1765, there is no mention of the
+real author’s name. To these later volumes the translator prefaces a
+statement which contains some significant intelligence concerning his
+aim and his interpretation of Sterne’s underlying purpose. He says he
+would never have ventured on the translation of so ticklish a book if he
+had foreseen the difficulties; that he believed such a translation would
+be a real service to the German public, and that he never fancied the
+critics could hold him to the very letter, as in the rendering of a
+classic author. He confesses to some errors and promises corrections in
+a possible new edition. He begs the public to judge the translation in
+accord with its purpose “to delight and enliven the public and to
+acquaint the Germans with a really wonderful genius.” To substantiate
+his statement relative to the obstacles in his way, he outlines in a few
+words Sterne’s peculiar, perplexing style, as regards both use of
+language and the arrangement of material. He conceives Sterne’s purpose
+as a desire to expose to ridicule the follies of his countrymen and to
+incorporate serious truths into the heart of his jesting.
+
+Since the bibliographical facts regarding the subsequent career of this
+Zückert translation have been variously mangled and misstated, it may be
+well, though it depart somewhat from the regular chronological order of
+the narrative, to place this information here in connection with the
+statement of its first appearance. The translation, as published in
+1763, contained only the first six parts of Sterne’s work. In 1765 the
+seventh and eighth parts were added, and in 1767 a ninth appeared, but
+the latter was a translation of a spurious English original.[10] In
+1769, the shrewd publisher began to issue a new and slightly altered
+edition of the translation, which bore, however, on the title page “nach
+einer neuen Uebersetzung” and the imprint, Berlin und Stralsund bey
+Gottlieb August Langen, Parts I and II being dated 1769; Parts III and
+IV, 1770; Parts V, VI, VII and VIII, 1771; Part IX, 1772. Volumes
+III-VIII omit Stralsund as a joint place of publication. In 1773, when
+it became noised abroad that Bode, the successful and honored translator
+of the Sentimental Journey, was at work upon a German rendering of
+Shandy, Lange once more forced his wares upon the market, this time
+publishing the Zückert translation with the use of Wieland’s then
+influential name on the title page, “Auf Anrathen des Hrn. Hofraths
+Wielands verfasst.” Wieland was indignant at this misuse of his name and
+repudiated all connection with this “new translation.” This edition was
+probably published late in 1773, as Wieland in his review in the
+_Merkur_ gives it that date, but the volumes themselves bear the date of
+1774.[11] We learn from the _Merkur_ (VI. 363) that Zückert was not
+responsible for the use of Wieland’s name.
+
+These are the facts of the case. Meusel in his account of Zückert gives
+the date of the first edition as 1774, and the second edition is
+registered but the date is left blank. Jördens, probably depending on
+the information given by the review in the _Merkur_, to which reference
+is made, assigns 1773 as the date. This edition, as is shown above, is
+really the third.
+
+This Zückert translation is first reviewed by the above mentioned
+_Hamburgischer unpartheyischer Correspondent_ in the issue for January
+4, 1764. The review, however, was not calculated to lure the German
+reader of the periodical to a perusal either of the original, or of the
+rendering in question: it is concerned almost exclusively with a summary
+of the glaring inaccuracies in the first nineteen pages of the work and
+with correct translations of the same; and it is in no sense of the word
+an appreciation of the book. The critic had read Shandy in the original,
+and had believed that no German hack translator[12] would venture a
+version in the language of the fatherland. It is a review which shows
+only the learning of the reviewer, displays the weakness of the
+translator, but gives no idea of the nature of the book itself, not even
+a glimpse of the critic’s own estimate of the book, save the implication
+that he himself had understood the original, though many Englishmen even
+were staggered by its obtuseness and failed to comprehend the subtlety
+of its allusion. It is criticism in the narrowest, most arrogant sense
+of the word, destructive instead of informing, blinding instead of
+illuminating. It is noteworthy that Sterne’s name is nowhere mentioned
+in the review, nor is there a hint of Tristram’s English popularity. The
+author of this unsigned criticism is not to be located with certainty,
+yet it may well have been Bode, the later apostle of Sterne-worship in
+Germany. Bode was a resident of Hamburg at this time, was exceptionally
+proficient in English and, according to Jördens[13] and Schröder,[14] he
+was in 1762-3 the editor of the _Hamburgischer unpartheyischer
+Correspondent_. The precise date when Bode severed his connection with
+the paper is indeterminate, yet this, the second number of the new year
+1764, may have come under his supervision even if his official
+connection ended exactly with the close of the old year. To be sure,
+when Bode ten years later published his own version of Shandy, he
+translated, with the exception of two rather insignificant cases, none
+of the passages verbally the same as the reviewer in this journal, but
+it would be unreasonable to attach any great weight to this fact. Eight
+or nine years later, when undertaking the monumental task of rendering
+the whole of Shandy into German, it is not likely that Bode would recall
+the old translations he had made in this review or concern himself about
+them. A brief comparison of the two sets of translations suggests that
+the critic was striving merely for accuracy in correcting the errors of
+Zückert, and that Bode in his formal translation shows a riper and more
+certain feeling for the choice of words; the effect of purposeful
+reflection is unmistakable. Of course this in no way proves Bode to have
+been the reviewer, but the indications at least allow the probability.
+
+As was promised in the preface to Parts VII and VIII, to which reference
+has already been made, the new edition was regarded as an opportunity
+for correction of errors, but this bettering is accomplished with such
+manifest carelessness and ignorance as to suggest a further possibility,
+that the publisher, Lange, eager to avail himself of the enthusiasm for
+Sterne, which burst out on the publication of the Sentimental Journey,
+thrust this old translation on the public without providing for thorough
+revision, or complete correction of flagrant errors. The following
+quotations will suffice to demonstrate the inadequacy of the revision:
+
+  ORIGINAL
+
+    ZUECKERT TRANSLATION
+
+  I, p. 6: Well, you may take my word that nine parts in ten of a
+  man’s sense or his nonsense,
+
+    P. 5: Gut, ich gebe euch mein Wort, dass neun unter zehnmal eines
+    jeden Witz oder Dummheit.
+
+    (The second edition replaces “Witz” by “Verstand,” which does not
+    alter the essential error of the rendering.)
+
+  P. 7: The minutest philosophers.
+
+    “Die strengsten Philosophen” remains unchanged in second edition.
+
+  P. 7: Being guarded and circumscribed with rights.
+
+    P. 3: “Ein Wesen das ebenfalls seine Vorzüge hat” is unaltered.
+
+  P. 8: A most unaccountable obliquity in the manner of setting up
+  my top.
+
+    Meine seltsame Ungeschicklichkeit meinen Kopf zu recht zu machen.
+
+This last astounding translation is retained in the second edition in
+spite of the reviewers’ ridicule, but the most nonsensical of all the
+renderings, whereby “the momentum of the coach horse was so great”
+becomes “der Augenblick des Kutschpferdes war so gross” is fortunately
+corrected.[15]
+
+These examples of slipshod alteration or careless retention contrast
+quite unfavorably with the attitude of the translator in the preface to
+parts VII and VIII, in which he confesses to the creeping in of errors
+in consequence of the perplexities of the rendering, and begs for
+“reminders and explanations” of this and that passage, thereby
+displaying an eagerness to accept hints for emendation. This is
+especially remarkable when it is noted that he has in the second edition
+not even availed himself of the corrections given in the _Hamburgischer
+unpartheyischer Correspondent_, and has allowed some of the most
+extraordinary blunders to stand. These facts certainly favor the theory
+that Zückert himself had little or nothing to do with the second edition
+and its imperfect revision. This supposition finds further evidence in
+the fact that the ninth part of Shandy, as issued by Lange in the second
+(1772) and third (1774) editions, was still a translation of the
+spurious English volume, although the fraud was well known and the
+genuine volume was read and appreciated. Of this genuine last part Dr.
+Zückert never made a translation. It may be remarked in passing that a
+translation bristling with such errors, blunders which at times degrade
+the text into utter nonsense, could hardly be an efficient one in
+spreading appreciation of Shandy.
+
+A little more than a year after the review in the _Hamburgischer
+unpartheyischer Correspondent_, which has been cited, the _Jenaische
+Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen_ in the number dated March 1, 1765,
+treats Sterne’s masterpiece in its German disguise. This is the first
+mention of Sterne’s book in the distinctively literary journals. The
+tone of this review is further that of an introducer of the new, and the
+critique is manifestly inserted in the paper as an account of a new
+book. The reviewer is evidently unaware of the author’s name, since the
+words which accompany the title, from the English, are nowhere
+elucidated, and no hint of authorship, or popularity in England, or
+possible far-reaching appeal in Germany is traceable. The idea of the
+hobby-horse is new to the reviewer and his explanation of it implies
+that he presumed Sterne’s use of the term would be equally novel to the
+readers of the periodical. His compliment to the translation indicates
+further that he was unacquainted with the review in the _Hamburgischer
+unpartheyischer Correspondent_.
+
+A little more than a year later, June 13, 1766, this same journal, under
+the caption “London,” reviews the Becket and de Hondt four-volume
+edition of the “Sermons of Mr. Yorick.” The critic thinks a warning
+necessary: “One should not be deceived by the title: the author’s name
+is not Yorick,” and then he adds the information of the real authorship.
+This is a valid indication that, in the opinion of the reviewer, the
+name Yorick would not be sufficiently linked in the reader’s mind with
+the personality of Sterne and the fame of his first great book, to
+preclude the possibility, or rather probability, of error. This state of
+affairs is hardly reconcilable with any widespread knowledge of the
+first volumes of Shandy. The criticism of the sermons which follows
+implies, on the reviewer’s part, an acquaintance with Sterne, with
+Tristram, a “whimsical and roguish novel which would in our land be but
+little credit to a clergyman,” and with the hobby-horse idea. The spirit
+of the review is, however, quite possibly prompted, and this added
+information supplied, by the London correspondent, and retold only with
+a savor of familiarity by this critic; for at the end of this
+communication this London correspondent is credited with the suggestion
+that quite probably the sermons were never actually preached.
+
+The first mention of Sterne in the _Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen_ is
+in the number for November 15, 1764. In the report from London is a
+review[16] of the fifth edition of Yorick’s Sermons, published by
+Dodsley in two volumes, 1764. To judge by the tenor of his brief
+appreciation, the reviewer does not anticipate any knowledge of Sterne
+whatsoever or of Shandy among the readers of the periodical. He states
+that the sermons had aroused much interest in England because of their
+authorship “by Lorenz Sterne, author of Tristram Shandy, a book in which
+a remarkable humor is exhibited.” He mentions also that the sermon on
+the conscience had already been published in the novel, but is ignorant
+of its former and first appearance. Three years later, July 20,
+1767,[17] the same periodical devotes a long critical review to the
+four-volume London edition of the sermons. The publisher’s name is not
+given, but it is the issue of Becket and de Hondt. The restating of
+elementary information concerning authorship is indicative of the tardy
+progress made by Yorick in these years in gaining recognition in
+Germany. The reviewer thinks it even necessary to add that Yorick is the
+name of the clergyman who plays a waggish (possierliche) rôle in Shandy,
+and that Sterne cherished the opinion that this designation on the
+title-page would be better known than his own name.
+
+In the meantime Swiss piety and Swiss devotion to things English had
+been instrumental in bringing out a translation of Sterne’s sermons,[18]
+the first volume of which appeared in 1766. The Swiss translation was
+occasioned by its author’s expectation of interest in the sermons as
+sermons; this is in striking contrast to the motives which led to their
+original publication in England. The brief preface of the translator
+gives no information of Sterne, or of Shandy; the translator states his
+reasons for the rendering, his own interest in the discourses, his
+belief that such sermons would not be superfluous in Germany, and his
+opinion that they were written for an increasing class of readers, “who,
+though possessed of taste and culture and laying claim to probity, yet
+for various reasons stand apart from moral instruction and religious
+observance.” He also changed the original order of the sermons. The
+first part of this Swiss translation is reviewed in the _Allgemeine
+deutsche Bibliothek_ in the first number of 1768, and hence before the
+Sentimental Journey had seen the light even in London. The review is
+characterized by unstinted praise: Sterne is congratulated upon his
+deviation from the conventional in homiletical discourse, is commended
+as an excellent painter of moral character and situations, though he
+abstains from the use of the common engines of eloquence. His narrative
+powers are also noted with approval and his ability to retain the
+attention of his hearers through clever choice of emphasized detail is
+mentioned with appreciation. Yet in all this no reference is made to
+Sterne’s position in English letters, a fact which could hardly have
+failed of comment, if the reviewer had been aware of it, especially in
+view of the relation of Sterne’s popularity to the very existence of
+this published volume of sermons, or if it had been expected that the
+fact of authorship would awaken interest in any considerable number of
+readers. The tone of the review is further hardly reconcilable with a
+knowledge of Sterne’s idiosyncrasies as displayed in Shandy. A brief
+consideration of the principles of book-reviewing would establish the
+fact indisputably that the mentioning of a former book, some hint of
+familiarity with the author by open or covert allusion, is an integral
+and inevitable part of the review of a later book. This review is the
+only mention of Sterne in this magazine[19] before the publication of
+the Sentimental Journey. A comparison of this recension, narrow in
+outlook, bound, as it is, to the very book under consideration, with
+those of the second and third volumes of the sermons in the same
+magazine during the year 1770,[20] is an illuminating illustration of
+the sweeping change brought in by the Journey. In the latter critique we
+find appreciation of Yorick’s characteristics, enthusiastic acceptation
+of his sentiment, fond and familiar allusions to both Shandy and the
+Sentimental Journey. In the brief space of two years Sterne’s
+sentimentalism had come into its own.
+
+The _Bremisches Magazin_,[21] which was employed largely in publishing
+translations from English periodicals, and contained in each number
+lists, generally much belated, of new English books, noted in the third
+number for 1762, among the new books from April to December, 1760, Mr.
+Yorick’s Sermons, published by Mr. Sterne, and then, as customary in
+these catalogues, translated the title into “Herrn Yorick’s Predigten
+ans Licht gestellt von Hn. Sterne.” Four years later, in the first
+volume of the _Neues Bremisches Magazin_,[22] announcement is made of
+the third and fourth volumes of Yorick’s Sermons. During this period
+sufficient intelligence concerning Sterne is current to warrant the
+additional statement that “This Mr. Sterne, the author of the strange
+book, Tristram Shandy, is the author himself.” The notice closes with
+the naïve but astounding information, “He took the name Yorick because
+he is a preacher in York; furthermore, these sermons are much praised.”
+No further proof is needed that this reviewer was guiltless of any
+knowledge of Shandy beyond the title. The ninth volume of Shandy is
+announced in the same number among the new English books.
+
+In 1767, the year before the publication of the Sentimental Journey, we
+find three notices of Tristram Shandy. In the _Deutsche Bibliothek der
+schönen Wissenschaften_[23] is a very brief but, in the main,
+commendatory review of the Zückert translation, coupled with the
+statement that the last parts are not by Sterne, but with the claim that
+the humor of the original is fairly well maintained. The review is
+signed “Dtsh.” Another Halle periodical, the _Hallische Neue Gelehrte
+Zeitungen_, in the issue for August 10, 1767[24] reviews the same
+volumes with a much more decided acknowledgment of merit. It is claimed
+that the difference is not noticeable, and that the ninth part is almost
+more droll than all the others, an opinion which is noteworthy testimony
+to its originator’s utter lack of comprehension of the whole work and of
+the inanity of this spurious last volume. The statement by both of these
+papers that the last three volumes,[25] parts VII, VIII and IX, of the
+Zückert translation, rest on spurious English originals, is, of course,
+false as far as VII and VIII are concerned, and is true only of IX.
+
+In the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_, the last number for
+1766[26] contains the first mention of Sterne’s name in this
+representative literary periodical. It is an article entitled “Ueber die
+Laune,”[27] which is concerned with the phenomena of hypochrondia and
+melancholia, considered as illnesses, and their possible cure. The
+author claims to have found a remedy in the books which do not depress
+the spirits with exhibition of human woes, but which make merry over
+life’s follies. In this he claims merely to be following the advice of
+St. Evremond to the Count of Olonne. His method he further explains by
+tracing humor to its beginnings in Aristophanes and by following its
+development through Latin, new Latin (Erasmus, Thomas Morus, etc.),
+French and English writers. Among the latter Sterne is named.
+Unfortunately for the present purpose, the author is led by caution and
+fear of giving the offense of omission to refrain from naming the German
+writers who might be classed with the cited representatives of humor.
+In closing, he recommends heartily to those teased with melancholy a
+“portion of leaves of Lucian, some half-ounces of ‘Don Quixote’ or some
+drachms of ‘Tom Jones’ or ‘Tristram Shandy.’” Under the heading, “New
+English Books,” in the third number of the same periodical for 1767,
+is a brief but significant notice of the ninth volume of Tristram
+Shandy.[28] “The ninth part of the well-known ‘Life of Tristram Shandy’
+has been published; we would not mention it, if we did not desire on
+this occasion to note at least once in our magazine a book which is
+incontestably the strangest production of wit and humor which has ever
+been brought forth. . . . The author of this original book is a
+clergyman by the name of Sterne, who, under his Harlequin’s name,
+Yorick, has given to the world the most excellent sermons.” The review
+contains also a brief word of comparison with Rabelais and a quotation
+from an English critic expressing regret at Yorick’s embroidering “the
+choicest flowers of genius on a paultry groundwork of buffoonry.”[29]
+This late mention of Sterne’s great novel, and the manner in which it is
+made are not without their suggestions as to the attitude even of the
+German literary world toward Yorick. The notice is written in a tone of
+forced condescension. The writer is evidently compelled, as
+representative of British literary interests, to bear witness to the
+Shandy craze, but the attitude of the review is plainly indicative of
+its author’s disbelief in any occasion for especial concern about Yorick
+in Germany. Sterne himself is mentioned as a fitful whim of British
+taste, and a German devotion to him is beyond the flight of fancy.[30]
+
+Individual authors, aware of international literary conditions, the
+inner circle of German culture, became acquainted with Tristram Shandy
+during this period before the publication of the Sentimental Journey and
+learned to esteem the eccentric parson. Bode’s possible acquaintance
+with the English original previous to 1764 has been already noted.
+Lessing’s admiration for Sterne naturally is associated with his two
+statements of remarkable devotion to Yorick, both of which, however,
+date from a period when he had already become acquainted with the
+Journey. At precisely what time Lessing first read Tristram Shandy it is
+impossible to determine with accuracy. Moses Mendelssohn writes to him
+in the summer of 1763:[31] “Tristram Shandy is a work of masterly
+originality. At present, to be sure, I have read only the first two
+volumes. In the beginning the book vexed me exceedingly. I rambled on
+from digression to digression without grasping the real humor of the
+author. I regarded him as a man like our Liscow, whom, as you know,
+I don’t particularly fancy; and yet the book pleases Lessing!” This is
+sufficient proof that Mendelssohn first read Shandy early in 1763, but,
+though not improbable, it is yet rather hazardous to conclude that
+Lessing also had read the book shortly before, and had just recommended
+it to his friend. The literary friendship existing between them, and the
+general nature of their literary relations and communications, would
+rather favor such a hypothesis. The passage is, however, a significant
+confession of partial failure on the part of the clever and erudite
+Mendelssohn to appreciate Sterne’s humor. It has been generally accepted
+that Lessing’s dramatic fragment, “Die Witzlinge,” included two
+characters modeled confessedly after Yorick’s familiar personages, Trim
+and Eugenius. Boxberger and others have stamped such a theory with their
+authority.[32] If this were true, “Die Witzlinge” would undoubtedly be
+the first example of Sterne’s influence working directly upon the
+literary activity of a German author. The fragment has, however, nothing
+to do with Tristram Shandy, and a curious error has here crept in
+through the remarkable juxtaposition of names later associated with
+Sterne. The plan is really derived directly from Shadwell’s “Bury Fair”
+with its “Mr. Trim” fancifully styled “Eugenius.” Those who tried to
+establish the connection could hardly have been familiar with Tristram
+Shandy, for Lessing’s Trim as outlined in the sketch has nothing in
+common with the Corporal.
+
+Erich Schmidt, building on a suggestion of Lichtenstein, found a “Dosis
+Yorikscher Empfindsamkeit”[33] in Tellheim, and connected the episode of
+the Chevalier de St. Louis with the passage in “Minna von Barnhelm”
+(II, 2) in which Minna contends with the innkeeper that the king cannot
+know all deserving men nor reward them. Such an identity of sentiment
+must be a pure coincidence for “Minna von Barnhelm” was published at
+Easter, 1767, nearly a year before the Sentimental Journey appeared.
+
+A connection between Corporal Trim and Just has been suggested,[34] but
+no one has by investigation established such a kinship. Both servants
+are patterns of old-fashioned fidelity, types of unquestioning service
+on the part of the inferior, a relation which existed between Orlando
+and Adam in “As You Like It,” and which the former describes:
+
+  “O good old man, how well in thee appears
+  The constant service of the antique world,
+  When service sweat for duty, not for meed;
+  Thou art not for the fashion of these times.”
+
+Tellheim recognizes the value of Just’s service, and honors his
+subordinate for his unusual faithfulness; yet there exists here no such
+cordial comradeship as marked the relation between Sterne’s originals.
+But one may discern the occasion of this in the character of Tellheim,
+who has no resemblance to Uncle Toby, rather than in any dissimilarity
+between the characters of the servants. The use of the relation between
+master and man as a subject for literary treatment was probably first
+brought into fashion by Don Quixote, and it is well-nigh certain that
+Sterne took his cue from Cervantes.
+
+According to Erich Schmidt, the episode of Just’s dog, as the servant
+relates it in the 8th scene of the 1st act, could have adorned the
+Sentimental Journey, but the similarity of motif here in the treatment
+of animal fidelity is pure coincidence. Certainly the method of using
+the episode is not reminiscent of any similar scene in Sterne. Just’s
+dog is not introduced for its own sake, nor like the ass at Nampont to
+afford opportunity for exciting humanitarian impulses, and for throwing
+human character into relief by confronting it with sentimental
+possibilities, but for the sake of a forceful, telling and immediate
+comparison. Lessing was too original a mind, and at the time when
+“Minna” was written, too complete and mature an artist to follow another
+slavishly or obviously, except avowedly under certain conditions and
+with particular purpose. He himself is said to have remarked, “That must
+be a pitiful author who does not borrow something once in a while,”[35]
+and it does not seem improbable that the figure of Trim was hovering in
+his memory while he was creating his Just. Especially does this seem
+plausible when we remember that Lessing wrote his drama during the years
+when Shandy was appearing, when he must have been occupied with it, and
+at the first flush of his admiration.
+
+This supposition, however undemonstrable, is given some support by our
+knowledge of a minor work of Lessing, which has been lost. On December
+28, 1769, Lessing writes to Ebert from Hamburg: “Alberti is well; and
+what pleases me about him, as much as his health, is that the news of
+his reconciliation with Goeze was a false report. So Yorick will
+probably preach and send his sermon soon.”[36] And Ebert replies in a
+letter dated at Braunschweig, January 7, 1770, expressing a desire that
+Lessing should fulfil his promise, and cause Yorick to preach not once
+but many times.[37] The circumstance herein involved was first explained
+by Friedrich Nicolai in an article in the _Berlinische Monatsschrift_,
+1791.[38] As a trick upon his friend Alberti, who was then in
+controversy with Goeze, Lessing wrote a sermon in Yorick’s manner; the
+title and part of the introduction to it were privately printed by Bode
+and passed about among the circle of friends, as if the whole were in
+press. We are entirely dependent on Nicolai’s memory for our information
+relative to this sole endeavor on Lessing’s part to adopt completely the
+manner of Sterne. Nicolai asserts that this effort was a complete
+success in the realization of Yorick’s simplicity, his good-natured but
+acute philosophy, his kindly sympathy and tolerance, even his merry
+whimsicality.
+
+This introduction, which Nicolai claims to have recalled essentially as
+Lessing wrote it, relates the occasion of Yorick’s writing the sermon.
+Uncle Toby and Trim meet a <DW36> in a ragged French uniform; Capt.
+Shandy gives the unfortunate man several shillings, and Trim draws out a
+penny and in giving it says, “French Dog!” The narrative continues:
+
+“The Captain[39] was silent for some seconds and then said, turning to
+Trim, ‘It is a man, Trim, and not a dog!’ The French veteran had hobbled
+after them: at the Captain’s words Trim gave him another penny, saying
+again ‘French Dog!’ ‘And, Trim, the man is a soldier.’ Trim stared him
+in the face, gave him a penny again and said, ‘French Dog!’ ‘And, Trim,
+he is a brave soldier; you see he has fought for his fatherland and has
+been sorely wounded.’ Trim pressed his hand, while he gave him another
+penny, and said ‘French Dog!’ ‘And, Trim, this soldier is a good but
+unfortunate husband, and has a wife and four little children.’ Trim,
+with a tear in his eye, gave all he had left and said, rather softly,
+‘French Dog!’”
+
+This scene recalls vividly the encounter between Just and the landlord
+in the first act of “Minna,” the passage in which Just continues to
+assert that the landlord is a “Grobian.” There are the same tactics, the
+same persistence, the same contrasts. The passage quoted was, of course,
+written after “Minna,” but from it we gather evidence that Corporal Trim
+and his own Just were similar creations, that to him Corporal Trim, when
+he had occasion to picture him, must needs hark back to the figure of
+Just, a character which may well originally have been suggested by Capt.
+Shandy’s faithful servant.
+
+Among German literati, Herder is another representative of acquaintance
+with Sterne and appreciation of his masterpiece. Haym[40] implies that
+Sterne and Swift are mentioned more often than any other foreign authors
+in Herder’s writings of the Riga period (November, 1764, to May, 1769).
+This would, of course, include the first fervor of enthusiasm concerning
+the Sentimental Journey, and would be a statement decidedly doubtful,
+if applied exclusively to the previous years. In a note-book, possibly
+reaching back before his arrival in Riga to his student days in
+Königsberg, Herder made quotations from Shandy and Don Quixote, possibly
+preparatory notes for his study of the ridiculous in the Fourth
+Wäldchen.[41] In May, 1766, Herder went to Mitau to visit Hamann, and he
+designates the account of the events since leaving there as “ein Capitel
+meines Shandyschen Romans”[42] and sends it as such to “my uncle, Tobias
+Shandy.” Later a letter, written 27-16, August, 1766, is begun with the
+heading, “Herder to Hamann and no more Yorick to Tobias Shandy,” in
+which he says: “I am now in a condition where I can play the part of
+Yorick as little as Panza that of Governor.”[43] The same letter
+contains another reference and the following familiar allusion to
+Sterne: “Grüsen Sie Trim, wenn ich gegen keinen den beleidigenden
+Karakter Yoriks oder leider! das Schicksal wider Willen zu beleidigen,
+habe, so ist’s doch gegen ihn und Hartknoch.” These last quotations are
+significant as giving proof that Shandy had so far forced its claims
+upon a little set of book-lovers in the remote east, Herder, Hamann and
+a few others, that they gave one another in play names from the English
+novel. A letter from Hamann to Herder, dated Königsberg, June 10, 1767,
+indicates that the former shared also the devotion to Sterne.[44]
+
+In the first collection of “Fragmente über die neuere deutsche
+Litteratur,” 1767, the sixth section treats of the “Idiotismen” of a
+language. British “Laune” is cited as such an untranslatable “Idiotism”
+and the lack of German humorists is noted, and Swift is noted
+particularly as an English example. In the second and revised edition
+Herder adds material containing allusion to Hudibras and Tristram.[45]
+The first and second “Kritische Wäldchen” contain several references to
+Sterne and Shandy.[46] Herder, curiously enough, did not read the
+Sentimental Journey until the autumn of 1768, as is disclosed in a
+letter to Hamann written in November,[47] which also shows his
+appreciation of Sterne. “An Sterne’s Laune,” he says, “kann ich mich
+nicht satt lesen. Eben den Augenblick, da ich an ihn denke, bekomme ich
+seine Sentimental Journey zum Durchlesen, und wenn nicht meine Englische
+Sprachwissenschaft scheitert, wie angenehm werde ich mit ihm reisen.
+Ich bin an seine Sentiments zum Theil schon so gewöhnt, sie bis in das
+weiche innere Mark seiner Menschheit in ihren zarten Fäden zu verfolgen:
+dass ich glaube seinen Tristram etwas mehr zu verstehn als the common
+people. Nur um so mehr ärgern mich auch seine verfluchten Säuereien und
+Zweideutigkeiten, die das Buch wenigerer Empfehlung fähig machen als es
+verdient.” We learn from the same letter that Herder possessed the
+sermons of Yorick in the Zürich translation. Herder’s own homiletical
+style during this period, as evinced by the sermons preserved to us,
+betrays no trace of Sterne’s influence.
+
+Riedel, in his “Theorie der schönen Künste und Wissenschaften,”[48]
+shows appreciation of Shandy complete and discriminating, previous to
+the publication of the Sentimental Journey. This book is a sort of
+compendium, a series of rather disconnected chapters, woven together out
+of quotations from aesthetic critics, examples and comment. In the
+chapter on Similarity and Contrast he contends that a satirist only may
+transgress the rule he has just enunciated: “When a perfect similarity
+fails of its effect, a too far-fetched, a too ingenious one, is even
+less effective,” and in this connection he quotes from Tristram Shandy a
+passage describing the accident to Dr. Slop and Obadiah.[49] Riedel
+translates the passage himself. The chapter “Ueber die Laune”[50]
+contains two more references to Shandy. In a volume dated 1768 and
+entitled “Ueber das Publikum: Briefe an einige Glieder desselben,”
+written evidently without knowledge of the Journey, Riedel indicates the
+position which Shandy had in these years won for itself among a select
+class. Riedel calls it a contribution to the “Register” of the human
+heart and states that he knows people who claim to have learned more
+psychology from this novel than from many thick volumes in which the
+authors had first killed sentiment in order then to dissect it at
+leisure.[51]
+
+Early in 1763, one finds an appreciative knowledge of Shandy as a
+possession of a group of Swiss literati, but probably confined to a
+coterie of intellectual aristocrats and novelty-seekers. Julie von
+Bondeli[52] writes to Usteri from Koenitz on March 10, 1763, that
+Kirchberger[53] will be able to get him the opportunity to read Tristram
+Shandy as a whole, that she herself has read two volumes with surprise,
+emotion and almost constant bursts of laughter; she goes on to say:
+“Il voudrait la peine d’apprendre l’anglais ne fut-ce que pour lire cet
+impayable livre, dont la vérité et le génie se fait sentir à chaque
+ligne au travers de la plus originelle plaisanterie.” Zimmermann was a
+resident of Brugg, 1754-1768, and was an intimate friend of Fräulein von
+Bondeli. It may be that this later enthusiastic admirer of Sterne became
+acquainted with Shandy at this time through Fräulein von Bondeli, but
+their correspondence, covering the years 1761-1775, does not
+disclose it.
+
+Dr. Carl Behmer, who has devoted an entire monograph to the study of
+Wieland’s connection with Sterne, is of the opinion, and his proofs seem
+conclusive, that Wieland did not know Shandy before the autumn of
+1767,[54] that is, only a few months before the publication of the
+Journey. But his enthusiasm was immediate. The first evidence of
+acquaintance with Sterne, a letter to Zimmermann (November 13,
+1767),[55] is full of extravagant terms of admiration and devotion.
+One is naturally reminded of his similar extravagant expressions with
+reference to the undying worth of Richardson’s novels. Sterne’s life
+philosophy fitted in with Wieland’s second literary period, the
+frivolous, sensuous, epicurean, even as the moral meanderings of
+Richardson agreed with his former serious, religious attitude. Probably
+soon after or while reading Shandy, Wieland conceived the idea of
+translating it. The letter which contains this very first mention of
+Sterne also records Wieland’s regret that the Germans can read this
+incomparable original only in so wretched a translation, which implies a
+contemporary acquaintance with Dr. Zückert’s rendering. This regret may
+well have been the foundation of his own purpose of translating the
+book; and knowledge of this seems to have been pretty general among
+German men of letters at the time. Though the account of this purpose
+would bring us into a time when the Sentimental Journey was in every
+hand, it may be as well to complete what we have to say of it here.
+
+His reason for abandoning the idea, and the amount of work done, the
+length of time he spent upon the project, cannot be determined from his
+correspondence and must, as Behmer implies, be left in doubt. But
+several facts, which Behmer does not note, remarks of his own and of his
+contemporaries, point to more than an undefined general purpose on his
+part; it is not improbable that considerable work was done. Wieland says
+incidentally in his _Teutscher Merkur_,[56] in a review of the new
+edition of Zückert’s translation: “Vor drei Jahren, da er (Lange) mich
+bat, ihm die Uebersetzung des Tristram mit der ich damals umgieng, in
+Verlag zu geben.” Herder asks Nicolai in a letter dated Paris, November
+30, 1769, “What is Wieland doing, is he far along with his Shandy?” And
+in August, 1769, in a letter to Hartknoch, he mentions Wieland’s
+Tristram among German books which he longs to read.[57]
+
+The _Jenaische Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_[58] for December 18,
+1769, in mentioning this new edition of Zückert’s translation, states
+that Wieland has now given up his intention, but adds: “Perhaps he will,
+however, write essays which may fill the place of a philosophical
+commentary upon the whole book.” That Wieland had any such secondary
+purpose is not elsewhere stated, but it does not seem as if the journal
+would have published such a rumor without some foundation in fact.
+It may be possibly a resurrection of his former idea of a defense of
+Tristram as a part of the “Litteraturbriefe” scheme which Riedel had
+proposed.[59] This general project having failed, Wieland may have
+cherished the purpose of defending Tristram independently of the plan.
+Or this may be a reviewer’s vague memory of a former rumor of plan.
+
+It is worth noting incidentally that Gellert does not seem to have known
+Sterne at all. His letters, for example, to Demoiselle Lucius, which
+begin October 22, 1760, and continue to December 4, 1769, contain
+frequent references to other English celebrities, but none to Sterne.
+
+The first notice of Sterne’s death is probably that in the
+_Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_ of Hamburg in the issue of April 6, 1768,
+not three weeks after the event itself. The brief announcement is a
+comparison with Cervantes. The _Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen_
+chronicles the death of Yorick, August 29, 1768.[60]
+
+Though published in England from 1759-67, Tristram Shandy seems not to
+have been reprinted in Germany till the 1772 edition of Richter in
+Altenburg, a year later indeed than Richter’s reprint of the Sentimental
+Journey. The colorless and inaccurate Zückert translation, as has
+already been suggested, achieved no real popular success and won no
+learned recognition. The reviews were largely silent or indifferent to
+it, and, apart from the comparatively few notices already cited, it was
+not mentioned by any important literary periodical until after its
+republication by Lange, when the Sentimental Journey had set all tongues
+awag with reference to the late lamented Yorick. None of the journals
+indicate any appreciation of Sterne’s especial claim to recognition,
+nor see in the fatherland any peculiar receptiveness to his appeal. In
+short, the foregoing accumulation of particulars resolves itself into
+the general statement, easily derived from the facts stated: Sterne’s
+position in the German world of letters is due primarily to the
+Sentimental Journey. Without its added impulse Shandy would have hardly
+stirred the surface of German life and thought. The enthusiasm even of a
+few scholars whose learning and appreciation of literature is
+international, the occasional message of uncertain understanding, of
+doubtful approbation, or of rumored popularity in another land, are not
+sufficient to secure a general interest and attentiveness, much less a
+literary following. The striking contrast between the essential
+characteristics of the two books is a sufficient and wholly reasonable
+occasion for Germany’s temporary indifference to the one and her
+immediate welcome for the other. Shandy is whimsicality touched with
+sentiment. The Sentimental Journey is the record of a sentimental
+experience, guided by the caprice of a whimsical will. Whimsicality is a
+flower that defies transplanting; when once rooted in other soil it
+shoots up into obscurity, masquerading as profundity, or pure silliness
+without reason or a smile. The whimsies of one language become amazing
+contortions in another. The humor of Shandy, though deep-dyed in
+Sterne’s own eccentricity, is still essentially British and demands for
+its appreciation a more extensive knowledge of British life in its
+narrowest, most individual phases, a more intensive sympathy with
+British attitudes of mind than the German of the eighteenth century,
+save in rare instances, possessed. Bode asserts in the preface to his
+translation of the Sentimental Journey that Shandy had been read by a
+good many Germans, but follows this remark with the query, “How many
+have understood it?” “One finds people,” he says, “who despise it as the
+most nonsensical twaddle, and cannot comprehend how others, whom they
+must credit with a good deal of understanding, wit, and learning, think
+quite otherwise of it,” and he closes by noting the necessity that one
+be acquainted with the follies of the world, and especially of the
+British world, to appreciate the novel. He refers unquestionably to his
+own circle of literati in Hamburg, who knew Tristram and cared for it,
+and to others of his acquaintance less favored with a knowledge of
+things English. The Sentimental Journey presented no inscrutable mystery
+of purposeful eccentricity and perplexing personality, but was written
+large in great human characters which he who ran might read. And Germany
+was ready to give it a welcome.[61]
+
+
+    [Footnote 1: A reviewer in the _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, as early
+    as 1774, asserts that Sterne had inspired more droll and
+    sentimental imitations in Germany than even in England. (Apr. 5,
+    1774.)]
+
+    [Footnote 2: See Bibliography for list of books giving more or
+    less extended accounts of Sterne’s influence.]
+
+    [Footnote 3: Sterne did, to be sure, assert in a letter (Letters,
+    I, p. 34) that he wrote “not to be fed but to be famous.” Yet this
+    was after this desire had been fulfilled, and, as the expression
+    agrees with the tone and purpose of the letter in which it is
+    found, it does not seem necessary to place too much weight upon
+    it. It is very probable in view of evidence collected later that
+    Sterne _began_ at least to write Tristram as a pastime in domestic
+    misfortune. The thirst for fame may have developed in the progress
+    of the composition.]
+
+    [Footnote 4: Fitzgerald says “end of December,” Vol. I, p. 116,
+    and the volumes were reviewed in the December number of the
+    _Monthly Review_, 1759 (Vol. XXI, pp. 561-571), though without any
+    mention of the author’s name. This review mentions no other
+    publisher than Cooper.]
+
+    [Footnote 5: Quoted by Fitzgerald, Vol. I, p. 126.]
+
+    [Footnote 6: The full title of this paper was _Staats- und
+    gelehrte Zeitung des Hamburgischen unpartheyischen
+    Correspondenten_.]
+
+    [Footnote 7: Meusel: Lexicon der vom Jahr 1750 bis 1800
+    verstorbenen teutschen Schriftsteller. Bd. XV. (Leipzig bey
+    Fleischer) 1816, pp, 472-474.]
+
+    [Footnote 8: Berlin, bei August Mylius. 1764.]
+
+    [Footnote 9: Behmer (L. Sterne und C. M. Wieland, p. 15) seems to
+    be unaware of the translations of the following parts, and of the
+    authorship.]
+
+    [Footnote 10: This attempt to supply a ninth volume of Tristram
+    Shandy seems to have been overlooked. A spurious third volume is
+    mentioned in the Natl. Dict. of Biography and is attributed to
+    John Carr. This ninth volume is however noticed in the _London
+    Magazine_, 1766, p. 691, with accompanying statement that it is
+    “not by the author of the eight volumes.” The genuine ninth volume
+    is mentioned and quoted in this magazine in later issues, 1767,
+    p. 78, 206.]
+
+    [Footnote 11: This edition is reviewed also in _Almanach der
+    deutschen Musen_, 1774, p. 97.]
+
+    [Footnote 12: “Kein Deutscher, welcher das Uebersetzen aus fremden
+    Sprachen als ein Handwerk ansieht.”]
+
+    [Footnote 13: I, p. 111.]
+
+    [Footnote 14: “Lexicon der Hamburgischen Schriftsteller,” Hamburg,
+    1851-1883.]
+
+    [Footnote 15: Tristram Shandy, I, p. 107, and Zückert’s
+    translation, I, p. 141.]
+
+    [Footnote 16: In this review and in the announcement of Sterne’s
+    death, this periodical refers to him as the Dean of York,
+    a distinction which Sterne never enjoyed.]
+
+    [Footnote 17: 1767, p. 691. The reference is given in the Register
+    to 1753-1782 erroneously as p. 791.]
+
+    [Footnote 18: “Predigten von Laurenz Sterne oder Yorick.” Zürich,
+    bey Fuesslin & Comp, 1766-69. 3 vols.]
+
+    [Footnote 19: The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_ was founded in
+    1765.]
+
+    [Footnote 20: XII, 1, pp. 210-211 and 2, p. 202.]
+
+    [Footnote 21: For full title see Bibliography.]
+
+    [Footnote 22: Vol. I, p. 460.]
+
+    [Footnote 23: Edited by Klotz and founded in 1767, published at
+    Halle by J. J. Gebauer. Vol. I, Part 2, p. 183.]
+
+    [Footnote 24: Vol. II, p. 500.]
+
+    [Footnote 25: The former says merely “the last parts”, the latter
+    designates “the last three.”]
+
+    [Footnote 26: III, 1, pp. 1 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 27: This article is not to be confused with Garve’s
+    well-known article published in the same magazine, LXI, pp. 51-77
+    (1798).]
+
+    [Footnote 28: IV, St. 2, pp. 376-7.]
+
+    [Footnote 29: This is from the February number, 1767, of the
+    _Monthly Review_. (Vol. XXXVI, p. 102.)]
+
+    [Footnote 30: The seventh and eighth volumes of Shandy, English
+    edition, are reviewed in the first number of a short-lived
+    Frankfurt periodical, _Neue Auszüge aus den besten ausländischen
+    Wochen und Monatsschriften_, 1765. _Unterhaltungen_, a magazine
+    published at Hamburg and dealing largely with English interests,
+    notes the London publication of the spurious ninth volume of
+    Shandy (Vol. II, p. 152, August, 1766). _Die Brittische
+    Bibliothek_, another magazine consisting principally of English
+    reprints and literary news, makes no mention of Sterne up to 1767.
+    Then in a catalogue of English books sold by Casper Fritsch in
+    Leipzig, Shandy is given, but without the name of the author.
+    There is an account of Sterne’s sermons in the _Neue Hamburgische
+    Zeitung_, April, 1768.]
+
+    [Footnote 31: Mendelssohn’s Schriften, edited by Prof. Dr. G. B.
+    Mendelssohn. Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1844. Vol. V, p. 171.]
+
+    [Footnote 32: Kürschner edition of Lessing’s works, III, 2, pp.
+    156-157. See also “Lessing und die Engländer” by Josef Caro in
+    _Euphorion_, VI, pp. 489 ff. Erich Schmidt made the statement in
+    his life of Lessing in the edition of 1884, but corrected it
+    later, in the edition of 1899, probably depending on parallel
+    passages drawn from Paul Albrecht’s “Lessing’s Plagiate” (Hamburg
+    and Leipzig, 1888-1891), an extraordinary work which by its
+    frequent absurdity and its viciousness of attack forfeits credence
+    in its occasional genuine discoveries.]
+
+    [Footnote 33: Lessing. “Geschichte seines Lebens und seiner
+    Schriften.” Berlin, 1884, I, pp. 174, 465. This is omitted in the
+    latest edition.]
+
+    [Footnote 34: Perry (Thomas Sargeant) “From Opitz to Lessing.”
+    Boston, 1885, p. 162.]
+
+    [Footnote 35: Quoted by Lichtenberg in “Göttingischer
+    Taschenkalender,” 1796, p. 191. “Vermischte Schriften,” VI,
+    p. 487.]
+
+    [Footnote 36: Lachmann edition, Berlin, 1840. Vol. XII, p. 240.]
+
+    [Footnote 37: XIII, pp. 209-10.]
+
+    [Footnote 38: XVII, pp. 30-45. The article is reprinted in the
+    Hempel edition of Lessing, XVII, pp. 263-71.]
+
+    [Footnote 39: Nicolai uses the German word for colonel, a title
+    which Uncle Toby never bore.]
+
+    [Footnote 40: R. Haym. “Herder nach seinem Leben und seinen
+    Werken.” I, p. 413.]
+
+    [Footnote 41: Haym, I, p. 261.]
+
+    [Footnote 42: Herder’s “Briefe an Joh. Georg Hamann,” ed. by Otto
+    Hoffmann, Berlin, 1889, p. 25, or “Lebensbild” II, p. 140.]
+
+    [Footnote 43: “Briefe an Hamann,” p. 27.]
+
+    [Footnote 44: Lebensbild II (I, 2), p. 256; also in Hamann’s
+    Schriften, ed. by Roth. Berlin, 1822, III, p. 372. Hamann asks
+    Herder to remind his publisher, when the latter sends the promised
+    third part of the “Fragmente,” to inclose without fail the
+    engraving of Sterne, because the latter is absolutely essential to
+    his furnishings.]
+
+    [Footnote 45: See Suphan I, p. 163; II, p. 46.]
+
+    [Footnote 46: Suphan III, pp. 170, 223, 233, 277, 307.]
+
+    [Footnote 47: Briefe an Hamann, p. 49.]
+
+    [Footnote 48: . . . . in Auszug aus den Werken verschiedener
+    Schriftsteller von Friedrich Just Riedel, Jena, 1767. The chapter
+    cited is pp. 137 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 49: I, p. 106.]
+
+    [Footnote 50: Pp. 91-96; see also p. 331.]
+
+    [Footnote 51: Pp. 118-120, or Sämmtliche Schriften, Wien, 1787,
+    4ter Th., 4ter Bd., p. 133. A review with quotation of this
+    criticism of Shandy is found in the _Deutsche Bibliothek der
+    schönen Wissenschaften_, II, p. 659, but after the publication of
+    the Mittelstedt translation of the Sentimental Journey had been
+    reviewed in the same periodical.]
+
+    [Footnote 52: See “Julie von Bondeli und ihr Freundeskreis,” von
+    Eduard Bodemann. Hannover, 1874.]
+
+    [Footnote 53: Nicholas Ant. Kirchberger, the Swiss statesman and
+    philosopher, the friend of Rousseau.]
+
+    [Footnote 54: Behmer, “Laurence Sterne und C. M. Wieland,” pp.
+    15-17.]
+
+    [Footnote 55: “Ausgewählte Briefe,” Bd. II, p. 285 f. Zürich,
+    1815.]
+
+    [Footnote 56: V, pp. 345-6. 1774.]
+
+    [Footnote 57: See Lebensbild, V, p. 107 and p. 40.]
+
+    [Footnote 58: 1769, p. 840.]
+
+    [Footnote 59: See Behmer, p. 24, and the letter to Riedel, October
+    26, 1768, Ludwig Wielands Briefsammlung. I, p. 232.]
+
+    [Footnote 60: P. 856.]
+
+    [Footnote 61: These two aspects of the Sterne cult in Germany will
+    be more fully treated later. The historians of literature and
+    other investigators who have treated Sterne’s influence in Germany
+    have not distinguished very carefully the difference between
+    Sterne’s two works, and the resulting difference between the kind
+    and amount of their respective influences. Appell, however,
+    interprets the condition correctly and assigns the cause with
+    accuracy and pointedness. (“Werther und seine Zeit.” p. 246). The
+    German critics repeat persistently the thought that the imitators
+    of Sterne remained as far away from the originals as the
+    Shakespeare followers from the great Elizabethan. See Gervinus,
+    Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung, I, 184; Hettner, “Geschichte
+    der deutschen Literatur im 18. Jahrhundert,” III, 1, p. 362;
+    Hofer, “Deutsche Litteraturgeschichte,” p. 150.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE PUBLICATION OF THE SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY
+
+
+On February 27, 1768, the Sentimental Journey was published in
+London,[1] less than three weeks before the author’s death, and the book
+was at once transplanted to German soil, beginning there immediately its
+career of commanding influence and wide-spread popularity.
+
+Several causes operated together in favoring its pronounced and
+immediate success. A knowledge of Sterne existed among the more
+intelligent lovers of English literature in Germany, the leaders of
+thought, whose voice compelled attention for the understandable, but was
+powerless to create appreciation for the unintelligible among the lower
+ranks of readers. This knowledge and appreciation of Yorick were
+immediately available for the furtherance of Sterne’s fame as soon as a
+work of popular appeal was published. The then prevailing interest in
+travels is, further, not to be overlooked as a forceful factor in
+securing immediate recognition for the Sentimental Journey.[2] At no
+time in the world’s history has the popular interest in books of travel,
+containing geographical and topographical description, and information
+concerning peoples and customs, been greater than during this period.
+The presses teemed with stories of wanderers in known and unknown lands.
+The preface to the _Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_ of Leipzig for
+the year 1759 heralds as a matter of importance a gain in geographical
+description. The _Jenaische Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_, 1773, makes
+in its tables of contents, a separate division of travels. In 1759,
+also, the “Allgemeine Historie der Reisen zu Wasser und zu Lande”
+(Leipzig, 1747-1774), reached its seventeenth volume. These are brief
+indications among numerous similar instances of the then predominant
+interest in the wanderer’s experience. Sterne’s second work of fiction,
+though differing in its nature so materially from other books of travel,
+may well, even if only from the allurement of its title, have shared the
+general enthusiasm for the traveler’s narrative. Most important,
+however, is the direct appeal of the book itself, irresistible to the
+German mind and heart. Germany had been for a decade hesitating on the
+verge of tears, and grasped with eagerness a book which seemed to give
+her British sanction for indulgence in her lachrymose desire.
+
+The portion of Shandy which is virtually a part of the Sentimental
+Journey,[3] which Sterne, possibly to satisfy the demands of the
+publisher, thrust in to fill out volumes contracted for, was not long
+enough, nor distinctive enough in its use of sentiment, was too
+effectually concealed in its volume of Shandean quibbles, to win readers
+for the whole of Shandy, or to direct wavering attention through the
+mazes of Shandyism up to the point where the sentimental Yorick really
+takes up the pen and introduces the reader to the sad fate of Maria of
+Moulines. One can imagine eager Germany aroused to sentimental frenzy
+over the Maria incident in the Sentimental Journey, turning with
+throbbing contrition to the forgotten, neglected, or unknown passage in
+Tristram Shandy.[4]
+
+It is difficult to trace sources for Sterne in English letters, that is,
+for the strange combination of whimsicality, genuine sentiment and
+knavish smiles, which is the real Sterne. He is individual, exotic, not
+demonstrable from preceding literary conditions, and his meteoric, or
+rather rocket-like career in Britain is in its decline a proof of the
+insensibility of the English people to a large portion of his gospel.
+The creature of fancy which, by a process of elimination, the Germans
+made out of Yorick is more easily explicable from existing and preceding
+literary and emotional conditions in Germany.[5] Brockes had prepared
+the way for a sentimental view of nature, Klopstock’s poetry had
+fostered the display of emotion, the analysis of human feeling. Gellert
+had spread his own sort of religious and ethical sentimentalism among
+the multitudes of his devotees. Stirred by, and contemporaneous with
+Gallic feeling, Germany was turning with longing toward the natural man,
+that is, man unhampered by convention and free to follow the dictates of
+the primal emotions. The exercise of human sympathy was a goal of this
+movement. In this vague, uncertain awakening, this dangerous freeing of
+human feelings, Yorick’s practical illustration of the sentimental life
+could not but prove an incentive, an organizer, a relief for pent-up
+emotion.[6]
+
+Johann Joachim Christoph Bode has already been mentioned in relation to
+the early review of Zückert’s translation of Shandy. His connection with
+the rapid growth of the Yorick cult after the publication of the
+Sentimental Journey demands a more extended account of this German
+apostle of Yorick. In the sixth volume of Bode’s translation of
+Montaigne[7] was printed first the life of the translator by C. A.
+Böttiger. This was published the following year by the same house in a
+separate volume entitled “J. J. C. Bodes literarisches Leben, nebst
+dessen Bildnis von Lips.” All other sources of information regarding
+Bode, such as the accounts in Jördens and in Schlichtegroll’s
+“Nekrolog,”[8] are derivations or abstracts from this biography. Bode
+was born in Braunschweig in 1730; reared in lowly circumstances and
+suffering various vicissitudes of fortune, he came to Hamburg in 1756-7.
+Gifted with a talent for languages, which he had cultivated assiduously,
+he was regarded at the time of his arrival, even in Hamburg, as one
+especially conversant with the English language and literature. His
+nature must have borne something akin to Yorick, for his biographer
+describes his position in Hamburg society as not dissimilar to that once
+occupied for a brief space in the London world by the clever fêted
+Sterne. Yet the enthusiasm of the friend as biographer doubtless colors
+the case, forcing a parallel with Yorick by sheer necessity. Before 1768
+Bode had published several translations from the English with rather
+dubious success, and the adaptability of the Sentimental Journey to
+German uses must have occurred to him, or have been suggested to him
+directly upon its very importation into Germany. He undoubtedly set
+himself to the task of translation as soon as the book reached
+his hands, for, in the issue of the _Hamburgische
+Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_ for April 20, is found Bode’s translation
+of a section from the Sentimental Journey. “Die Bettler” he names the
+extract; it is really the fifth of the sections which Sterne labels
+“Montriul.”[9] In the numbers of the same paper for June 11 and 15, Bode
+translates in two parts the story of the “Monk;” thus, in but little
+over three months after its English publication, the story of the poor
+Franciscan Lorenzo and his fateful snuff-box was transferred to Germany
+and began its heart-touching career. These excerpts were included by
+Bode later in the year when he published his translation of the whole
+Sentimental Journey. The first extract was evidently received with favor
+and interest, for, in the foreword to the translation of the “Monk,” in
+the issue of June 11, Bode assigns this as his reason for making his
+readers better acquainted with this worthy book. He further says that
+the reader of taste and insight will not fail to distinguish the
+difference when so fine a connoisseur of the human heart as Sterne
+depicts sentiments, and when a shallow wit prattles of his emotions.
+Bode’s last words are a covert assumption of his rôle as prophet and
+priest of Yorick in Germany: “The reader may himself judge from the
+following passage, whether we have spoken of our Briton in terms of too
+high praise.”
+
+In the July number of the _Unterhaltungen_, another Hamburg periodical,
+is printed another translation from the Sentimental Journey entitled:
+“Eine Begebenheit aus Yoricks Reise fürs Herz übersetzt.” The episode is
+that of the _fille de chambre_[10] who is seeking Crébillon’s “Les
+Egarements du Coeur et de l’Esprit.” The translator omits the first part
+of the section and introduces us to the story with a few unacknowledged
+words of his own. In the September number of the same periodical the
+rest of the _fille de chambre_ story[11] is narrated. Here also the
+translator alters the beginning of the account to make it less abrupt in
+the rendering. The author of this translation has not been determined.
+Bode does not translate the word “Sentimental” in his published
+extracts, giving merely the English title; hence Lessing’s advice[12]
+concerning the rendering of the word dates probably from the latter part
+of the summer. The translation in the September number of the
+_Unterhaltungen_ also does not contain a rendering of the word. Bode’s
+complete translation was issued probably in October,[13] possibly late
+in September, 1768, and bore the imprint of the publisher Cramer in
+Hamburg and Bremen, but the volumes were printed at Bode’s own press and
+were entitled “Yoricks Empfindsame Reise durch Frankreich und Italien,
+aus dem Englischen übersetzt.”[14]
+
+The translator’s preface occupies twenty pages and is an important
+document in the story of Sterne’s popularity in Germany, since it
+represents the introductory battle-cry of the Sterne cult, and
+illustrates the attitude of cultured Germany toward the new star. Bode
+begins his foreword with Lessing’s well-known statement of his devotion
+to Sterne. Bode does not name Lessing; calls him “a well-known German
+scholar.” The statement referred to was made when Bode brought to his
+friend the news of Sterne’s death. It is worth repeating:
+
+“I would gladly have resigned to him five years of my own life, if such
+a thing were possible, though I had known with certainty that I had only
+ten, or even eight left. . . . but under the condition that he must keep
+on writing, no matter what, life and opinions, or sermons, or journeys.”
+On July 5, 1768, Lessing wrote to Nicolai, commenting on Winckelmann’s
+death as follows: “He is the second author within a short time, to whom
+I would have gladly given some years of my own life.”[15]
+
+Nearly thirty years later (March 20, 1797) Sara Wulf, whose maiden name
+was Meyer and who was later and better known as Frau von Grotthus, wrote
+from Dresden to Goethe of the consolation found in “Werther” after a
+disappointing youthful love affair, and of Lessing’s conversation with
+her then concerning Goethe. She reports Lessing’s words as follows: “You
+will feel sometime what a genius Goethe is, I am sure of this. I have
+always said I would give ten years of my own life if I had been able to
+lengthen Sterne’s by one year, but Goethe consoles me in some measure
+for his loss.”[16]
+
+It would be absurd to attach any importance to this variation of
+statement. It does not indicate necessarily an affection for Sterne and
+a regret at his loss, mathematically doubled in these seven or eight
+years between Sterne’s death and the time of Lessing’s conversation with
+Sara Meyer; it probably arises from a failure of memory on the part of
+the lady, for Bode’s narrative of the anecdote was printed but a few
+months after Sterne’s death, and Lessing made no effort to correct an
+inaccuracy of statement, if such were the case, though he lived to see
+four editions of Bode’s translation and consequently so many repetitions
+of his expressed but impossible desire. Erich Schmidt[17] reduces this
+willingness on Lessing’s part to one year,--an unwarranted liberty.
+
+These two testimonies of Lessing’s devotion are of importance in
+defining his attitude toward Yorick. They attest the fact that this was
+no passing fancy, no impulsive thought uttered on the moment when the
+news of Sterne’s death was brought to him, and when the Sentimental
+Journey could have been but a few weeks in his hands, but a deep-seated
+desire, born of reflection and continued admiration.[18] The addition of
+the word “Reisen” in Bode’s narrative is significant, for it shows that
+Lessing must have become acquainted with the Sentimental Journey before
+April 6, the date of the notice of Sterne’s death in the _Hamburgische
+Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_;[19] that is, almost immediately after its
+English publication, unless Bode, in his enthusiasm for the book which
+he was offering the public, inserted the word unwarrantably in Lessing’s
+statement.
+
+To return to Bode’s preface. With emphatic protestations, disclaiming
+vanity in appealing to the authority of so distinguished a friend, Bode
+proceeds to relate more in detail Lessing’s connection with his
+endeavor. He does not say that Lessing suggested the translation to him,
+though his account has been interpreted to mean that, and this fact has
+been generally accepted by the historians of literature and the
+biographers of Lessing.[20] The tone of Bode’s preface, however, rather
+implies the contrary, and no other proof of the supposition is
+available. What Bode does assert is merely that the name of the scholar
+whom he quotes as having expressed a willingness to give a part of his
+own life if Sterne’s literary activity might be continued, would create
+a favorable prepossession for his original (“ein günstiges Vorurtheil”),
+and that a translator is often fortunate enough if his selection of a
+book to translate is not censured. All this implies, on Lessing’s part,
+only an approval of Bode’s choice, a fact which would naturally follow
+from the remarkable statement of esteem in the preceding sentence. Bode
+says further that out of friendship for him and regard for the reader of
+taste, this author (Lessing), had taken the trouble to go through the
+whole translation, and then he adds the conventional request in such
+circumstances, that the errors remaining may be attributed to the
+translator and not to the friend.
+
+The use of the epithet “empfindsam” for “sentimental” is then the
+occasion for some discussion, and its source is one of the facts
+involved in Sterne’s German vogue which seem to have fastened themselves
+on the memory of literature. Bode had in the first place translated the
+English term by “sittlich,” a manifestly insufficient if not flatly
+incorrect rendering, but his friend coined the word “empfindsam” for the
+occasion and Bode quotes Lessing’s own words on the subject:
+
+“Bemerken Sie sodann dass sentimental ein neues Wort ist. War es Sternen
+erlaubt, sich ein neues Wort zu bilden, so muss es eben darum auch
+seinem Uebersetzer erlaubt seyn. Die Engländer hatten gar kein
+Adjectivum von Sentiment: wir haben von Empfindung mehr als eines,
+empfindlich, empfindbar, empfindungsreich, aber diese sagen alle etwas
+anders. Wagen Sie, empfindsam! Wenn eine mühsame Reise eine Reise
+heisst, bey der viel Mühe ist: so kann ja auch eine empfindsame Reise
+eine Reise heissen, bey der viel Empfindung war. Ich will nicht sagen,
+dass Sie die Analogie ganz auf ihrer Seite haben dürften. Aber was die
+Leser vors erste bey dem Worte noch nicht denken mögen, sie sich nach
+und nach dabey zu denken gewöhnen.”[21]
+
+The statement that Sterne coined the word “sentimental” is undoubtedly
+incorrect,[22] but no one seems to have discovered and corrected the
+error till Nicolai’s article on Sterne in the _Berlinische
+Monatsschrift_ for February, 1795, in which it is shown that the word
+had been used in older English novels, in “Sir Charles Grandison”
+indeed.[23] It may well be that, as Böttiger hints,[24] the coining of
+the word “empfindsam” was suggested to Lessing by Abbt’s similar
+formation of “empfindnisz.”[25]
+
+  [Transcriber’s Note:
+  The reference is to Böttinger, not to the present text.]
+
+The preface to this first edition of Bode’s translation of the
+Sentimental Journey contains, further, a sketch of Sterne’s life,[26]
+his character and his works. Bode relates the familiar story of the dog,
+but misses the point entirely in rendering “puppy” by “Geck” in Sterne’s
+reply, “So lang er ein Geck ist.” The watchcoat episode is narrated, and
+a brief account is given of Sterne’s fortunes in London with Tristram
+Shandy and the sermons. Allusion has already been made to the hints
+thrown out in this sketch relative to the reading of Sterne in Germany.
+A translation from Shandy of the passage descriptive of Parson Yorick
+serves as a portrait for Sterne.
+
+A second edition of Bode’s work was published in 1769. The preface,
+which is dated “Anfang des Monats Mai, 1769,” is in the main identical
+with the first, but has some significant additions. A word is said
+relative to his controversy with a critic, which is mentioned later.[27]
+Bode confesses further that the excellence of his work is due to Ebert
+and Lessing,[28] though modesty compelled his silence in the previous
+preface concerning the source of his aid. Bode admits that even this
+disclosure is prompted by the clever guess of a critic in the
+_Hamburgischer unpartheyischer Correspondent_,[29] who openly named
+Lessing as the scholar referred to in the first introduction. The
+addition and prominence of Ebert’s name is worthy of note, for in spite
+of the plural mention[30] in the appendix to the introduction, his first
+acknowledgment is to one friend only and there is no suggestion of
+another counselor. Ebert’s connection with the Bode translation has been
+overlooked in the distribution of influence, while the memorable coining
+of the new word, supplemented by Böttiger’s unsubstantiated statements,
+has emphasized Lessing’s service in this regard. Ebert is well-known as
+an intelligent and appreciative student of English literature, and as a
+translator, but his own works betray no trace of imitation or admiration
+of Sterne.
+
+The final words of this new preface promise a translation of the
+continuation of the Sentimental Journey; the spurious volumes of
+Eugenius are, of course, the ones meant here. This introduction to the
+second edition remains unchanged in the subsequent ones. The text of the
+second edition was substantially an exact reproduction of the first,
+but Bode allowed himself frequent minor changes of word or phrase, an
+alteration occurring on an average once in about three pages. Bode’s
+changes are in general the result of a polishing or filing process, in
+the interest of elegance of discourse, or accuracy of translation. Bode
+acknowledges that some of the corrections were those suggested by a
+reviewer,[31] but states that other passages criticised were allowed to
+stand as they were. He says further that he would have asked those
+friends who had helped him on his translation itself to aid him in the
+alterations, if distance and other conditions had allowed. The reference
+here is naturally to his separation from Ebert, who was in Braunschweig,
+but the other “conditions” which could prevent a continuation of
+Lessing’s interest in the translation and his assistance in revision are
+not evident. Lessing was in Hamburg during this period, and hence his
+advice was available.
+
+Bode’s retranslation of the passage with which Sterne’s work closed
+shows increased perception and appreciation for the subtleness of
+Sterne’s indecent suggestions, or, perhaps, a growing lack of timidity
+or scruple in boldly repeating them. It is probable that the
+continuation by Eugenius, which had come into his hands during this
+period, had, with its resumption of the point, reminded Bode of the
+inadequacy and inexactness of his previous rendering.
+
+At almost precisely the same time that Bode’s translation appeared,
+another German rendering was published, a fact which in itself is
+significant for the determination of the relative strength of appeal as
+between Sterne’s two works of fiction. The title[32] of this version was
+“Versuch über die menschliche Natur in Herrn Yoricks, Verfasser des
+Tristram Shandy, Reisen durch Frankreich und Italien, aus dem
+Englischen.” It was dated 1769 and was published at the “Fürstliche
+Waisenhausbuchhandlung,” in Braunschweig. The preface is signed
+Braunschweig, September 7, 1768, and the book was issued in September or
+October. The anonymous translator was Pastor Mittelstedt[33] in
+Braunschweig (Hirsching und Jördens say Hofprediger), whom the partisan
+Böttiger calls the ever-ready manufacturer of translations (der allezeit
+fertige Uebersetzungsfabrikant). Behmer tentatively suggests Weis as the
+translator of this early rendering, an error into which he is led
+evidently by a remark in Bode’s preface in which the apologetic
+translator states the rumor that Weis was engaged in translating the
+same book, and that he (Bode) would surely have locked up his work in
+his desk if the publisher had not thereby been led to suffer loss.
+Nothing was ever heard of this third translation.
+
+This first edition of the Mittelstedt translation contains 248 pages and
+is supplied with a preface which is, like Bode’s, concerned in
+considerable measure with the perplexing problem of the translation of
+Sterne’s title. The English title is given and the word “sentimental” is
+declared a new one in England and untranslatable in German. Mittelstedt
+proposes “Gefühlvolle Reisen,” “Reisen fürs Herz,” “Philosophische
+Reisen,” and then condemns his own suggestions as indeterminate and
+forced. He then goes on to say, “So I have chosen the title which Yorick
+himself suggests in the first part.”[34] He speaks of the lavish praise
+already bestowed on this book by the learned journals, and turns at last
+aside to do the obvious: he bemoans Sterne’s death by quoting Hamlet and
+closes with an apostrophe to Sterne translated from the April number of
+the _Monthly Review_ for 1768.[35] In 1769, the year when the first
+edition was dated, the Mittelstedt translation was published under a
+slightly altered title, as already mentioned. This second edition of the
+Mittelstedt translation in the same year as the first is overlooked by
+Jördens and Hirsching,[36] both of whom give a second and hence really a
+third edition in 1774. Böttiger notes with partisan zeal that Bode’s
+translation was made use of in some of the alterations of this second
+edition, and further records the fact that the account of Sterne’s life,
+added in this edition, was actually copied from Bode’s preface.[37]
+
+The publication of the Mittelstedt translation was the occasion of a
+brief controversy between the two translators in contemporary journals.
+Mittelstedt printed his criticism of Bode’s work in a home paper, the
+_Braunschweiger Intelligenzblätter_, and Bode spoke out his defense in
+the _Neue Hamburger Zeitung_. That Bode in his second edition adopted
+some of the reviewer’s suggestions and criticisms has been noted, but in
+the preface to this edition he declines to resume the strife in spite of
+general expectation of it, but, as a final shot, he delivers himself of
+“an article from his critical creed,” that the “critic is as little
+infallible as author or translator,” which seems, at any rate, a rather
+pointless and insignificant contribution to the controversy.
+
+Bode’s translation of the third and fourth volumes of Yorick’s
+Journey,[38] that is, the continuation by Eugenius, followed directly
+after the announcement in the preface to the second edition of the first
+two volumes, as already mentioned. Böttiger states that Bode had this
+continuation from Alberti and knew it before anyone else in Germany. It
+was published in England in the spring of 1769, and was greeted with a
+disapproval which was quite general, and it never enjoyed there any
+considerable genuine popularity or recognition. Bode published this
+translation of Stevenson’s work without any further word of comment or
+explanation whatsoever, a fact which easily paved the way for a
+misunderstanding relative to the volumes, for Bode was frequently
+regarded as their author and held responsible for their defects. Bode
+himself never made any satisfactory or adequate explanation of his
+attitude toward these volumes, and the reply to Goeze in the
+introduction to his translation of Shandy is the nearest approach to a
+discussion of his position. But there Bode is concerned only with the
+attack made by the Hamburg pastor upon his character, an inference drawn
+from the nature of the book translated, and the character of the
+translation; in the absence of a new edition in which “Mine and His
+shall be marked off by distinct boundaries,” he asks Goeze only to send
+to him, and beg “for original and translation,” naturally for the
+purpose of comparison. This evasive reply is Bode’s only defense or
+explanation. Böttiger claims that the review of Bode’s translation in
+the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_ did much to spread the idea of
+Bode’s authorship, though the reviewer in that periodical[39] only
+suggests the possibility of German authorship, a suspicion aroused by
+the substitution of German customs and motif and word-play, together
+with contemporary literary allusion, allusion to literary mediocrities
+and obscurities, of such a nature as to preclude the possibility of the
+book’s being a literal translation from the English.
+
+The exact amount and the nature of Bode’s divergence from the original,
+his alterations and additions, have never been definitely stated by
+anyone. The reviewer in the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_ is
+manifestly ignorant of the original. Böttiger is indefinite and
+partisan, yet his statement of the facts has been generally accepted and
+constantly repeated. He admits the German coloring given the translation
+by Bode through German allusions and German word-plays: he says that
+Bode allowed himself these liberties, feeling that he was no longer
+dealing with Sterne, a statement of motive on Bode’s part which the
+latter never makes and never hints at. The only absolute additions which
+Böttiger mentions as made by Bode to the narrative of Eugenius are the
+episode, “Das Hündchen,” and the digression, “Die Moral.” The erroneous
+idea herein implied has been caught up and repeated by nearly everyone
+who has mentioned Bode’s translation of the work.[40] The less certain
+allusion to “Die Moral” has been lost sight of, and “Das Hündchen” alone
+has been remembered as representing this activity on Bode’s part. In
+fact this episode is only one of many pure creations on Bode’s part and
+one of the briefer. In the first pages of these volumes Bode is faithful
+to the original, a fact suggesting that examination or comparison of the
+original text and Bode’s translation was never carried beyond the first
+two-score pages; yet here, it would seem, Bode’s rendering was less
+careful, more open to censure for inaccuracy, than in the previous
+volumes.[41]
+
+This method of translation obtains up to page 48, then Bode omits a
+half-page of half-innocent, half-revolting suggestion, the story of the
+Cordelier, and from the middle of page 49 to page 75, twenty-five pages,
+the translator adds material absolutely his own. This fiction,
+introducing Yorick’s sentimental attitude toward the snuff-box, resuming
+a sentimental episode in Sterne’s work, full of tears and sympathy,
+is especially characteristic of Yorick, as the Germans conceived him.
+The story is entitled “Das Mündel,”[42] “The Ward,” and is evidently
+intended as a masculine companion-piece to the fateful story of Maria of
+Moulines, linked to it even in the actual narrative itself. An
+unfortunate, half-crazed man goes about in silence, performing little
+services in an inn where Yorick finds lodging. The hostess tells his
+story. He was once the brilliant son of the village miller, was
+well-educated and gifted with scholarly interests and attainments. While
+instructing some children at Moulines, he meets a peasant girl, and love
+is born between them. An avaricious brother opposes Jacques’s passion
+and ultimately confines him in secret, spreading the report in Moulines
+of his faithlessness to his love. After a tragedy has released Jacques
+from his unnatural bondage, he learns of his loved one’s death and loses
+his mental balance through grief. Such an addition to the brief pathos
+of Maria’s story, as narrated by Sterne, such a forced explanation of
+the circumstances, is peculiarly commonplace and inartistic. Sterne
+instinctively closed the episode with sufficient allowance for the
+exercise of the imagination.
+
+Following this addition, the section “Slander” of the original is
+omitted. The story of the adventure with the opera-girl is much changed.
+The bald indecency of the narrative is somewhat softened by minor
+substitutions and omissions. Nearly two pages are inserted here, in
+which Yorick discourses on the difference between a sentimental traveler
+and an _avanturier_. On pages 122-126, the famous “Hündchen” episode is
+narrated, an insertion taking the place of the hopelessly vulgar “Rue
+Tireboudin.” According to this narrative, Yorick, after the fire, enters
+a home where he finds a boy weeping over a dead dog and refusing to be
+comforted with promises of other canine possessions. The critics united
+in praising this as being a positive addition to the Yorick adventures,
+as conceived and related in Sterne’s finest manner. After the lapse of
+more than a century, one can acknowledge the pathos, the humanity of the
+incident, but the manner is not that of Sterne. It is a simple,
+straight-forward relation of the touching incident, introducing that
+element of the sentimental movement which bears in Germany a close
+relation to Yorick, and was exploited, perhaps, more than any other
+feature of his creed, as then interpreted, _i.e._, the sentimental
+regard for the lower animals.[43] But there is lacking here the
+inevitable concomitant of Sterne’s relation of a sentimental situation,
+the whimsicality of the narrator in his attitude at the time of the
+adventure, or reflective whimsicality in the narration. Sterne is always
+whimsically quizzical in his conduct toward a sentimental condition, or
+toward himself in the analysis of his conduct.
+
+After the “Vergebene Nachforschung” (Unsuccessful Inquiry), which agrees
+with the original, Bode adds two pages covering the touching solicitude
+of La Fleur for his master’s safety. This addition is, like the
+“Hündchen” episode, just mentioned, of considerable significance, for it
+illustrates another aspect of Sterne’s sentimental attitude toward human
+relations, which appealed to the Germany of these decades and was
+extensively copied; the connection between master and man. Following
+this added incident, Bode omits completely three sections of Eugenius’s
+original narrative, “The Definition,” “Translation of a Fragment” and
+“An Anecdote;” all three are brief and at the same time of baldest, most
+revolting indecency. In all, Bode’s direct additions amount in this
+first volume to about thirty-three pages out of one hundred and
+forty-two. The divergences from the original are in the second volume
+(the fourth as numbered from Sterne’s genuine Journey) more marked and
+extensive: above fifty pages are entirely Bode’s own, and the individual
+alterations in word, phrase, allusion and sentiment are more numerous
+and unwarranted. The more significant of Bode’s additions are here
+noted. “Die Moral” (pages 32-37) contains a fling at Collier, the author
+of a mediocre English translation of Klopstock’s “Messias,” and another
+against Kölbele, a contemporary German novelist, whose productions have
+long since been forgotten.[44]
+
+Eugenius’s chapter, “Vendredi-Saint,” Bode sees fit to alter in a rather
+extraordinary way, by changing the personnel and giving it quite another
+introduction. He inserts here a brief account of Walter Shandy, his
+disappointment at Tristram’s calamitous nose and Tristram’s name, and
+his resolve to perfect his son’s education; and then he makes the visit
+to M’lle Laborde, as narrated by Eugenius, an episode out of Walter
+Shandy’s book, which was written for Tristram’s instruction, and,
+according to Bode, was delivered for safe-keeping into Yorick’s hands.
+Bode changes M’lle Laborde into M’lle Gillet, and Walter Shandy is her
+visitor, not Yorick. Bode allows himself some verbal changes and softens
+the bald suggestion at the end. Bode’s motive for this startling change
+is not clear beyond question. The most plausible theory is that the open
+and gross suggestion of immoral relation between Yorick, the clergyman
+and moralist, and the Paris maiden, seemed to Bode inconsistent with the
+then current acceptation of Yorick’s character; and hence he preferred
+by artifice to foist the misdemeanor on to the elder Shandy.
+
+The second extensive addition of Bode’s in this volume is the section
+called “Die Erklärung,” and its continuation in the two following
+divisions, a story which unites itself with the “Fragment” in Sterne’s
+original narration. Yorick is ill and herbs are brought to him in paper
+wrappings which turn out to contain the story of the decayed gentleman,
+which, according to Sterne’s relation, the Notary was beginning to
+write. It will be remembered that the introduction in Sterne was also
+brought by La Fleur as a bit of wrapping paper. This curious
+coincidence, this prosaic resumption of the broken narrative, is naïve
+at least, but can hardly commend itself to any critic as being other
+than commonplace and bathetic. The story itself, as related by the dying
+man is a tale of accidental incest told quietly, earnestly, but without
+a suggestion of Sterne’s wit or sentiment.
+
+In the next section, emanating entirely from Bode, “Vom
+Gesundheitstrinken,” the author is somewhat more successful in catching
+the spirit of Sterne in his buoyancy, and in his whimsical anecdote
+telling: it purports to be an essay by the author’s friend, Grubbius.
+The last addition made by Bode[45] introduces once more Yorick’s
+sentiment relative to man’s treatment of the animal world. Yorick,
+walking in the garden of an acquaintance, shoots a sparrow and meets
+with reproof from the owner of the garden. Yorick protests prosaically
+that it was only a sparrow, yet on being assured that it was also a
+living being, he succumbs to vexation and self-reproof at his own
+failure to be true to his own higher self. A similar regret, a similar
+remorse at sentimental thoughtlessness, is recorded of the real Yorick
+in connection with the Franciscan, Lorenzo. But there is present in
+Sterne’s story the inevitable element of caprice in thought or action,
+the whimsical inconsistency of varying moods, not a mere commonplace
+lapse from a sentimental creed. In one case, Yorick errs through whim,
+in the other, merely through heedlessness.
+
+Bode’s attitude toward the continuation of Eugenius and the general
+nature of his additions have been suggested by the above account.
+A résumé of the omissions and the verbal changes would indicate that
+they were made frequently because of the indecency of the original;
+the transference of the immorality in the episode of M’lle. Laborde and
+Walter Shandy, if the reason above suggested be allowed, is further
+proof of Bode’s solicitude for Yorick’s moral reputation. Yet the
+retention of the episode “Les Gants d’Amour” in its entirety, and of
+parts of the continued story of the Piedmontese, may seem inconsistent
+and irreconcilable with any absolute objection on Bode’s part other than
+a quantitative one, to this loathesome element of the Eugenius
+narrative.
+
+Albrecht Wittenberg[46] in a letter to Jacobi, dated Hamburg, April 21,
+1769, says he reads that Riedel is going to continue “Yorick’s Reisen,”
+and comments upon the exceedingly difficult undertaking. Nothing further
+is known of this plan of Riedel’s.
+
+
+    [Footnote 1: Various German authorities date the Sentimental
+    Journey erroneously 1767. Jördens, V, p. 753; Koberstein, III,
+    p. 463; Hirsching, XIII, pp. 291-309.]
+
+    [Footnote 2: The reviewer in the _Allg. deutsche Bibl._ (Anhang
+    I-XII, vol. II, p. 896) implies a contemporary cognizance of this
+    aid to its popularity. He notes the interest in accounts of
+    travels and fears that some readers will be disappointed after
+    taking up the book. Some French books of travel, notably
+    Chapelle’s “Voyage en Provence,” 1656, were read with appreciation
+    by cultivated Germany and had their influence parallel and
+    auxiliary to Sterne’s.]
+
+    [Footnote 3: In the Seventh Book of Tristram Shandy. III,
+    pp. 47-110.]
+
+    [Footnote 4: III, pp. 210-213.]
+
+    [Footnote 5: The emotional groundwork in Germany which furthered
+    the appreciation of the Journey, and the sober sanity of British
+    common sense which choked its English sweep, are admirably and
+    typically illustrated in the story of the meeting of Fanny Burney
+    and Sophie la Roche, as told in the diary of the former (“The
+    Diary and Letters of Frances Burney, Madame D’Arblay,” Boston,
+    1880, I, p. 291), entries for September 11 and 17, 1786. On their
+    second meeting Mme. D’Arblay writes of the German sentimentalist:
+    “Madame la Roche then rising and fixing her eyes filled with tears
+    on my face, while she held both my hands, in the most melting
+    accents exclaimed, ‘Miss Borni, la plus chère, la plus digne des
+    Anglaises, dites--moi--m’aimez vous?’” Miss Burney is quite
+    sensibly frank in her inability to fathom this imbecility.
+    Ludmilla Assing (“Sophie la Roche,” Berlin, 1859, pp. 273-280)
+    calls Miss Burney cold and petty.]
+
+    [Footnote 6: So heartily did the Germans receive the Sentimental
+    Journey that it was felt ere long to be almost a German book.
+    The author of “Ueber die schönen Geister und Dichter des 18ten
+    Jahrhunderts vornehmlich unter den Deutschen,” by J. C. Fritsch
+    (?) (Lemgo, 1771), gives the book among German stories and
+    narratives (pp. 177-9) along with Hagedorn, Gellert, Wieland and
+    others. He says of the first parts of the Sentimental Journey,
+    “zwar . . . . aus dem Englischen übersetzt; kann aber für national
+    passieren.”]
+
+    [Footnote 7: Michael Montaigne’s “Gedanken und Meinungen über
+    Allerley Gegenstände. Ins Deutsch übersetzt.” Berlin (Lagarde)
+    1793-5. Bode’s life is in Vol. VI, pages III-CXLIV. For a review
+    of Bode’s Life see _Neue Bibl. der schönen Wissenschaften_, LVIII,
+    p. 93.]
+
+    [Footnote 8: Supplementband für 1790-93, pp. 350-418.]
+
+    [Footnote 9: The references to the _Hamburgische
+    Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_ are as follows: 1768, pages 241, 361
+    and 369 respectively.]
+
+    [Footnote 10: Pp. 71-74.]
+
+    [Footnote 11: Pp. 101-104. “The Temptation” and the “Conquest.”
+    The _Unterhaltungen_ is censured by the _Deutsche Bibliothek der
+    schönen Wissenschaften_, III, p. 266, for printing a poor
+    translation from Yorick when two translations had already been
+    announced. The references to _Unterhaltungen_ are respectively pp.
+    12-16, and 209-213.]
+
+    [Footnote 12: See below, p. 42-3.]
+
+    [Footnote 13: It was reviewed in the _Hamburgischer
+    unpartheyischer Correspondent_, Oct. 29.]
+
+    [Footnote 14: I, pp. XX, 168; II, p. 168.]
+
+    [Footnote 15: Lachmann’s edition, 1840, XII, p. 199.]
+
+    [Footnote 16: See _Goethe-Jahrbuch_, XIV (1893), pp. 51-52.]
+
+    [Footnote 17: “Heinrich Leopold Wagner, Goethe’s Jugendgenosse,”
+    2d ed. Jena, Frommann, 1879, p. 104.]
+
+    [Footnote 18: It is not possible to date with absolute certainty
+    the time of Lessing’s conversation with Sara Meyer, but it was
+    after the publication of “Werther,” and must have been on one of
+    his two visits to Berlin after that, that is, in March, 1775,
+    on his way to Vienna, or in February, 1776, on his return from
+    Italy.]
+
+    [Footnote 19: Bode must have come to Lessing with the information
+    before this public announcement, for Lessing could hardly have
+    failed to learn of it when once published in a prominent Hamburg
+    periodical.]
+
+    [Footnote 20: Böttiger in his biographical sketch of Bode is the
+    first to make this statement (p. lxiii), and the spread of the
+    idea and its general acceptation are directly traceable to his
+    authority. The _Neue Bibl. der schönen Wissenschaften_ in its
+    review of Böttiger’s work repeats the statement (LVIII, p. 97),
+    and it is again repeated by Jördens (I, p. 114, edition of 1806),
+    by Danzel-Guhrauer with express mention of Böttiger (“Lessing,
+    sein Leben und seine Werke,” II. Erste Abtheilung, p. 287), and by
+    Erich Schmidt (“Lessing, Geschichte seines Lebens und seiner
+    Schriften,” Berlin, 1899, I, p. 674). The editor of the Hempel
+    edition, VII, p. 553 claims Lessing as responsible for the
+    translation of the Journey, and also of Shandy. The success of the
+    “Empfindsame Reise” and the popularity of Sterne are quite enough
+    to account for the latter translation and there is no evidence of
+    urging on Lessing’s part. A similar statement is found in Gervinus
+    (V, p. 194). The _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._ (Apr. 21, 1775), p. 267,
+    credits Wieland with having urged Bode to translate Shandy. The
+    _Neue Critische Nachrichten, Greifswald_, IX, p. 279, makes the
+    same statement. The article, however, in the _Teutscher Merkur_
+    (1773, II, pp. 228-30) expresses merely a great satisfaction that
+    Bode is engaged upon the work, and gives some suggestions to him
+    about it.]
+
+    [Footnote 21: See Bode’s Introduction, p. iii, iv. Also _Allg.
+    deutsche Bibl._, Anhang, I-XII, Vol. II, pp. 896-9.]
+
+    [Footnote 22: Strangely enough the first use of this word which
+    has been found is in one of Sterne’s letters, written in 1740 to
+    the lady who subsequently became his wife. (Letters, p. 25). But
+    these letters were not published till 1775, long after the word
+    was in common use. An obscure Yorkshire clergyman can not be
+    credited with its invention.]
+
+    [Footnote 23: Böttiger refers to Campe’s work, “Ueber die
+    Bereicherung und Reinigung der deutschen Sprache,” p. 297 ff.,
+    for an account of the genesis of this word, but adds that Campe is
+    incorrect in his assertion that Sterne coined the word. Campe does
+    not make the erroneous statement at all, but Bode himself puts it
+    in the mouth of Lessing.]
+
+    [Footnote 24: See foot note to page lxiii.]
+
+    [Footnote 25: For particulars concerning this parallel formation
+    see Mendelssohn’s Schriften, ed. by G. B. Mendelssohn, Leipzig,
+    1844. V, pp. 330, 335-7, letters between Abbt, Mendelssohn,
+    Nicolai.]
+
+    [Footnote 26: The source of Bode’s information is the article by
+    Dr. Hill, first published in the _Royal Female Magazine_ for
+    April, 1760, and reprinted in the _London Chronicle_, May 5, 1760
+    (pp. 434-435), under the title, “Anecdotes of a fashionable
+    Author.” Bode’s sketch is an abridged translation of this article.
+    This article is referred to in Sterne’s letters, I, pp. 38-9, 42.]
+
+    [Footnote 27: See p. 47.]
+
+    [Footnote 28: “Dass ich das Gute, was man an meiner Uebersetzung
+    findet, grössten Theils denen Herren Ebert und Lessing zu
+    verdanken habe.”]
+
+    [Footnote 29: _Hamburgischer Unpartheyischer Correspondent_,
+    October 29, 1768.]
+
+    [Footnote 30: “Verschwieg ich die Namen dieser Männer.”]
+
+    [Footnote 31: See p. 47.]
+
+    [Footnote 32: Jördens gives this title, which is the correct one.
+    Appell in “Werther und seine Zeit,” (p. 247) calls it “Herrn
+    Yoricks, Verfasser (sic) des Tristram Shandy Reisen durch
+    Frankreich und Italien, als ein Versuch über die menschliche
+    Natur,” which is the title of the second edition published later,
+    but with the same date. See _Allg. deutsche Bibliothek_, Anhang,
+    I-XII, Vol. II, pp. 896-9. Kayser and Heinsius both give
+    “Empfindsame Reisen durch Frankreich und Italien, oder Versuch
+    über die menschliche Natur,” which is evidently a confusion with
+    the better known Bode translation, an unconscious effort to locate
+    the book.]
+
+    [Footnote 33: Through some strange confusion, a reviewer in the
+    _Jenaische Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_ (1769, p. 574) states
+    that Ebert is the author of this translation; he also asserts that
+    Bode and Lessing had translated the book; it is reported too that
+    Bode is to issue a new translation in which he makes use of the
+    work of Lessing and Ebert, a most curious record of uncertain
+    rumor.]
+
+    [Footnote 34: See p. 31, “In the Street, Calais.” “If this won’t
+    turn out something, another will. No matter,--’tis an essay upon
+    human nature.”]
+
+    [Footnote 35: _Monthly Review_, XXXVIII, p. 319: “Gute Nacht,
+    bewunderungswürdiger Yorick! Dein Witz, Deine Menschenliebe! Dein
+    redliches Herz! ein jedes untadelhafte Stück deines Lebens und
+    deiner Schriften müsse in einem unsterblichen Gedächtnisse
+    blühen,--und O! mögte der Engel, der jenes aufgezeichnet hat,
+    über die Unvollkommenheiten von beiden eine Thräne des Mitleidens
+    fallen lassen und sie auf ewig auslöschen.”]
+
+    [Footnote 36: Jördens, V, p. 753. Hirsching,
+    Historisch-litterarisches Handbuch, XIII, pp. 291-309 (1809).]
+
+    [Footnote 37: It has not been possible to examine this second
+    edition, but the information concerning Sterne’s life may quite
+    possibly have been taken not from Bode’s work but from his sources
+    as already given.]
+
+    [Footnote 38: “Yoriks empfindsame Reise, aus dem Englischen
+    übersetzt,” 3ter und 4ter Theil, Hamburg und Bremen, bei Cramer,
+    1769.]
+
+    [Footnote 39: See _Allg. deutsche Bibl._ Anhang, I-XII, Vol. II,
+    pp. 896-9. Hirsching (Hist.-Litt. Handbuch) says confusedly that
+    Bode wrote the fourth and fifth parts.]
+
+    [Footnote 40: See _Neue Bibl. der schönen Wissenschaften_, LVIII,
+    p. 98, “Im dritten Bande ist die rührende Geschichte, das
+    Hündchen, ganz von ihm.” Also Jördens, I, 114, Heine, “Der
+    deutsche Roman,” p. 23.]
+
+    [Footnote 41: The following may serve as examples of inadequate,
+    inexact or false renderings:
+
+    ORIGINAL
+      BODE’S TRANSLATION
+
+    Like a stuck pig.
+      P. 5: Eine arme Hexe, die Feuer-Probe machen soll.
+
+    Dress as well as undress.
+      P. 9: Der Kleidung als der Einkleidung.
+
+    Chance medley of sensation.
+      P. 11: Unschuldiges Verbrechen der Sinne.
+
+    Where serenity was wont to fix her reign.
+      P. 13: Wo die Heiterkeit ihren Sitz aufgeschlagen hatte.
+
+    Wayward shades of my canvas.
+      P. 20: Die harten Schattirungen meines Gewebes.
+
+    Caterpillars.
+      P. 22: Heuschrecken.
+
+    The chance medley of existence.
+      P. 23: Das unschuldige Verbrechen des Daseyns.]
+
+    [Footnote 42: Bode’s story, “Das Mündel” was printed in the
+    _Hamburgische Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_, 1769, p. 729 (November
+    23) and p. 753 (December 4).]
+
+    [Footnote 43: There will be frequent occasion to mention this
+    impulse emanating from Sterne, in the following pages. One may
+    note incidentally an anonymous book “Freundschaften” (Leipzig,
+    1775) in which the author beholds a shepherd who finds a torn lamb
+    and indulges in a sentimental reverie upon it. _Allg. deutsche
+    Bibl._, XXXVI, 1, 139.]
+
+    [Footnote 44: Bode inserts “Miss Judith Meyer” and “Miss
+    Philippine Damiens,” two poor novels by this Kölbele in place of
+    Eugenius’s “Pilgrim’s Progress.” Böttiger comments, “statt des im
+    englischen Original angeführten schalen Romans ‘The Pilgrim’s
+    Progress.’” Bode, in translating Shandy several years later,
+    inserts for the same book, “Thousand and one Nights.” In speaking
+    of this, Böttiger calls “Pilgrim’s Progress” “die schale
+    engländische Robinsonade,” an eloquent proof of Böttiger’s
+    ignorance of English literature.]
+
+    [Footnote 45: Pp. 166 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 46: _Quellen und Forschungen_, XXII, p. 129.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+STERNE IN GERMANY AFTER THE PUBLICATION OF THE SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY
+
+
+The publication of the Sentimental Journey, as implied in the previous
+chapter, brought Sterne into vital connection with literary impulses and
+emotional experiences in Germany, and his position as a leader was at
+once recognized. Because of the immediate translations, the reviews of
+the English original are markedly few, even in journals which gave
+considerable attention to English literary affairs. The _Neue Bibliothek
+der schönen Wissenschaften_[1] purposely delays a full review of the
+book because of the promised translation, and contents itself with the
+remark, “that we have not read for a long time anything more full of
+sentiment and humor.” Yet, strangely enough, the translation is never
+worthily treated, only the new edition of 1771 is mentioned,[2] with
+especial praise of Füger’s illustrations.
+
+Other journals devote long reviews to the new favorite: according to the
+_Jenaische Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_[3] all the learned
+periodicals vied with one another in lavish bestowal of praise upon
+these Journeys. The journals consulted go far toward justifying this
+statement.
+
+The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_ reviews both the Bode and
+Mittelstedt renderings, together with Bode’s translation of Stevenson’s
+continuation, in the second volume of the Anhang to Volumes I-XII.[4]
+The critique of Bode’s work defines, largely in the words of the book
+itself, the peculiar purpose and method of the Journey, and comments
+briefly but with frank enthusiasm on the various touching incidents of
+the narrative: “Nur ein von der Natur verwahrloseter bleibt dabei kalt
+und gleichgültig,” remarks the reviewer. The conception of Yorick’s
+personal character, which prevailed in Germany, obtained by a process of
+elimination and misunderstanding, is represented by this critic when he
+records without modifying his statement: “Various times Yorick shows
+himself as the most genuine foe of self-seeking, of immoral _double
+entendre_, and particularly of assumed seriousness, and he scourges them
+emphatically.” The review of the third and fourth parts contains a
+similar and perhaps even more significant passage illustrating the view
+of Yorick’s character held by those who did not know him and had the
+privilege of admiring him only in his writings and at a safe distance.
+“Yorick,” he says, “although he sometimes brings an event, so to speak,
+to the brink of an indecorous issue, manages to turn it at once with the
+greatest delicacy to a decorous termination. Or he leaves it incomplete
+under such circumstances that the reader is impressed by the rare
+delicacy of mind of the author, and can never suspect that such a man,
+who never allows a _double entendre_ to enter his mind without a blush,
+has entertained an indecent idea.” This view is derived from a somewhat
+short-sighted reading of the Sentimental Journey: the obvious Sterne of
+Tristram Shandy, and the more insidiously concealed creator of the
+Journey could hardly be characterized discriminatingly by such a
+statement. Sterne’s cleverness consists not in suggesting his own
+innocence of imagination, but in the skill with which he assures his
+reader that he is master of the situation, and that no possible
+interpretation of the passage has escaped his intelligence. To the
+Mittelstedt translation is accorded in this review the distinction of
+being, in the rendering of certain passages, more correct than Bode’s.
+A reviewer in the _Hallische Neue Gelehrte Zeitung_[5] treats of the
+Sentimental Journey in the Mittelstedt translation. He is evidently
+unfamiliar with the original and does not know of Bode’s work, yet his
+admiration is unbounded, though his critique is without distinction or
+discrimination. The _Neue Critische Nachrichten_[6] of Greifswald gives
+a review of Bode’s rendering in which a parallel with Shakespeare is
+suggested. The original mingling of instruction and waggery is commented
+upon, imitation is discouraged, and the work is held up as a test,
+through appreciation or failure to appreciate, of a reader’s ability to
+follow another’s feelings, to understand far-away hints and allusions,
+to follow the tracks of an irregular and errant wit.
+
+The _Hamburgischer unpartheyischer Correspondent_ for October 29, 1768,
+regards the book in Bode’s translation as an individual, unparalleled
+work of genius and discourses at length upon its beneficent medicinal
+effects upon those whose minds and hearts are perplexed and clouded.
+The wanton passages are acknowledged, but the reviewer asserts that the
+author must be pardoned them for the sake of his generous and
+kind-hearted thoughts. The Mittelstedt translation is also quoted and
+parallel passages are adduced to demonstrate the superiority of Bode’s
+translation.
+
+The Germans naturally learned to know the continuation of Eugenius
+chiefly through Bode’s translation, designated as the third and fourth
+volumes of the work, and thus because of the sanction of the
+intermediary, were led to regard Stevenson’s tasteless, tedious and
+revolting narrative with a larger measure of favor than would presumably
+have been accorded to the original, had it been circulated extensively
+in Germany. After years the _Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung_[7] implies
+incidentally that Bode’s esteeming this continuation worthy of his
+attention is a fact to be taken into consideration in judging its
+merits, and states that Bode beautified it. Bode’s additions and
+alterations were, as has been pointed out, all directly along the line
+of the Yorick whom the Germans had made for themselves. It is
+interesting to observe that the reviewer of these two volumes of the
+continuation in the _Neue Critische Nachrichten_,[8] while recognizing
+the inevitability of failure in such a bold attempt, and acknowledging
+that the outward form of the work may by its similarity be at first
+glance seductive, notes two passages of sentiment “worthy even of a
+Yorick,”--the episode “Das Hündchen” and the anecdote of the sparrows
+which the traveler shot in the garden: both are additions on Bode’s
+part, and have no connection with the original. The reviewer thus
+singled out for especial approval two interpolations by the German
+translator, incidents which in their conception and narration have not
+the true English Yorick ring.
+
+The success of the Sentimental Journey increased the interest in the
+incomprehensible Shandy. Lange’s new edition of Zückert’s translation
+has been noted, and before long Bode[9] was induced to undertake a
+German rendering of the earlier and longer novel. This translation was
+finished in the summer of 1774, the preface being dated “End of August.”
+The foreword is mainly concerned with Goeze’s attack on Bode’s personal
+character, a thrust founded on Bode’s connection with the Sentimental
+Journey and its continuation. At the close of this introduction Bode
+says that, without undervaluing the intelligence of his readers, he had
+regarded notes as essential, but because of his esteem for the text,
+and a parental affection for the notes, he has foreborne to insert them
+here. “So they still lie in my desk, as many as there are of them, but
+upon pressing hints they might be washed and combed, and then be
+published under the title perhaps of a ‘Real und Verballexicon über
+Tristram Shandy’s Leben und Meinungen.’” This hint of a work of his own,
+serving as a commentary to Tristram Shandy, has been the occasion of
+some discussion. A reviewer in the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_,[10]
+in an account of Bode’s and Wichmann’s renderings of “Tom Jones,” begs
+Bode to fulfill the hopes thus raised, saying he could give Yorick’s
+friends no more valuable or treasured gift. Böttiger in his biographical
+sketch of Bode expressed regret that the work never saw the light,
+adding that the work contained so many allusions to contemporary
+celebrities and hits upon Bode’s acquaintance that wisdom had consigned
+to oblivion.[11] A correspondent, writing to the _Teutscher Merkur_,[12]
+minimizes the importance of this so-called commentary, saying “er hatte
+nie einen Kommentar der Art, . . . auch nur angefangen auszuarbeiten.
+Die ganze Sache gründet sich auf eine scherzhafte Aeusserung gegen
+seinem damaligen Freund in Hamburg, welchen er oft mit der ihm eignen
+Ironie mit diesem Kommentar zu drohen pflegte.”
+
+The list of subscribers to Bode’s translation contained upwards of 650
+names, among which are Boie, Claudius, Einsieder, Gerstenberg, Gleim,
+Fräulein von Göchhausen, Goethe, Hamann, Herder, Hippel, Jacobi,
+Klopstock, Schummel, Wieland (five copies), and Zimmermann. The names of
+Ebert and Lessing are not on the list. The number of subscribers in
+Mitau (twelve) is worthy of note, as illustrating the interest in Sterne
+still keenly alive in this small and far away town, undoubtedly a direct
+result of the admiration so lavishly expressed in other years by Herder,
+Hamann and their circle.
+
+The translation was hailed then as a masterly achievement of an arduous
+task, the difficulties of which are only the less appreciated because of
+the very excellence of the performance. It contrasts most strikingly
+with its clumsy predecessor in its approximation to Sterne’s deftness of
+touch, his delicate turns of phrase, his seemingly obvious and facile,
+but really delicate and accurate choice of expression. Zückert was
+heavy, commonplace, uncompromisingly literal and bristling with
+inaccuracies. Bode’s work was unfortunately not free from errors in
+spite of its general excellence, yet it brought the book within reach of
+those who were unable to read it in English, and preserved, in general
+with fidelity, the spirit of the original. The reviews were prodigal of
+praise. Wieland’s expressions of admiration were full-voiced and
+extensive.[13]
+
+The _Wandsbecker Bothe_ for October 28, 1774, asserts that many readers
+in England had not understood the book as well as Bode, a frequent
+expression of inordinate commendation; that Bode follows close on the
+heels of Yorick on his most intimate expeditions. The _Frankfurter
+Gelehrte Anzeigen_[14] copies in full the translation of the first
+chapter as both Zückert and Bode rendered it, and praises the latter in
+unqualified terms; Bode appears as “Yorick’s rescuer.” Several years
+later, in the _Deutsches Museum_, the well-known French translation of
+Shandy by Frenais is denounced as intolerable (unerträglich) to a German
+who is acquainted with Bode’s,[15] an opinion emphasized later in the
+same magazine[16] by Joseph von Retzer. Indeed, upon these two
+translations from Sterne rests Bode’s reputation as a translator. His
+“Tom Jones” was openly criticised as bearing too much of Sterne,[17] so
+great was the influence of Yorick upon the translator. Klamer Schmidt in
+a poem called “Klamersruh, eine ländlich malerische Dichtung,”[18]
+dilating upon his favorite authors during a country winter, calls Bode
+“our Sterne” and “the ideal translator,” and in some verses by the same
+poet, quoted in the article on Bode in Schlichtegroll’s “Nekrolog,”[19]
+is found a very significant stanza expressing Sterne’s immeasurable
+obligation to his German translator:
+
+  “Er geht zu dir nun, unser Bode!
+  Empfang ihn, Yoriks Geist! Auch dein
+  Erbarmt er sich,
+  Errettete vom Tode
+  Der Uebersetzer dich!”
+
+Matthison in his “Gruss aus der Heimath,”[20] pays similar tribute in a
+vision connected with a visit to Bode’s resting-place in Weimar. It is a
+fanciful relation: as Bode’s shade is received with jubilation and
+delight in the Elysian Fields by Cervantes, Rabelais, Montaigne,
+Fielding and Sterne, the latter censures Bode for distrusting his own
+creative power, indicating that he might have stood with the group just
+enumerated, that the fame of being “the most excellent transcriber” of
+his age should not have sufficed.
+
+In view of all this marked esteem, it is rather surprising to find a few
+years later a rather sweeping, if apologetic, attack on the rendering of
+Shandy. J. L. Benzler, the librarian of Graf Stolberg at Wernigerode,
+published in 1801 a translation of Shandy which bore the legend “Newly
+translated into German,” but was really a new edition of Bode’s work
+with various corrections and alterations.[21] Benzler claims in his
+preface that there had been no translation of the masterpiece worthy of
+the original, and this was because the existing translation was from the
+pen of Bode, in whom one had grown to see the very ideal of a
+translator, and because praise had been so lavishly bestowed on the work
+by the critics. He then asserts that Bode never made a translation which
+did not teem with mistakes; he translated incorrectly through
+insufficient knowledge of English, confusing words which sound alike,
+made his author say precisely the opposite of what he really did say,
+was often content with the first best at hand, with the half-right, and
+often erred in taste;--a wholesale and vigorous charge. After such a
+disparagement, Benzler disclaims all intention to belittle Bode, or his
+service, but he condescendingly ascribes Bode’s failure to his lowly
+origin, his lack of systematic education, and of early association with
+the cultured world. Benzler takes Bode’s work as a foundation and
+rewrites. Some of his changes are distinctly advantageous, and that so
+few of these errors in Bode’s translation were noted by contemporary
+critics is a proof of their ignorance of the original, or their utter
+confidence in Bode.[22] Benzler in his preface of justification
+enumerates several extraordinary blunders[23] and then concludes with a
+rather inconsistent parting thrust at Bode, the perpetrator of such
+nonsense, at the critics who could overlook such errors and praise the
+work inordinately, and at the public who ventured to speak with delight
+of the work, knowing it only in such a rendering. Benzler was severely
+taken to task in the _Neue Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[24] for his
+shamelessness in rewriting Bode’s translation with such comparatively
+insignificant alterations, for printing on the title page in brazen
+effrontery “newly translated into German,” and for berating Bode for his
+failure after cursing him with condescension. Passages are cited to
+demonstrate the comparative triviality of Benzler’s work. A brief
+comparison of the two translations shows that Benzler often translates
+more correctly than his predecessor, but still more often makes
+meaningless alterations in word-order, or in trifling words where
+nothing is to be gained by such a change.
+
+The same year Benzler issued a similar revision of the Sentimental
+Journey,[25] printing again on the title page “newly translated into
+German.” The _Neue Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[26] greets this
+attempt with a similar tart review, containing parallel quotations as
+before, proving Benzler’s inconsiderate presumption. Here Benzler had to
+face Bode’s assertion that both Lessing and Ebert had assisted in the
+work, and that the former had in his kindness gone through the whole
+book. Benzler treats this fact rather cavalierly and renews his attack
+on Bode’s rendering. Benzler resented this review and replied to it in a
+later number of the same periodical.[27]
+
+Now that a century and more has elapsed, and personal acrimony can no
+longer play any part in criticism, one may justly admit Benzler’s
+service in calling attention to inaccurate and inadequate translation,
+at the same time one must condemn utterly his manner of issuing his
+emendations. In 1831 there appeared a translation of Tristram Shandy
+which was again but a revision of Bode’s work. It bore on the title page
+“Neu übertragen von W. H.,” and contained a sketch of Sterne’s life.[28]
+
+In the nineties there seemed to be a renewal of Yorick enthusiasm, and
+at this time was brought forth, at Halle in 1794, a profusely annotated
+edition of the Sentimental Journey,[29] which was, according to the
+anonymous editor, a book not to be read, but to be studied. Claim is
+made that the real meaning of the book may be discovered only after
+several careful readings, that “empfindsam” in some measure was here
+used in the sense of philosophical, that the book should be treated as a
+work of philosophy, though clad in pleasing garb; that it should be
+thought out according to its merits, not merely read. Yorick’s failure
+to supply his chapters with any significant or alluring chapter-headings
+(probably the result of indolence on his part) is here interpreted as
+extraordinary sagacity, for he thereby lessens the expectations and
+heightens the effect. “Eine Empfindungs-reise” is declared to be a more
+suitable name than “Empfindsame Reise,” and comment is made upon the
+purpose of the Journey, the gathering of material for anatomical study
+of the human heart. The notes are numerous and lengthy, constituting a
+quarter to a third of the book, but are replete with padding, pointless
+babble and occasional puerile inaccuracies. They are largely attempts to
+explain and to moralize upon Yorick’s emotions,--a verbose, childish,
+witless commentary. The Wortregister contains fourteen pages in double
+columns of explanations, in general differing very little from the kind
+of information given in the notes. The _Allgemeine Litteratur
+Zeitung_[30] devotes a long review chiefly to the explanation of the
+errors in this volume, not the least striking of which is the
+explanation of the reference to Smelfungus, whom everyone knows to have
+been Smollett: “This learned Smelfungus appears to have written nothing
+but the Journey which is here mentioned.”[31] As an explanation of the
+initial “H” used by Sterne for Hume, the note is given, “The author ‘H’
+was perhaps a poor one.”[32]
+
+Sterne’s letters were issued first in London in 1775, a rather
+surprisingly long time after his death, when one considers how great was
+Yorick’s following. According to the prefatory note of Lydia Sterne de
+Medalle in the collection which she edited and published, it was the
+wish of Mrs. Sterne that the correspondence of her husband, which was in
+her possession, be not given to the world, unless other letters bearing
+his name should be published. This hesitation on her part must be
+interpreted in such a way as to cast a favorable light on this much
+maligned gentlewoman, as a delicate reticence on her part, a desire to
+retain these personal documents for herself.[33] The power of this
+sentiment must be measured by her refraining from publishing during the
+five years which intervened between her husband’s death and her own,
+March, 1768 to January, 1773--years which were embittered by the
+distress of straitened circumstances. It will be remembered that an
+effort was made by Mrs. Sterne and her daughter to retrieve their
+fortunes by a life of Sterne which was to be a collaboration by
+Stevenson and Wilkes, and urgent indeed was Lydia Sterne’s appeal to
+these friends of her father to fulfill their promises and lend their
+aid. Even when this hope had to be abandoned early in 1770, through the
+faithlessness of Sterne’s erstwhile companions, the widow and daughter
+turned to other possibilities rather than to the correspondence, though
+in the latter lay a more assured means of accomplishing a temporary
+revival of their prosperity. This is an evidence of fine feeling on the
+part of Sterne’s widow, with which she has never been duly credited.
+
+But an anonymous editor published early in 1775[34] a volume entitled
+“Letters from Yorick to Eliza,” a brief little collection, the source of
+which has never been clear, but whose genuineness has never been
+questioned. The editor himself waives all claim to proof “which might be
+drawn concerning their authenticity from the character of the gentleman
+who had the perusal of them, and with Eliza’s permission, faithfully
+copied them at Bombay.”
+
+In July of this same year[35] was published a volume entitled “Sterne’s
+Letters to His Friends on Various Occasions, to which is added his
+History of a Watchcoat with Explanatory Notes,” containing twelve
+letters (one by Dr. Eustace) and the watchcoat story. Some of these
+letters had appeared previously in British magazines, and one, copied
+from the _London Magazine_, was translated in the _Wandsbecker Bothe_
+for April 16, 1774.[36] A translation of the same letter was given in
+the _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitungen_, 1774, pp. 286-7. Three of these
+letters only are accepted by Prof. Saintsbury (Nos. 7, 124, the letter
+of Dr. Eustace, and 125). Of the others, Nos. 4-11 have been judged as
+of doubtful authenticity. Two of them, Nos. 11 and 12 (“I beheld her
+tender look” and “I feel the weight of obligation”) are in the standard
+ten-volume edition of Sterne,[37] but the last letter is probably
+spurious also.
+
+The publication of the letters from Yorick to Eliza was the
+justification afforded Lydia Sterne de Medalle for issuing her father’s
+correspondence according to her mother’s request: the other volume was
+not issued till after it was known that Sterne’s daughter was engaged in
+the task of collecting and editing his correspondence. Indeed, the
+editor expressly states in his preface that it is not the purpose of the
+book to forestall Mme. Medalle’s promised collection; that the letters
+in this volume are not to be printed in hers.[38] Mme. Medalle added to
+her collection the “Fragment in the manner of Rabelais” and the
+invaluable, characteristic scrap of autobiography, which was written
+particularly for “my Lydia.” The work appeared at Becket’s in three
+volumes, and the dedication to Garrick was dated June, 1775; but, as the
+notice in the _Monthly Review_ for October[39] asserts that they have
+“been published but a few days,” this date probably represents the time
+of the completion of the task, or the inception of the printer’s
+work.[40] During the same year the spurious letters from Eliza to Yorick
+were issued.
+
+Naturally Sterne’s letters found readers in Germany, the Yorick-Eliza
+correspondence being especially calculated to awaken response.[41] The
+English edition of the “Letters from Yorick to Eliza” was reviewed in
+the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_,[42] with a hint that
+the warmth of the letters might easily lead to a suspicion of unseemly
+relationship, but the reviewer contends that virtue and rectitude are
+preserved in the midst of such extraordinary tenderness, so that one may
+interpret it as a Platonic rather than a sensual affection. Yet this
+review cannot be designated as distinctive of German opinion, for it
+contains no opinion not directly to be derived from the editor’s
+foreword, and that alone; indeed, the wording suggests decidedly that
+source. The _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitung_[43] for April 15, 1775,
+reviews the same English edition, but the notice consists of an
+introductory statement of Eliza’s identity and translation of parts of
+three letters, the “Lord Bathurst letter,” the letter involving the
+criticism of Eliza’s portraits,[44] and the last letter to Eliza. The
+translation is very weak, abounding in elementary errors; for example,
+“She has got your picture and likes it” becomes “Sie hat Ihr Bildniss
+gemacht, es ist ähnlich,” and “I beheld you . . . as a very plain woman”
+is rendered “und hielt Sie für nichts anders als eine Frau.” The same
+journal,[45] August 5, reviews the second collection of Sterne’s
+letters, but there is no criticism, merely an introductory statement
+taken from the preface, and the translation of two letters, the one to
+Mistress V., “Of two bad cassocs, fair lady,” and the epistle beginning,
+“I snatch half an hour while my dinner is getting ready.” The
+_Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1776, p. 382, also gives in a review
+information concerning this anonymous collection, but no criticism.
+
+One would naturally look to Hamburg for translations of these epistles.
+In the very year of their appearance in England we find “Yorick’s Briefe
+an Eliza,” Hamburg, bey C. E. Bohn, 1775;[46] “Briefe von Eliza an
+Yorick,” Hamburg, bey Bode, 1775; and “Briefe von (Yorick) Sterne an
+seine Freunde nebst seiner Geschichte eines Ueberrocks,” Hamburg, bey
+Bohn, 1775. The translator’s name is not given, but there is every
+reason to suppose that it was the faithful Bode, though only the first
+volume is mentioned in Jördens’ account of him, and under his name in
+Goedeke’s “Grundriss.” Contemporary reviewers attributed all three books
+to Bode, and internal evidence goes to prove it.[47]
+
+The first volume contains no translator’s preface, and the second, the
+spurious Eliza letters, only a brief footnote to the translation of the
+English preface. In this note Bode’s identity is evident in the
+following quotation: He says he has translated the letters “because I
+believe that they will be read with pleasure, and because I fancy I have
+a kind of vocation to give in German everything that Sterne has written,
+or whatever has immediate relation to his writings.” This note is dated
+Hamburg, September 16, 1775. In the third volume, the miscellaneous
+collection, there is a translator’s preface in which again Bode’s hand
+is evident. He says he knows by sure experience that Sterne’s writings
+find readers in Germany; he is assured of the authenticity of the
+letters, but is in doubt whether the reader is possessed of sufficient
+knowledge of the attending circumstances to render intelligible the
+allusion of the watchcoat story. To forfend the possibility of such
+dubious appreciation, the account of the watchcoat episode is copied
+word for word from Bode’s introduction to the “Empfindsame Reise.”[48]
+
+In this same year, an unknown translator issued in a single volume a
+rendering of these three collections.[49] The following year Mme.
+Medalle’s collection was brought out in Leipzig in an anonymous
+translation, which has been attributed to Christian Felix Weisse.[50]
+Its title was “Lorenz Sterne’s Briefe an seine vertrautesten Freunde
+nebst einem Fragment im Geschmack des Rabelais und einer von ihm selbst
+verfassten Nachricht von seinem Leben und seiner Familie, herausgegeben
+von seiner Tochter Mad. Medalle,” Leipzig, 1776, pp. xxviii, 391.
+Weidmanns Erben und Reich.
+
+Bode’s translation of Yorick’s letters to Eliza is reviewed in the
+_Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitung_, August 9, 1775, with quotation of the
+second letter in full. The same journal notes the translation of the
+miscellaneous collection, November 4, 1775, giving in full the letter of
+Dr. Eustace and Sterne’s reply.[51] The _Allgemeine deutsche
+Bibliothek_[52] reviews together the three Hamburg volumes (Bode) and
+the Leipzig volume containing the same letters. The utter innocence, the
+unquestionably Platonic character of the relations between Yorick and
+Eliza is accepted fully. With keen, critical judgment the reviewer is
+inclined to doubt the originality of the Eliza letters. Two letters by
+Yorick are mentioned particularly, letters which bear testimony to
+Yorick’s practical benevolence: one describing his efforts in behalf of
+a dishonored maiden, and one concerning the old man who fell into
+financial difficulties.[53] Both the translations win approval, but
+Bode’s is preferred; they are designated as doubtless his. The “Briefe
+an Elisa” (Bode’s translation) are noticed in the _Frankfurter Gelehrte
+Anzeigen_, October 3 and 6, 1775, with unrestrained praise of the
+translator, and vigorous asseveration of their authenticity. It is
+recognized fully that the relation as disclosed was extraordinary among
+married people, even Sterne’s amazing statement concerning the fragile
+obstacles which stood in the way of their desires is noted. Yet the
+Yorick of these letters is accorded undisguised admiration. His love is
+exalted above that of Swift for Stella, Waller for Sacharissa, Scarron
+for Maintenon,[54] and his godly fear as here exhibited is cited to
+offset the outspoken avowal of dishonoring desire.[55] Hamann in a
+letter to Herder, June 26, 1780, speaks of the Yorick-Eliza
+correspondence quite disparagingly.[56]
+
+In 1787 another volume of Sterne letters was issued in London, giving
+English and German on opposite pages.[57] There are but six letters and
+all are probably spurious.
+
+In 1780 there was published a volume of confessedly spurious letters
+entitled “Briefe von Yorick und Elisen, wie sie zwischen ihnen konnten
+geschrieben werden.”[58] The introduction contains some interesting
+information for the determination of the genuineness of the Sterne
+letters.[59] The editor states that the author had written these letters
+purely as a diversion, that the editor had proposed their publication,
+but was always met with refusal until there appeared in London a little
+volume of letters which their editor emphatically declared to be
+genuine. This is evidently the volume published by the anonymous editor
+in 1775, and our present editor declares that he knows Nos. 4-10 were
+from the same pen as the present confessedly spurious collection. They
+were mere efforts originally, but, published in provincial papers, found
+their way into other journals, and the editor goes on to say, that,
+to his astonishment, he saw one of these epistles included in Lydia
+Medalle’s collection. This is, of course, No. 5, the one beginning, “The
+first time I have dipped my pen in the ink-horn.” These events induced
+the author to allow the publication. The book itself consists mostly of
+a kind of diary kept by Yorick to send to Eliza at Madeira and later to
+India, and a corresponding journal written by Eliza on the vessel and at
+Madeira.
+
+Yorick’s sermons were inevitably less potent in their appeal, and the
+editions and translations were less numerous. In spite of obvious
+effort, Sterne was unable to infuse into his homiletical discourses any
+considerable measure of genuine Shandeism, and his sermons were never as
+widely popular as his two novels, either among those who sought him for
+whimsical pastime or for sentimental emotion. They were sermons. The
+early Swiss translation has been duly noted.
+
+The third volume of the Zürich edition, which appeared in 1769,
+contained the “Reden an Esel,” which the reviewer in the _Allgemeine
+deutsche Bibliothek_[60] with acute penetration designates as spurious.
+Another translation of these sermons was published at Leipzig, according
+to the editor of a later edition[61] (Thorn, 1795), in the same year as
+the Zürich issue, 1769.
+
+The _Berlinische Monatsschrift_[62] calls attention to the excellence of
+the work and quotes the sermons at considerable length. The comment
+contains the erroneous statement that Sterne was a dissenter, and
+opposed to the established church. The translation published at Thorn in
+1795, evidently building on this information, continues the error, and,
+in explanation of English church affairs, adds as enlightenment the
+thirty-nine articles. This translation is confessedly a working-over of
+the Leipzig translation already mentioned. It is difficult to discover
+how these sermons ever became attached to Sterne’s name, and one can
+hardly explain the fact that such a magazine as the _Berlinische
+Monatsschrift_[63] should at that late date publish an article so flatly
+contradictory to everything for which Sterne stood, so diametrically
+opposed to his career, save with the understanding that gross ignorance
+attended the original introduction and early imitation of Yorick, and
+that this incomprehension, or one-sided appreciation of the real Sterne
+persisted in succeeding decades. The German Yorick was the champion of
+the oppressed and downtrodden. The author of the “Sermons to Asses”
+appeared as such an opponent of coercion and arbitrary power in church
+and state, an upholder of human rights; hence, possibly, the authorship
+of this book was attributed to Sterne by something the same process as
+that which, in the age of heroic deeds, associated a miscellaneous
+collection of performances with a popular hero. The “Sermons to Asses”
+were written by Rev. James Murray (1732-1782), a noted dissenting
+minister, long pastor of High Bridge Chapel in Newcastle-on-Tyne. They
+were published in London in 1768 and dedicated to G. W., J. W., W. R.
+and M. M.--George Whitfield, John Wesley, William Romaine and Martin
+Madan. The English people are represented as burden-bearing asses laden
+with oppression in the shape of taxes and creeds.[64] They are directed
+against the power of the established church. It is needless to state
+that England never associated these sermons with Sterne.[65] The
+English edition was also briefly reviewed in the _Hamburgische
+Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_[66] without connecting the work with
+Sterne. The error was made later, possibly by the translator of the
+Zürich edition.
+
+The new collection of Sterne’s sermons published by Cadell in 1769,
+Vols. V, VI, VII, is reviewed by _Unterhaltungen_.[67] A selection from
+Sterne’s sermon on the Prodigal Son was published in translation in the
+_Hamburgische Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_ for April 13, 1768. The new
+collection of sermons was translated by A. E. Klausing and published at
+Leipzig in 1770, containing eighteen sermons.[68]
+
+Both during Sterne’s life and after his death books were published
+claiming him as their author. In England contemporary criticism
+generally stigmatized these impertinent attempts as dubious, or
+undoubtedly fraudulent. The spurious ninth volume of Shandy has been
+mentioned.[69] The “Sermons to Asses” just mentioned also belong here,
+and, with reservation, also Stevenson’s continuation of the Sentimental
+Journey, with its claim to recognition through the continuator’s
+statement of his relation to Yorick. There remain also a few other books
+which need to be mentioned because they were translated into German and
+played their part there in shaping the German idea of Yorick. In
+general, it may be said that German criticism was never acute in judging
+these products, partially perhaps because they were viewed through the
+medium of an imperfectly mastered foreign tongue, a mediocre or an
+adapted translation. These books obtained relatively a much more
+extensive recognition in Germany than in England.
+
+In 1769 a curious conglomerate was brought over and issued under the
+lengthy descriptive title: “Yoricks Betrachtungen über verschiedene
+wichtige und angenehme Gegenstände. Nemlich über Nichts, Ueber Etwas,
+Ueber das Ding, Ueber die Regierung, Ueber den Toback, Ueber die Nasen,
+Ueber die Quaksalber, Ueber die Hebammen, Ueber den Homunculus, Ueber
+die Steckenpferde, Ueber das Momusglas, Ueber die Ausschweifungen, Ueber
+die Dunkelkeit im Schreiben, Ueber den Unsinn, Ueber die Verbindung der
+Ideen, Ueber die Hahnreiter, Ueber den Mann in dem Monde, Ueber
+Leibnitzens Monaden, Ueber das was man Vertu nennt, Ueber das Gewissen,
+Ueber die Trunkenheit, Ueber den Nachtstuhl, Betrachtungen über
+Betrachtungen.--neque--cum lectulus, aut me Porticus excepit, desum
+mihi, Horat.” Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1769, 8vo. The book purported to be
+a collection of Sterne’s earliest lucubrations, and the translator
+expresses his astonishment that no one had ever translated them before,
+although they were first issued in 1760. It is without doubt the
+translation of an English volume entitled “Yorick’s Meditations upon
+interesting and important subjects,” published by Stevens in London,
+1760.[70] It had been forgotten in England long before some German
+chanced upon it. The preface closes with a long doggerel rhyme, which,
+the translator says, he has purposely left untranslated. It is, however,
+beyond the shadow of a doubt original with him, as its contents prove.
+Yorick in the Elysian Fields is supposed to address himself, he
+“anticipates his fate and perceives beforehand that at least one German
+critic would deem him worthy of his applause.”
+
+  “Go on, poor Yorik, try once more
+  In German Dress, thy fate of yore,
+  Expect few Critics, such, as by
+  The bucket of Philosophy
+  From out the bottom of the well
+  May draw the Sense of what you tell
+  And spy what wit and Morals sound
+  Are in thy Rambles to be found.”
+
+After a passage in which the rhymester enlarges upon the probability of
+distorted judgment, he closes with these lines:
+
+  “Dire Fate! but for all that no worse,
+  You shall be WIELAND’S Hobby-Horse,
+  So to HIS candid Name, unbrib’d
+  These meditations be inscrib’d.”
+
+This was at the time of Wieland’s early enthusiasm, when he was probably
+contemplating, if not actually engaged upon a translation of Tristram
+Shandy. “Thy fate of yore” in the second line is evidently a poetaster’s
+acceptation of an obvious rhyme and does not set Yorick’s German
+experience appreciably into the past. The translator supplies frequent
+footnotes explaining the allusions to things specifically English. He
+makes occasional comparison with German conditions, always with the
+claim that Germany is better off, and needs no such satire. The
+_Hallische Neue Gelehrte Zeitungen_ for June 1, 1769, devotes a review
+of considerable length to this translation; in it the reviewer asserts
+that one would have recognized the father of this creation even if
+Yorick’s name had not stood on its forehead; that it closely resembles
+its fellows even if one must place it a degree below the Journey. The
+_Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek_[71] throws no direct suspicion on the
+authenticity, but with customary insight and sanity of criticism finds
+in this early work “a great deal that is insipid and affected.” The
+_Deutsche Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_, however, in a review
+which shows a keen appreciation of Sterne’s style, openly avows an
+inclination to question the authenticity, save for the express statement
+of the translator; the latter it agrees to trust.[72] The book is placed
+far below the Sentimental Journey, below Shandy also, but far above the
+artificial tone of many other writers then popular. This relative
+ordering of Sterne’s works is characteristic of German criticism. In the
+latter part of the review its author seizes on a mannerism, the
+exaggerated use of which emphatically sunders the book from the genuine
+Sterne, the monotonous repetition of the critic’s protests and Yorick’s
+verbal conflicts with them. Sterne himself used this device frequently,
+but guardedly, and in ever-changing variety. Its careless use betrays
+the mediocre imitator.[73]
+
+The more famous Koran was also brought to German territory and enjoyed
+there a recognition entirely beyond that accorded it in England. This
+book was first given to the world in London as the “Posthumous Works of
+a late celebrated Genius deceased;”[74] a work in three parts, bearing
+the further title, “The Koran, or the Life, Character and Sentiments of
+Tria Juncta in Uno, M. N. A., Master of No Arts.” Richard Griffith was
+probably the real author, but it was included in the first collected
+edition of Sterne’s works, published in Dublin, 1779.[75] The work
+purports to be, in part, an autobiography of Sterne, in which the late
+writer lays bare the secrets of his life, his early debauchery, his
+father’s unworthiness, his profligate uncle, the ecclesiastic, and the
+beginning of his literary career by advertising for hack work in London,
+being in all a confused mass of impossible detail, loose notes and
+disconnected opinion, which contemporary English reviews stigmatize as
+manifestly spurious, “an infamous attempt to palm the united effusions
+of dullness and indecency upon the world as the genuine production of
+the late Mr. Sterne.”[76]
+
+In France the book was accepted as genuine and it was translated (1853)
+by Alfred Hédouin as an authentic work of Sterne. In Germany, too,
+it seems to have been recognized with little questioning as to its
+genuineness; even in recent years Robert Springer, in an article
+treating of Goethe’s relation to the Koran, quite openly contends for
+its authenticity.[77]
+
+Since a German translation appeared in the following year (1771), the
+German reviews do not, in the main, concern themselves with the English
+original. The _Neues Bremisches Magazin_,[78] however, censures the book
+quite severely, but the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_[79]
+welcomes it with unquestioning praise. The German rendering was by
+Johann Gottfried Gellius, and the title was “Yorick’s Nachgelassene
+Werke.”[80] The _Deutsche Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_[81]
+does acknowledge the doubtful authorship but accepts completely its
+Yorick tone and whim--“one cannot tell the copyist from the original.”
+Various characteristics are cited as common to this work and Yorick’s
+other writings, the contrast, change, confusion, conflict with the
+critics and the talk about himself. For the collection of aphorisms,
+sayings, fragments and maxims which form the second part of the Koran,
+including the “Memorabilia,” the reviewer suggests the name “Sterniana.”
+The reviewer acknowledges the occasional failure in attempted thrusts of
+wit, the ineffective satire, the immoral innuendo in some passages,
+but after the first word of doubt the review passes on into a tone of
+seemingly complete acceptation.
+
+In 1778 another translation of this book appeared, which has been
+ascribed to Bode, though not given by Goedeke, Jördens or Meusel.
+Its title was “Der Koran, oder Leben und Meynungen des Tria Juncta in
+Uno.”[82] The _Almanach der deutschen Musen_[83] treats this work with
+full measure of praise. The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[84] accepts
+the book in this translation as a genuine product of Sterne’s genius.
+Sammer reprinted the “Koran” (Vienna, 1795, 12mo) and included it in his
+nine volume edition of Sterne’s complete works (Vienna, 1798).
+
+Goethe’s connection with the “Koran,” which forms the most interesting
+phase of its German career, will be treated later.
+
+Sterne’s unacknowledged borrowings, his high-handed and extensive
+appropriation of work not his own, were noted in Germany, the natural
+result of Ferriar’s investigations in England, but they seem never to
+have attracted any considerable attention or aroused any serious concern
+among Sterne’s admirers so as to imperil his position: the question in
+England attached itself as an ungrateful but unavoidable concomitant of
+every discussion of Sterne and every attempt to determine his place in
+letters. Böttiger tells us that Lessing possessed a copy of Burton’s
+“Anatomy of Melancholy,” from which Sterne filched so much wisdom, and
+that Lessing had marked in it several of the passages which Ferriar
+later advanced as proof of Sterne’s theft. It seems that Bode purchased
+this volume at Lessing’s auction in Hamburg. Lessing evidently thought
+it not worth while to mention these discoveries, as he is entirely
+silent on the subject. Böttiger is, in his account, most unwarrantedly
+severe on Ferriar, whom he calls “the bilious Englishman” who attacked
+Sterne “with so much bitterness.” This is very far from a veracious
+conception of Ferriar’s attitude.
+
+The comparative indifference in Germany to this phase of Sterne’s
+literary career may well be attributed to the medium by which Ferriar’s
+findings were communicated to cultured Germany. The book itself, or the
+original Manchester society papers, seem never to have been reprinted or
+translated, and Germany learned their contents through a _résumé_
+written by Friedrich Nicolai and published in the _Berlinische
+Monatsschrift_ for February, 1795, which gives a very sane view of the
+subject, one in the main distinctly favorable to Sterne. Nicolai says
+Sterne is called with justice “One of the most refined, ingenious and
+humorous authors of our time.” He asserts with capable judgment that
+Sterne’s use of the borrowed passages, the additions and alterations,
+the individual tone which he manages to infuse into them, all preclude
+Sterne from being set down as a brainless copyist. Nicolai’s attitude
+may be best illustrated by the following passages:
+
+“Germany has authors enough who resemble Sterne in lack of learning.
+Would that they had a hundredth part of the merits by which he made up
+for this lack, or rather which resulted from it.” “We would gladly allow
+our writers to take their material from old books, and even many
+expressions and turns of style, and indeed whole passages, even if like
+Sterne . . . . they claimed it all as their own: only they must be
+successful adapters; they must add from their own store of observation
+and thought and feeling. The creator of Tristram Shandy does this in
+rich measure.”
+
+Nicolai also contends that Sterne was gifted with two characteristic
+qualities which were not imitation,--his “Empfindsamkeit” and
+“Laune”--and that by the former his works breathe a tender, delicate
+beneficence, a character of noble humanity, while by the latter a spirit
+of fairest mirth is spread over his pages, so that one may never open
+them without a pleasant smile. “The investigation of sources,” he says,
+“serves as explanation and does not mean depreciation of an otherwise
+estimable author.”
+
+By this article Nicolai choked the malicious criticism of the late
+favorite which might have followed from some sources, had another
+communicated the facts of Sterne’s thievery. Lichtenberg in the
+“Göttingischer Taschenkalender,” 1796, that is, after the publication of
+Nicolai’s article, but with reference to Ferriar’s essay in the
+Manchester Memoirs, Vol. IV, under the title of “Gelehrte Diebstähle”
+does impugn Sterne rather spitefully without any acknowledgment of his
+extraordinary and extenuating use of his borrowings. “Yorick,” he says,
+“once plucked a nettle which had grown upon Lorenzo’s grave; that was no
+labor for him. Who will uproot this plant which Ferriar has set on his?”
+Ferriar’s book was reviewed by the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen
+Wissenschaften_, LXII, p. 310.
+
+Some of the English imitations of Sterne, which did not actually claim
+him as author, also found their way to Germany, and there by a less
+discriminating public were joined in a general way to the mass of Yorick
+production, and the might of Yorick influence. These works represent
+almost exclusively the Sterne of the Sentimental Journey; for the shoal
+of petty imitations, explanations and protests which appeared in England
+when Shandy was first issued[85] had gone their own petty way to
+oblivion before Germany awakened to Sterne’s influence.
+
+One of the best known of the English Sentimental Journeys was the work
+of Samuel Paterson, entitled, “Another Traveller: or Cursory Remarks and
+Critical Observations made upon a Journey through Part of the
+Netherlands,--by Coriat Junior,” London, 1768, two volumes. The author
+protested in a pamphlet published a little later that his work was not
+an imitation of Sterne, that it was in the press before Yorick’s book
+appeared; but a reviewer[86] calls his attention to the sentimental
+journeying already published in Shandy. This work was translated into
+German as “Empfindsame Reisen durch einen Theil der Niederlande,”
+Bützow, 1774-1775, 2 Parts, 8vo. The translator was Karl Friedrich
+Müchler, who showed his bent in the direction of wit and whim by the
+publication of several collections of humorous anecdotes, witty ideas
+and satirical skits.[87]
+
+Much later a similar product was published, entitled “Launige Reise
+durch Holland in Yoricks[88] Manier, mit Charakterskizzen und Anekdoten
+über die Sitten und Gebräuche der Holländer aus dem Englischen,” two
+volumes, Zittau und Leipzig, 1795. The translation was by Reichel in
+Zittau.[88] This may possibly be Ireland’s “A Picturesque Tour through
+Holland, Brabant and part of France, made in 1789,” two volumes, London,
+1790.[89] The well-known “Peter Pennyless” was reproduced as
+“Empfindsame Gedanken bey verschiedenen Vorfällen von Peter Pennyless,”
+Leipzig, Weidmann, 1770.
+
+In 1788 there appeared in England a continuation of the Sentimental
+Journey[90] in which, to judge from the reviewers, the petty author
+outdid Sterne in eccentricities of typography, breaks, dashes, scantily
+filled and blank pages. This is evidently the original of “Die neue
+empfindsame Reise in Yoriks Geschmack,” Leipzig, 1789, 8vo, pp. 168,
+which, according to the _Allgemeine Litteratur-Zeitung_ bristles with
+such extravagances.[91]
+
+A much more successful attempt was the “Sentimental Journey, Intended as
+a Sequel to Mr. Sterne’s, Through Italy, Switzerland and France, by Mr.
+Shandy,” two volumes, 12mo, 1793. This was evidently the original of
+Schink’s work;[92] “Empfindsame Reisen durch Italien, die Schweiz und
+Frankreich, ein Nachtrag zu den Yorikschen. Aus und nach dem
+Englischen,” Hamburg, Hoffmann, 1794, pp. 272, 8vo. The translator’s
+preface, which is dated Hamburg, March 1794, explains his attitude
+toward the work as suggested in the expression “Aus und nach dem
+Englischen,” that is, “aus, so lange wie Treue für den Leser Gewinn
+schien und nach, wenn Abweichung für die deutsche Darstellung notwendig
+war.” He claims to have softened the glaring colors of the original and
+to have discarded, or altered the obscene pictures. The author, as
+described in the preface, is an illegitimate son of Yorick, named
+Shandy, who writes the narrative as his father would have written it,
+if he had lived. This assumed authorship proves quite satisfactorily its
+connection with the English original, as there, too, in the preface, the
+narrator is designated as a base-born son of Yorick. The book is, as a
+whole, a fairly successful imitation of Yorick’s manner, and it must be
+judged as decidedly superior to Stevenson’s attempt. The author takes up
+the story where Sterne left it, in the tavern room with the Piedmontese
+lady; and the narrative which follows is replete with allusions to
+familiar episodes and sentiments in the real Journey, with sentimental
+adventures and opportunities for kindly deeds, and sympathetic tears;
+motifs used originally are introduced here, a begging priest with a
+snuff-box, a confusion with the Yorick in Hamlet, a poor girl with
+wandering mind seated by the wayside, and others equally familiar.
+
+It is not possible to determine the extent of Schink’s alterations to
+suit German taste, but one could easily believe that the somewhat
+lengthy descriptions of external nature, quite foreign to Sterne, were
+original with him, and that the episode of the young German lady by the
+lake of Geneva, with her fevered admiration for Yorick, and the
+compliments to the German nation and the praise for great Germans,
+Luther, Leibnitz and Frederick the Great, are to be ascribed to the same
+source. He did not rid the book of revolting features, as one might
+suppose from his preface.[93] Previous to the publication of the whole
+translation, Schink published in the February number of the _Deutsche
+Monatsschrift_[94] two sections of his book, “Die Schöne
+Obstverkäuferin” and “Elisa.” Later, in the May number, he published
+three other fragments, “Turin, Hotel del Ponto,” “Die Verlegenheit,”
+“Die Unterredung.”[95]
+
+A few years later Schink published another and very similar volume with
+the title, “Launen, Phantasieen und Schilderungen aus dem Tagebuche
+eines reisenden Engländers,”[96] Arnstadt und Rudolstadt, 1801, pp. 323.
+It has not been possible to find an English original, but the translator
+makes claim upon one, though confessing alterations to suit his German
+readers, and there is sufficient internal evidence to point to a real
+English source. The traveler is a haggard, pale-faced English clergyman,
+who, with his French servant, La Pierre, has wandered in France and
+Italy and is now bound for Margate. Here again we have sentimental
+episodes, one with a fair lady in a post-chaise, another with a monk in
+a Trappist cloister, apostrophes to the imagination, the sea, and
+nature, a��new division of travelers, a debate of personal attributes,
+constant appeals to his dear Sophie, who is, like Eliza, ever in the
+background, occasional references to objects made familiar through
+Yorick, as Dessein’s Hotel, and a Yorick-like sympathy with the dumb
+beast; in short, an open imitation of Sterne, but the motifs from Sterne
+are here more mixed and less obvious. There is, as in the former book,
+much more enthusiasm for nature than is characteristic of Sterne; and
+there is here much more miscellaneous material, such, for example,
+as the tale of the two sisters, which betrays no trace of Sterne’s
+influence. The latter part of the volume is much less reminiscent of
+Yorick and suggests interpolation by the translator.[97]
+
+Near the close of the century was published “Fragments in the manner of
+Sterne,” 8vo, Debrett, 1797, which, according to the _Monthly
+Review_,[98] caught in large measure the sentimentality, pathos and
+whimsicality of Sterne’s style. The British Museum catalogue suggests
+J. Brandon as its author. This was reprinted by Nauck in Leipzig in
+1800, and a translation was given to the world by the same publisher in
+the same year, with the added title: “Ein Seitenstück zu Yoricks
+empfindsamen Reisen.” The translation is attributed by Kayser to Aug.
+Wilhelmi, the pseudonym of August Wilhelm Meyer.[99] Here too belongs
+“Mariens Briefe nebst Nachricht von ihrem Tode, aus dem
+Englischen,”[100] which was published also under the title: “Yoricks
+Empfindsame Reisen durch Frankreich und Italien,” 5th vol., 8vo,
+Weissenfels, Severin, Mitzky in Leipzig, 1795.
+
+
+    [Footnote 1: VI, 1, p. 166. 1768.]
+
+    [Footnote 2: XII, 1, p. 142.]
+
+    [Footnote 3: August 28, 1769. P. 574.]
+
+    [Footnote 4: Pp. 896-9.]
+
+    [Footnote 5: III, pp. 689-91, October 31, 1768.]
+
+    [Footnote 6: V, No. 5, p. 37, 1769, review is signed “Z.”]
+
+    [Footnote 7: 1794, IV, p. 62, October 7.]
+
+    [Footnote 8: Greifswald, VI, p. 300.]
+
+    [Footnote 9: See p. 42.]
+
+    [Footnote 10: Anhang LIII-LXXXVI. Vol. V, pp. 2611-2614.]
+
+    [Footnote 11: This is repeated by Jördens.]
+
+    [Footnote 12: 1799. I, p. 36.]
+
+    [Footnote 13: _Teut. Merkur_, VIII, pp. 247-251.]
+
+    [Footnote 14: April 21, 1775, pp. 267-70.]
+
+    [Footnote 15: Hirsching (see above) says it rivals the original.]
+
+    [Footnote 16: The references to the _Deutsches Museum_ are
+    respectively IX, pp. 273-284, April, 1780, and X, pp. 553-5.]
+
+    [Footnote 17: See Jördens I, p. 117, probably depending on the
+    critique in the _Allg. deutsche Bibl._ Anhang, LIII-LXXXVI, Vol.
+    V, pp. 2611-2614.]
+
+    [Footnote 18: _Erholungen_ III, pp. 1-51.]
+
+    [Footnote 19: Supplementband für 1790-93, p. 410.]
+
+    [Footnote 20: Werke, Zürich, 1825-29, pp. 312 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 21: “Tristram Shandy’s Leben und Meynungen von neuem
+    verdeutscht, Leipzig, 1801, I, pp. 572; II, pp. 532; III, pp. 430.
+    Mit 3 Kupfern und 3 Vignetten nach Chodowiecki von J. F.
+    Schröter.” A new edition appeared at Hahn’s in Hanover in 1810.
+    This translation is not given by Goedeke under Benzler’s name.]
+
+    [Footnote 22: Wieland does modify his enthusiasm by acknowledgment
+    of inadequacies and devotes about a page of his long review to the
+    correction of seven incorrect renderings. _Teut. Merkur_, VIII,
+    pp. 247-51, 1774, IV.]
+
+    [Footnote 23: The following may serve as examples of Bode’s
+    errors. He translated, “Pray, what was your father saying?” (I, 6)
+    by “Was wollte denn Ihr Vater damit sagen?” a rendering obviously
+    inadequate. “It was a little hard on her” (I, p. 52) becomes in
+    Bode, “Welches sie nun freilich schwer ablegen konnte;” and “Great
+    wits jump” (I, 168) is translated “grosse Meister fehlen auch.”]
+
+    [Footnote 24: LXXIII, pp. 75-81.]
+
+    [Footnote 25: Leipzig, 1801, 8vo, I, 168; II, 170. 2 Kupf. und 2
+    Vignetten nach Chodowiecki von G. Böttiger.]
+
+    [Footnote 26: LXXIX, pp. 371-377.]
+
+    [Footnote 27: LXXXII, I, p. 199.]
+
+    [Footnote 28: Magdeburg, I, pp. 188; II, pp. 192; III, pp. 154;
+    IV, pp. 168; V, pp. 236.]
+
+    [Footnote 29: A Sentimental Journey, mit erläuternden Anmerkungen
+    und einem Wortregister.]
+
+    [Footnote 30: Jena, 1795, II, pp. 427-30.]
+
+    [Footnote 31: P. 49.]
+
+    [Footnote 32: The edition is also reviewed in the _Erfurtische
+    Gelehrte Zeitung_ (1796, p. 294.)]
+
+    [Footnote 33: The threat of Mrs. Sterne and her daughter to
+    publish the letters to Mrs. Draper would seem to be at variance
+    with this idea of Mrs. Sterne’s character, but her resentment or
+    indignation, and a personal satisfaction at her former rival’s
+    discomfiture are inevitable, and femininely human.]
+
+    [Footnote 34: They are reviewed in the April number of the
+    _Monthly Review_ (LII, pp. 370-371), and in the April number of the
+    _London Magazine_ (XLIV, pp. 200-201).]
+
+    [Footnote 35: It is noted among the publications in the July
+    number of the _London Magazine_, XLIV, p. 371, and is reviewed in
+    the September number of the _Monthly Review_, LIII, pp. 266-267.
+    It was really published on July 12. (_The Nation_, November 17,
+    1904.)]
+
+    [Footnote 36: The letter beginning “The first time I have dipped
+    my pen in the ink-horn,” addressed to Mrs. M-d-s and dated
+    Coxwould, July 21, 1765. The _London Magazine_ (1775, pp. 530-531)
+    also published the eleventh letter of the series, that concerning
+    the unfortunate Harriet: “I beheld her tender look.”]
+
+    [Footnote 37: Dodsley, etc., 1793.]
+
+    [Footnote 38: Two letters, however, were given in both volumes,
+    the letter to Mrs. M-d-s, “The first time I have dipped,” etc.,
+    and that to Garrick, “’Twas for all the world like a cut,” etc.,
+    being in the Mme. Medalle collection, Nos. 58 and 77 (II, pp.
+    126-131, 188-192) and in the anonymous collection Nos. 1 and 5.
+    The first of these two letters was without indication of addressee
+    in the anonymous collection, and was later directed to Eugenius
+    (in the American edition, Harrisburg, 1805).]
+
+    [Footnote 39: LIII, pp. 340-344. The publication was October 25.
+    See _The Nation_, November 17, 1904.]
+
+    [Footnote 40: The _London Magazine_ gives the first announcement
+    among the books for October (Vol. XLVI, p. 538), but does not
+    review the collection till December (XLIV, p. 649).]
+
+    [Footnote 41: Some selections from these letters were evidently
+    published before their translation in the _Englische Allgemeine
+    Bibliothek_. See _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, 1775, p. 667.]
+
+    [Footnote 42: XVIII, p. 177, 1775.]
+
+    [Footnote 43: 1775, I, pp. 243-246.]
+
+    [Footnote 44: Letters Nos. 83 and 86.]
+
+    [Footnote 45: 1775, II p. 510.]
+
+    [Footnote 46: This volume was noted by _Jenaische Zeitungen von
+    Gelehrten Sachen_, September, 4, 1775.]
+
+    [Footnote 47: A writer in Schlichtegroll’s “Nekrolog” says that
+    Bode’s own letters to “einige seiner vertrauten Freundinnen” in
+    some respects surpass those of Yorick to Eliza.]
+
+    [Footnote 48: Another translator would in this case have made
+    direct acknowledgment to Bode for the borrowed information, a fact
+    indicating Bode as the translator of the volume.]
+
+    [Footnote 49: “Lorenz Sterne’s oder Yorick’s Briefwechsel mit
+    Elisen und seinen übrigen Freunden.” Leipzig, Weidmanns Erben und
+    Reich. 1775, 8vo.]
+
+    [Footnote 50: Weisse is credited with the translation in Kayser,
+    but it is not given under his name in Goedeke.]
+
+    [Footnote 51: References to the _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitung_ are
+    p. 518 and p. 721, 1775.]
+
+    [Footnote 52: XXVIII, 2, p. 489, 1776.]
+
+    [Footnote 53: These are, of course, the spurious letters Nos. 8
+    and 11, “I beheld her tender look” and “I have not been a furlong
+    from Shandy-Hall.”]
+
+    [Footnote 54: This is a quotation from one of the letters, but the
+    review repeats it as its own.]
+
+    [Footnote 55: For a rather unfavorable criticism of the
+    Yorick-Eliza letters, see letter of Wilh. Ludw. Medicus to
+    Höpfner, March 16, 1776, in “Briefe aus dem Freundeskreise von
+    Goethe, Herder, Höpfner und Merck,” ed. by K. Wagner, Leipzig,
+    1847.]
+
+    [Footnote 56: Hamann’s Schriften, ed. by Roth, VI, p. 145:
+    “Yorick’s und Elisens Briefe sind nicht der Rede werth.”]
+
+    [Footnote 57: London, Thomas Cornan, St. Paul’s Churchyard, 8vo,
+    pp. 63. These letters are given in the first American edition,
+    Harrisburg, 1805, pp. 209-218 and 222-226.]
+
+    [Footnote 58: Leipzig, Weidmanns Erben und Reich, I, pp. 142;
+    II, pp. 150.]
+
+    [Footnote 59: The English original is probably that by William
+    Combe, published in 1779, two volumes. This original is reviewed
+    in the _Neue Bibl. der schönen Wissenschaften_, XXIV, p. 186,
+    1780.]
+
+    [Footnote 60: XII, 1, pp. 210-211. Doubt is also suggested in the
+    _Hallische Neue Gelehrte Zeitungen_, 1769, IV, p. 295.]
+
+    [Footnote 61: Reviewed in _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1798, II, p. 14,
+    without suggestion of doubtful authenticity.]
+
+    [Footnote 62: XX, pp. 79-103, 1792.]
+
+    [Footnote 63: They are still credited to Sterne, though with
+    admitted doubt, in Hirsching (1809). It would seem from a letter
+    of Hamann’s that Germany also thrust another work upon Sterne. The
+    letter is directed to Herder: “Ich habe die nichtswürdige Grille
+    gehabt einen unförmlichen Auszug einer englischen Apologie des
+    Rousseau, die den Sterne zum Verfasser haben soll, in die
+    _Königsberger Zeitung_ einflicken zu lassen.” See Hamann’s
+    Schriften, Roth’s edition, III, p. 374. Letter is dated July 29,
+    1767. Rousseau is mentioned in Shandy, III, p. 200, but there is
+    no reason to believe that he ever wrote anything about him.]
+
+    [Footnote 64: The edition examined is that of William Howe,
+    London, 1819, which contains “New Sermons to Asses,” and other
+    sermons by Murray.]
+
+    [Footnote 65: For reviews see _Monthly Review_, 1768, Vol. XXXIX,
+    pp. 100-105; _Gentleman’s Magazine_, Vol. XXXVIII, p. 188 (April).
+    They were thus evidently published early in the year 1768.]
+
+    [Footnote 66: 1768, p. 220.]
+
+    [Footnote 67: VII, p. 360.]
+
+    [Footnote 68: Review in _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XIII, 1, p. 241.
+    The reviewer is inclined to doubt their authenticity.]
+
+    [Footnote 69: A spurious third volume was the work of John Carr
+    (1760).]
+
+    [Footnote 70: See _Monthly Review_, XXIII, p. 84, July 1760, and
+    _London Magazine_, Monthly Catalogue for July and August, 1760.
+    _Scott’s Magazine_, XXII, p. 389, July, 1760.]
+
+    [Footnote 71: XIV, 2, p. 621.]
+
+    [Footnote 72: But in a later review in the same periodical
+    (V, p. 726) this book, though not mentioned by name, yet clearly
+    meant, is mentioned with very decided expression of doubt. The
+    review quoted above is III, p. 737. 1769.]
+
+    [Footnote 73: This work was republished in Braunschweig at the
+    Schulbuchhandlung in 1789.]
+
+    [Footnote 74: According to the _Universal Magazine_ (XLVI, p. 111)
+    the book was issued in February, 1770. It was published in two
+    volumes.]
+
+    [Footnote 75: Sidney Lee in Nat’l Dict. of Biography. It was also
+    given in the eighth volume of the Edinburgh edition of Sterne,
+    1803.]
+
+    [Footnote 76: See _London Magazine_, June, 1770, VI, p. 319; also
+    _Monthly Review_, XLII, pp. 360-363, May, 1770. The author of this
+    latter critique further proves the fraudulence by asserting that
+    allusion is made in the book to “facts and circumstances which did
+    not happen until Yorick was dead.”]
+
+    [Footnote 77: It is obviously not the place here for a full
+    discussion of this question. Hédouin in the appendix of his “Life
+    of Goethe” (pp. 291 ff) urges the claims of the book and resents
+    Fitzgerald’s rather scornful characterization of the French
+    critics who received the work as Sterne’s (see Life of Sterne,
+    1864, II, p. 429). Hédouin refers to Jules Janin (“Essai sur la
+    vie et les ouvrages de Sterne”) and Balzac (“Physiologie du
+    mariage,” Meditation xvii,) as citing from the work as genuine.
+    Barbey d’Aurevilly is, however, noted as contending in _la Patrie_
+    against the authenticity. This is probably the article to be found
+    in his collection of Essays, “XIX Siècle, Les oeuvres et les
+    hommes,” Paris, 1890, pp. 73-93. Fitzgerald mentions Chasles among
+    French critics who accept the book. Springer is incorrect in his
+    assertion that the Koran appeared seven years after Sterne’s
+    death, but he is probably building on the incorrect statement in
+    the _Quarterly Review_ (XCIV, pp. 303 ff). Springer also asserts
+    erroneously that it was never published in Sterne’s collected
+    works. He is evidently disposed to make a case for the Koran and
+    finds really his chief proof in the fact that both Goethe and Jean
+    Paul accepted it unquestioningly. Bodmer quotes Sterne from the
+    Koran in a letter to Denis, April 4, 1771, “M. Denis Lit.
+    Nachlass,” ed. by Retzer, Wien, 1801, II, p. 120, and other German
+    authors have in a similar way made quotations from this work,
+    without questioning its authenticity.]
+
+    [Footnote 78: III, p. 537, 1771.]
+
+    [Footnote 79: X, p. 173.]
+
+    [Footnote 80: Leipzig, Schwickert, 1771, pp. 326, 8vo.]
+
+    [Footnote 81: V, p. 726.]
+
+    [Footnote 82: Hamburg, Herold, 1778, pp. 248, 12mo.]
+
+    [Footnote 83: 1779, p. 67.]
+
+    [Footnote 84: Anhang to XXV-XXXVI, Vol. II, p. 768.]
+
+    [Footnote 85: As products of the year 1760, one may note:
+
+      Tristram Shandy at Ranelagh, 8vo, Dunstan.
+
+      Tristram Shandy in a Reverie, 8vo, Williams.
+
+      Explanatory Remarks upon the Life and Opinions of Tristram
+      Shandy, by Jeremiah Kunastrokins, 12mo, Cabe.
+
+      A Genuine Letter from a Methodist Preacher in the Country to
+      Laurence Sterne, 8vo, Vandenberg.
+
+      A Shandean essay on Human Passions, etc., by Caleb MacWhim, 4to,
+      Cooke.
+
+      Yorick’s Meditations upon Interesting and Important Subjects.
+
+      The Life and Opinions of Miss Sukey Shandy, Stevens.
+
+      The Clockmaker’s Outcry Against Tristram Shandy, Burd.
+
+      The Rake of Taste, or the Elegant Debauchee (another ape of the
+      Shandean style, according to _London Magazine_).
+
+      A Supplement to the Life and Opinion of Tristram Shandy, by the
+      author of Yorick’s Meditations, 12mo.]
+
+    [Footnote 86: _Monthly Review_, XL, p. 166.]
+
+    [Footnote 87: “Der Reisegefährte,” Berlin, 1785-86. “Komus oder
+    der Freund des Scherzes und der Laune,” Berlin, 1806. “Museum des
+    Witzes der Laune und der Satyre,” Berlin, 1810. For reviews of
+    Coriat in German periodicals see _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitungen_,
+    1774, p. 378; _Leipziger Musen-Almanach_, 1776, p. 85; _Almanach
+    der Deutschen Musen_, 1775, p. 84; _Unterhaltungen_, VII, p. 167.]
+
+    [Footnote 88: See _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1796, I, p. 256.]
+
+    [Transcriber’s Note:
+    The first of the two footnote tags may be an error.]
+
+    [Footnote 89: The identity could be proven or disproven by
+    comparison. There is a copy of the German work in the Leipzig
+    University Library. Ireland’s book is in the British Museum.]
+
+    [Footnote 90: See the _English Review_, XIII, p. 69, 1789, and the
+    _Monthly Review_, LXXIX, p. 468, 1788.]
+
+    [Footnote 91: _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1791, I, p. 197. A sample of
+    the author’s absurdity is given there in quotation.]
+
+    [Footnote 92: Joh. Friedrich Schink, better known as a dramatist.]
+
+    [Footnote 93: See the story of the gentlewoman from Thionville,
+    p. 250, and elsewhere.]
+
+    [Footnote 94: The references to the _Deutsche Monatsschrift_ are
+    respectively, I, pp. 181-188, and II, pp. 65-71.]
+
+    [Footnote 95: For review of Schink’s book see _Allg. Litt.
+    Zeitung_, 1794, IV, p. 62, October 7. Böttiger seems to think that
+    Schink’s work is but another working over of Stevenson’s
+    continuation.]
+
+    [Footnote 96: It is not given by Goedeke or Meusel, but is given
+    among Schink’s works in “Neuer Nekrolog der Deutschen,” Weimar,
+    1835-1837, XIII, pp. 161-165.]
+
+    [Footnote 97: In both these books the English author may perhaps
+    be responsible for some of the deviation from Sterne’s style.]
+
+    [Footnote 98: CV, p. 271.]
+
+    [Footnote 99: Kayser notes another translation, “Fragmente in
+    Yorick’s Manier, aus dem Eng., mit Kpf., 8vo.” London, 1800. It is
+    possibly identical with the one noted above. A second edition of
+    the original came out in 1798.]
+
+    [Footnote 100: The original of this was published by Kearsley in
+    London, 1790, 12mo, a teary contribution to the story of Maria of
+    Moulines.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+STERNE’S INFLUENCE IN GERMANY
+
+
+Thus in manifold ways Sterne was introduced into German life and
+letters.[1] He stood as a figure of benignant humanity, of lavish
+sympathy with every earthly affliction, he became a guide and mentor,[2]
+an awakener and consoler, and probably more than all, a sanction for
+emotional expression. Not only in literature, but in the conduct of life
+was Yorick judged a preceptor. The most important attempt to turn
+Yorick’s teachings to practical service in modifying conduct in human
+relationships was the introduction and use of the so-called
+“Lorenzodosen.” The considerable popularity of this remarkable conceit
+is tangible evidence of Sterne’s influence in Germany and stands in
+striking contrast to the wavering enthusiasm, vigorous denunciation and
+half-hearted acknowledgment which marked Sterne’s career in England.
+A century of criticism has disallowed Sterne’s claim as a prophet, but
+unquestionably he received in Germany the honors which a foreign land
+proverbially accords.
+
+To Johann Georg Jacobi, the author of the “Winterreise” and
+“Sommerreise,” two well-known imitations of Sterne, the sentimental
+world was indebted for this practical manner of expressing adherence to
+a sentimental creed.[3] In the _Hamburgischer Correspondent_ he
+published an open letter to Gleim, dated April 4, 1769, about the time
+of the inception of the “Winterreise,” in which letter he relates at
+considerable length the origin of the idea.[4] A few days before this
+the author was reading to his brother, Fritz Jacobi, the philosopher,
+novelist and friend of Goethe, and a number of ladies, from Sterne’s
+Sentimental Journey the story of the poor Franciscan who begged alms of
+Yorick. “We read,” says Jacobi, “how Yorick used this snuff-box to
+invoke its former possessor’s gentle, patient spirit, and to keep his
+own composed in the midst of life’s conflicts. The good Monk had died:
+Yorick sat by his grave, took out the little snuff-box, plucked a few
+nettles from the head of the grave, and wept. We looked at one another
+in silence: each rejoiced to find tears in the others’ eyes; we honored
+the death of the venerable old man Lorenzo and the good-hearted
+Englishman. In our opinion, too, the Franciscan deserved more to be
+canonized than all the saints of the calendar. Gentleness, contentedness
+with the world, patience invincible, pardon for the errors of mankind,
+these are the primary virtues he teaches his disciples.” The moment was
+too precious not to be emphasized by something rememberable, perceptible
+to the senses, and they all purchased for themselves horn snuff-boxes,
+and had the words “Pater Lorenzo” written in golden letters on the
+outside of the cover and “Yorick” within. Oath was taken for the sake of
+Saint Lorenzo to give something to every Franciscan who might ask of
+them, and further: “If anyone in our company should allow himself to be
+carried away by anger, his friend holds out to him the snuff-box, and we
+have too much feeling to withstand this reminder even in the greatest
+violence of passion.” It is suggested also that the ladies, who use no
+tobacco, should at least have such a snuff-box on their night-stands,
+because to them belong in such a high degree those gentle feelings which
+were to be associated with the article.
+
+This letter printed in the Hamburg paper was to explain the snuff-box,
+which Jacobi had sent to Gleim a few days before, and the desire is also
+expressed to spread the order. Hence others were sent to other friends.
+Jacobi goes on to say: “Perhaps in the future, I may have the pleasure
+of meeting a stranger here and there who will hand me the horn snuff-box
+with its golden letters. I shall embrace him as intimately as one Free
+Mason does another after the sign has been given. Oh! what a joy it
+would be to me, if I could introduce so precious a custom among my
+fellow-townsmen.” A reviewer in the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[5]
+sharply condemns Jacobi for his conceit in printing publicly a letter
+meant for his friend or friends, and, to judge from the words with which
+Jacobi accompanies the abridged form of the letter in the later editions
+it would seem that Jacobi himself was later ashamed of the whole affair.
+The idea, however, was warmly received, and among the teary, sentimental
+enthusiasts the horn snuff-box soon became the fad. A few days after the
+publication of this letter, Wittenberg,[6] the journalist in Hamburg,
+writes to Jacobi (April 21) that many in Hamburg desire to possess these
+snuff-boxes, and he adds: “A hundred or so are now being manufactured;
+besides the name Lorenzo, the following legend is to appear on the
+cover: Animae quales non candidiores terra tulit.” Wittenberg explains
+that this Latin motto was a suggestion of his own, selfishly made,
+for thereby he might win the opportunity of explaining it to the fair
+ladies, and exacting kisses for the service. Wittenberg asserts that a
+lady (Longo guesses a certain Johanna Friederike Behrens) was the first
+to suggest the manufacture of the article at Hamburg. A second letter[7]
+from Wittenberg to Jacobi four months later (August 21, 1769) announces
+the sending of nine snuff-boxes to Jacobi, and the price is given as
+one-half a reichsthaler. Jacobi himself says in his note to the later
+edition that merchants made a speculation out of the fad, and that a
+multitude of such boxes were sent out through all Germany, even to
+Denmark and Livonia: “they were in every hand,” he says. Graf Solms had
+such boxes made of tin with the name Jacobi inside. Both Martin and
+Werner instance the request[8] of a Protestant vicar, Johann David Goll
+in Trossingen, for a “Lorenzodose” with the promise to subscribe to the
+oath of the order, and, though Protestant, to name the Catholic
+Franciscan his brother. According to a spicy review[9] in the
+_Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[10] these snuff-boxes were sold in
+Hamburg wrapped in a printed copy of Jacobi’s letter to Gleim, and the
+reviewer adds, “like Grenough’s tooth-tincture in the directions for its
+use.”[11] Nicolai in “Sebaldus Nothanker” refers to the Lorenzo cult
+with evident ridicule.[12]
+
+There were other efforts to make Yorick’s example an efficient power of
+beneficent brotherliness. Kaufmann attempted to found a Lorenzo order of
+the horn snuff-box. Düntzer, in his study of Kaufmann,[13] states that
+this was only an effort on Kaufmann’s part to embrace a timely
+opportunity to make himself prominent. This endeavor was made according
+to Düntzer, during Kaufmann’s residence in Strassburg, which the
+investigator assigns to the years 1774-75. Leuchsenring,[14] the
+eccentric sentimentalist, who for a time belonged to the Darmstadt
+circle and whom Goethe satirized in “Pater Brey,” cherished also for a
+time the idea of founding an order of “Empfindsamkeit.”
+
+In the literary remains of Johann Christ Hofmann[15] in Coburg was found
+the “patent” of an order of “Sanftmuth und Versöhnung.” A “Lorenzodose”
+was found with it marked XXVIII, and the seven rules of the order, dated
+Coburg “im Ordens-Comtoir, den 10 August, 1769,” are merely a topical
+enlargement and ordering of Jacobi’s original idea. Longo gives them in
+full. Appell states that Jacobi explained through a friend that he knew
+nothing of this order and had no share in its founding. Longo complains
+that Appell does not give the source of his information, but Jacobi in
+his note to the so-called “Stiftungs-Brief” in the edition of 1807
+quotes the article in Schlichtegroll’s “Nekrolog” as his only knowledge
+of this order, certainly implying his previous ignorance of its
+existence.
+
+Somewhat akin to these attempts to incorporate Yorick’s ideas is the
+fantastic laying out of the park at Marienwerder near Hanover, of which
+Matthison writes in his “Vaterländische Besuche,”[16] and in a letter to
+the Hofrath von Köpken in Magdeburg,[17] dated October 17, 1785. After a
+sympathetic description of the secluded park, he tells how labyrinthine
+paths lead to an eminence “where the unprepared stranger is surprised by
+the sight of a cemetery. On the crosses there one reads beloved names
+from Yorick’s Journey and Tristram Shandy. Father Lorenzo, Eliza, Maria
+of Moulines, Corporal Trim, Uncle Toby and Yorick were gathered by a
+poetic fancy to this graveyard.” The letter gives a similar description
+and adds the epitaph on Trim’s monument, “Weed his grave clean, ye men
+of goodness, for he was your brother,”[18] a quotation, which in its
+fuller form, Matthison uses in a letter[19] to Bonstetten, Heidelberg,
+February 7, 1794, in speaking of Böck the actor. It is impossible to
+determine whose eccentric and tasteless enthusiasm is represented by
+this mortuary arrangement.
+
+Louise von Ziegler, known in the Darmstadt circle as Lila, whom Merck
+admired and, according to Caroline Flaschsland, “almost compared with
+Yorick’s Maria,” was so sentimental that she had her grave made in her
+garden, evidently for purposes of contemplation, and she led a lamb
+about which ate and drank with her. Upon the death of this animal,
+“a faithful dog” took its place. Thus was Maria of Moulines
+remembered.[20]
+
+It has already been noted that Yorick’s sympathy for the brute creation
+found cordial response in Germany, such regard being accepted as a part
+of his message. That the spread of such sentimental notions was not
+confined to the printed word, but passed over into actual regulation of
+conduct is admirably illustrated by an anecdote related in Wieland’s
+_Teutscher Merkur_ in the January number for 1776, by a correspondent
+who signs himself “S.” A friend was visiting him; they went to walk, and
+the narrator having his gun with him shot with it two young doves. His
+friend is exercised. “What have the doves done to you?” he queries.
+“Nothing,” is the reply, “but they will taste good to you.” “But they
+were alive,” interposed the friend, “and would have caressed
+(geschnäbelt) one another,” and later he refuses to partake of the
+doves. Connection with Yorick is established by the narrator himself:
+“If my friend had not read Yorick’s story about the sparrow, he would
+have had no rule of conduct here about shooting doves, and my doves
+would have tasted better to him.” The influence of Yorick was, however,
+quite possibly indirect through Jacobi as intermediary; for the latter
+describes a sentimental family who refused to allow their doves to be
+killed. The author of this letter, however, refers directly to Yorick,
+to the very similar episode of the sparrows narrated in the continuation
+of the Sentimental Journey, but an adventure original with the German
+Bode. This is probably the source of Jacobi’s narrative.
+
+The other side of Yorick’s character, less comprehensible, less capable
+of translation into tangibilities, was not disregarded. His humor and
+whimsicality, though much less potent, were yet influential. Ramler said
+in a letter to Gebler dated November 14, 1775, that everyone wished to
+jest like Sterne,[21] and the _Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_ (October
+31, 1775), at almost precisely the same time, discourses at some length
+on the then prevailing epidemic of whimsicality, showing that
+shallowness beheld in the then existing interest in humor a
+justification for all sorts of eccentric behavior and inconsistent
+wilfulness.
+
+Naturally Sterne’s influence in the world of letters may be traced most
+obviously in the slavish imitation of his style, his sentiment, his
+whims,--this phase represented in general by now forgotten triflers; but
+it also enters into the thought of the great minds in the fatherland and
+becomes interwoven with their culture. Their own expressions of
+indebtedness are here often available in assigning a measure of
+relationship. And finally along certain general lines the German Yorick
+exercised an influence over the way men thought and wanted to think.
+
+The direct imitations of Sterne are very numerous, a crowd of followers,
+a motley procession of would-be Yoricks, set out on one expedition or
+another. Musäus[22] in a review of certain sentimental meanderings in
+the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_,[23] remarked that the increase of
+such journeyings threatened to bring about a new epoch in the taste of
+the time. He adds that the good Yorick presumably never anticipated
+becoming the founder of a fashionable sect. This was in 1773. Other
+expressions of alarm or disapprobation might be cited.
+
+Through Sterne’s influence the account of travels became more personal,
+less purely topographical, more volatile and merry, more subjective.[24]
+Goethe in a passage in the “Campagne in Frankreich,” to which reference
+is made later, acknowledges this impulse as derived from Yorick. Its
+presence was felt even when there was no outward effort at sentimental
+journeying. The suggestion that the record of a journey was personal and
+tinged with humor was essential to its popularity. It was probably
+purely an effort to make use of this appeal which led the author of
+“Bemerkungen eines Reisenden durch Deutschland, Frankreich, England und
+Holland,”[25] a work of purely practical observation, to place upon his
+title-page the alluring lines from Gay: “Life is a jest and all things
+shew it. I thought so once, but now I know it;” a promise of humorous
+attitude which does not find fulfilment in the heavy volumes of purely
+objective description which follow.
+
+Probably the first German book to bear the name Yorick in its title was
+a short satirical sketch entitled, “Yorick und die Bibliothek der
+elenden Scribenten, an Hrn.--” 1768, 8vo (Anspach),[26] which is linked
+to the quite disgustingly scurrilous Antikriticus controversy.
+
+Attempts at whimsicality, imitations also of the Shandean gallery of
+originals appear, and the more particularly Shandean style of narration
+is adopted in the novels of the period which deal with middle-class
+domestic life. Of books directly inspired by Sterne, or following more
+or less slavishly his guidance, a considerable proportion has
+undoubtedly been consigned to merited oblivion. In many cases it is
+possible to determine from contemporary reviews the nature of the
+individual product, and the probable extent of indebtedness to the
+British model. If it were possible to find and examine them all with a
+view to establishing extent of relationship, the identity of motifs,
+the borrowing of thought and sentiment, such a work would give us little
+more than we learn from consideration of representative examples. In the
+following chapter the attempt will be made to treat a number of typical
+products. Baker in his article on Sterne in Germany adopts the rather
+hazardous expedient of judging merely by title and taking from Goedeke’s
+“Grundriss,” works which suggests a dependence on Sterne.[27]
+
+The early relation of several great men of letters to Sterne has been
+already treated in connection with the gradual awakening of Germany to
+the new force. Wieland was one of Sterne’s most ardent admirers, one of
+his most intelligent interpreters; but since his relationship to Sterne
+has been made the theme of special study,[28] there will be needed here
+but a brief recapitulation with some additional comment. Especially in
+the productions of the years 1768-1774 are the direct allusions to
+Sterne and his works numerous, the adaptations of motifs frequent, and
+imitation of literary style unmistakable. Behmer finds no demonstrable
+evidence of Sterne’s influence in Wieland’s work prior to two poems of
+the year 1768, “Endymions Traum” and “Chloe;” but in the works of the
+years immediately following there is abundant evidence both in style and
+in subject matter, in the fund of allusion and illustration, to
+establish the author’s indebtedness to Sterne. Behmer analyzes from this
+standpoint the following works: “Beiträge zur geheimen Geschichte des
+menschlichen Verstandes und Herzens;” “Sokrates Mainomenos oder die
+Dialogen des Diogenes von Sinope;” “Der neue Amadis;” “Der goldene
+Spiegel;” “Geschichte des Philosophen Danischmende;” “Gedanken über eine
+alte Aufschrift;” “Geschichte der Abderiten.”[29]
+
+In these works, but in different measure in each, Behmer finds Sterne
+copied stylistically, in the constant conversations about the worth of
+the book, the comparative value of the different chapters and the
+difficulty of managing the material, in the fashion of inconsequence in
+unexplained beginnings and abrupt endings, in the heaping up of words of
+similar meaning, or similar ending, and in the frequent digressions.
+Sterne also is held responsible for the manner of introducing the
+immorally suggestive, for the introduction of learned quotations and
+references to authorities, for the sport made of the learned professions
+and the satire upon all kinds of pedantry and overwrought enthusiasm.
+Though the direct, demonstrable influence of Sterne upon Wieland’s
+literary activity dies out gradually[30] and naturally, with the growth
+of his own genius, his admiration for the English favorite abides with
+him, passing on into succeeding periods of his development, as his
+former enthusiasm for Richardson failed to do.[31] More than twenty
+years later, when more sober days had stilled the first unbridled
+outburst of sentimentalism, Wieland speaks yet of Sterne in terms of
+unaltered devotion: in an article published in the _Merkur_,[32] Sterne
+is called among all authors the one “from whom I would last part,”[33]
+and the subject of the article itself is an indication of his concern
+for the fate of Yorick among his fellow-countrymen. It is in the form of
+an epistle to Herr . . . . zu D., and is a vigorous protest against
+heedless imitation of Sterne, representing chiefly the perils of such
+endeavor and the bathos of the failure. Wieland includes in the letter
+some “specimen passages from a novel in the style of Tristram Shandy,”
+which he asserts were sent him by the author. The quotations are almost
+flat burlesque in their impossible idiocy, and one can easily appreciate
+Wieland’s despairing cry with which the article ends.
+
+A few words of comment upon Behmer’s work will be in place. He accepts
+as genuine the two added volumes of the Sentimental Journey and the
+Koran, though he admits that the former were published by a friend, not
+“without additions of his own,” and he uses these volumes directly at
+least in one instance in establishing his parallels, the rescue of the
+naked woman from the fire in the third volume of the Journey, and the
+similar rescue from the waters in the “Nachlass des Diogenes.”[34] That
+Sterne had any connection with these volumes is improbable, and the
+Koran is surely a pure fabrication. Behmer seeks in a few words to deny
+the reproach cast upon Sterne that he had no understanding of the
+beauties of nature, but Behmer is certainly claiming too much when he
+speaks of the “Farbenprächtige Schilderungen der ihm ungewohnten
+sonnenverklärten Landschaft,” which Sterne gives us “repeatedly” in the
+Sentimental Journey, and he finds his most secure evidence for Yorick’s
+“genuine and pure” feeling for nature in the oft-quoted passage
+beginning, “I pity the man who can travel from Dan to Beersheba and cry
+‘’Tis all barren.’” It would surely be difficult to find these repeated
+instances, for, in the whole work, Sterne gives absolutely no
+description of natural scenery beyond the most casual, incidental
+reference: the familiar passage is also misinterpreted, it betrays no
+appreciation of inanimate nature in itself, and is but a cry in
+condemnation of those who fail to find exercise for their sympathetic
+emotions. Sterne mentions the “sweet myrtle” and “melancholy
+cypress,”[35] not as indicative of his own affection for nature, but as
+exemplifying his own exceeding personal need of expenditure of human
+sympathy, as indeed the very limit to which sensibility can go, when the
+desert denies possibility of human intercourse. Sterne’s attitude is
+much better illustrated at the beginning of the “Road to Versailles”:
+“As there was nothing in this road, or rather nothing which I look for
+in traveling, I cannot fill up the blank better than with a short
+history of this self-same bird.” In other words, he met no possibility
+for exercising the emotions. Behmer’s statement with reference to
+Sterne, “that his authorship proceeds anyway from a parody of
+Richardson,” is surely not demonstrable, nor that “this whole fashion of
+composition is indeed but ridicule of Richardson.” Richardson’s star had
+paled perceptibly before Sterne began to write, and the period of his
+immense popularity lies nearly twenty years before. There is not the
+slightest reason to suppose that his works have any connection
+whatsoever with Richardson’s novels. One is tempted to think that Behmer
+confuses Sterne with Fielding, whose career as a novelist did begin as a
+parodist of the vain little printer. That the “Starling” in the
+Sentimental Journey, which is passed on from hand to hand, and the
+burden of government which wanders similarly in “Der Goldene Spiegel”
+constitute a parallelism, as Behmer suggests (p. 48), seems rather
+far-fetched. It could also be hardly demonstrated that what Behmer calls
+“die Sternische Einführungsweise”[36] (p. 54), as used in the
+“Geschichte der Abderiten,” is peculiar to Sterne or even characteristic
+of him. Behmer (p. 19) seems to be ignorant of any reprints or
+translations of the Koran, the letters and the sermons, save those
+coming from Switzerland.
+
+Bauer’s study of the Sterne-Wieland relation is much briefer
+(thirty-five pages) and much less satisfactory because less thorough,
+yet it contains some few valuable individual points and cited
+parallelisms. Bauer errs in stating that Shandy appeared 1759-67 in
+York, implying that the whole work was issued there. He gives the dates
+of Sterne’s first visit to Paris, also incorrectly, as 1760-62.
+
+Finally, Wieland cannot be classed among the slavish imitators of
+Yorick; he is too independent a thinker, too insistent a pedagogue to
+allow himself to be led more than outwardly by the foreign model. He has
+something of his own to say and is genuinely serious in a large portion
+of his own philosophic speculations: hence, his connection with Sterne,
+being largely stylistic and illustrative, may be designated as a drapery
+of foreign humor about his own seriousness of theorizing. Wieland’s
+Hellenic tendencies make the use of British humor all the more
+incongruous.[37]
+
+Herder’s early acquaintance with Sterne has been already treated.
+Subsequent writings offer also occasional indication of an abiding
+admiration. Soon after his arrival in Paris he wrote to Hartknoch
+praising Sterne’s characterization of the French people.[38] The fifth
+“Wäldchen,” which is concerned with the laughable, contains reference to
+Sterne.[39]
+
+With Lessing the case is similar: a striking statement of personal
+regard has been recorded, but Lessing’s literary work of the following
+years does not betray a significant influence from Yorick. To be sure,
+allusion is made to Sterne a few times in letters[40] and elsewhere,
+but no direct manifestation of devotion is discoverable. The compelling
+consciousness of his own message, his vigorous interest in deeper
+problems of religion and philosophy, the then increasing worth of native
+German literature, may well have overshadowed the influence of the
+volatile Briton.
+
+Goethe’s expressions of admiration for Sterne and indebtedness to him
+are familiar. Near the end of his life (December 16, 1828), when the
+poet was interested in observing the history and sources of his own
+culture, and was intent upon recording his own experience for the
+edification and clarification of the people, he says in conversation
+with Eckermann: “I am infinitely indebted to Shakespeare, Sterne and
+Goldsmith.”[41] And a year later in a letter to Zelter,[42] (Weimar,
+December 25, 1829), “The influence Goldsmith and Sterne exercised upon
+me, just at the chief point of my development, cannot be estimated. This
+high, benevolent irony, this just and comprehensive way of viewing
+things, this gentleness to all opposition, this equanimity under every
+change, and whatever else all the kindred virtues may be termed--such
+things were a most admirable training for me, and surely, these are the
+sentiments which in the end lead us back from all the mistaken paths of
+life.”
+
+In the same conversation with Eckermann from which the first quotation
+is made, Goethe seems to defy the investigator who would endeavor to
+define his indebtedness to Sterne, its nature and its measure. The
+occasion was an attempt on the part of certain writers to determine the
+authorship of certain distichs printed in both Schiller’s and Goethe’s
+works. Upon a remark of Eckermann’s that this effort to hunt down a
+man’s originality and to trace sources is very common in the literary
+world, Goethe says: “Das ist sehr lächerlich, man könnte ebenso gut
+einen wohlgenährten Mann nach den Ochsen, Schafen und Schweinen fragen,
+die er gegessen und die ihm Kräfte gegeben.” An investigation such as
+Goethe seems to warn us against here would be one of tremendous
+difficulty, a theme for a separate work. It is purposed here to gather
+only information with reference to Goethe’s expressed or implied
+attitude toward Sterne, his opinion of the British master, and to note
+certain connections between Goethe’s work and that of Sterne,
+connections which are obvious or have been already a matter of comment
+and discussion.
+
+In Strassburg under Herder’s[43] guidance, Goethe seems first to have
+read the works of Sterne. His life in Frankfurt during the interval
+between his two periods of university residence was not of a nature
+calculated to increase his acquaintance with current literature, and his
+studies did not lead to interest in literary novelty. This is his own
+statement in “Dichtung und Wahrheit.”[44] That Herder’s enthusiasm for
+Sterne was generous has already been shown by letters written in the few
+years previous to his sojourn in Strassburg. Letters written to
+Merck[45] (Strassburg, 1770-1771) would seem to show that then too
+Sterne still stood high in his esteem. Whatever the exact time of
+Goethe’s first acquaintance with Sterne, we know that he recommended the
+British writer to Jung-Stilling for the latter’s cultivation in
+letters.[46] Less than a year after Goethe’s departure from Strassburg,
+we find him reading aloud to the Darmstadt circle the story of poor Le
+Fevre from Tristram Shandy. This is reported in a letter, dated May 8,
+1772, by Caroline Flachsland, Herder’s fiancée.[47] It is not evident
+whether they read Sterne in the original or in the translation of
+Zückert, the only one then available, unless possibly the reader gave a
+translation as he read. Later in the same letter, Caroline mentions the
+“Empfindsame Reisen,” possibly meaning Bode’s translation. She also
+records reading Shakespeare in Wieland’s rendering, but as she speaks
+later still of peeping into the English books which Herder had sent
+Merck, it is a hazardous thing to reason from her mastery of English at
+that time to the use of original or translation on the occasion of
+Goethe’s reading.
+
+Contemporary criticism saw in the Martin of “Götz von Berlichingen”
+a likeness to Sterne’s creations;[48] and in the other great work of the
+pre-Weimarian period, in “Werther,” though no direct influence rewards
+one’s search, one must acknowledge the presence of a mental and
+emotional state to which Sterne was a contributor. Indeed Goethe himself
+suggests this relationship. Speaking of “Werther” in the “Campagne in
+Frankreich,”[49] he observes in a well-known passage that Werther did
+not cause the disease, only exposed it, and that Yorick shared in
+preparing the ground-work of sentimentalism on which “Werther” is built.
+
+According to the quarto edition of 1837, the first series of letters
+from Switzerland dates from 1775, although they were not published till
+1808, in the eleventh volume of the edition begun in 1806. Scherer,
+in his “History of German Literature,” asserts that these letters are
+written in imitation of Sterne, but it is difficult to see the occasion
+for such a statement. The letters are, in spite of all haziness
+concerning the time of their origin and Goethe’s exact purpose regarding
+them,[50] a “fragment of Werther’s travels” and are confessedly cast in
+a sentimental tone, which one might easily attribute to a Werther,
+in whom hyperesthesia has not yet developed to delirium, an earlier
+Werther. Yorick’s whim and sentiment are quite wanting, and the
+sensuousness, especially as pertains to corporeal beauty, is distinctly
+Goethean.
+
+Goethe’s accounts of his own travels are quite free from the Sterne
+flavor; in fact he distinctly says that through the influence of the
+Sentimental Journey all records of journeys had been mostly given up to
+the feelings and opinions of the traveler, but that he, after his
+Italian journey, had endeavored to keep himself objective.[51]
+
+Dr. Robert Riemann in his study of Goethe’s novels,[52] calls Friedrich
+in “Wilhelm Meister’s Lehrjahre” a representative of Sterne’s humor, and
+he finds in Mittler in the “Wahlverwandtschaften” a union of seriousness
+and the comic of caricature, reminiscent of Sterne and Hippel. Friedrich
+is mercurial, petulant, utterly irresponsible, a creature of mirth and
+laughter, subject to unreasoning fits of passion. One might, in thinking
+of another character in fiction, designate Friedrich as faun-like. In
+all of this one can, however, find little if any demonstrable likeness
+to Sterne or Sterne’s creations. It is rather difficult also to see
+wherein the character of Mittler is reminiscent of Sterne. Mittler is
+introduced with the obvious purpose of representing certain opinions and
+of aiding the development of the story by his insistence upon them. He
+represents a brusque, practical kind of benevolence, and his
+eccentricity lies only in the extraordinary occupation which he has
+chosen for himself. Riemann also traces to Sterne, Fielding and their
+German followers, Goethe’s occasional use of the direct appeal to the
+reader. Doubtless Sterne’s example here was a force in extending this
+rhetorical convention.
+
+It is claimed by Goebel[53] that Goethe’s “Homunculus,” suggested to the
+master partly by reading of Paracelsus and partly by Sterne’s mediation,
+is in some characteristics of his being dependent directly on Sterne’s
+creation. In a meeting of the “Gesellschaft für deutsche Litteratur,”
+November, 1896, Brandl expressed the opinion that Maria of Moulines was
+a prototype of Mignon in “Wilhelm Meister.”[54]
+
+The references to Sterne in Goethe’s works, in his letters and
+conversations, are fairly numerous in the aggregate, but not especially
+striking relatively. In the conversations with Eckermann there are
+several other allusions besides those already mentioned. Goethe calls
+Eckermann a second Shandy for suffering illness without calling a
+physician, even as Walter Shandy failed to attend to the squeaking
+door-hinge.[55] Eckermann himself draws on Sterne for illustrations in
+Yorick’s description of Paris,[56] and on January 24, 1830, at a time
+when we know that Goethe was re-reading Sterne, Eckermann refers to
+Yorick’s (?) doctrine of the reasonable use of grief.[57] That Goethe
+near the end of his life turned again to Sterne’s masterpiece is proved
+by a letter to Zelter, October 5, 1830;[58] he adds here too that his
+admiration has increased with the years, speaking particularly of
+Sterne’s gay arraignment of pedantry and philistinism. But a few days
+before this, October 1, 1830, in a conversation reported by Riemer,[59]
+he expresses the same opinion and adds that Sterne was the first to
+raise himself and us from pedantry and philistinism. By these remarks
+Goethe commits himself in at least one respect to a favorable view of
+Sterne’s influence on German letters. A few other minor allusions to
+Sterne may be of interest. In an article in the _Horen_ (1795,
+V. Stück,) entitled “Literarischer Sansculottismus,” Goethe mentions
+Smelfungus as a type of growler.[60] In the “Wanderjahre”[61] there is a
+reference to Yorick’s classification of travelers. Düntzer, in Schnorr’s
+_Archiv_,[62] explains a passage in a letter of Goethe’s to Johanna
+Fahlmer (August, 1775), “die Verworrenheiten des Diego und Juliens” as
+an allusion to the “Intricacies of Diego and Julia” in Slawkenbergius’s
+tale,[63] and to the traveler’s conversation with his beast. In a letter
+to Frau von Stein[64] five years later (September 18, 1780) Goethe used
+this same expression, and the editor of the letters avails himself of
+Düntzer’s explanation. Düntzer further explains the word θεοδοκος,
+used in Goethe’s Tagebuch with reference to the Duke, in connection with
+the term θεοδιδακτος applied to Walter Shandy. The word is, however,
+somewhat illegible in the manuscript. It was printed thus in the edition
+of the Tagebuch published by Robert Keil, but when Düntzer himself, nine
+years after the article in the _Archiv_, published an edition of the
+Tagebücher he accepted a reading θεοτατος,[65] meaning, as he says, “ein
+voller Gott,” thereby tacitly retracting his former theory of connection
+with Sterne.
+
+The best known relationship between Goethe and Sterne is in connection
+with the so-called plagiarisms in the appendix to the third volume of
+the “Wanderjahre.” Here, in the second edition, were printed under the
+title “Aus Makariens Archiv” various maxims and sentiments. Among these
+were a number of sayings, reflections, axioms, which were later
+discovered to have been taken bodily from the second part of the Koran,
+the best known Sterne-forgery. Alfred Hédouin, in “Le Monde Maçonnique”
+(1863), in an article “Goethe plagiaire de Sterne,” first located the
+quotations.[66]
+
+Mention has already been made of the account of Robert Springer, which
+is probably the last published essay on the subject. It is entitled “Ist
+Goethe ein Plagiarius Lorenz Sternes?” and is found in the volume
+“Essays zur Kritik und Philosophie und zur Goethe-Litteratur.”[67]
+Springer cites at some length the liberal opinions of Molière, La
+Bruyère, Wieland, Heine and others concerning the literary appropriation
+of another’s thought. He then proceeds to quote Goethe’s equally
+generous views on the subject, and adds the uncritical fling that if
+Goethe robbed Sterne, it was an honor to Sterne, a gain to his literary
+fame. Near the end of his paper, Springer arrives at the question in
+hand and states positively that these maxims, with their miscellaneous
+companions, were never published by Goethe, but were found by the
+editors of his literary remains among his miscellaneous papers, and then
+issued in the ninth volume of the posthumous works. Hédouin had
+suggested this possible explanation. Springer adds that the editors were
+unaware of the source of this material and supposed it to be original
+with Goethe.
+
+The facts of the case are, however, as follows: “Wilhelm Meister’s
+Wanderjahre” was published first in 1821.[68] In 1829, a new and revised
+edition was issued in the “Ausgabe letzter Hand.” Eckermann in his
+conversations with Goethe[69] relates the circumstances under which the
+appendices were added to the earlier work. When the book was in press,
+the publisher discovered that of the three volumes planned, the last two
+were going to be too thin, and begged for more material to fill out
+their scantiness. In this perplexity Goethe brought to Eckermann two
+packets of miscellaneous notes to be edited and added to those two
+slender volumes. In this way arose the collection of sayings, scraps and
+quotations “Im Sinne der Wanderer” and “Aus Makariens Archiv.” It was
+later agreed that Eckermann, when Goethe’s literary remains should be
+published, should place the matter elsewhere, ordered into logical
+divisions of thought. All of the sentences here under special
+consideration were published in the twenty-third volume of the “Ausgabe
+letzter Hand,” which is dated 1830,[70] and are to be found there, on
+pages 271-275 and 278-281. They are reprinted in the identical order in
+the ninth volume of the “Nachgelassene Werke,” which also bore the
+title, Vol. XLIX of “Ausgabe letzter Hand,” there found on pages 121-125
+and 127-131. Evidently Springer found them here in the posthumous works,
+and did not look for them in the previous volume, which was published
+two years or thereabouts before Goethe’s death.
+
+Of the sentiments, sentences and quotations dealing with Sterne, there
+are twenty which are translations from the Koran, in Loeper’s edition of
+“Sprüche in Prosa,”[71] Nos. 491-507 and 543-544; seventeen others (Nos.
+490, 508-509, 521-533, 535) contain direct appreciative criticism of
+Sterne; No. 538 is a comment upon a Latin quotation in the Koran and No.
+545 is a translation of another quotation in the same work. No. 532
+gives a quotation from Sterne, “Ich habe mein Elend nicht wie ein weiser
+Mann benutzt,” which Loeper says he has been unable to find in any of
+Sterne’s works. It is, however, in a letter[72] to John Hall Stevenson,
+written probably in August, 1761. The translation here is inexact.
+Loeper did not succeed in finding Nos. 534, 536, 537, although their
+position indicates that they were quotations from Sterne, but No. 534 is
+in a letter to Garrick from Paris, March 19, 1762. The German
+translation however conveys a different impression from the original
+English. The other two are not located; in spite of their position, the
+way in which the book was put together would certainly allow for the
+possibility of extraneous material creeping in. At their first
+appearance in the “Ausgabe letzter Hand,” five Sprüche, Nos. 491, 543,
+534, 536, 537, were supplied with quotation marks, though the source was
+not indicated. Thus it is seen that the most of the quotations were
+published as original during Goethe’s lifetime, but he probably never
+considered it of sufficient consequence to disavow their authorship in
+public. It is quite possible that the way in which they were forced into
+“Wilhelm Meister” was distasteful to him afterwards, and he did not care
+to call attention to them.
+
+Goethe’s opinion of Sterne as expressed in the sentiments which
+accompany the quotations from the Koran is significant. “Yorick Sterne,”
+he says, “war der schönste Geist, der je gewirkt hat; wer ihn liest,
+fühlet sich sogleich frei und schön; sein Humor ist unnachahmlich, und
+nicht jeder Humor befreit die Seele” (490). “Sagacität und Penetration
+sind bei ihm grenzenlos” (528). Goethe asserts here that every person of
+culture should at that very time read Sterne’s works, so that the
+nineteenth century might learn “what we owed him and perceive what we
+might owe him.” Goethe took Sterne’s narrative of his journey as a
+representation of an actual trip, or else he is speaking of Sterne’s
+letters in the following:
+
+“Seine Heiterkeit, Genügsamkeit, Duldsamkeit auf der Reise, wo diese
+Eigenschaften am meisten geprüft werden, finden nicht leicht
+Ihresgleichen” (No. 529), and Goethe’s opinion of Sterne’s indecency is
+characteristic of Goethe’s attitude. He says: “Das Element der
+Lüsternheit, in dem er sich so zierlich und sinnig benimmt, würde vielen
+Andern zum Verderben gereichen.”
+
+The juxtaposition of these quotations and this appreciation of Sterne is
+proof sufficient that Goethe considered Sterne the author of the Koran
+at the time when the notes were made. At precisely what time this
+occurred it is now impossible to determine, but the drift of the
+comment, combined with our knowledge from sources already mentioned,
+that Goethe turned again to Sterne in the latter years of his life,
+would indicate that the quotations were made in the latter part of the
+twenties, and that the re-reading of Sterne included the Koran. Since
+the translations which Goethe gives are not identical with those in the
+rendering ascribed to Bode (1778), Loeper suggests Goethe himself as the
+translator of the individual quotations. Loeper is ignorant of the
+earlier translation of Gellius, which Goethe may have used.[73]
+
+There is yet another possibility of connection between Goethe and the
+Koran. This work contained the story of the Graf von Gleichen, which is
+acknowledged to have been a precursor of Goethe’s “Stella.” Düntzer in
+his “Erläuterungen zu den deutschen Klassikern” says it is impossible to
+determine whence Goethe took the story for “Stella.” He mentions that it
+was contained in Bayle’s Dictionary, which is known to have been in
+Goethe’s father’s library, and two other books, both dating from the
+sixteenth century, are noted as possible sources. It seems rather more
+probable that Goethe found the story in the Koran, which was published
+but a few years before “Stella” was written and translated but a year
+later, 1771, that is, but four years, or even less, before the
+appearance of “Stella” (1775).[74]
+
+Precisely in the spirit of the opinions quoted above is the little
+essay[75] on Sterne which was published in the sixth volume of “Ueber
+Kunst und Alterthum,” in which Goethe designates Sterne as a man “who
+first stimulated and propagated the great epoch of purer knowledge of
+humanity, noble toleration and tender love, in the second half of the
+last century.” Goethe further calls attenion to Sterne’s disclosure of
+human peculiarities (Eigenheiten), and the importance and interest of
+these native, governing idiosyncrasies.
+
+These are, in general, superficial relationships. A thorough
+consideration of these problems, especially as concerns the cultural
+indebtedness of Goethe to the English master would be a task demanding a
+separate work. Goethe was an assimilator and summed up in himself the
+spirit of a century, the attitude of predecessors and contemporaries.
+
+C. F. D. Schubart wrote a poem entitled “Yorick,”[76] beginning
+
+  “Als Yorik starb, da flog
+  Sein Seelchen auf den Himmel
+  So leicht wie ein Seufzerchen.”
+
+The angels ask him for news of earth, and the greater part of the poem
+is occupied with his account of human fate. The relation is quite
+characteristic of Schubart in its gruesomeness, its insistence upon
+all-surrounding death and dissolution; but it contains no suggestion of
+Sterne’s manner, or point of view. The only explanation of association
+between the poem and its title is that Schubart shared the one-sided
+German estimate of Sterne’s character and hence represented him as a
+sympathetic messenger bringing to heaven on his death some tidings of
+human weakness.
+
+In certain other manifestations, relatively subordinate, the German
+literature of the latter part of the eighteenth century and the
+beginning of the nineteenth and the life embodied therein are different
+from what they would have been had it not been for Sterne’s example.
+Some of these secondary fruits of the Sterne cult have been mentioned
+incidentally and exemplified in the foregoing pages. It would perhaps be
+conducive to definiteness to gather them here.
+
+Sterne’s incontinuity of narration, the purposeful irrelation of parts,
+the use of anecdote and episode, which to the stumbling reader reduce
+his books to collections of disconnected essays and instances, gave to
+German mediocrity a sanction to publish a mass of multifarious,
+unrelated, and nondescript thought and incident. It is to be noted that
+the spurious books such as the Koran, which Germany never clearly
+sundered from the original, were direct examples in England of such
+disjointed, patchwork books. Such a volume with a significant title is
+“Mein Kontingent zur Modelectüre.”[77] Further, eccentricity in
+typography, in outward form, may be largely attributed to Sterne’s
+influence, although in individual cases no direct connection is
+traceable. Thus, to the vagaries of Shandy is due probably the license
+of the author of “Karl Blumenberg, eine tragisch-komische
+Geschichte,”[78] who fills half pages with dashes and whole lines with
+“Ha! Ha!”
+
+As has been suggested already, Sterne’s example was potent in fostering
+the use of such stylistic peculiarities, as the direct appeal to, and
+conversation with the reader about the work, and its progress, and the
+various features of the situation. It was in use by Sterne’s
+predecessors in England and by their followers in Germany, before Sterne
+can be said to have exercised any influence; for example, Hermes uses
+the device constantly in “Miss Fanny Wilkes,” but Sterne undoubtedly
+contributed largely to its popularity. One may perhaps trace to Sterne’s
+blank pages and similar vagaries the eccentricity of the author of
+“Ueber die Moralische Schönheit und Philosophie des Lebens,”[79] whose
+eighth chapter is titled “Vom Stolz, eine Erzählung,” this title
+occupying one page; the next page (210) is blank; the following page is
+adorned with an urnlike decoration beneath which we read, “Es war einmal
+ein Priester.” These three pages complete the chapter. The author of
+“Dorset und Julie” (Leipzig, 1773-4) is also guilty of similar Yorickian
+follies.[80]
+
+Sterne’s ideas found approbation and currency apart from his general
+message of the sentimental and humorous attitude toward the world and
+its course. For example, the hobby-horse theory was warmly received, and
+it became a permanent figure in Germany, often, and especially at first,
+with playful reminder of Yorick’s use of the term.[81] Yorick’s
+mock-scientific division of travelers seems to have met with especial
+approval, and evidently became a part of conversational, and epistolary
+commonplace allusion. Goethe in a letter to Marianne Willemer, November
+9, 1830,[82] with direct reference to Sterne proposes for his son, then
+traveling in Italy, the additional designation of the “bold” or
+“complete” traveler. Carl August in a letter to Knebel,[83] dated
+December 26, 1785, makes quite extended allusion to the classification.
+Lessing writes to Mendelssohn December 12, 1780: “The traveler whom you
+sent to me a while ago was an inquisitive traveler. The one with whom I
+now answer is an emigrating one.” The passage which follows is an
+apology for thus adding to Yorick’s list. The two travelers were
+respectively one Fliess and Alexander Daveson.[84] Nicolai makes similar
+allusion to the “curious” traveler of Sterne’s classification near the
+beginning of his “Beschreibung einer Reise durch Deutschland und die
+Schweiz im Jahre 1781.”[85]
+
+Further search would increase the number of such allusions indefinitely.
+A few will be mentioned in the following chapter.
+
+One of Walter Shandy’s favorite contentions was the fortuitous
+dependence of great events upon insignificant details. In his
+philosophy, trifles were the determining factors of existence. The
+adoption of this theory in Germany, as a principle in developing events
+or character in fiction, is unquestionable in Wezel’s “Tobias Knaut,”
+and elsewhere. The narrative, “Die Grosse Begebenheit aus kleinen
+Ursachen” in the second volume of the _Erholungen_,[86] represents a
+wholesale appropriation of the idea,--to be sure not new in Shandy, but
+most strikingly exemplified there.
+
+In “Sebaldus Nothanker” the Revelation of St. John is a Sterne-like
+hobby-horse and is so regarded by a reviewer in the _Magazin der
+deutschen Critik_.[87] Schottenius in Knigge’s “Reise nach Braunschweig”
+rides his hobby in the shape of his fifty-seven sermons.[88] Lessing
+uses the Steckenpferd in a letter to Mendelssohn, November 5, 1768
+(Lachmann edition, XII, p. 212), and numerous other examples of direct
+or indirect allusion might be cited. Sterne’s worn-out coin was a simile
+adopted and felt to be pointed.[89]
+
+Jacob Minor in a suggestive article in _Euphorion_,[90] entitled
+“Wahrheit und Lüge auf dem Theater und in der Literatur,” expressed the
+opinion that Sterne was instrumental in sharpening powers of observation
+with reference to self-deception in little things, to all the deceiving
+impulses of the human soul. It is held that through Sterne’s inspiration
+Wieland and Goethe were rendered zealous to combat false ideals and
+life-lies in greater things. It is maintained that Tieck also was
+schooled in Sterne, and, by means of powers of observation sharpened in
+this way, was enabled to portray the conscious or unconscious life-lie.
+
+    [Footnote 1: A writer in the _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitungen_, 1775
+    (II, 787 ff.), asserts that Sterne’s works are the favorite
+    reading of the German nation.]
+
+    [Footnote 2: A further illustration may be found in the following
+    discourse: “Von einigen Hindernissen des akademischen Fleisses.
+    Eine Rede bey dem Anfange der öffentlichen Vorlesungen gehalten,”
+    von J. C. C. Ferber, Professor zu Helmstädt (1773, 8vo), reviewed
+    in _Magazin der deutschen Critik_, III, St. I., pp. 261 ff. This
+    academic guide of youth speaks of Sterne in the following words:
+    “Wie tief dringt dieser Philosoph in die verborgensten Gänge des
+    menschlichen Herzens, wie richtig entdeckt er die geheimsten
+    Federn der Handlungen, wie entlarvt, wie verabscheuungsvoll steht
+    vor ihm das Laster, wie liebenswürdig die Tugend! wie interessant
+    sind seine Schilderungen, wie eindringend seine Lehren! und woher
+    diese grosse Kenntniss des Menschen, woher diese getreue
+    Bezeichnung der Natur, diese sanften Empfindungen, die seine
+    geistvolle Sprache hervorbringt? Dieser Saame der Tugend, den er
+    mit wohlthätiger Hand ausstreuet?” Yorick held up to college or
+    university students as a champion of virtue is certainly an
+    extraordinary spectacle. A critic in the _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._,
+    August 18, 1772, in criticising the make-up of a so-called
+    “Landbibliothek,” recommends books “die geschickt sind, die guten
+    einfältigen, ungekünstelten Empfindungen reiner Seelen zu
+    unterhalten, einen Yorick vor allen . . . .” The long article on
+    Sterne’s character in the _Götting. Mag._, I, pp. 84-92, 1780,
+    “Etwas über Sterne: Schreiben an Prof. Lichtenberg” undoubtedly
+    helped to establish this opinion of Sterne authoritatively. In it
+    Sterne’s weaknesses are acknowledged, but the tendency is to
+    emphasize the tender, sympathetic side of his character. The
+    conception of Yorick there presented is quite different from the
+    one held by Lichtenberg himself.]
+
+    [Footnote 3: The story of the “Lorenzodosen” is given quite fully
+    in Longo’s monograph, “Laurence Sterne und Johann Georg Jacobi”
+    (Wien, 1898, pp. 39-44), and the sketch given here is based upon
+    his investigation, with consultation of the sources there cited.
+    Nothing new is likely to be added to his account, but because of
+    its important illustrative bearing on the whole story of Sterne in
+    Germany, a fairly complete account is given here. Longo refers to
+    the following as literature on the subject:
+
+      Martin, in _Quellen und Forschungen_, II, p. 10, p. 27,
+      Anmerk. 24.
+
+      Wittenberg’s letter in _Quellen und Forschungen_, II, pp. 52-53.
+
+      K. M. Werner, in article on Ludw. Philipp Hahn in the same
+      series, XXII, pp. 127 ff.
+
+      Appell: “Werther und seine Zeit,” Leipzig, 1855, p. 168.
+      (Oldenburg, 1896, p. 246-250).
+
+      Schlichtegroll: “Nekrolog von 1792,” II, pp. 37 ff.
+
+      Klotz: _Bibliothek_, V, p. 285.
+
+      Jacobi’s Werke, 1770, I, pp. 127 ff.
+
+      _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XIX, 2, p. 174; XII, 2, p. 279.
+
+      Julian Schmidt: “Aus der Zeit der Lorenzodosen,” _Westermann’s
+      Monatshefte_, XLIX, pp. 479 ff.
+
+    The last article is popular and only valuable in giving letters
+    of Wieland and others which display the emotional currents of the
+    time. It has very little to do with the Lorenzodosen.]
+
+    [Footnote 4: The letter is reprinted in Jacobi’s Works, 1770, I,
+    pp. 31 ff., and in an abridged form in the edition of 1807, I, pp.
+    103 ff.; and in the edition of Zürich, 1825, I, pp. 270-275.]
+
+    [Footnote 5: XI, 2, pp. 174-75.]
+
+    [Footnote 6: _Quellen und Forschungen_, XXII, p. 127.]
+
+    [Footnote 7: _Ibid._, II, pp. 52-53.]
+
+    [Footnote 8: This was in a letter to Jacobi October 25, 1770,
+    though Appell gives the date 1775--evidently a misprint.]
+
+    [Footnote 9: Review of “Trois lettres françoises par quelques
+    allemands,” Amsterdam (Berlin), 1769, 8vo, letters concerned with
+    Jacobi’s “Winterreise” and the snuff-boxes themselves.]
+
+    [Footnote 10: XII, 2, p. 279.]
+
+    [Footnote 11: Longo was unable to find one of these once so
+    popular snuff-boxes,--a rather remarkable fact. There is, however,
+    a picture of one at the end of the chapter “Yorick,” p. 15 in
+    Göchhausen’s M . . . . R . . . .,--a small oval box. Emil Kuh, in
+    his life of Fredrich Hebbel (1877, I, pp. 117-118) speaks of the
+    Lorenzodose as “dreieckig.” A chronicler in Schlichtegroll’s
+    “Nekrolog,” 1792, II, p. 51, also gives rumor of an order of
+    “Sanftmuth und Toleranz, der eine dreyeckigte Lorenzodose zum
+    Symbol führte.” The author here is unable to determine whether
+    this is a part of Jacobi’s impulse or the initiative of another.]
+
+    [Footnote 12: Fourth Edition. Berlin and Stettin, 1779, III,
+    p. 99.]
+
+    [Footnote 13: “Christopher Kaufmann, der Kraftapostel der
+    Geniezeit” von Heinrich Düntzer, _Historisches Taschenbuch_,
+    edited by Fr. v. Raumer, third series, tenth year, Leipzig, 1859,
+    pp. 109-231. Düntzer’s sources concerning Kaufmann’s life in
+    Strassburg are Schmohl’s “Urne Johann Jacob Mochels,” 1780, and
+    “Johann Jacob Mochel’s Reliquien verschiedener philosophischen
+    pädogogischen poetischen und andern Aufsätze,” 1780. These books
+    have unfortunately not been available for the present use.]
+
+    [Footnote 14: For account of Leuchsenring see Varnhagen van Ense,
+    “Vermischte Schriften”, I. 492-532.]
+
+    [Footnote 15: Schlichtegroll’s “Nekrolog,” 1792, II, pp. 37 ff.
+    There is also given here a quotation written after Sterne’s death,
+    which is of interest:
+
+      “Wir erben, Yorick, deine Dose,
+      Auch deine Feder erben wir;
+      Doch wer erhielt im Erbschaftsloose
+      Dein Herz? O Yorick, nenn ihn mir!”]
+
+    [Footnote 16: Works of Friedrich von Matthison, Zürich, 1825, III,
+    pp. 141 ff., in “Erinnerungen,” zweites Buch. The “Vaterländische
+    Besuche” were dated 1794.]
+
+    [Footnote 17: Briefe von Friedrich Matthison, Zürich, 1795, I, pp.
+    27-32.]
+
+    [Footnote 18: Shandy, III, 22.]
+
+    [Footnote 19: Briefe, II, p. 95.]
+
+    [Footnote 20: “Herders Briefwechsel mit seiner Braut”, pp. 92,
+    181, 187, 253, 377.]
+
+    [Footnote 21: Quoted by Koberstein, IV, p. 168. Else, p. 31;
+    Hettner, III, 1, p. 362, quoted from letters in Friedrich
+    Schlegel’s _Deutsches Museum_, IV, p. 145. These letters are not
+    given by Goedeke.]
+
+    [Footnote 22: The review is credited to him by Koberstein, III,
+    pp. 463-4.]
+
+    [Footnote 23: XIX, 2, p. 579.]
+
+    [Footnote 24: See “Bemerkungen oder Briefe über Wien, eines jungen
+    Bayern auf einer Reise durch Deutschland,” Leipzig (probably 1804
+    or 1805). It is, according to the _Jenaische Allg. Litt. Zeitung_
+    (1805, IV, p. 383), full of extravagant sentiment with frequent
+    apostrophe to the author’s “Evelina.” Also, “Meine Reise vom
+    Städtchen H . . . . zum Dörfchen H . . . .” Hannover, 1799. See
+    _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1799, IV, p. 87. “Reisen unter Sonne, Mond
+    und Sternen,” Erfurt, 1798, pp. 220, 8vo. This is evidently a
+    similar work, but is classed by _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_ (1799,
+    I, 477) as an imitation of Jean Paul, hence indirectly to be
+    connected with Yorick. “Reisen des grünen Mannes durch
+    Deutschland,” Halle, 1787-91. See _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1789,
+    I, 217; 1791, IV, p. 576. “Der Teufel auf Reisen,” two volumes,
+    Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1789. See _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1789, I,
+    p. 826. Knigge’s books of travels also share in this enlivening
+    and subjectivizing of the traveler’s narrative.]
+
+    [Footnote 25: Altenburg, Richter, 1775, six volumes.]
+
+    [Footnote 26: Reviewed in _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, X, 2, p. 127,
+    and _Neue Critische Nachrichten_, Greifswald V, p. 222.]
+
+    [Footnote 27: Many of the anonymous books, even those popular in
+    their day, are not given by Goedeke; and Baker, judging only by
+    one external, naturally misses Sterne products which have no
+    distinctively imitative title, and includes others which have no
+    connection with Sterne. For example, he gives Gellius’s “Yoricks
+    Nachgelassene Werke,” which is but a translation of the Koran,
+    and hence in no way an example of German imitation; he gives also
+    Schummel’s “Fritzens Reise nach Dessau” (1776) and “Reise nach
+    Schlesien” (1792), Nonne’s “Amors Reisen nach Fockzana zum
+    Friedenscongress” (1773), none of which has anything to do with
+    Sterne. “Trim oder der Sieg der Liebe über die Philosophie”
+    (Leipzig, 1776), by Ludw. Ferd. v. Hopffgarten, also cited by
+    Baker, undoubtedly owes its name only to Sterne. See _Jenaische
+    Zeitungen von gel. Sachen_, 1777, p. 67, and _Allg. deutsche
+    Bibl._, XXXIV, 2, p. 484; similarly “Lottchens Reise ins
+    Zuchthaus” by Kirtsten, 1777, is given in Baker’s list, but the
+    work “Reise” is evidently used here only in a figurative sense,
+    the story being but the relation of character deterioration,
+    a downward journey toward the titular place of punishment. See
+    _Jenaische Zeitungen von gel. Sachen_, 1777, pp. 739 ff.; 1778,
+    p. 12. _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XXXV, 1, p. 182. Baker gives Bock’s
+    “Tagereise” and “Geschichte eines empfundenen Tages” as if they
+    were two different books. He further states: “Sterne is the parent
+    of a long list of German Sentimental Journeys which began with von
+    Thümmel’s ‘Reise in die mittäglichen Provinzen Frankreichs.’” This
+    work really belongs comparatively late in the story of imitations.
+    Two of Knigge’s books are also included. See p. 166-7.]
+
+    [Footnote 28: “Laurence Sterne und C. M. Wieland, von Karl August
+    Behmer, Forschungen zur neueren Litteraturgeschichte IX. München,
+    1899. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung fremder Einflüsse auf Wieland’s
+    Dichtung.” To this reference has been made. There is also another
+    briefer study of this connection: a Programm by F. Bauer, “Ueber
+    den Einfluss, Laurence Sternes auf Chr. M. Wieland,” Karlsbad,
+    1898. A. Mager published, 1890, at Marburg, “Wieland’s Nachlass
+    des Diogenes von Sinope und das englische Vorbild,” a school
+    “Abhandlung,” which dealt with a connection between this work of
+    Wieland and Sterne. Wood (“Einfluss Fieldings auf die deutsche
+    Litteratur,” Yokohama, 1895) finds constant imitation of Sterne in
+    “Don Silvio,” which, from Behmer’s proof concerning the dates of
+    Wieland’s acquaintance with Sterne, can hardly be possible.]
+
+    [Footnote 29: Some other works are mentioned as containing
+    references and allusions.]
+
+    [Footnote 30: In “Oberon” alone of Wieland’s later works does
+    Behmer discover Sterne’s influence and there no longer in the
+    style, but in the adaptation of motif.]
+
+    [Footnote 31: See Erich Schmidt’s “Richardson, Rousseau und
+    Goethe,” Jena, 1875, pp. 46-7.]
+
+    [Footnote 32: 1790, I, pp. 209-16.]
+
+    [Footnote 33: This may be well compared with Wieland’s statements
+    concerning Shandy in his review of the Bode translation (_Merkur_,
+    VIII, pp. 247-51, 1774), which forms one of the most exaggerated
+    expressions of adoration in the whole epoch of Sterne’s
+    popularity.]
+
+    [Footnote 34: Since Germany did not sharply separate the work of
+    Sterne from his continuator, this is, of course, to be classed
+    from the German point of view at that time as a borrowing from
+    Sterne. Mager in his study depends upon the Eugenius continuation
+    for this and several other parallels.]
+
+    [Footnote 35: Sentimental Journey, pp. 31-32.]
+
+    [Footnote 36: “Ich denke nicht, dass es Sie gereuen wird, den Mann
+    näher kennen zu lernen” spoken of Demokritus in “Die Abderiten;”
+    see _Merkur_, 1774, I, p. 56.]
+
+    [Footnote 37: Wieland’s own genuine appreciation of Sterne and
+    understanding of his characteristics is indicated incidentally in
+    a review of a Swedish book in the _Teutscher Merkur_, 1782, II,
+    p. 192, in which he designates the description of sentimental
+    journeying in the seventh book of Shandy as the best of Sterne’s
+    accomplishment, as greater than the Journey itself, a judgment
+    emanating from a keen and true knowledge of Sterne.]
+
+    [Footnote 38: Lebensbild, V, Erlangen, 1846, p. 89. Letter to
+    Hartknoch, Paris, November, 1769. In connection with his journey
+    and his “Reisejournal,” he speaks of his “Tristramschen
+    Meynungen.” See Lebensbild, Vol. V, p. 61.]
+
+    [Footnote 39: Suphan, IV, p. 190. For further reference to Sterne
+    in Herder’s letters, see “Briefe Herders an Hamann,” edited by
+    Otto Hoffmann, Berlin, 1889, pp. 28, 51, 57, 71, 78, 194.]
+
+    [Footnote 40: Lachmann edition, Berlin, 1840, XII, pp. 212, 240.]
+
+    [Footnote 41: Eckermann: “Gespräche mit Goethe,” Leipzig, 1885,
+    II, p. 29; or Biedermann, “Goethe’s Gespräche,” Leipzig, 1890,
+    VI, p. 359.]
+
+    [Footnote 42: “Briefwechsel zwischen Goethe und Zelter, in den
+    Jahren, 1796-1832.” Ed. by Fr. W. Riemer, Berlin, 1833-4, Vol. V,
+    p. 349. Both of these quotations are cited by Siegmund Levy,
+    “Goethe und Oliver Goldsmith;” Goethe-Jahrbuch, VI, 1885, pp.
+    282 ff. The translation in this case is from that of A. D.
+    Coleridge.]
+
+    [Footnote 43: Griesebach: “Das Goetheische Zeitalter der deutschen
+    Dichtung,” Leipzig, 1891, p. 29.]
+
+    [Footnote 44: II, 10th book, Hempel, XXI, pp. 195 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 45: “Briefe an Joh. Heinrich Merck von Göthe, Herder,
+    Wieland und andern bedeutenden Zeitgenossen,” edited by Dr. Karl
+    Wagner, Darmstadt, 1835, p. 5; and “Briefe an und von Joh.
+    Heinrich Merck,” issued by the same editor, Darmstadt, 1838,
+    pp. 5, 21.]
+
+    [Footnote 46: In the “Wanderschaft,” see J. H. Jung-Stilling,
+    Sämmtliche Werke. Stuttgart, 1835, I, p. 277.]
+
+    [Footnote 47: “Herder’s Briefwechsel mit seiner Braut, April,
+    1771, to April, 1773,” edited by Düntzer and F. G. von Herder,
+    Frankfurt-am-Main, 1858, pp. 247 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 48: See _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, 1774, February 22.]
+
+    [Footnote 49: Kürschner edition of Goethe, Vol. XXII, pp. 146-7.]
+
+    [Footnote 50: See introduction by Dünster in the Kürschner
+    edition, XIII, pp. 137 ff., and that by Fr. Strehlke in the Hempel
+    edition, XVI. pp. 217 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 51: Kürschner edition, Vol. XXIV, p. 15; Tag- und
+    Jahreshefte, 1789.]
+
+    [Footnote 52: “Goethe’s Romantechnik,” Leipzig, 1902. The author
+    here incidentally expresses the opinion that Heinse is also an
+    imitator of Sterne.]
+
+    [Footnote 53: Julius Goebel, in “Goethe-Jahrbuch,” XXI, pp.
+    208 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 54: See _Euphorion_, IV, p. 439.]
+
+    [Footnote 55: Eckermann, III, p. 155; Biedermann, VI, p. 272.]
+
+    [Footnote 56: Eckermann, III, p. 170; Biedermann, VI, p. 293.]
+
+    [Footnote 57: Eckermann, II, p. 19; Biedermann, VII, p. 184. This
+    quotation is given in the Anhang to the “Wanderjahre.” Loeper says
+    (Hempel, XIX, p. 115) that he has been unable to find it anywhere
+    in Sterne; see p. 105.]
+
+    [Footnote 58: See “Briefwechsel zwischen Goethe und Zelter.”
+    Zelter’s replies contain also reference to Sterne. VI, p. 33 he
+    speaks of the Sentimental Journey as “ein balsamischer
+    Frühlingsthau.” See also II, p. 51; VI, p. 207. Goethe is reported
+    as having spoken of the Sentimental Journey: “Man könne durchaus
+    nicht besser ausdrücken, wie des Menschen Herz ein trotzig und
+    verzagt Ding sei.”]
+
+    [Footnote 59: “Mittheilungen über Goethe,” von F. W. Riemer,
+    Berlin, 1841, II, p. 658. Also, Biedermann, VII, p. 332.]
+
+    [Footnote 60: See Hempel, XXIX, p. 240.]
+
+    [Footnote 61: Kürschner, XVI, p. 372.]
+
+    [Footnote 62: IX, p. 438.]
+
+    [Footnote 63: See “Briefe von Goethe an Johanna Fahlmer,” edited
+    by L. Ulrichs, Leipzig, 1875, p. 91, and Shandy, II, pp. 70
+    and 48.]
+
+    [Footnote 64: “Goethe’s Briefe an Frau von Stein,” hrsg. von Adolf
+    Schöll; 2te Aufl, bearbeitet von W. Fielitz, Frankfurt-am-Main,
+    1883, Vol. I, p. 276.]
+
+    [Footnote 65: References to the Tagebücher are as follows: Robert
+    Keil’s Leipzig, 1875, p. 107, and Düntzer’s, Leipzig, 1889,
+    p. 73.]
+
+    [Footnote 66: See also the same author’s “Goethe, sa vie et ses
+    oeuvres,” Paris, 1866; Appendice pp. 291-298. Further literature
+    is found: “Vergleichende Blätter für literarische Unterhaltung,”
+    1863, No. 36, and 1869, Nos. 10 and 14. _Morgenblatt_, 1863,
+    Nr. 39, article by Alex. Büchner, Sterne’s “Coran und Makariens
+    Archiv, Goethe ein Plagiator?” and _Deutsches Museum_, 1867,
+    No. 690.]
+
+    [Footnote 67: Minden i. W., 1885, pp. 330-336.]
+
+    [Footnote 68: “Druck vollendet in Mai” according to Baumgartner,
+    III, p. 292.]
+
+    [Footnote 69: II, pp. 230-233. May 15, 1831.]
+
+    [Footnote 70: Goedeke gives Vol. XXIII, A. l. H. as 1829.]
+
+    [Footnote 71: Hempel, XIX, “Sprüche in Prosa,” edited by G. von
+    Loeper, Maximen und Reflexionen; pp. 106-111 and 113-117.]
+
+    [Footnote 72: Letters, I, p. 54.]
+
+    [Footnote 73: This seems very odd in view of the fact that in
+    Loeper’s edition of “Dichtung und Wahrheit” (Hempel, XXII, p. 264)
+    Gellius is referred to as “the translator of Lillo and Sterne.” It
+    must be that Loeper did not know that Gellius’s “Yorick’s
+    Nachgelassene Werke” was a translation of the Koran.]
+
+    [Footnote 74: The problem involved in the story of Count Gleichen
+    was especially sympathetic to the feeling of the eighteenth
+    century. See a series of articles by Fr. Heibig in _Magazin für
+    Litteratur des In- und Auslandes_, Vol. 60, pp. 102-5; 120-2;
+    136-9. “Zur Geschichte des Problems des Grafen von Gleichen.”]
+
+    [Footnote 75: Weimar edition, Vol. XLI, 2, pp. 252-253.]
+
+    [Footnote 76: Gesammelte Schriften, Stuttgart, 1839, IV, pp.
+    272-3.]
+
+    [Footnote 77: Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1775. See _Gothaische Gel.
+    Zeitungen_, 1776, I, pp. 208-9, and _Allg. deutsche Bibl._,
+    XXXII, 1, p. 139. _Jenaische Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen_,
+    September 27, 1776. This does not imply that Sterne was in this
+    respect an innovator; such books were printed before Sterne’s
+    influence was felt, _e.g._, _Magazin von Einfällen_, Breslau, 1763
+    (?), reviewed in _Leipziger Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_,
+    February 20, 1764. See also “Reisen im Vaterlande,--Kein Roman
+    aber ziemlich theatralisch-politisch und satyrischen Inhalts,” two
+    volumes; Königsberg and Leipzig, 1793-4, reviewed in _Allg. Litt.
+    Zeitung_, 1795, III, p. 30. “Der Tändler, oder Streifereyen in die
+    Wildnisse der Einbildungskraft, in die Werke der Natur und
+    menschlichen Sitten,” Leipzig, 1778 (?), (_Almanach der deutschen
+    Musen_, 1779, p. 48). “Meine Geschichte oder Begebenheiten des
+    Herrn Thomas: ein narkotisches Werk des Doktor Pifpuf,” Münster
+    und Leipzig, 1772, pp. 231, 8vo. A strange episodical
+    conglomerate; see _Magazin der deutschen Critik_, II, p. 135.]
+
+    [Footnote 78: Leipzig, 1785 or 1786. See _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_,
+    1786, III, p. 259.]
+
+    [Footnote 79: Altenburg, 1772, by von Schirach (?).]
+
+    [Footnote 80: See _Auserlesene Bibl. der neuesten deutschen
+    Litteratur_, IV, pp. 320-325, and VII, pp. 227-234. _Allg.
+    deutsche Bibl._, XXIII, 1, p. 258; XXVI, 1, p. 209.]
+
+    [Footnote 81: Riedel uses it, for example, in his “Launen an
+    meinen Satyr,” speaking of “mein swiftisch Steckenthier” in
+    “Vermischte Aufsätze,” reviewed in _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, 1772,
+    pp. 358-9. _Magazin der deutschen Critik_, I, pp. 290-293.]
+
+    [Footnote 82: “Briefwechsel zwischen Goethe und Marianne Willemer
+    (Suleika).” Edited by Th. Creizenach, 2d edition; Stuttgart, 1878,
+    p. 290.]
+
+    [Footnote 83: “K. L. von Knebel’s literarischer Nachlass und
+    Briefwechsel;” edited by Varnhagen von Ense and Th. Mundt,
+    Leipzig, 1835, p. 147.]
+
+    [Footnote 84: See Mendelssohn’s Schriften; edited by G. B.
+    Mendelssohn, Leipzig, 1844, V, p. 202. See also letter of
+    Mendelssohn to Lessing, February 18, 1780.]
+
+    [Footnote 85: Third edition, Berlin and Stettin, 1788, p. 14.]
+
+    [Footnote 86: II, pp. 218 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 87: II, 2, p. 127.]
+
+    [Footnote 88: These two cases are mentioned also by Riemann in
+    “Goethe’s Romantechnik.”]
+
+    [Footnote 89: See _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, May 8, 1772, p. 296.]
+
+    [Footnote 90: III, pp. 276 ff.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+IMITATORS OF STERNE
+
+
+Among the disciples of Sterne in Germany whose literary imitation may be
+regarded as typical of their master’s influence, Johann Georg Jacobi is
+perhaps the best known. His relation to the famous “Lorenzodosen”
+conceit is sufficient to link his name with that of Yorick. Martin[1]
+asserts that he was called “Uncle Toby” in Gleim’s circle because of his
+enthusiasm for Sterne. The indebtedness of Jacobi to Sterne is the
+subject of a special study by Dr. Joseph Longo, “Laurence Sterne und
+Johann Georg Jacobi;” and the period of Jacobi’s literary work which
+falls under the spell of Yorick has also been treated in an inaugural
+dissertation, “Ueber Johann Georg Jacobi’s Jugendwerke,” by Georg
+Ransohoff. The detail of Jacobi’s indebtedness to Sterne is to be found
+in these two works.
+
+Longo was unable to settle definitely the date of Jacobi’s first
+acquaintance with Sterne. The first mention made of him is in the letter
+to Gleim of April 4, 1769, and a few days afterward,--April 10,--the
+intelligence is afforded that he himself is working on a “journey.” The
+“Winterreise” was published at Düsseldorf in the middle of June, 1769.
+Externally the work seems more under the influence of the French
+wanderer Chapelle, since prose and verse are used irregularly
+alternating, a style quite different from the English model. There are
+short and unnumbered chapters, as in the Sentimental Journey, but,
+unlike Sterne, Jacobi, with one exception, names no places and makes no
+attempt at description of place or people, other than the sentimental
+individuals encountered on the way. He makes no analysis of national, or
+even local characteristics: the journey, in short, is almost completely
+without place-influence. There is in the volume much more exuberance of
+fancy, grotesque at times, a more conscious exercise of the picturing
+imagination than we find in Sterne. There is use, too, of mythological
+figures quite foreign to Sterne, an obvious reminiscence of Jacobi’s
+Anacreontic experience. He exaggerates Yorick’s sentimentalism, is more
+weepy, more tender, more sympathizing; yet, as Longo does not
+sufficiently emphasize, he does not touch the whimsical side of Yorick’s
+work. Jacobi, unlike his model, but in common with other German
+imitators, is insistent in instruction and serious in contention for pet
+theories, as is exemplified by the discussion of the doctrine of
+immortality. There are opinions to be maintained, there is a message to
+be delivered. Jacobi in this does not give the lie to his nationality.
+
+Like other German imitators, too, he took up with especial feeling the
+relations between man and the animal world, an attitude to be connected
+with several familiar episodes in Sterne.[2] The two chapters, “Der
+Heerd” and “Der Taubenschlag,” tell of a sentimental farmer who mourns
+over the fact that his son has cut down a tree in which the nightingale
+was wont to nest. A similar sentimental regard is cherished in this
+family for the doves, which no one killed, because no one could eat
+them. Even as Yorick meets a Franciscan, Jacobi encounters a Jesuit
+whose heart leaps to meet his own, and later, after the real journey is
+done, a visit to a lonely cloister gives opportunity for converse with a
+monk, like Pater Lorenzo,--tender, simple and humane.
+
+The “Sommerreise,” according to Longo, appeared in the latter part of
+September, 1769, a less important work, which, in the edition of 1807,
+Jacobi considered unworthy of preservation. Imitation of Sterne is
+marked: following a criticism by Wieland the author attempts to be
+humorous, but with dubious success; he introduces a Sterne-like
+sentimental character which had not been used in the “Winterreise,”
+a beggar-soldier, and he repeats the motif of human sympathy for animals
+in the story of the lamb. Sympathy with erring womanhood is expressed in
+the incidents related in “Die Fischerhütte” and “Der Geistliche.” These
+two books were confessedly inspired by Yorick, and contemporary
+criticism treated them as Yorick products. The _Deutsche Bibliothek der
+schönen Wissenschaften_, published by Jacobi’s friend Klotz, would
+naturally favor the volumes. Its review of the “Winterreise” is
+non-critical and chiefly remarkable for the denial of foreign imitation.
+The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_,[3] in reviewing the same work pays
+a significant tribute to Sterne, praising his power of disclosing the
+good and beautiful in the seemingly commonplace. In direct criticism of
+the book, the reviewer calls it a journey of fancy, the work of a
+youthful poet rather than that of a sensitive philosopher. Wieland is
+credited with the astounding opinion that he prefers the “Sommerreise”
+to Yorick’s journey.[4] Longo’s characterization of Sterne is in the
+main satisfactory, yet there is distinctly traceable the tendency to
+ignore or minimize the whimsical elements of Sterne’s work: this is the
+natural result of his approach to Sterne, through Jacobi, who understood
+only the sentimentalism of the English master.[5]
+
+Among the works of sentiment which were acknowledged imitations of
+Yorick, along with Jacobi’s “Winterreise,” probably the most typical and
+best known was the “Empfindsame Reisen durch Deutschland” by Johann
+Gottlieb Schummel. Its importance as a document in the history of
+sentimentalism is rather as an example of tendency than as a force
+contributing materially to the spread of the movement. Its influence was
+probably not great, though one reviewer does hint at a following.[6] Yet
+the book has been remembered more persistently than any other work of
+its genre, except Jacobi’s works, undoubtedly in part because it was
+superior to many of its kind, partly, also, because its author won later
+and maintained a position of some eminence, as a writer and a pedagogue;
+but largely because Goethe’s well-known review of it in the _Frankfurter
+Gelehrte Anzeigen_ has been cited as a remarkably acute contribution to
+the discriminating criticism of the genuine and the affected in the
+eighteenth-century literature of feeling, and has drawn attention from
+the very fact of its source to the object of its criticism.
+
+Schummel was born in May, 1748, and hence was but twenty years of age
+when Germany began to thrill in response to Yorick’s sentiments. It is
+probable that the first volume was written while Schummel was still a
+university student in 1768-1770. He assumed a position as teacher in
+1771, but the first volume came out at Easter of that year; this would
+probably throw its composition back into the year before. The second
+volume appeared at Michaelmas of the same year. His publisher was
+Zimmermann at Wittenberg and Zerbst, and the first volume at any rate
+was issued in a new edition. The third volume came out in the spring of
+1772.[7] Schummel’s title, “Empfindsame Reisen,” is, of course, taken
+from the newly coined word in Bode’s title, but in face of this fact it
+is rather remarkable to find that several quotations from Sterne’s
+Journey, given in the course of the work, are from the Mittelstedt
+translation. On two occasions, indeed, Schummel uses the title of the
+Mittelstedt rendering as first published, “Versuch über die menschliche
+Natur.”[8]
+
+These facts lead one to believe that Schummel drew his inspiration from
+the reading of this translation. This is interesting in connection with
+Böttiger’s claim that the whole cavalcade of sentimental travelers who
+trotted along after Yorick with all sorts of animals and vehicles was a
+proof of the excellence and power of Bode’s translation. As one would
+naturally infer from the title of Schummel’s fiction, the Sentimental
+Journey is more constantly drawn upon as a source of ideas, motifs,
+expression, and method, than Tristram Shandy, but the allusions to
+Sterne’s earlier book, and the direct adaptations from it are both
+numerous and generous. This fact has not been recognized by the critics,
+and is not an easy inference from the contemporary reviews.
+
+The book is the result of an immediate impulse to imitation felt
+irresistibly on the reading of Sterne’s narrative. That the critics and
+readers of that day treated with serious consideration the efforts of a
+callow youth of twenty or twenty-one in this direction is indicative
+either of comparative vigor of execution, or of prepossession of the
+critical world in favor of the literary genre,--doubtless of both.
+Schummel confesses that the desire to write came directly after the book
+had been read. “I had just finished reading it,” he says, “and Heaven
+knows with what pleasure, every word from ‘as far as this matter is
+concerned’ on to ‘I seized the hand of the lady’s maid,’ were imprinted
+in my soul with small invisible letters.” The characters of the Journey
+stood “life-size in his very soul.” Involuntarily his inventive powers
+had sketched several plans for a continuation, releasing Yorick from the
+hand of the _fille de chambre_. But what he attempts is not a
+continuation but a German parallel.
+
+In the outward events of his story, in the general trend of its
+argument, Schummel does not depend upon either Shandy or the Journey:
+the hero’s circumstances are in general not traceable to the English
+model, but, spasmodically, the manner of narration and the nature of the
+incidents are quite slavishly copied. A complete summary of the thread
+of incident on which the various sentimental adventures, whimsical
+speculations and digressions are hung, can be dispensed with: it is only
+necessary to note instances where connection with Sterne as a model can
+be established. Schummel’s narrative is often for many successive pages
+absolutely straightforward and simple, unbroken by any attempt at
+Shandean buoyancy, and unblemished by overwrought sentiment. At the
+pausing places he generally indulges in Sternesque quibbling.
+
+A brief analysis of the first volume, with especial reference to the
+appropriation of Yorick features, will serve to show the extent of
+imitation, and the nature of the method. In outward form the Sentimental
+Journey is copied. The volume is not divided into chapters, but there
+are named divisions: there is also Yorick-like repetition of
+section-headings. Naturally the author attempts at the very beginning to
+strike a note distinctly suggesting Sterne: “Is he dead, the old
+cousin?” are the first words of the volume, uttered by the hero on
+receipt of the news, and in Yorick fashion he calls for guesses
+concerning the mien with which the words were said. The conversation of
+the various human passions with Yorick concerning the advisability of
+offering the lady in Calais a seat in his chaise is here directly
+imitated in the questions put by avarice, vanity, etc., concerning the
+cousin’s death. The actual journey does not begin until page 97, a brief
+autobiography of the hero occupying the first part of the book; this
+inconsequence is confessedly intended to be a Tristram Shandy whim.[9]
+The author’s relation to his parents is adapted directly from Shandy,
+since he here possesses an incapable, unpractical, philosophizing
+father, who determines upon methods for the superior education of his
+son; and a simple, silly mockery of a mother.
+
+Left, however, an orphan, he begins his sentimental adventures: thrust
+on the world he falls in with a kindly baker’s wife whose conduct toward
+him brings tears to the eyes of the ten-year old lad, this showing his
+early appetite for sentimental journeying. A large part of this first
+section relating to his early life and youthful struggles, his kindly
+benefactor, his adventure with Potiphar’s wife, is simple and direct,
+with only an occasional hint of Yorick’s influence in word or phrase, as
+if the author, now and then, recalled the purpose and the inspiration.
+For example, not until near the bottom of page 30 does it occur to him
+to be abrupt and indulge in Shandean eccentricities, and then again,
+after a few lines, he resumes the natural order of discourse. And again,
+on page 83, he breaks off into attempted frivolity and Yorick
+whimsicality of narration. In starting out upon his journey the author
+says: “I will tread in Yorick’s foot-prints, what matters it if I do not
+fill them out? My heart is not so broad as his, the sooner can it be
+filled; my head is not so sound; my brain not so regularly formed. My
+eyes are not so clear, but for that he was born in England and I in
+Germany; he is a man and I am but a youth, in short, he is Yorick and I
+am not Yorick.” He determines to journey where it is most sentimental
+and passes the various lands in review in making his decision. Having
+fastened upon Germany, he questions himself similarly with reference to
+the cities. Yorick’s love of lists, of mock-serious discrimination, of
+inconsequential reasonings is here copied. The call upon epic, tragic,
+lyric poets, musicians, etc., which follows here is a further imitation
+of Yorick’s list-making and pseudo-scientific method.
+
+On his way to Leipzig, in the post-chaise, the author falls in with a
+clergyman: the manner of this meeting is intended to be Sterne-like:
+Schummel sighs, the companion remarks, “You too are an unhappy one,” and
+they join hands while the human heart beams in the traveler’s eyes. They
+weep too at parting. But, apart from these external incidents of their
+meeting, the matter of their converse is in no way inspired by Sterne.
+It joins itself with the narrative of the author’s visit to a church in
+a village by the wayside, and deals in general with the nature of the
+clergyman’s relation to his people and the general mediocrity and
+ineptitude of the average homiletical discourse, the failure of
+clergymen to relate their pulpit utterance to the life of the common
+Christian,--all of which is genuine, sane and original, undoubtedly a
+real protest on the part of Schummel, the pedagogue, against a
+prevailing abuse of his time and other times. This section represents
+unquestionably the earnest convictions of its author, and is written
+with professional zeal. This division is followed by an evidently
+purposeful return to Sterne’s eccentricity of manner. The author begins
+a division of his narrative, “Der zerbrochene Postwagen,” which is
+probably meant to coincide with the post-chaise accident in Shandy’s
+travels, writes a few lines in it, then begins the section again,
+something like the interrupted story of the King of Bohemia and his
+Seven Castles. Then follows an abrupt discursive study of his aptitudes
+and proclivities, interspersed with Latin exclamations, interrogation
+points and dashes. “What a parenthesis is that!” he cries, and a few
+lines further on, “I burn with longing to begin a parenthesis again.” On
+his arrival in Leipzig, Schummel imitates closely Sterne’s satirical
+guide-book description of Calais[10] in his brief account of the city,
+breaking off abruptly like Sterne, and roundly berating all
+“Reisebeschreiber.” Here in fitting contrast with this superficial
+enumeration of facts stands his brief traveler’s creed, an interest in
+people rather than in places, all of which is derived from Sterne’s
+chapter, “In the Street, Calais,” in which the master discloses the
+sentimental possibilities of traveling and typifies the superficial,
+unemotional wanderer in the persons of Smelfungus and Mundungus, and
+from the familiar passage in “The Passport, Versailles,” beginning, “But
+I could wish to spy out the nakedness, etc.” No sooner is he arrived in
+Leipzig, than he accomplishes a sentimental rescue of an unfortunate
+woman on the street. In the expression of her immediate needs, Schummel
+indulges for the first time in a row of stars, with the obvious
+intention of raising a low suggestion, which he contradicts with
+mock-innocent questionings a few lines later, thereby fastening the
+attention on the possibility of vulgar interpretation. Sterne is guilty
+of this device in numerous instances in both his works, and the English
+continuation of the Sentimental Journey relies upon it in greater and
+more revolting measure.
+
+Once established in his hotel, the author betakes himself to the
+theater: this very act he feels will bring upon him the censure of the
+critics, for Yorick went to the theater too. “A merchant’s boy went
+along before me,” he says in naïve defense, “was he also an imitator of
+Yorick?” On the way he meets a fair maid-in-waiting, and the relation
+between her and the traveler, developed here and later, is inspired
+directly by Yorick’s connection with the fair _fille de chambre_.
+Schummel imitates Sterne’s excessive detail of description, devoting a
+whole paragraph to his manner of removing his hat before a lady whom he
+encounters on this walk to the theater. This was another phase of
+Sterne’s pseudo-scientific method: he describes the trivial with the
+attitude of the trained observer, registering minutely the detail of
+phenomena, a mock-parade of scholarship illustrated by his description
+of Trim’s attitude while reading his sermon, or the dropping of the hat
+in the kitchen during the memorable scene when the news of Bobby’s death
+is brought.
+
+In Schummel’s narration of his adventures in the house of ill-repute
+there are numerous sentimental excrescences in his conduct with the poor
+prisoner there, due largely to Yorick’s pattern, such as their weeping
+on one another’s breast, and his wiping away her tears and his, drawn
+from Yorick’s amiable service for Maria of Moulines, an act seemingly
+expressing the most refined human sympathy. The remaining events of this
+first volume include an unexpected meeting with the kind baker’s wife,
+which takes place at Gellert’s grave. Yorick’s imitators were especially
+fond of re-introducing a sentimental relationship. Yorick led the way in
+his renewed acquaintance with the _fille de chambre_; Stevenson in his
+continuation went to extremes in exploiting this cheap device.
+
+Other motifs derived from Sterne, less integral, may be briefly
+summarized. From the Sentimental Journey is taken the motif that
+valuable or interesting papers be used to wrap ordinary articles of
+trade: here herring are wrapped in fragments of the father’s philosophy;
+in the Sentimental Journey we find a similar degrading use for the
+“Fragment.” Schummel breaks off the chapter “La Naïve,”[11] under the
+Sternesque subterfuge of having to deliver manuscript to an insistent
+publisher. Yorick writes his preface to the Journey in the
+“Désobligeant,” that is, in the midst of the narrative itself. Schummel
+modifies the eccentricity merely by placing his foreword at the end of
+the volume. The value of it, he says, will repay the reader for waiting
+so long,--a statement which finds little justification in the preface
+itself. It begins, “Auweh! Auweh! Ouais, Helas! . . . Diable, mein
+Rücken, mein Fuss!” and so on for half a page,--a pitiful effort to
+follow the English master’s wilful and skilful incoherence. The
+following pages, however, once this outbreak is at an end, contain a
+modicum of sense, the feeble, apologetic explanation of his desire in
+imitating Yorick, given in forethought of the critics’ condemnation.
+Similarly the position of the dedication is unusual, in the midst of the
+volume, even as the dedication of Shandy was roguishly delayed. The
+dedication itself, however, is not an imitation of Sterne’s clever
+satire, but, addressed to Yorick himself, is a striking example of
+burning personal devotion and over-wrought praise. Schummel hopes[12] in
+Sterne fashion to write a chapter on “Vorübergeben,” or in the chapter
+“Das Komödienhaus” (pp. 185-210) to write a digression on “Walking
+behind a maid.” Like Sterne, he writes in praise of digressions.[13] In
+imitation of Sterne is conceived the digressive speculation concerning
+the door through which at the beginning of the book he is cast into the
+rude world. Among further expressions savoring of Sterne, may be
+mentioned a “Centner of curses” (p. 39), a “Quentchen of curses,” and
+the analytical description of a tone of voice as one-fourth questioning,
+five-eighths entreating and one-eighth commanding (p. 229).
+
+The direct allusions to Sterne and his works are numerous. A list of
+Sterne characters which were indelibly impressed upon his mind is found
+near the very beginning (pp. 3-4); other allusions are to M. Dessein
+(p. 65), La Fleur’s “Courierstiefel” (p. 115), the words of the dying
+Yorick (p. 128), the pococurantism of Mrs. Shandy (p. 187), the division
+of travelers into types (p. 141), Uncle Toby (p. 200), Yorick’s
+violin-playing (p. 274), the foolish fat scullion (p. 290), Yorick’s
+description of a maid’s (p. 188) eyes, “als ob sie zwischen vier Wänden
+einem Garaus machen könnten.”
+
+The second volume is even more incoherent in narration, and contains
+less genuine occurrence and more ill-considered attempts at
+whimsicality, yet throughout this volume there are indications that the
+author is awakening to the vulnerability of his position, and this is in
+no other particular more easily discernible than in the half-hearted
+defiance of the critics and his anticipation of their censure. The
+change, so extraordinary in the third volume, is foreshadowed in the
+second. Purely sentimental, effusive, and abundantly teary is the story
+of the rescued baker’s wife. In this excess of sentiment, Schummel shows
+his intellectual appreciation of Sterne’s individual treatment of the
+humane and pathetic, for near the end of the poor woman’s narrative the
+author seems to recollect a fundamental sentence of Sterne’s creed, the
+inevitable admixture of the whimsical, and here he introduces into the
+sentimental relation a Shandean idiosyncrasy: from page 43 the narrative
+leaps back to the beginning of the volume, and Schummel advises the
+reader to turn back and re-read, referring incidentally to his confused
+fashion of narration. The awkwardness with which this is done proves
+Schummel’s inability to follow Yorick, though its use shows his
+appreciation of Sterne’s peculiar genius. The visit of the author, the
+baker’s wife and her daughter (the former lady’s maid) to the graveyard
+is Yorickian in flavor, and the plucking of nettles from the grave of
+the dead epileptic is a direct borrowing. Attempts to be immorally,
+sensuously suggestive in the manner of Sterne are found in the so-called
+chapter on “Button-holes,” here cast in a more Shandean vein, and in the
+adventure “die ängstliche Nacht,”--in the latter case resembling more
+the less frank, more insinuating method of the Sentimental Journey. The
+sentimental attitude toward man’s dumb companions is imitated in his
+adventure with the house-dog; the author fears the barking of this
+animal may disturb the sleep of the poor baker’s wife: he beats the dog
+into silence, then grows remorseful and wishes “that I had given him no
+blow,” or that the dog might at least give him back the blows. His
+thought that the dog might be pretending its pain, he designates a
+subtle subterfuge of his troubled conscience, and Goethe, in the review
+mentioned above, exclaims, “A fine pendant to Yorick’s scene with the
+Monk.”
+
+Distinctly Shandean are the numerous digressions, as on imitation
+(p. 16), on authors and fairs (p. 45), that which he calls (pp. 226-238)
+“ein ganz originelles Gemische von Wiz, Belesenheit, Scharfsinn,
+gesunder Philosophie, Erfahrung, Algebra und Mechanik,” or (p. 253) “Von
+der Entstehungsart eines Buches nach Erfindung der Buchdrukerkunst,”
+which in reference to Sterne’s phrase, is called a “jungfräuliche
+Materie.” He promises (pp. 75 and 108), like Sterne, to write numerous
+chapters on extraordinary subjects,--indeed, he announces his intention
+of supplementing the missing sections of Shandy on “Button-holes” and on
+the “Right and Left (sic) end of a Woman.” His own promised effusions
+are to be “Ueber die roten und schwarzen Röcke,” “über die Verbindung
+der Theologie mit Schwarz,” “Europäischenfrauenzimmerschuhabsätze,” half
+a one “Ueber die Schuhsohlen” and “Ueber meinen Namen.”
+
+His additions to Shandy are flat and witless, that on the “Right and
+Wrong End of a Woman” (pp. 88 ff.) degenerating into three brief
+narratives displaying woman’s susceptibility to flattery, the whole idea
+probably adapted from Sterne’s chapter, “An Act of Charity;” the chapter
+on “Button-holes” is made a part of the general narrative of his
+relation to his “Naïve.” Weakly whimsical is his seeking pardon for the
+discourse with which the Frenchman (pp. 62-66), under the pretext that
+it belonged somewhere else and had inadvertently crept in. Shandean also
+is the black margin to pages 199-206, the line upside down (p. 175),
+the twelve irregularly printed lines (p. 331), inserted to indicate his
+efforts in writing with a burned hand, the lines of dashes and
+exclamation points, the mathematical, financial calculation of the worth
+of his book from various points of view, and the description of the
+maiden’s walk (p. 291). Sterne’s mock-scientific method, as already
+noted, is observable again in the statement of the position of the
+dagger “at an angle of 30°” (p. 248). His coining of new words, for
+which he is censured by the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_, is also a
+legacy of Yorick’s method.
+
+The third volume bears little relation to Sterne aside from its title,
+and one can only wonder, in view of the criticism of the two parts
+already published and the nature of the author’s own partial revulsion
+of feeling, that he did not give up publishing it altogether, or choose
+another title, and sunder the work entirely from the foregoing volumes,
+with which it has in fact so contradictory a connection. It may be that
+his relations to the publisher demanded the issuing of the third part
+under the same title.
+
+This volume is easily divisible into several distinct parts, which are
+linked with one another, and to the preceding narrative, only by a
+conventional thread of introduction. These comprise: the story of
+Caroline and Rosenfeld, a typical eighteenth century tale of love,
+seduction and flight; the hosts’ ballad, “Es war einmahl ein Edelmann;”
+the play, “Die unschuldige Ehebrecherin” and “Mein Tagebuch,” the
+journal of an honest preacher, and a further sincere exploitation of
+Schummel’s ideas upon the clergyman’s office, his ideal of simplicity,
+kindliness, and humanity. In the latter part of the book Schummel
+resumes his original narrative, and indulges once more in the luxury of
+sentimental adventure, but without the former abortive attempts at
+imitating Sterne’s peculiarities of diction. This last resumption of the
+sentimental creed introduces to us one event evidently inspired by
+Yorick: he meets a poor, maimed soldier-beggar. Since misfortune has
+deprived the narrator himself of his possessions, he can give nothing
+and goes a begging for the beggar’s sake, introducing the new and highly
+sentimental idea of “vicarious begging” (pp. 268-9). In the following
+episode, a visit to a child-murderess, Schummel leaves a page entirely
+blank as an appropriate proof of incapacity to express his emotions
+attendant on the execution of the unfortunate. Sterne also left a page
+blank for the description of the Widow Wadman’s charms.
+
+At the very end of the book Schummel drops his narrative altogether and
+discourses upon his own work. It would be difficult to find in any
+literature so complete a condemnation of one’s own serious and extensive
+endeavor, so candid a criticism of one’s own work, so frank an
+acknowledgment of the pettiness of one’s achievement. He says his work,
+as an imitation of Sterne’s two novels, has “few or absolutely no
+beauties of the original, and many faults of its own.” He states that
+his enthusiasm for Tristram has been somewhat dampened by Sonnenfels and
+Riedel; he sees now faults which should not have been imitated; the
+frivolous attitude of the narrator toward his father and mother is
+deprecated, and the suggestion is given that this feature was derived
+from Tristram’s own frankness concerning the eccentricities and
+incapacities of his parents. He begs reference to a passage in the
+second volume[14] where the author alludes with warmth of appreciation
+to his real father and mother; that is, genuine regard overcame the
+temporary blindness, real affection arose and thrust out the transitory
+inclination to an alien whimsicality.
+
+Schummel admits that he has utterly failed in his effort to characterize
+the German people in the way Sterne treated the English and French; he
+confesses that the ninety-page autobiography which precedes the journey
+itself was intended to be Tristram-like, but openly stigmatizes his own
+failure as “ill conceived, incoherent and not very well told!” After
+mentioning some few incidents and passages in this first section which
+he regards as passable, he boldly condemns the rest as “almost beneath
+all criticism,” and the same words are used with reference to much that
+follows, in which he confesses to imitation, bad taste and intolerable
+indelicacy. He calls his pathetic attempts at whimsical mannerisms
+(Heideldum, etc.), “kläglich, überaus kläglich,” expresses the opinion
+that one would not be surprised at the reader who would throw away the
+whole book at such a passage. The words of the preacher in the two
+sections where he is allowed to air his opinions still meet with his
+approval, and the same is true of one or two other sections. In
+conclusion, he states that the first part contains hardly one hundred
+good pages, and that the second part is worse than the first, so that he
+is unwilling to look at it again and seek out its faults. The absence of
+allusions to Sterne’s writings is marked, except in the critical section
+at the end, he mentions Sterne but once (p. 239), where he calls him
+“schnurrigt.” This alteration of feeling must have taken place in a
+brief space of time, for the third volume is signed April 25, 1772. It
+is not easy to establish with probability the works of Sonnenfels and
+Riedel which are credited with a share in this revulsion of feeling.
+
+In all of this Schummel is a discriminating critic of his own work; he
+is also discerning in his assertion that the narrative contained in his
+volume is conceived more in the vein of Fielding and Richardson. The
+Sterne elements are rather embroidered on to the other fabric, or, as he
+himself says, using another figure, “only fried in Shandy fat.”[15]
+
+Goethe’s criticism of the second volume, already alluded to, is found in
+the _Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_ in the issue of March 3, 1772. The
+nature of the review is familiar: Goethe calls the book a thistle which
+he has found on Yorick’s grave. “Alles,” he says, “hat es dem guten
+Yorick geraubt, Speer, Helm und Lanze, nur Schade! inwendig steckt der
+Herr Präceptor S. zu Magdeburg . . . Yorick empfand, und dieser setzt
+sich hin zu empfinden. Yorick wird von seiner Laune ergriffen, und
+weinte und lachte in einer Minute und durch die Magie der Sympathie
+lachen und weinen wir mit: hier aber steht einer und überlegt: wie lache
+und weine ich? was werden die Leute sagen, wenn ich lache und weine?”
+etc. Schummel is stigmatized as a childish imitator and his book is
+censured as “beneath criticism,” oddly enough the very judgment its own
+author accords but a few weeks later on the completion of the third
+volume. The review contains several citations illustrative of Schummel’s
+style.
+
+The first two parts were reviewed in the _Allgemeine deutsche
+Bibliothek_.[16] The length of the review is testimony to the interest
+in the book, and the tone of the article, though frankly unfavorable,
+is not so emphatically censorious as the one first noted. It is observed
+that Schummel has attempted the impossible,--the adoption of another’s
+“Laune,” and hence his failure. The reviewer notes, often with generous
+quotations, the more noticeable, direct imitations from Sterne, the
+conversation of the emotions, the nettle-plucking at the grave, the
+eccentric orthography and the new-coined words. Several passages of
+comment or comparison testify to the then current admiration of Yorick,
+and the conventional German interpretation of his character; “sein
+gutes, empfindungsvolles Herz, mit Tugend und sittlichem Gefühl
+erfüllt.” The review is signed “Sr:”[17]
+
+A critic in the _Jenaische Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen_ for January
+17, 1772, treating the first two volumes, expresses the opinion that
+Jacobi, the author of the “Tagereise,” and Schummel have little but the
+title from Yorick. The author’s seeking for opportunity to dissolve in
+emotion is contrasted unfavorably with Yorick’s method, the affected
+style is condemned, yet it is admitted that the work promises better
+things from its talented author; his power of observation and his good
+heart are not to be unacknowledged. The severity of the review is
+directed against the imitators already arising.
+
+The _Magazin der deutschen Critik_[18] reviews the third volume with
+favorable comment; the comedy which Schummel saw fit to insert is
+received with rather extraordinary praise, and the author is urged to
+continue work in the drama; a desire is expressed even for a fourth
+part. The _Hamburgische Neue Zeitung_, June 4 and October 29, 1771,
+places Schummel unhesitatingly beside the English master, calls him as
+original as his pattern, to Sterne belongs the honor only of the
+invention. The author is hailed as a genius whose talents should be
+supported, so that Germany would not have to envy England her
+Yorick.[19]
+
+After Schummel’s remarkable self-chastisement, one could hardly expect
+to find in his subsequent works evidence of Sterne’s influence, save as
+unconsciously a dimmed admiration might exert a certain force. Probably
+contemporaneous with the composition of the third volume of the work,
+but possibly earlier, Schummel wrote the fourth part of a ponderous
+novel by a fellow Silesian, Christian Opitz, entitled “Die Gleichheit
+der menschlichen Herzen, bey der Ungleichheit ihrer äusserlichen
+Umstände in der Geschichte Herrn Redlichs und seiner Bedienten.” Goedeke
+implies that Opitz was the author of all but the last part, but the
+reviewer in the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[20] maintains that each
+part has a different author, and quotes the preface to the fourth as
+substantiation. According to this review both the second and fourth
+parts are characterized by a humorous fashion in writing, and the last
+is praised as being the best of the four. It seems probable that
+Schummel’s enthusiasm for Sterne played its part in the composition of
+this work.
+
+Possibly encouraged by the critic’s approbation, Schummel devoted his
+literary effort for the following years largely to the drama. In 1774 he
+published his “Uebersetzer-Bibliothek zum Gebrauche der Uebersetzer,
+Schulmänner und Liebhaber der alten Litteratur.” The reviewer[21] in the
+_Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_ finds passages in this book in which
+the author of the “Empfindsame Reisen” is visible,--where his fancy runs
+away with his reason,--and a passage is quoted in which reference is
+made to Slawkenberg’s book on noses. It would seem that the seeking for
+wit survived the crude sentimentality.
+
+Two years later Schummel published “Fritzen’s Reise nach Dessau,”[22]
+a work composed of letters from a twelve-year old boy, written on a
+journey from Magdeburg to Dessau. The letters are quite without whim or
+sentiment, and the book has been remembered for the extended description
+of Basedow’s experimental school, “Philantropin” (opened in 1774). Its
+account has been the source of the information given of this endeavor in
+some pedagogical treatises[23] and it was re-issued, as a document in
+the history of pedagogical experiment, in Leipzig, by Albert Richter in
+1891. About fifteen years later still the “Reise durch Schlesien”[24]
+was issued. It is a simple narrative of a real journey with description
+of places and people, frankly personal, almost epistolary in form,
+without a suggestion of Sterne-like whim or sentiment. One passage is
+significant as indicating the author’s realization of his change of
+attitude. The sight of a group of prisoners bound by a chain calls to
+his memory his former sentimental extravagance, and he exclaims: “Twenty
+years ago, when I was still a sentimental traveler, I would have wasted
+many an ‘Oh’ and ‘alas’ over this scene; at present, since I have
+learned to know the world and mankind somewhat more intimately, I think
+otherwise.”
+
+Johann Christian Bock (1724-1785), who was in 1772 theater-poet of the
+Ackerman Company in Hamburg, soon after the publication of the
+Sentimental Journey, identified himself with the would-be Yoricks by the
+production of “Die Tagereise,” which was published at Leipzig in 1770.
+The work was re-issued in 1775 with the new title “Die Geschichte eines
+empfundenen Tages.”[25] The only change in the new edition was the
+addition of a number of copperplate engravings. The book is inspired in
+part by Sterne directly, and in part indirectly through the intermediary
+Jacobi. Unlike the work of Schummel just treated, it betrays no Shandean
+influence, but is dependent solely on the Sentimental Journey. In
+outward form the book resembles Jacobi’s “Winterreise,” since verse is
+introduced to vary the prose narrative. The attitude of the author
+toward his journey, undertaken with conscious purpose, is characteristic
+of the whole set of emotional sentiment-seekers, who found in their
+Yorick a challenge to go and do likewise: “Everybody is journeying,
+I thought, and took Yorick and Jacobi with me. . . . I will really see
+whether I too may not chance upon a _fille de chambre_ or a
+harvest-maid,” is a very significant statement of his inspiration and
+intention. Once started on his journey, the author falls in with a poor
+warrior-beggar, an adaptation of Sterne’s Chevalier de St. Louis,[26]
+and he puts in verse Yorick’s expressed sentiment that the king and the
+fatherland should not allow the faithful soldier to fall into such
+distress.
+
+Bock’s next sentimental adventure is with a fair peasant-maid whom he
+sees weeping by the wayside. Through Yorick-like insistence of sympathy,
+he finally wins from her information concerning the tender situation:
+a stern stepfather, an unwelcome suitor of his choosing, and a lover of
+her own. Her inability to write and thus communicate with the latter is
+the immediate cause of the present overflow. The traveler beholds in
+this predicament a remarkable sentimental opportunity and offers his
+services; he strokes her cheek, her tears are dried, and they part like
+brother and sister. The episode is unquestionably inspired by the
+episode of Maria of Moulines; in the latter development of the affair,
+the sentiment, which is expressed, that the girl’s innocence is her own
+defense is borrowed directly from Yorick’s statement concerning the
+_fille de chambre_.[27] The traveler’s questioning of his own motives in
+“Die Ueberlegung”[28] is distinctly Sterne-like, and it demonstrates
+also Bock’s appreciation of this quizzical element in Yorick’s attitude
+toward his own sentimental behavior. The relation of man to the domestic
+animals is treated sentimentally in the episode of the old beggar and
+his dead dog:[29] the tears of the beggar, his affection for the beast,
+their genuine comradeship, and the dog’s devotion after the world had
+forsaken his master, are all part and parcel of that fantastic humane
+movement which has its source in Yorick’s dead ass. Bock practically
+confesses his inspiration by direct allusion to the episode in Yorick.
+Bock defends with warmth the old peasant and his grief.
+
+The wanderer’s acquaintance with the lady’s companion[30] is adapted
+from Yorick’s _fille de chambre_ connection, and Bock cannot avoid a
+fleshly suggestion, distinctly in the style of Yorick in the section,
+the “Spider.”[31] The return journey in the sentimental moonlight
+affords the author another opportunity for the exercise of his broad
+human sympathy: he meets a poor woman, a day-laborer with her child,
+gives them a few coins and doubts whether king or bishop could be more
+content with the benediction of the apostolic chair than he with the
+blessing of this unfortunate,--a sentiment derived from Yorick’s
+overcolored veneration for the horn snuff-box.
+
+The churchyard scene with which the journey ends is more openly
+fanciful, down-right visionary in tone, but the manner is very
+emphatically not that of Sterne, though in the midst the Sterne motif of
+nettle-plucking is introduced. This sentimental episode took hold of
+German imagination with peculiar force. The hobby-horse idea also was
+sure of its appeal, and Bock did not fail to fall under its spell.[32]
+
+But apart from the general impulse and borrowing of motif from the
+foreign novel, there is in this little volume considerable that is
+genuine and original: the author’s German patriotism, his praise of the
+old days in the Fatherland in the chapter entitled “Die Gaststube,” his
+“Trinklied eines Deutschen,” his disquisition on the position of the
+poet in the world (“ein eignes Kapitel”), and his adulation of Gellert
+at the latter’s grave. The reviewer in the _Deutsche Bibliothek der
+schönen Wissenschaften_[33] chides the unnamed, youthful author for not
+allowing his undeniable talents to ripen to maturity, for being led on
+by Jacobi’s success to hasten his exercises into print. In reality Bock
+was no longer youthful (forty-six) when the “Tagereise” was published.
+The _Almanach der deutschen Musen_ for 1771, calls the book “an
+unsuccessful imitation of Yorick and Jacobi,” and wishes that this
+“Rhapsodie von Cruditäten” might be the last one thrust on the market as
+a “Sentimental Journey.” The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[34]
+comments also on the double inspiration, and the insufficiency and
+tiresomeness of the performance. And yet Boie[35] says the papers
+praised the little book; for himself, however, he observes, he little
+desires to read it, and adds “What will our Yoricks yet come to? At last
+they will get pretty insignificant, I think, if they keep on this way.”
+
+Bock was also the author of a series of little volumes written in the
+early seventies, still under the sentimental charm: (1) Empfindsame
+Reise durch die Visitenzimmer am Neujahrstag von einem deutschen Yorick
+angestellt, Cosmopolis (Hamburg) 1771--really published at the end of
+the previous year; (2) . . . am Ostertage, 1772; (3) Am Pfingsttage,
+1772; (4) Am Johannistage, 1773; (5) Am Weynachtstage, 1773. These books
+were issued anonymously, and Schröder’s Lexicon gives only (2) and (3)
+under Bock’s name, but there seems no good reason to doubt his
+authorship of them all. Indeed, his claim to (1) is, according to the
+_Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_, well-nigh proven by an allusion to the
+“Tagereise” in the introduction, and by the initials signed. None of
+them are given by Goedeke. The books are evidently only in a general way
+dependent on the Sterne model, and are composed of observations upon all
+sorts of subjects, the first section of each volume bearing some
+relation to the festival in which they appear.
+
+In the second edition of the first volume the author confesses that the
+title only is derived from Yorick,[36] and states that he was forced to
+this misuse because no one at that time cared to read anything but
+“Empfindsame Reisen.” It is also to be noted that the description
+beneath the title, “von einem deutschen Yorick angestellt,” is omitted
+after the first volume. The review of (4) and (5) in the _Altonaer
+Reichs-Postreuter_ finds this a commendable resumption of proper
+humility. The observations are evidently loosely strung together without
+the pretense of a narrative, such as “Allgemeines Perspectiv durch alle
+Visitenzimmer, Empfindsamer Neujahrswunsch, Empfindsame Berechnung eines
+Weisen mit sich selbst, Empfindsame Entschlüsse, Empfindsame Art sein
+Geld gut unterzubringen,” etc.[37] An obvious purpose inspires the
+writer, the furthering of morality and virtue; many of the meditations
+are distinctly religious. That some of the observations had a local
+significance in Hamburg, together with the strong sentimental tendency
+there, may account for the warm reception by the _Hamburgischer
+unpartheyischer Correspondent_.[38]
+
+Some contemporary critics maintained a kinship between Matthias Claudius
+and Yorick-Sterne, though nothing further than a similarity of mental
+and emotional fibre is suggested. No one claimed an influence working
+from the English master. Even as late as 1872, Wilhelm Röseler in his
+introductory poem to a study of “Matthias Claudius und sein Humor”[39]
+calls Asmus, “Deutschland’s Yorick,” thereby agreeing almost verbally
+with the German correspondent of the _Deutsches Museum_, who wrote from
+London nearly a hundred years before, September 14, 1778, “Asmus . . .
+is the German Sterne,” an assertion which was denied by a later
+correspondent, who asserts that Claudius’s manner is very different from
+that of Sterne.[40]
+
+August von Kotzebue, as youthful narrator, betrays a dependence on
+Sterne in his strange and ingeniously contrived tale, “Die Geschichte
+meines Vaters, oder wie es zuging, dass ich gebohren wurde.”[41] The
+influence of Sterne is noticeable in the beginning of the story:
+he commences with a circumstantial account of his grandfather and
+grandmother, and the circumstances of his father’s birth. The
+grandfather is an original undoubtedly modeled on lines suggested by
+Sterne’s hobby-horse idea. He had been chosen in days gone by to greet
+the reigning prince on the latter’s return from a journey, and the old
+man harks back to this circumstance with “hobby-horsical” persistence,
+whatever the subject of conversation, even as all matters led Uncle Toby
+to military fortification, and the elder Shandy to one of his pet
+theories.
+
+In Schrimps the servant, another Shandean original is designed. When the
+news comes of the birth of a son on Mount Vesuvius, master and man
+discuss multifarious and irrelevant topics in a fashion reminiscent of
+the conversation downstairs in the Shandy mansion while similar events
+are going on above. Later in the book we have long lists, or catalogues
+of things which resemble one of Sterne’s favorite mannerisms. But the
+greater part of the wild, adventurous tale is far removed from its
+inception, which presented domestic whimsicality in a gallery of
+originals, unmistakably connected with Tristram Shandy.
+
+Göschen’s “Reise von Johann”[42] is a product of the late renascence of
+sentimental journeying. Master and servant are represented in this book
+as traveling through southern Germany, a pair as closely related in head
+and heart as Yorick and La Fleur, or Captain Shandy and Corporal Trim.
+The style is of rather forced buoyancy and sprightliness, with
+intentional inconsequence and confusion, an attempt at humor of
+narration, which is choked by characteristic national desire to convey
+information, and a fatal propensity to description of places,[43] even
+when some satirical purpose underlies the account, as in the description
+of Erlangen and its university. The servant Johann has mild adventures
+with the maids in the various inns, which are reminiscent of Yorick,
+and in one case it borders on the openly suggestive and more Shandean
+method.[44] A distinctly borrowed motif is the accidental finding of
+papers which contain matters of interest. This is twice resorted to;
+a former occupant of the room in the inn in Nürnberg had left valuable
+notes of travel; and Johann, meeting a ragged woman, bent on
+self-destruction, takes from her a box with papers, disclosing a
+revolting story, baldly told. German mediocrity, imitating Yorick in
+this regard, and failing of his delicacy and subtlety, brought forth
+hideous offspring. An attempt at whimsicality of style is apparent in
+the “Furth Catechismus in Frage und Antwort” (pp. 71-74), and genuinely
+sentimental adventures are supplied by the death-bed scene (pp. 70-71)
+and the village funeral (pp. 74-77).
+
+This book is classed by Ebeling[45] without sufficient reason as an
+imitation of von Thümmel. This statement is probably derived from the
+letter from Schiller to Goethe to which Ebeling refers in the following
+lines. Schiller is writing to Goethe concerning plans for the Xenien,
+December 29, 1795.[46] The abundance of material for the Xenien project
+is commented upon with enthusiastic anticipation, and in a list of
+vulnerable possibilities we read: “Thümmel, Göschen als sein
+Stallmeister--” a collocation of names easily attributable, in
+consideration of the underlying satiric purpose, to the general nature
+of their work, without in any way implying the dependence of one author
+on another,[47] or it could be interpreted as an allusion to the fact
+that Göschen was von Thümmel’s publisher. Nor is there anything in the
+correspondence to justify Ebeling’s harshness in saying concerning this
+volume of Göschen, that it “enjoyed the honor of being ridiculed
+(verhöhnt) in the Xenien-correspondence between Goethe and Schiller.”
+Goethe replies (December 30), in approval, and exclaims, “How fine
+Charis and Johann will appear beside one another.”[48] The suggestion
+concerning a possible use of Göschen’s book in the Xenien was never
+carried out.
+
+It will be remembered that Göschen submitted the manuscript of his book
+to Schiller, and that Schiller returned the same with the statement
+“that he had laughed heartily at some of the whims.[49]” Garve, in a
+letter dated March 8, 1875, speaks of Göschen’s book in terms of
+moderate praise.[50]
+
+The “Empfindsame Reise von Oldenburg nach Bremen,”[51] the author of
+which was a Hanoverian army officer, H. J. C. Hedemann, is characterized
+by Ebeling as emphatically not inspired by Sterne.[52] Although it is
+not a sentimental journey, as Schummel and Jacobi and Bock conceived it,
+and is thus not an example of the earliest period of imitation, and
+although it contains no passages of teary sentimentality in attitude
+toward man and beast, one must hesitate in denying all connection with
+Sterne’s manner. It would seem as if, having outgrown the earlier
+Yorick, awakened from dubious, fine-spun dreams of human brotherhood,
+perhaps by the rude clatter of the French revolution, certain would-be
+men of letters turned to Yorick again and saw, as through a glass
+darkly, that other element of his nature, and tried in lumbering,
+Teutonic way to adopt his whimsicality, shorn now of sentimentalism, and
+to build success for their wares on remembrance of a defaced idol. This
+view of later sentimental journeying is practically acknowledged at any
+rate in a contemporary review, the _Allgemeine Litteratur-Zeitung_ for
+August 22, 1796, which remarks: “A sentimental voyage ist ein Quodlibet,
+wo einige bekannte Sachen und Namen gezwungenen Wiz und matten Scherz
+heben sollen.”[53]
+
+Hedemann’s book is conspicuous in its effort to be whimsical and is
+openly satirical in regard to the sentimentalism of former travelers.
+His endeavor is markedly in Sterne’s manner in his attitude toward the
+writing of the book, his conversation about the difficulty of managing
+the material, his discussion with himself and the reader about the
+various parts of the book. Quite in Sterne’s fashion, and to be
+associated with Sterne’s frequent promises of chapters, and statements
+concerning embarrassment of material, is conceived his determination “to
+mention some things beforehand about which I don’t know anything to
+say,” and his rather humorous enumeration of them. The author satirizes
+the real sentimental traveler of Sterne’s earlier imitators in the
+following passage (second chapter):
+
+“It really must be a great misfortune, an exceedingly vexatious case,
+if no sentimental scenes occur to a sentimental traveler, but this is
+surely not the case; only the subjects, which offer themselves must be
+managed with strict economy. If one leaps over the most interesting
+events entirely, one is in danger, indeed, of losing everything, at
+least of not filling many pages.”
+
+Likewise in the following account of a sentimental adventure, the
+satirical purpose is evident. He has not gone far on his journey when he
+is met by a troop of children; with unsentimental coldness he determines
+that there is a “Schlagbaum” in the way. After the children have opened
+the barrier, he debates with himself to which child to give his little
+coin, concludes, as a “sentimental traveler,” to give it to the other
+sex, then there is nothing left to do but to follow his instinct. He
+reflects long with himself whether he was right in so doing,--all of
+which is a deliberate jest at the hesitation with reference to trivial
+acts, the self-examination with regard to the minutiae of past conduct,
+which was copied by Sterne’s imitators from numerous instances in the
+works of Yorick. Satirical also is his vision in Chapter VII, in which
+he beholds the temple of stupidity where lofty stupidity sits on a paper
+throne; and of particular significance here is the explanation that the
+whole company who do “erhabene Dummheit” honor formerly lived in cities
+of the kingdom, but “now they are on journeys.” Further examples of a
+humorous manner akin to Sterne are: his statement that it would be a
+“great error” to write an account of a journey without weaving in an
+anecdote of a prince, his claim that he has fulfilled all duties of such
+a traveler save to fall in love, his resolve to accomplish it, and his
+formal declaration: “I, the undersigned, do vow and make promise to be
+in love before twenty-four hours are past.” The story with which his
+volume closes, “Das Ständchen,” is rather entertaining and is told
+graphically, easily, without whim or satire, yet not without a Sternian
+_double entendre_.[54]
+
+Another work in which sentimentalism has dwindled away to a grinning
+shade, and a certain irresponsible, light-hearted attitude is the sole
+remaining connection with the great progenitor, is probably the
+“Empfindsame Reise nach Schilda” (Leipzig, 1793), by Andreas Geo. Fr.
+von Rabenau, which is reviewed in the _Allgemeine Litteratur-Zeitung_
+(1794, I, p. 416) as a free revision of an old popular tale, “Das
+lustige und lächerliche Lalenburg.” The book is evidently without
+sentimental tinge, is a merry combination of wit and joke combined with
+caricature and half-serious tilting against unimportant literary
+celebrities.[55]
+
+Certain miscellaneous works, which are more or less obviously connected
+with Sterne may be grouped together here.
+
+To the first outburst of Sterne enthusiasm belongs an anonymous product,
+“Zween Tage eines Schwindsüchtigen, etwas Empfindsames,” von L. . . .
+(Hamburg, 1772), yet the editor admits that the sentiment is “not
+entirely like Yorick’s,” and the _Altonaer Reichs-Postreuter_ (July 2,
+1772) adds that “not at all like Yorick’s” would have been nearer the
+truth. This book is mentioned by Hillebrand with implication that it is
+the extreme example of the absurd sentimental tendency, probably judging
+merely from the title,[56] for the book is doubtless merely thoughtful,
+contemplative, with a minimum of overwrought feeling.
+
+According to the _Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_ (1775, pp. 592-3),
+another product of the earlier seventies, the “Leben und Schicksale des
+Martin Dickius,” by Johann Moritz Schwager, is in many places a clever
+imitation of Sterne,[57] although the author claims, like Wezel in
+“Tobias Knaut,” not to have read Shandy until after the book was
+written. Surely the digression on noses which the author allows himself
+is suspicious.
+
+Blankenburg, the author of the treatise on the novel to which reference
+has been made, was regarded by contemporary and subsequent criticism as
+an imitator of Sterne in his oddly titled novel “Beyträge zur Geschichte
+des teutschen Reiches und teutscher Sitten,”[58] although the general
+tenor of his essay, in reasonableness and balance, seemed to promise a
+more independent, a more competent and felicitous performance. Kurz
+expresses this opinion, which may have been derived from criticisms in
+the eighteenth century journals. The _Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_,
+July 28, 1775, does not, however, take this view; but seems to be in the
+novel a genuine exemplification of the author’s theories as previously
+expressed.[59] The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[60] calls the book
+didactic, a tract against certain essentially German follies. Merck, in
+the _Teutscher Merkur_,[61] says the imitation of Sterne is quite too
+obvious, though Blankenburg denies it.
+
+Among miscellaneous and anonymous works inspired directly by Sterne,
+belongs undoubtedly “Die Geschichte meiner Reise nach Pirmont” (1773),
+the author of which claims that it was written before Yorick was
+translated or Jacobi published. He says he is not worthy to pack
+Yorick’s bag or weave Jacobi’s arbor,[62] but the review of the
+_Almanach der deutschen Musen_ evidently regards it as a product,
+nevertheless, of Yorick’s impulse. Kuno Ridderhoff in his study of Frau
+la Roche[63] says that the “Empfindsamkeit” of Rosalie in the first part
+of “Rosaliens Briefe” is derived from Yorick. The “Leben, Thaten und
+Meynungen des D. J. Pet. Menadie” (Halle, 1777-1781) is charged by the
+_Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_ with attempt at Shandy-like
+eccentricity of narrative and love of digression.[64]
+
+One little volume, unmistakably produced under Yorick’s spell, is worthy
+of particular mention because at its time it received from the reviewers
+a more cordial welcome than was accorded to the rank and file of
+Sentimental Journeys. It is “M . . . R . . .” by E. A. A. von Göchhausen
+(1740-1824), which was published at Eisenach, 1772, and was deemed
+worthy of several later editions. Its dependence on Sterne is confessed
+and obvious, sometimes apologetically and hesitatingly, sometimes
+defiantly. The imitation of Sterne is strongest at the beginning, both
+in outward form and subject-matter, and this measure of indebtedness
+dwindles away steadily as the book advances. Göchhausen, as other
+imitators, used at the outset a modish form, returned to it consciously
+now and then when once under way, but when he actually had something to
+say, a message of his own, found it impracticable or else forgot to
+follow his model.
+
+The absurd title stands, of course, for “Meine Reisen” and the puerile
+abbreviation as well as the reasons assigned for it, were intended to be
+a Sterne-like jest, a pitiful one. Why Goedeke should suggest “Meine
+Randglossen” is quite inexplicable, since Göchhausen himself in the very
+first chapter indicates the real title. Beneath the enigmatical title
+stands an alleged quotation from Shandy: “Ein Autor borgt, bettelt und
+stiehlt so stark von dem andern, dass bey meiner Seele! die Originalität
+fast so rar geworden ist als die Ehrlichkeit.”[65] The book itself, like
+Sterne’s Journey, is divided into brief chapters unnumbered but named.
+As the author loses Yorick from sight, the chapters grow longer.
+Göchhausen has availed himself of an odd device to disarm
+criticism,--a plan used once or twice by Schummel: occasionally when the
+imitation is obvious, he repudiates the charge sarcastically, or
+anticipates with irony the critics’ censure. For example, he gives
+directions to his servant Pumper to pack for the journey; a reader
+exclaims, “a portmanteau, Mr. Author, so that everything, even to that,
+shall be just like Yorick,” and in the following passage the author
+quarrels with the critics who allow no one to travel with a portmanteau,
+because an English clergyman traveled with one. Pumper’s
+misunderstanding of this objection is used as a farther ridicule of the
+critics. When on the journey, the author converses with two poor
+wandering monks, whose conversation, at any rate, is a witness to their
+content, the whole being a legacy of the Lorenzo episode, and the author
+entitles the chapter: “The members of the religious order, or, as some
+critics will call it, a wretchedly unsuccessful imitation.” In the next
+chapter, “Der Visitator” (pp. 125 ff.) in which the author encounters
+customs annoyances, the critic is again allowed to complain that
+everything is stolen from Yorick, a protest which is answered by the
+author quite naïvely, “Yorick journeyed, ate, drank; I do too.” In “Die
+Pause” the author stands before the inn door and fancies that a number
+of spies (Ausspäher) stand there waiting for him; he protests that
+Yorick encountered beggars before the inn in Montreuil, a very different
+sort of folk. On page 253 he exclaims, “für diesen schreibe ich dieses
+Kapitel nicht und ich--beklage ihn!” Here a footnote suggests “Das
+übrige des Diebstahls vid. Yorick’s Gefangenen.” Similarly when he calls
+his servant his “La Fleur,” he converses with the critics about his
+theft from Yorick.
+
+The book is opened by a would-be whimsical note, the guessing about the
+name of the book. The dependence upon Sterne, suggested by the motto, is
+clinched by reference to this quotation in the section “Apologie,” and
+by the following chapter, which is entitled “Yorick.” The latter is the
+most unequivocal and, withal, the most successful imitation of Yorick’s
+manner which the volume offers. The author is sitting on a sofa reading
+the Sentimental Journey, and the idea of such a trip is awakened in him.
+Someone knocks and the door is opened by the postman, as the narrator is
+opening his “Lorenzodose,” and the story of the poor monk is touching
+his heart now for the twentieth time as strongly as ever. The postman
+asks postage on the letter as well as his own trivial fee. The author
+counts over money, miscounts it, then in counting forgets all about it,
+puts the money away and continues the reading of Yorick. The postman
+interrupts him; the author grows impatient and says, “You want four
+groschen?” and is inexplicably vexed at the honesty of the man who says
+it is only three pfennigs for himself and the four groschen for the
+post. Here is a direct following of the Lorenzo episode; caprice rules
+his behavior toward an inferior, who is modest in his request. After the
+incident, his spite, his head and his heart and his “ich” converse in
+true Sterne fashion as to the advisability of his beginning to read
+Yorick again. He reasons with himself concerning his conduct toward the
+postman, then in an apostrophe to Yorick he condemns himself for failing
+in this little test. This conversation occupies so much time that he
+cannot run after the postman, but he resolves that nothing, not even the
+fly that lights on his nose, shall bring him so far as to forget
+wherefore his friend J . . . . sent him a “Lorenzodose.” And at the end
+of the section there is a picture of the snuff-box with the lid open,
+disclosing the letters of the word “Yorick.” The “Lorenzodose” is
+mentioned later, and later still the author calms his indignation by
+opening the box; he fortifies himself also by a look at the
+treasure.[66]
+
+Following this picture of the snuff-box is an open letter to “My dear
+J . . . ,” who, at the author’s request, had sent him on June 29th a
+“Lorenzodose.” Jacobi’s accompanying words are given. The author
+acknowledges the difficulty with which sometimes the self-conquest
+demanded by allegiance to the sentimental symbol has been won.
+
+Yet, compared with some other imitations of the good Yorick, the volume
+contains but a moderate amount of lavish sentiment. The servant Pumper
+is a man of feeling, who grieves that the horses trod the dewdrops from
+the blades of grass. Cast in the real Yorick mould is the scene in which
+Pumper kills a marmot (Hamster); upon his master’s expostulation that
+God created the little beast also, Pumper is touched, wipes the blood
+off with his cuff and buries the animal with tenderness, indulging in a
+pathetic soliloquy; the whole being a variant of Yorick’s ass episode.
+
+Marked with a similar vein of sentimentality is the narrator’s conduct
+toward the poor wanderer with his heavy burden: the author asserts that
+he has never eaten a roll, put on a white shirt, traveled in a
+comfortable carriage, or been borne by a strong horse, without bemoaning
+those who were less fortunately circumstanced. A similar and truly
+Sterne-like triumph of feeling over convention is the traveler’s
+insistence that Pumper shall ride with him inside the coach; seemingly a
+point derived from Jacobi’s failure to be equally democratic.[67]
+
+Sterne’s emphasis upon the machinery of his story-telling, especially
+his distraught pretense at logical sequence in the ordering of his
+material is here imitated. For example: near the close of a chapter the
+author summons his servant Pumper, but since the chapter bore the title
+“Der Brief” and the servant can neither read nor write a letter, he says
+the latter has nothing to do in that chapter, but he is to be introduced
+in the following one. Yet with Yorick’s inconsequence, the narrator is
+led aside and exclaims at the end of this chapter, “But where is
+Pumper?” with the answer, “Heaven and my readers know, it was to no
+purpose that this chapter was so named (and perhaps this is not the last
+one to which the title will be just as appropriate)”, and the next
+chapter pursues the whimsical attempt, beginning “As to whether Pumper
+will appear in this chapter, about that, dear reader, I am not really
+sure myself.”
+
+The whimsical, unconventional interposition of the reader, and the
+author’s reasoning with him, a Sterne device, is employed so constantly
+in the book as to become a wearying mannerism. Examples have already
+been cited, additional ones are numerous: the fifth section is devoted
+to such conversation with the reader concerning the work; later the
+reader objects to the narrator’s drinking coffee without giving a
+chapter about it; the reader is allowed to express his wonder as to what
+the chapter is going to be because of the author’s leap; the reader
+guesses where the author can be, when he begins to describe conditions
+in the moon. The chapter “Der Einwurf” is occupied entirely with the
+reader’s protest, and the last two sections are largely the record of
+fancied conversations with various readers concerning the nature of the
+book; here the author discloses himself.[68] Sterne-like whim is found
+in the chapter “Die Nacht,” which consists of a single sentence: “Ich
+schenke Ihnen diesen ganzen Zeitraum, denn ich habe ihn ruhig
+verschlafen.” Similar Shandean eccentricity is illustrated by the
+chapter entitled “Der Monolog,” which consists of four lines of dots,
+and the question, “Didn’t you think all this too, my readers?”
+Typographical eccentricity is observed also in the arrangement of the
+conversation of the ladies A., B., C., D., etc., in the last chapter.
+Like Sterne, our author makes lists of things; probably inspired by
+Yorick’s apostrophe to the “Sensorium” is our traveler’s appeal to the
+spring of joy. The description of the fashion of walking observed in the
+maid in the moon is reminiscent of a similar passage in Schummel’s
+journey.
+
+Göchhausen’s own work, untrammeled by outside influence, is
+considerable, largely a genial satire on critics and philosophers;
+his stay in the moon is a kind of Utopian fancy.
+
+The literary journals accepted Göchhausen’s work as a Yorick imitation,
+condemned it as such apologetically, but found much in the book worthy
+of their praise.[69]
+
+Probably the best known novel which adopts in considerable measure the
+style of Tristram Shandy is Wezel’s once famous “Tobias Knaut,” the
+“Lebensgeschichte Tobias Knauts des Weisen sonst Stammler genannt,
+aus Familiennachrichten gesammelt.”[70] In this work the influence of
+Fielding is felt parallel to that of Sterne. The historians of
+literature all accord the book a high place among humorous efforts of
+the period, crediting the author with wit, narrative ability, knowledge
+of human nature and full consciousness of plan and purpose.[71] They
+unite also in the opinion that “Tobias Knaut” places Wezel in the ranks
+of Sterne imitators, but this can be accepted only guardedly, for in
+part the novel must be regarded as a satire on “Empfindsamkeit” and
+hence in some measure be classified as an opposing force to Sterne’s
+dominion, especially to the distinctively German Sterne. That this
+impulse, which later became the guiding principle of “Wilhelmine Arend,”
+was already strong in “Tobias Knaut” is hinted at by Gervinus, but
+passed over in silence by other writers. Kurz, following Wieland, who
+reviewed the novel in his _Merkur_, finds that the influence of Sterne
+was baneful. Other contemporary reviews deplored the imitation as
+obscuring and stultifying the undeniable and genuinely original talents
+of the author.[72]
+
+A brief investigation of Wezel’s novel will easily demonstrate his
+indebtedness to Sterne. Yet Wezel in his preface, anticipating the
+charge of imitation, asserts that he had not read Shandy when “Tobias”
+was begun. Possibly he intends this assertion as a whim, for he quotes
+Tristram at some length.[73] This inconsistency is occasion for censure
+on the part of the reviewers.
+
+Wezel’s story begins, like Shandy, “ab ovo,” and, in resemblance to
+Sterne’s masterpiece, the connection between the condition of the child
+before its birth and its subsequent life and character is insisted upon.
+A reference is later made to this. The work is episodical and
+digressive, but in a more extensive way than Shandy; the episodes in
+Sterne’s novel are yet part and parcel of the story, infused with the
+personality of the writer, and linked indissolubly to the little family
+of originals whose sayings and doings are immortalized by Sterne. This
+is not true of Wezel: his episodes and digressions are much more purely
+extraneous in event, and nature of interest. The story of the new-found
+son, which fills sixty-four pages, is like a story within a story, for
+its connection with the Knaut family is very remote. This very story,
+interpolated as it is, is itself again interrupted by a seven-page
+digression concerning Tyrus, Alexander, Pipin and Charlemagne, which the
+author states is taken from the one hundred and twenty-first chapter of
+his “Lateinische Pneumatologie,”--a genuine Sternian pretense, reminding
+one of the “Tristrapaedia.” Whimsicality of manner distinctly
+reminiscent of Sterne is found in his mock-scientific catalogues or
+lists of things, as in Chapter III, “Deduktionen, Dissertationen,
+Argumentationen a priori und a posteriori,” and so on; plainly adapted
+from Sterne’s idiosyncrasy of form is the advertisement which in large
+red letters occupies the middle of a page in the twenty-first chapter of
+the second volume, which reads as follows: “Dienst-freundliche Anzeige.
+Jedermann, der an ernsten Gesprächen keinen Gefallen findet, wird
+freundschaftlich ersucht alle folgende Blätter, deren Inhalt einem
+Gespräche ähnlich sieht, wohlbedächtig zu überschlagen, d.h. von dieser
+Anzeige an gerechnet. Darauf denke ich, soll jedermanniglich vom 22.
+Absatze fahren können,--Cuique Suum.” The following page is blank: this
+is closely akin to Sterne’s vagaries. Like Sterne, he makes promise of
+chapter-subject.[74] Similarly dependent on Sterne’s example, is the
+Fragment in Chapter VIII, Volume III, which breaks off suddenly under
+the plea that the rest could not be found. Like Sterne, our author
+satirizes detailed description in the excessive account of the
+infinitesimals of personal discomfort after a carouse.[75] He makes also
+obscure whimsical allusions, accompanied by typographical eccentricities
+(I, p. 153). To be connected with the story of the Abbess of Andouillets
+is the humor “Man leuterirte, appelirte--irte,--irte,--irte.”
+
+The author’s perplexities in managing the composition of the book are
+sketched in a way undoubtedly derived from Sterne,--for example, the
+beginning of Chapter IX in Volume III is a lament over the difficulties
+of chronicling what has happened during the preceding learned
+disquisition. When Tobias in anger begins to beat his horse, this is
+accompanied by the sighs of the author, a really audible one being put
+in a footnote, the whole forming a whimsy of narrative style for which
+Sterne must be held responsible. Similar to this is the author’s
+statement (Chap. XXV, Vol. II), that Lucian, Swift, Pope, Wieland and
+all the rest could not unite the characteristics which had just been
+predicated of Selmann. Like Sterne, Wezel converses with the reader
+about the way of telling the story, indulging[76] in a mock-serious line
+of reasoning with meaningless Sternesque dashes. Further conversation
+with the reader is found at the beginning of Chapter III in Volume I,
+and in Chapter VIII of the first volume, he cries, “Wake up, ladies and
+gentlemen,” and continues at some length a conversation with these
+fancied personages about the progress of the book. Wezel in a few cases
+adopted the worst feature of Sterne’s work and was guilty of bad taste
+in precisely Yorick’s style: Tobias’s adventure with the so-called
+soldier’s wife, after he has run away from home, is a case in point, but
+the following adventure with the two maidens while Tobias is bathing in
+the pool is distinctly suggestive of Fielding. Sterne’s indecent
+suggestion is also followed in the hints at the possible occasion of the
+Original’s aversion to women. A similar censure could be spoken
+regarding the adventure in the tavern,[77] where the author hesitates on
+the edge of grossness.
+
+Wezel joined other imitators of Yorick in using as a motif the
+accidental interest of lost documents, or papers: here the poems of the
+“Original,” left behind in the hotel, played their rôle in the tale.
+The treatment of the wandering boy by the kindly peasant is clearly an
+imitation of Yorick’s famous visit in the rural cottage. A parallel to
+Walter Shandy’s theory of the dependence of great events on trifles is
+found in the story of the volume of Tacitus, which by chance suggested
+the sleeping potion for Frau v. L., or that Tobias’s inability to take
+off his hat with his right hand was influential on the boy’s future
+life. This is a reminder of Tristram’s obliquity in his manner of
+setting up his top. As in Shandy, there is a discussion about the
+location of the soul. The character of Selmann is a compound of Yorick
+and the elder Shandy, with a tinge of satiric exaggeration, meant to
+chastise the thirst for “originals” and overwrought sentimentalism. His
+generosity and sensitiveness to human pain is like Yorick. As a boy he
+would empty his purse into the bosom of a poor man; but his daily life
+was one round of Shandean speculation, largely about the relationships
+of trivial things: for example, his yearly periods of investigating his
+motives in inviting his neighbors Herr v. ** and Herr v. *** every July
+to his home.
+
+Wezel’s satire on the craze for originality is exemplified in the
+account of the “Original” (Chap. XXII, Vol. II), who was cold when
+others were hot, complained of not liking his soup because the plate was
+not full, but who threw the contents of his coffee cup at the host
+because it was filled to the brim, and trembled at the approach of a
+woman. Selmann longs to meet such an original. Selmann also thinks he
+has found an original in the inn-keeper who answers everything with
+“Nein,” greatly to his own disadvantage, though it turns out later that
+this was only a device planned by another character to gain advantage
+over Selmann himself. So also, in the third volume, Selmann and Tobias
+ride off in pursuit of a sentimental adventure, but the latter proves to
+be merely a jest of the Captain at the expense of his sentimental
+friend. Satire on sentimentalism is further unmistakable in the two
+maidens, Adelheid and Kunigunde, who weep over a dead butterfly, and
+write a lament over its demise. In jest, too, it is said that the
+Captain made a “sentimental journey through the stables.” The author
+converses with Ermindus, who seems to be a kind of Eugenius,
+a convenient figure for reference, apostrophe, and appeal. The novelist
+makes also, like Sterne, mock-pedantic allusions, once indeed making a
+long citation from a learned Chinese book. An expression suggesting
+Sterne is the oath taken “bey den Nachthemden aller Musen,”[78] and an
+intentional inconsequence of narration, giving occasion to conversation
+regarding the author’s control of his work, is the sudden passing over
+of the six years which Tobias spent in Selmann’s house.[79]
+
+In connection with Wezel’s occupation with Sterne and Sterne products in
+Germany, it is interesting to consider his poem: “Die unvermuthete
+Nachbarschaft. Ein Gespräch,” which was the second in a volume of three
+poems entitled “Epistel an die deutschen Dichter,” the name of the first
+poem, and published in Leipzig in 1775. This slight work is written for
+the most part in couplets and covers twenty-three pages. Wezel
+represents Doktor Young, the author of the gloomy “Night Thoughts” and
+“Der gute Lacher,--Lorenz Sterne” as occupying positions side by side in
+his book-case. This proximity gives rise to a conversation between the
+two antipodal British authors: Sterne says:
+
+  “Wir brauchen beide vielen Raum,
+  Your Reverence viel zum Händeringen,
+  Und meine Wenigkeit, zum Pfeifen, Tanzen, Singen.”
+
+and later,
+
+  . . . “Und will von Herzen gern der Thor der Thoren seyn;
+  Jüngst that ich ernst: gleich hielt die
+  Narrheit mich beym Rocke.
+  Wo, rief sie, willst du hin,--Du! weisst du unsern Bund.
+  Ist das der Dank? Du lachtest dich gesund.”
+
+To Sterne’s further enunciation of this joyous theory of life, Young
+naturally replies in characteristic terms, emphasizing life’s
+evanescence and joy’s certain blight. But Sterne, though acknowledging
+the transitoriness of life’s pleasures, denies Young’s deductions.
+Yorick’s conception of death is quite in contrast to Young’s picture and
+one must admit that it has no justification in Sterne’s writings. On the
+contrary, Yorick’s life was one long flight from the grim enemy. The
+idea of death cherished by Asmus in his “Freund Hein,” the welcome
+guest, seems rather the conception which Wezel thrusts on Sterne. Death
+comes to Yorick in full dress, a youth, a Mercury:
+
+  “Er thuts, er kommt zu mir, ‘Komm, guter Lorenz, flieh!’
+  So ruft er auf mich zu. ‘Dein Haus fängt an zu wanken,
+  Die Mauern spalten sich; Gewölb und Balken schwanken,
+  Was nuzt dir so ein Haus? . . .’”
+
+so he takes the wreathèd cup, drinks joyfully, and follows death,
+embracing him.
+
+  “Das ist mein Tod, ich sehe keinen Knochen,
+  Womit du ihn, gleich einem Zahnarzt, schmückst,
+  Geschieht es heute noch, geschieht’s in wenig Wochen,
+  Dass du, Gevatter Tod, nur meine Hände drückst?
+  Ganz nach Bequemlichkeit! du bist mir zwar willkommen.”
+
+The latter part of the poem contains a rather extended laudation of the
+part played by sympathetic feeling in the conduct of life.
+
+That there would be those in Germany as in England, who saw in Sterne’s
+works only a mine of vulgar suggestion, a relation sometimes delicate
+and clever, sometimes bald and ugly, of the indelicate and sensual, is a
+foregone conclusion. Undoubtedly some found in the general approbation
+which was accorded Sterne’s books a sanction for forcing upon the public
+the products of their own diseased imaginations.
+
+This pernicious influence of the English master is exemplified by
+Wegener’s “Raritäten, ein hinterlassenes Werk des Küsters von
+Rummelsberg.”[80] The first volume is dedicated to “Sebaldus Nothanker,”
+and the long document claims for the author unusual distinction, in thus
+foregoing the possibility of reward or favor, since he dedicates his
+book to a fictitious personage. The idea of the book is to present
+“merry observations” for every day in the year. With the end of the
+fourth volume the author has reached March 17, and, according to the
+_Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_, the sixth volume includes May 22. The
+present writer was unable to examine the last volume to discover whether
+the year was rounded out in this way.
+
+The author claims to write “neither for surly Catos nor for those fond
+of vulgar jests and smutty books,” but for those who will laugh. At the
+close of his preface he confesses the source of his inspiration: “In
+order to inspire myself with something of the spirit of a Sterne, I made
+a decoction out of his writings and drank the same eagerly; indeed I
+have burned the finest passages to powder, and then partaken of it with
+warm English ale, but”--he had the insight and courtesy to add--“it
+helped me just a little as it aids a lame man, if he steps in the
+footprints of one who can walk nimbly.” The very nature of this author’s
+dependence on Sterne excludes here any extended analysis of the
+connection. The style is abrupt, full of affected gaiety and raillery,
+conversational and journalistic. The stories, observations and
+reflections, in prose and verse, represent one and all the ribaldry of
+Sterne at its lowest ebb, as illustrated, for example, by the story of
+the abbess of Andouillets, but without the charm and grace with which
+that tale begins. The author copies Sterne in the tone of his
+lucubrations; the material is drawn from other sources. In the first
+volume, at any rate, his only direct indebtedness to Sterne is the
+introduction of the Shandean theory of noses in the article for January
+11. The pages also, sometimes strewn with stars and dashes, present a
+somewhat Sternesque appearance.
+
+These volumes are reviewed in the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[81]
+with full appreciation of their pernicious influence, and with open
+acknowledgment that their success demonstrates a pervision of taste in
+the fatherland. The author of the “Litterarische Reise durch
+Deutschland”[82] advises his sister, to whom his letters are directed,
+to put her handkerchief before her mouth at the very mention of Wegener,
+and fears that the very name has befouled his pen. A similar
+condemnation is meted out in Wieland’s _Merkur_.[83]
+
+A similar commentary on contemporary taste is obtained from a somewhat
+similar collection of stories, “Der Geist der Romane im letzten Viertel
+des 18ten Jahrhunderts,” Breslau and Hirschberg, 1788, in which the
+author (S. G. Preisser?) claims to follow the spirit of the period and
+gives six stories of revolting sensuality, with a thin whitewash of
+teary sentimentalism.
+
+The pursuit of references to Yorick and direct appeals to his writings
+in the German literary world of the century succeeding the era of his
+great popularity would be a monstrous and fruitless task. Such
+references in books, letters and periodicals multiply beyond possibility
+of systematic study. One might take the works[84] of Friedrich Matthison
+as a case in point. He visits the grave of Musäus, even as Tristram
+Shandy sought for the resting-place of the two lovers in Lyons (III,
+p. 312); as he travels in Italy, he remarks that a certain visit would
+have afforded Yorick’s “Empfindsamkeit” the finest material for an
+Ash-Wednesday sermon (IV, p. 67). Sterne’s expressions are cited:
+“Erdwasserball” for the earth (V, p. 57), “Wo keine Pflanze, die da
+nichts zu suchen hatte, eine bleibende Stäte fand” (V, p. 302); two
+farmsteads in the Tyrol are designated as “Nach dem Ideal Yoricks” (VI,
+pp. 24-25). He refers to the story of the abbess of Andouillets (VI,
+64); he narrates (VIII, pp. 203-4) an anecdote of Sterne which has just
+been printed in the _Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_ (1769, p. 151); he
+visits Prof. Levade in Lausanne, who bore a striking resemblance to
+Sterne (V, p. 279), and refers to Yorick in other minor regards (VII,
+158; VIII, pp. 51, 77, and Briefe II, 76). Yet in spite of this evident
+infatuation, Matthison’s account of his own travels cannot be classed as
+an imitation of Yorick, but is purely objective, descriptive, without
+search for humor or pathos, with no introduction of personalities save
+friends and celebrities. Heinse alluded to Sterne frequently in his
+letters to Gleim (1770-1771),[85] but after August 23, 1771, Sterne
+vanished from his fund of allusion, though the correspondence lasts
+until 1802, a fact of significance in dating the German enthusiasm for
+Sterne and the German knowledge of Shandy from the publication of the
+Sentimental Journey, and likewise an indication of the insecurity of
+Yorick’s personal hold.
+
+Miscellaneous allusions to Sterne, illustrating the magnitude and
+duration of his popularity, may not be without interest: Kästner
+“Vermischte Schriften,” II, p. 134 (Steckenpferd); Lenz “Gesammelte
+Werke,” Berlin, 1828, Vol. III, p. 312; letter from the Duchess Amalie,
+August 2, 1779, in “Briefe an und von Merck,” Darmstadt, 1838; letter of
+Caroline Herder to Knebel, April 2, 1799, in “K. L. von Knebel’s
+Literarischer Nachlass,” Leipzig, 1835, p. 324 (Yorick’s “heiliges
+Sensorium”); a rather unfavorable but apologetic criticism of Shandy in
+the “Hinterlassene Schriften” of Charlotta Sophia Sidonia Seidelinn,
+Nürnberg, 1793, p. 227; “Schiller’s Briefe,” edited by Fritz Jonas, I,
+pp. 136, 239; in Hamann’s letters, “Leben und Schriften,” edited by Dr.
+C. H. Gildermeister, Gotha, 1875, II, p. 338; III, p. 56; V, pp. 16,
+163; in C. L. Jünger’s “Anlage zu einem Familiengespräch über die
+Physiognomik” in _Deutsches Museum_, II, pp. 781-809, where the French
+barber who proposes to dip Yorick’s wig in the sea is taken as a type of
+exaggeration. And a similar reference is found in Wieland’s _Merkur_,
+1799, I, p. 15: Yorick’s Sensorium is again cited, _Merkur_, 1791, II,
+p. 95. Other references in the _Merkur_ are: 1774, III, p. 52; 1791, I,
+p. 418; 1800, I, p. 14; 1804, I, pp. 19-21; _Deutsches Museum_, IV, pp.
+66, 462; _Neuer Gelehrter Mercurius_, Altona, 1773, August 19, in review
+of Goethe’s “Götz;” _Almanach der deutschen Musen_, 1771, p. 93. And
+thus the references scatter themselves down the decades. “Das Wörtlein
+Und,” by F. A. Krummacher (Duisberg und Essen, 1811), bore a motto taken
+from the Koran, and contained the story of Uncle Toby and the fly with a
+personal application, and Yorick’s division of travelers is copied
+bodily and applied to critics. Friedrich Hebbel, probably in 1828, gave
+his Newfoundland dog the name of Yorick-Sterne-Monarch.[86] Yorick is
+familiarly mentioned in Wilhelm Raabe’s “Chronik der Sperlingsgasse”
+(1857), and in Ernst von Wolzogen’s “Der Dornenweg,” two characters
+address one another in Yorick similes. Indeed, in the summer of 1902,
+a Berlin newspaper was publishing “Eine Empfindsame Reise in einem
+Automobile.”[87]
+
+Musäus is named as an imitator of Sterne by Koberstein, and Erich
+Schmidt implies in his “Richardson, Rousseau und Goethe,” that he
+followed Sterne in his “Grandison der Zweite,” which could hardly be
+possible, for “Grandison der Zweite” was first published in 1760, and
+was probably written during 1759, that is, before Sterne had published
+Tristram Shandy. Adolph von Knigge is also mentioned by Koberstein as a
+follower of Sterne, and Baker includes Knigge’s “Reise nach
+Braunschweig” and “Briefe auf einer Reise aus Lothringen” in his list.
+Their connection with Sterne cannot be designated as other than remote;
+the former is a merry vagabond story, reminding one much more of the
+tavern and way-faring adventures in Fielding and Smollett, and
+suggesting Sterne only in the constant conversation with the reader
+about the progress of the book and the mechanism of its construction.
+One example of the hobby-horse idea in this narration may perhaps be
+traced to Sterne. The “Briefe auf einer Reise aus Lothringen” has even
+less connection; it shares only in the increase of interest in personal
+accounts of travel. Knigge’s novels, “Peter Claus” and “Der Roman meines
+Lebens,” are decidedly not imitations of Sterne; a clue to the character
+of the former may be obtained from the fact that it was translated into
+English as “The German Gil Blas.” “Der Roman meines Lebens” is a typical
+eighteenth century love-story written in letters, with numerous
+characters, various intrigues and unexpected adventures; indeed, a part
+of the plot, involving the abduction of one of the characters, reminds
+one of “Clarissa Harlowe.” Sterne is, however, incidentally mentioned in
+both books, is quoted in “Peter Claus” (Chapter VI, Vol. II), and Walter
+Shandy’s theory of Christian names is cited in “Der Roman meines
+Lebens.”[88] That Knigge had no sympathy with exaggerated sentimentalism
+is seen in a passage in his “Umgang mit Menschen.”[89] Knigge admired
+and appreciated the real Sterne and speaks in his “Ueber Schriftsteller
+und Schriftstellerei”[90] of Yorick’s sharpening observation regarding
+the little but yet important traits of character.
+
+Moritz August von Thümmel in his famous “Reise in die mittäglichen
+Provinzen von Frankreich” adopted Sterne’s general idea of sentimental
+journeying, shorn largely of the capriciousness and whimsicality which
+marked Sterne’s pilgrimage. He followed Sterne also in driving the
+sensuous to the borderland of the sensual.
+
+Hippel’s novels, “Lebensläufe nach aufsteigender Linie” and “Kreuz und
+Querzüge des Ritters A. bis Z.” were purely Shandean products in which a
+humor unmistakably imitated from Sterne struggles rather unsuccessfully
+with pedagogical seriousness. Jean Paul was undoubtedly indebted to
+Sterne for a part of his literary equipment, and his works afford proof
+both of his occupation with Sterne’s writings and its effect upon his
+own. A study of Hippel’s “Lebensläufe” in connection with both Sterne
+and Jean Paul was suggested but a few years after Hippel’s death by a
+reviewer in the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_[91] as a
+fruitful topic for investigation. A detailed, minute study of von
+Thümmel, Hippel and Jean Paul[92] in connection with the English master
+is purposed as a continuation of the present essay. Heine’s pictures of
+travel, too, have something of Sterne in them.
+
+
+    [Footnote 1: _Quellen und Forschungen_, II, p. 27.]
+
+    [Footnote 2: Jacobi remarked, in his preface to the “Winterreise”
+    in the edition of 1807, that this section, “Der Taubenschlag” is
+    not to be reckoned as bearing the trace of the then condemned
+    “Empfindeley,” for many authors, ancient and modern, have taken up
+    the cause of animals against man; yet Sterne is probably the
+    source of Jacobi’s expression of his feeling.]
+
+    [Footnote 3: XI, 2, pp. 16 f.]
+
+    [Footnote 4: For reviews of the “Sommerreise” see _Allg. deutsche
+    Bibl._, XIII, i, p. 261, _Deutsche Bibl. der schönen
+    Wissenschaften_, IV, p. 354, and _Neue Critische Nachrichten_,
+    Greifswald, V, p. 406. _Almanach der deutschen Musen_, 1770,
+    p. 112. The “Winterreise” is also reviewed there, p. 110.]
+
+    [Footnote 5: Some minor points may be noted. Longo implies
+    (page 2) that it was Bode’s translation of the original
+    Sentimental Journey which was re-issued in four volumes, Hamburg
+    and Bremen, 1769, whereas the edition was practically identical
+    with the previous one, and the two added volumes were those of
+    Stevenson’s continuation. Longo calls Sterne’s Eliza “Elisha”
+    (p. 28) and Tristram’s father becomes Sir Walter Shandy (p. 37),
+    an unwarranted exaltation of the retired merchant.]
+
+    [Footnote 6: Review in the _Jenaische Zeitungen von Gel. Sachen_]
+
+    [Footnote 7: I, pp. 314 + 20; II, 337; III. 330.]
+
+    [Footnote 8: I, p. 156; III, p. 318.]
+
+    [Footnote 9: Schummel states this himself, III, p. 320.]
+
+    [Footnote 10: Tristram Shandy, III, 51-54.]
+
+    [Footnote 11: Pp. 256-265.]
+
+    [Footnote 12: P. 34.]
+
+    [Footnote 13: Shandy, I, p. 75; Schummel, I, p. 265.]
+
+    [Footnote 14: II, p. 117.]
+
+    [Footnote 15: In “Das Kapitel von meiner Lebensart,” II, pp.
+    113 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 16: XVI, 2, pp. 682-689.]
+
+    [Footnote 17: The third part is reviewed (Hr) in XIX, 2, pp.
+    576-7, but without significant contribution to the question.]
+
+    [Footnote 18: I, 2, pp. 66-74, the second number of 1772. Review
+    is signed “S.”]
+
+    [Footnote 19: Another review of Schummel’s book is found in the
+    _Almanach der deutschen Musen_, 1773, p. 106.]
+
+    [Footnote 20: XI, 2, p. 344; XV, 1, p. 249; XVII, 1, p. 244. Also
+    entitled “Begebenheiten des Herrn Redlich,” the novel was
+    published Wittenberg, 1756-71; Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1768-71.]
+
+    [Footnote 21: XXVIII, 1, pp. 199 ff. Reviewed also in _Auserlesene
+    Bibliothek der neusten deutschen Litteratur_, Lemgo, VII, p. 234
+    (1775) and _Neue litterarische Unterhaltungen_, Breslau, I, pp.
+    660-691.]
+
+    [Footnote 22: Leipzig, Crusius, 1776, pp. 120. Baker, influenced
+    by title and authorship, includes it among the literary progeny of
+    Yorick. It has no connection with Sterne.]
+
+    [Footnote 23: See _Jahresberichte für neuere deutsche
+    Litteratur-geschichte_, II, p. 106 (1893).]
+
+    [Footnote 24: Breslau, 1792. It is included in Baker’s list.]
+
+    [Footnote 25: Frankfurt and Leipzig, pp. 208. Baker regards these
+    two editions as two different works.]
+
+    [Footnote 26: Sentimental Journey, pp. 87-88.]
+
+    [Footnote 27: Sentimental Journey, p. 73.]
+
+    [Footnote 28: Pp. 45-50.]
+
+    [Footnote 29: Pp. 106-119.]
+
+    [Footnote 30: Die Gesellschafterin, pp. 131-144.]
+
+    [Footnote 31: Pp. 145-155.]
+
+    [Footnote 32: Die Dame, pp. 120-130.]
+
+    [Footnote 33: V, St. 2, p. 371.]
+
+    [Footnote 34: Anhang to XIII-XXIV, Vol. II, p. 1151.]
+
+    [Footnote 35: Letter to Raspe, Göttingen, June 2, 1770, in
+    _Weimarisches Jahrbuch_, III, p. 28.]
+
+    [Footnote 36: _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, April 27, 1773, pp. 276-8.]
+
+    [Footnote 37: _Hamburgischer unpartheyischer Correspondent_,
+    December 31, 1771.]
+
+    [Footnote 38: Other reviews are (2) and (3), _Frankfurter gel.
+    Anz._, November 27, 1772; (2) and (3), _Allg. deutsche Bibl._,
+    XIX, 2, p. 579 (Musäus) and XXIV, 1, p. 287; of the series, _Neue
+    Critische Nachrichten_ (Greifswald), IX, p. 152. There is a rather
+    full analysis of (1) in _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, 1773, pp. 276-8,
+    April 27. According to Wittenberg in the _Altonaer
+    Reichs-Postreuter_ (June 21, 1773), Holfrath Deinet was the author
+    of this review. A sentimental episode from these “Journeys” was
+    made the subject of a play called “Der Greis” and produced at
+    Munich in 1774. (See _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XXXII, 2, p. 466).]
+
+    [Footnote 39: Berlin, 1873.]
+
+    [Footnote 40: _Deutsches Museum_, VI, p. 384, and VII, p. 220.]
+
+    [Footnote 41: Reval und Leipzig, 1788, 2d edition, 1792, and
+    published in “Kleine gesammelte Schriften,” Reval und Leipzig,
+    1789, Vol. III, pp. 131-292. Reviewed in _Allg. Litt.-Zeitung_,
+    1789, II, p. 736.]
+
+    [Footnote 42: Leipzig, 1793, pp. 224, 8vo, by Georg Joachim
+    Göschen.]
+
+    [Footnote 43: See the account of Ulm, and of Lindau near the end
+    of the volume.]
+
+    [Footnote 44: See pp. 21-22 and 105.]
+
+    [Footnote 45: “Geschichte der komischen Literatur,” III, p. 625.]
+
+    [Footnote 46: See “Briefwechsel zwischen Goethe und Schiller,”
+    edited by Boxberger. Stuttgart, Spemann, Vol. I, p. 118.]
+
+    [Footnote 47: It is to be noted also that von Thümmel’s first
+    servant bears the name Johann.]
+
+    [Footnote 48: “Charis oder über das Schöne und die Schönheit in
+    den bildenden Künsten” by Ramdohr, Leipzig, 1793.]
+
+    [Footnote 49: “Schiller’s Briefe,” edited by Fritz Jonas, III,
+    pp. 316, 319. Letters of June 6 and June 23 (?), 1793.]
+
+    [Footnote 50: “Briefe von Christian Garve an Chr. Felix Weisse,
+    und einige andern Freunde,” Breslau, 1803, p. 189-190. The book
+    was reviewed favorably by the _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1794, IV,
+    p. 513.]
+
+    [Footnote 51: Falkenburg, 1796, pp. 110. Goedeke gives Bremen as
+    place of publication.]
+
+    [Footnote 52: Ebeling, III, p. 625, gives Hademann as author, and
+    Fallenburg--both probably misprints.]
+
+    [Footnote 53: The review is of “Auch Vetter Heinrich hat Launen,
+    von G. L. B., Frankfurt-am-Main, 1796”--a book evidently called
+    into being by a translation of selections from “Les Lunes du
+    Cousin Jacques.” Jünger was the translator. The original is the
+    work of Beffroy de Regny.]
+
+    [Footnote 54: Hedemann’s book is reviewed indifferently in the
+    _Allg. Litt. Zeitung._ (Jena, 1798, I, p. 173.)]
+
+    [Footnote 55: Von Rabenau wrote also “Hans Kiekindiewelts Reise”
+    (Leipzig, 1794), which Ebeling (III, p. 623) condemns as “the most
+    commonplace imitation of the most ordinary kind of the comic.”]
+
+    [Footnote 56: It is also reviewed by Musäus in the _Allg. deutsche
+    Bibl._, XIX, 2, p. 579.]
+
+    [Footnote 57: The same opinion is expressed in the _Jenaische
+    Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_, 1776, p. 465. See also
+    Schwinger’s study of “Sebaldus Nothanker,” pp. 248-251; Ebeling,
+    p. 584; _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XXXII, 1, p. 141.]
+
+    [Footnote 58: Leipzig and Liegnitz, 1775.]
+
+    [Footnote 59: The _Leipziger Museum Almanach_, 1776, pp. 69-70,
+    agrees in this view.]
+
+    [Footnote 60: XXIX, 2, p. 507.]
+
+    [Footnote 61: 1776, I, p. 272.]
+
+    [Footnote 62: An allusion to an episode of the “Sommerreise.”]
+
+    [Footnote 63: “Sophie von la Roche,” Göttinger Dissertation,
+    Einbeck, 1895.]
+
+    [Footnote 64: _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XLVII, 1, p. 435; LII, 1,
+    p. 148, and _Anhang_, XXIV-XXXVI, Vol. II, p. 903-908.]
+
+    [Footnote 65: The quotation is really from the spurious ninth
+    volume in Zückert��s translation.]
+
+    [Footnote 66: For these references to the snuff-box, see pp. 53,
+    132-3, 303 and 314.]
+
+    [Footnote 67: In “Sommerreise.”]
+
+    [Footnote 68: Other examples are found pp. 57, 90, 255, 270, 209,
+    312, 390, and elsewhere.]
+
+    [Footnote 69: See _Auserlesene Bibliothek der neuesten deutschen
+    Litteratur_, VII, p. 399; _Almanach der deutschen Musen_, 1775,
+    p. 75; _Magazin der deutschen Critik_, III, 1, p. 174;
+    _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, _July_ 1, 1774; _Allg. deutsche Bibl._,
+    XXVI, 2, 487; _Teut. Merkur_, VI, p. 353; _Gothaische Gelehrte
+    Zeitungen_, 1774, I, p. 17.]
+
+    [Footnote 70: Leipzig, 1773-76, 4 vols. “Tobias Knaut” was at
+    first ascribed to Wieland.]
+
+    [Footnote 71: Gervinus, V, pp. 225 ff.; Ebeling, III, p. 568;
+    Hillebrand, II, p. 537; Kurz, III, p. 504; Koberstein, IV, pp.
+    168 f. and V, pp. 94 f.]
+
+    [Footnote 72: The “_Magazin der deutschen Critik_” denied the
+    imitation altogether.]
+
+    [Footnote 73: I, p. 178.]
+
+    [Footnote 74: I, p. 117.]
+
+    [Footnote 75: I, pp. 148 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 76: I, p. 17.]
+
+    [Footnote 77: III, pp. 99-104.]
+
+    [Footnote 78: II, p. 44.]
+
+    [Footnote 79: For reviews of “Tobias Knaut” see _Gothaische
+    Gelehrte Zeitung_, April 13, 1774, pp. 193-5; _Magazin der
+    deutschen Critik_, III, 1, p. 185 (1774); _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._,
+    April 5, 1774, pp. 228-30; _Almanach der deutschen Musen_, 1775,
+    p. 75; _Leipziger Musen-Almanach_, 1776, pp. 68-69; _Allg.
+    deutsche Bibl._, XXX, 2, pp. 524 ff., by Biester; _Teut. Merkur_,
+    V, pp. 344-5; VII, p. 361-2, 1776, pp. 272-3, by Merck.]
+
+    [Footnote 80: Berlin, nine parts, 1775-1785. Vol I, pp. 128
+    (1775); Vol. II, pp. 122; Vol. III, pp. 141; Vol. IV, pp. 198
+    (1779); Vols. V and VI, 1780; Vols. I and II were published in a
+    new edition in 1778, and Vol. III in 1780 (a third edition).]
+
+    [Footnote 81: XXIX, 1, p. 186; XXXVI, 2, p. 601; XLIII, 1, p. 301;
+    XLVI, 2, p. 602; LXII, 1, p. 307.]
+
+    [Footnote 82: See p. 8.]
+
+    [Footnote 83: 1777, II, p. 278, review of Vols. II and III. Vol.
+    I is reviewed in _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, 1775, p. 719-20 (October
+    31), and IX in _Allg. Litt.-Zeitung_, Jena, 1785, V,
+    Supplement-Band, p. 80.]
+
+    [Footnote 84: See p. 89.]
+
+    [Footnote 85: Briefe deutscher Gelehrten aus Gleims Nachlass.
+    (Zürich, 1806.)]
+
+    [Footnote 86: Emil Kuh’s life of Hebbel, Wien, 1877, I,
+    p. 117-118.]
+
+    [Footnote 87: The “Empfindsame Reise der Prinzessin Ananas nach
+    Gros-glogau” (Riez, 1798, pp. 68, by Gräfin Lichterau?) in its
+    revolting loathesomeness and satirical meanness is an example of
+    the vulgarity which could parade under the name. In 1801 we find
+    “Prisen aus der hörneren Dose des gesunden Menschenverstandes,”
+    a series of letters of advice from father to son. A play of
+    Stephanie the younger, “Der Eigensinnige,” produced January 29,
+    1774, is said to have connection with Tristram Shandy; if so, it
+    would seem to be the sole example of direct adaptation from Sterne
+    to the German stage. “Neue Schauspiele.” Pressburg and Leipzig,
+    1771-75, Vol. X.]
+
+    [Footnote 88: P. 185, edition of 1805.]
+
+    [Footnote 89: See below p. 166-7.]
+
+    [Footnote 90: Hannover, 1792, pp. 80, 263.]
+
+    [Footnote 91: LXVI, p. 79, 1801.]
+
+    [Footnote 92: Sometime after the completion of this present essay
+    there was published in Berlin, a study of “Sterne, Hippel and Jean
+    Paul,” by J. Czerny (1904). I have not yet had an opportunity to
+    examine it.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+OPPOSITION TO STERNE AND HIS TYPE OF SENTIMENTALISM
+
+
+Sterne’s influence in Germany lived its own life, and gradually and
+imperceptibly died out of letters, as an actuating principle. Yet its
+dominion was not achieved without some measure of opposition. The
+sweeping condemnation which the soberer critics heaped upon the
+incapacities of his imitators has been exemplified in the accounts
+already given of Schummel, Bock and others. It would be interesting to
+follow a little more closely this current of antagonism. The tone of
+protest was largely directed, the edge of satire was chiefly whetted,
+against the misunderstanding adaptation of Yorick’s ways of thinking and
+writing, and only here and there were voices raised to detract in any
+way from the genius of Sterne. He never suffered in Germany such an
+eclipse of fame as was his fate in England. He was to the end of the
+chapter a recognized prophet, an uplifter and leader. The far-seeing,
+clear-minded critics, as Lessing, Goethe and Herder, expressed
+themselves quite unequivocally in this regard, and there was later no
+withdrawal of former appreciation. Indeed, Goethe’s significant words
+already quoted came from the last years of his life, when the new
+century had learned to smile almost incredulously at the relation of a
+bygone folly.
+
+In the very heyday of Sterne’s popularity, 1772, a critic of Wieland’s
+“Diogenes” in the _Auserlesene Bibliothek der neuesten deutschen
+Litteratur_[1] bewails Wieland’s imitation of Yorick, whom the critic
+deems a far inferior writer, “Sterne, whose works will disappear, while
+Wieland’s masterpieces are still the pleasure of latest posterity.” This
+review of “Diogenes” is, perhaps, rather more an exaggerated compliment
+to Wieland than a studied blow at Sterne, and this thought is recognized
+by the reviewer in the _Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_,[2] who
+designates the compliment as “dubious” and “insulting,” especially in
+view of Wieland’s own personal esteem for Sterne. Yet these words, even
+as a relative depreciation of Sterne during the period of his most
+universal popularity, are not insignificant. Heinrich Leopold Wagner,
+a tutor at Saarbrücken, in 1770, records that one member of a reading
+club which he had founded “regarded his taste as insulted because I sent
+him “Yorick’s Empfindsame Reise.”[3] But Wagner regarded this instance
+as a proof of Saarbrücken ignorance, stupidity and lack of taste; hence
+the incident is but a wavering testimony when one seeks to determine the
+amount and nature of opposition to Yorick.
+
+We find another derogatory fling at Sterne himself and a regret at the
+extent of his influence in an anonymous book entitled “Betrachtungen
+über die englischen Dichter,”[4] published at the end of the great
+Yorick decade. The author compares Sterne most unfavorably with Addison:
+“If the humor of the _Spectator_ and _Tatler_ be set off against the
+digressive whimsicality of Sterne,” he says, “it is, as if one of the
+Graces stood beside a Bacchante. And yet the pampered taste of the
+present day takes more pleasure in a Yorick than in an Addison.” But a
+reviewer in the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[5] discounts this
+author’s criticisms of men of established fame, such as Shakespeare,
+Swift, Yorick, and suggests youth, or brief acquaintance with English
+literature, as occasion for his inadequate judgments. Indeed, Yorick
+disciples were quick to resent any shadow cast upon his name. Thus the
+remark in a letter printed in the _Deutsches Museum_ that Asmus was the
+German Yorick “only a better moral character,” called forth a long
+article in the same periodical for September, 1779, by L. H. N.,[6]
+vigorously defending Sterne as a man and a writer. The greatness of his
+human heart and the breadth and depth of his sympathies are given as the
+unanswerable proofs of his moral worth. This defense is vehemently
+seconded in the same magazine by Joseph von Retzer.
+
+The one great opponent of the whole sentimental tendency, whose censure
+of Sterne’s disciples involved also a denunciation of the master
+himself, was the Göttingen professor, Georg Christopher Lichtenberg.[7]
+In his inner nature Lichtenberg had much in common with Sterne and
+Sterne’s imitators in Germany, with the whole ecstatic, eccentric
+movement of the time. Julian Schmidt[8] says: “So much is sure, at any
+rate, that the greatest adversary of the new literature was of one flesh
+and blood with it.”[9] But his period of residence in England shortly
+after Sterne’s death and his association then and afterwards with
+Englishmen of eminence render his attitude toward Sterne in large
+measure an English one, and make an idealization either of the man or of
+his work impossible for him.
+
+The contradiction between the greatness of heart evinced in Sterne’s
+novels and the narrow selfishness of the author himself is repeatedly
+noted by Lichtenberg. His knowledge of Sterne’s character was derived
+from acquaintance with many of Yorick’s intimate friends in London. In
+“Beobachtungen über den Menschen,” he says: “I can’t help smiling when
+the good souls who read Sterne with tears of rapture in their eyes fancy
+that he is mirroring himself in his book. Sterne’s simplicity, his warm
+heart, over-flowing with feeling, his soul, sympathizing with everything
+good and noble, and all the other expressions, whatever they may be; and
+the sigh ‘Alas, poor Yorick,’ which expresses everything at once--have
+become proverbial among us Germans. . . . Yorick was a crawling
+parasite, a flatterer of the great, an unendurable burr on the clothing
+of those upon whom he had determined to sponge!”[10]
+
+In “Timorus” he calls Sterne “ein scandalum Ecclesiae”;[11] he doubts
+the reality of Sterne’s nobler emotions and condemns him as a clever
+juggler with words, who by artful manipulation of certain devices
+aroused in us sympathy, and he snatches away the mask of loving, hearty
+sympathy and discloses the grinning mountebank. With keen insight into
+Sterne’s mind and method, he lays down a law by which, he says, it is
+always possible to discover whether the author of a touching passage has
+really been moved himself, or has merely with astute knowledge of the
+human heart drawn our tears by a sly choice of touching features.[12]
+
+Akin to this is the following passage in which the author is
+unquestionably thinking of Sterne, although he does not mention him:
+“A heart ever full of kindly feeling is the greatest gift which Heaven
+can bestow; on the other hand, the itching to keep scribbling about it,
+and to fancy oneself great in this scribbling is one of the greatest
+punishments which can be inflicted upon one who writes.”[13] He exposes
+the heartlessness of Sterne’s pretended sympathy: “A three groschen
+piece is ever better than a tear,”[14] and “sympathy is a poor kind of
+alms-giving,”[15] are obviously thoughts suggested by Yorick’s
+sentimentalism.[16]
+
+The folly of the “Lorenzodosen” is several times mentioned with open or
+covert ridicule[17] and the imitators of Sterne are repeatedly told the
+fruitlessness of their endeavor and the absurdity of their
+accomplishment.[18] His “Vorschlag zu einem Orbis Pictus für deutsche
+dramatische Schriftsteller, Romanendichter und Schauspieler”[19] is a
+satire on the lack of originality among those who boasted of it, and
+sought to win attention through pure eccentricities.
+
+The Fragments[20] are concerned, as the editors say, with an evil of the
+literature in those days, the period of the Sentimentalists and the
+“Kraftgenies.” Among the seven fragments may be noted: “Lorenzo
+Eschenheimers empfindsame Reise nach Laputa,” a clever satirical sketch
+in the manner of Swift, bitterly castigating that of which the English
+people claim to be the discoverers (sentimental journeying) and the
+Germans think themselves the improvers. In “Bittschrift der
+Wahnsinnigen” and “Parakletor” the unwholesome literary tendencies of
+the age are further satirized. His brief essay, “Ueber die
+Vornamen,”[21] is confessedly suggested by Sterne and the sketch “Dass
+du auf dem Blockberg wärst,”[22] with its mention of the green book
+entitled “Echte deutsche Flüche und Verwünschungen für alle Stände,” is
+manifestly to be connected in its genesis with Sterne’s famous
+collection of oaths.[23] Lichtenberg’s comparison of Sterne and Fielding
+is familiar and significant.[24] “Aus Lichtenbergs Nachlass: Aufsätze,
+Gedichte, Tagebuchblätter, Briefe,” edited by Albert Leitzmann,[25]
+contains additional mention of Sterne.
+
+The name of Helfreich Peter Sturz may well be coupled with that of
+Lichtenberg, as an opponent of the Sterne cult and its German
+distortions, for his information and point of view were likewise drawn
+direct from English sources. Sturz accompanied King Christian VII of
+Denmark on his journey to France and England, which lasted from May 6,
+1768, to January 14, 1769[26]; hence his stay in England falls in a time
+but a few months after Sterne’s death (March 18, 1768), when the
+ungrateful metropolis was yet redolent of the late lion’s wit and humor.
+Sturz was an accomplished linguist and a complete master of English,
+hence found it easy to associate with Englishmen of distinction whom he
+was privileged to meet through the favor of his royal patron. He became
+acquainted with Garrick, who was one of Sterne’s intimate friends, and
+from him Sturz learned much of Yorick, especially that more wholesome
+revulsion of feeling against Sterne’s obscenities and looseness of
+speech, which set in on English soil as soon as the potent personality
+of the author himself had ceased to compel silence and blind opinion.
+England began to wonder at its own infatuation, and, gaining
+perspective, to view the writings of Sterne in a more rational light.
+Into the first spread of this reaction Sturz was introduced, and the
+estimate of Sterne which he carried away with him was undoubtedly
+ by it. In his second letter written to the _Deutsches Museum_
+and dated August 24, 1768, but strangely not printed till April,
+1777,[27] he quotes Garrick with reference to Sterne, a notable word of
+personal censure, coming in the Germany of that decade, when Yorick’s
+admirers were most vehement in their claims. Garrick called him “a lewd
+companion, who was more loose in his intercourse than in his writings
+and generally drove all ladies away by his obscenities.”[28] Sturz adds
+that all his acquaintances asserted that Sterne’s moral character went
+through a process of disintegration in London.
+
+In the _Deutsches Museum_ for July, 1776, Sturz printed a poem entitled
+“Die Mode,” in which he treats of the slavery of fashion and in several
+stanzas deprecates the influence of Yorick.[29]
+
+  “Und so schwingt sich, zum Genie erklärt,
+  Strephon kühn auf Yorick’s Steckenpferd.
+  Trabt mäandrisch über Berg und Auen,
+  Reist empfindsam durch sein Dorfgebiet,
+  Oder singt die Jugend zu erbauen
+  Ganz Gefühl dem Gartengott ein Lied.
+  Gott der Gärten, stöhnt die Bürgerin,
+  Lächle gütig, Rasen und Schasmin
+  Haucht Gerüche! Fliehet Handlungssorgen,
+  Dass mein Liebster heute noch in Ruh
+  Sein Mark-Einsaz-Lomber spiele--Morgen,
+  Schliessen wir die Unglücksbude zu!”
+
+A passage at the end of the appendix to the twelfth Reisebrief is
+further indication of his opposition to and his contempt for the frenzy
+of German sentimentalism.
+
+The poems of Goeckingk contain allusions[30] to Sterne, to be sure
+partly indistinctive and insignificant, which, however, tend in the main
+to a ridicule of the Yorick cult and place their author ultimately among
+the satirical opponents of sentimentalism. In the “Epistel an Goldhagen
+in Petershage,” 1771, he writes:
+
+  “Doch geb ich wohl zu überlegen,
+  Was für den Weisen besser sey:
+  Die Welt wie Yorick mit zu nehmen?
+  Nach Königen, wie Diogen,
+  Sich keinen Fuss breit zu bequemen,”--
+
+a query which suggests the hesitant point of view relative to the
+advantage of Yorick’s excess of universal sympathy. In “Will auch ’n
+Genie werden” the poet steps out more unmistakably as an adversary of
+the movement and as a skeptical observer of the exercise of Yorick-like
+sympathy.
+
+  “Doch, ich Patronus, merkt das wohl,
+    Geh, im zerrissnen Kittel,
+  Hab’ aber alle Taschen voll
+    Yorickischer Capittel.
+  Doch lass’ ich, wenn mir’s Kurzweil schafft,
+    Die Hülfe fleh’nden Armen
+  Durch meinen Schweitzer, Peter Kraft,
+    Zerprügeln ohn’ Erbarmen.”
+
+Goeckingk openly satirizes the sentimental cult in the poem “Der
+Empfindsame”
+
+  “Herr Mops, der um das dritte Wort
+  Empfindsamkeit im Munde führet,
+  Und wenn ein Grashalm ihm verdorrt,
+  Gleich einen Thränenstrom verlieret--
+      . . . . . . . .
+  Mit meinem Weibchen thut er schier
+  Gleich so bekannt wie ein Franzose;
+  All’ Augenblicke bot er ihr
+  Toback aus eines Bettlers Dose
+  Mit dem, am Zaun in tiefem Schlaf
+  Er einen Tausch wie Yorik traf.
+  Der Unempfindsamkeit zum Hohn
+  Hielt er auf eine Mück’ im Glase
+  Beweglich einen Leichsermon,
+  Purrt’ eine Flieg’ ihm an der Nase,
+  Macht’ er das Fenster auf, und sprach:
+  Zieh Oheim Toby’s Fliege nach!
+  Durch Mops ist warlich meine Magd
+  Nicht mehr bey Trost, nicht mehr bey Sinnen
+  So sehr hat ihr sein Lob behagt,
+  Dass sie empfindsam allen Spinnen
+  Zu meinem Hause, frank und frey
+  Verstattet ihre Weberey.
+  Er trat mein Hündchen auf das Bein,
+  Hilf Himmel! Welch’ ein Lamentiren!
+  Es hätte mögen einen Stein
+  Der Strasse zum Erbarmen rühren,
+  Auch wedelt’ ihm in einem Nu
+  Das Hündgen schon Vergebung zu.
+  Ach! Hündchen, du beschämst mich sehr,
+  Denn dass mir Mops von meinem Leben
+  Drey Stunden stahl, wie schwer, wie schwer,
+  Wird’s halten, das ihm zu vergeben?
+  Denn Spinnen werden oben ein
+  Wohl gar noch meine Mörder seyn.”
+
+This poem is a rather successful bit of ridicule cast on the
+over-sentimental who sought to follow Yorick’s foot-prints.
+
+The other allusions to Sterne[31] are concerned with his hobby-horse
+idea, for this seems to gain the poet’s approbation and to have no share
+in his censure.
+
+The dangers of overwrought sentimentality, of heedless surrender to the
+emotions and reveling in their exercise,--perils to whose magnitude
+Sterne so largely contributed--were grasped by saner minds, and
+energetic protest was entered against such degradation of mind and
+futile expenditure of feeling.
+
+Joachim Heinrich Campe, the pedagogical theorist, published in 1779[32]
+a brochure, “Ueber Empfindsamkeit und Empfindelei in pädagogischer
+Hinsicht,” in which he deprecates the tendency of “Empfindsamkeit” to
+degenerate into “Empfindelei,” and explains at some length the
+deleterious effects of an unbridled “Empfindsamkeit” and an unrestrained
+outpouring of sympathetic emotions which finds no actual expression, no
+relief in deeds. The substance of this warning essay is repeated, often
+word for word, but considerably amplified with new material, and
+rendered more convincing by increased breadth of outlook and
+positiveness of assertion, the fruit of six years of observation and
+reflection, as part of a treatise, entitled, “Von der nöthigen Sorge für
+die Erhaltung des Gleichgewichts unter den menschlichen Kräften:
+Besondere Warnung vor dem Modefehler die Empfindsamkeit zu überspannen.”
+It is in the third volume of the “Allgemeine Revision des gesammten
+Schul- und Erziehungswesens.”[33] The differentiation between
+“Empfindsamkeit” and “Empfindelei” is again and more accessibly repeated
+in Campe’s later work, “Ueber die Reinigung und Bereicherung der
+deutschen Sprache.”[34] In the second form of this essay (1785) Campe
+speaks of the sentimental fever as an epidemic by no means entirely
+cured.
+
+His analysis of “Empfindsamkeit” is briefly as follows: “Empfindsamkeit
+ist die Empfänglichkeit zu Empfindnissen, in denen etwas Sittliches d.i.
+Freude oder Schmerz über etwas sittlich Gutes oder sittlich Böses, ist;”
+yet in common use the term is applied only to a certain high degree of
+such susceptibility. This sensitiveness is either in harmony or discord
+with the other powers of the body, especially with the reason: if
+equilibrium is maintained, this sensitiveness is a fair, worthy,
+beneficent capacity (Fähigkeit); if exalted over other forces, it
+becomes to the individual and to society the most destructive and
+baneful gift which refinement and culture may bestow. Campe proposes to
+limit the use of the word “Empfindsamkeit” to the justly proportioned
+manifestation of this susceptibility; the irrational, exaggerated
+development he would designate “überspannte Empfindsamkeit.”
+“Empfindelei,” he says, “ist Empfindsamkeit, die sich auf eine
+kleinliche alberne, vernunftlose und lächerliche Weise, also da äussert,
+wo sie nicht hingehörte.” Campe goes yet further in his distinctions and
+invents the monstrous word, “Empfindsamlichkeit” for the sentimentality
+which is superficial, affected, sham (geheuchelte). Campe’s newly coined
+word was never accepted, and in spite of his own efforts and those of
+others to honor the word “Empfindsamkeit” and restrict it to the
+commendable exercise of human sympathy, the opposite process was
+victorious and “Empfindsamkeit,” maligned and scorned, came to mean
+almost exclusively, unless distinctly modified, both what Campe
+designates as “überspannte Empfindsamkeit” and “Empfindelei,” and also
+the absurd hypocrisy of the emotions which he seeks to cover with his
+new word. Campe’s farther consideration contains a synopsis of method
+for distinguishing “Empfindsamkeit” from “Empfindelei:” in the first
+place through the manner of their incitement,--the former is natural,
+the latter is fantastic, working without sense of the natural properties
+of things. In this connection he instances as examples, Yorick’s feeling
+of shame after his heartless and wilful treatment of Father Lorenzo,
+and, in contrast with this, the shallowness of Sterne’s imitators who
+whimpered over the death of a violet, and stretched out their arms and
+threw kisses to the moon and stars. In the second place they are
+distinguished in the manner of their expression: “Empfindsamkeit” is
+“secret, unpretentious, laconic and serious;” the latter attracts
+attention, is theatrical, voluble, whining, vain. Thirdly, they are
+known by their fruits, in the one case by deeds, in the other by shallow
+pretension. In the latter part of his volume, Campe treats the problem
+of preventing the perverted form of sensibility by educative endeavor.
+
+The word “Empfindsamkeit” was afterwards used sometimes simply as an
+equivalent of “Empfindung,” or sensation, without implication of the
+manner of sensing: for example one finds in the _Morgenblatt_[35] a poem
+named “Empfindsamkeiten am Rheinfalle vom Felsen der Galerie
+abgeschrieben.” In the poem various travelers are made to express their
+thoughts in view of the waterfall. A poet cries, “Ye gods, what a hell
+of waters;” a tradesman, “away with the rock;” a Briton complains of the
+“confounded noise,” and so on. It is plain that the word suffered a
+generalization of meaning.
+
+A poetical expression of Campe’s main message is found in a book called
+“Winterzeitvertreib eines königlichen preussischen Offiziers.”[36]
+A poem entitled “Das empfindsame Herz” (p. 210) has the following lines:
+
+  “Freund, ein empfindsames Herz ist nicht für diese Welt,
+  Von Schelmen wird’s verlacht, von Thoren wirds geprellt,
+  Doch üb’ im Stillen das, was seine Stimme spricht.
+  Dein Lohn ist dir gewiss, nur hier auf Erden nicht.”
+
+In a similar vein of protest is the letter of G. Hartmann[37] to Denis,
+dated Tübingen, February 10, 1773, in which the writer condemns the
+affected sentimentalism of Jacobi and others as damaging to morals.
+“O best teacher,” he pleads with Denis, “continue to represent these
+performances as unworthy.”
+
+Möser in his “Patriotische Phantasien”[38] represents himself as
+replying to a maid-in-waiting who writes in distress about her young
+mistress, because the latter is suffering from “epidemic”
+sentimentalism, and is absurdly unreasonable in her practical incapacity
+and her surrender to her feelings. Möser’s sound advice is the
+substitution of genuine emotion. The whole section is entitled “Für die
+Empfindsamen.”
+
+Knigge, in his “Umgang mit Menschen,” plainly has those Germans in mind
+who saw in Uncle Toby’s treatment of the fly an incentive to
+unreasonable emphasis upon the relations between man and the animal
+world, when, in the chapter on the treatment of animals, he protests
+against the silly, childish enthusiasm of those who cannot see a hen
+killed, but partake of fowl greedily on the table, or who passionately
+open the window for a fly.[39] A work was also translated from the
+French of Mistelet, which dealt with the problem of “Empfindsamkeit:”
+it was entitled “Ueber die Empfindsamkeit in Rücksicht auf das Drama,
+die Romane und die Erziehung.”[40] An article condemning exaggerated
+sentimentality was published in the _Deutsches Museum_ for February,
+1783, under the title “Etwas über deutsche Empfindsamkeit.”
+
+Goethe’s “Der Triumph der Empfindsamkeit” is a merry satire on the
+sentimental movement, but is not to be connected directly with Sterne,
+since Goethe is more particularly concerned with the petty imitators of
+his own “Werther.” Baumgartner in his Life of Goethe asserts that
+Sterne’s Sentimental Journey was one of the books found inside the
+ridiculous doll which the love-sick Prince Oronaro took about with him.
+This is not a necessary interpretation, for Andrason, when he took up
+the first book, exclaimed merely “Empfindsamkeiten,” and, as Strehlke
+observes,[41] it is not necessary here to think of a single work,
+because the term was probably used in a general way, referring possibly
+to a number of then popular imitations.
+
+The satires on “Empfindsamkeit” began to grow numerous at the end of the
+seventies and the beginning of the eighties, so that the _Allgemeine
+Litteratur-Zeitung_, in October, 1785, feels justified in remarking that
+such attempts are gradually growing as numerous as the “Empfindsame
+Romane” themselves, and wishes, “so may they rot together in a
+grave of oblivion.”[42] Anton Reiser, the hero of Karl Philipp
+Moritz’sautobiographical novel (Berlin, 1785-90), begins a satire on
+affected sentimentalism, which was to bring shafts of ridicule to bear
+on the popular sham, and to throw appreciative light on the real
+manifestation of genuine feeling.[43] A kindred satire was “Die
+Geschichte eines Genies,” Leipzig, 1780, two volumes, in which the
+prevailing fashion of digression is incidentally satirized.[44]
+
+The most extensive satire on the sentimental movement, and most vehement
+protest against its excesses is the four volume novel, “Der
+Empfindsame,”[45] published anonymously in Erfurt, 1781-3, but
+acknowledged in the introduction to the fourth volume by its author,
+Christian Friedrich Timme. He had already published one novel in which
+he exemplified in some measure characteristics of the novelists whom he
+later sought to condemn and satirize, that is, this first novel,
+“Faramond’s Familiengeschichte,”[46] is digressive and episodical. “Der
+Empfindsame” is much too bulky to be really effective as a satire; the
+reiteration of satirical jibes, the repetition of satirical motifs
+slightly varied, or thinly veiled, recoil upon the force of the work
+itself and injure the effect. The maintenance of a single satire through
+the thirteen to fourteen hundred pages which four such volumes contain
+is a Herculean task which we can associate only with a genius like
+Cervantes. Then, too, Timme is an excellent narrator, and his original
+purpose is constantly obscured by his own interest and the reader’s
+interest in Timme’s own story, in his original creations, in the variety
+of his characters. These obtrude upon the original aim of the book and
+absorb the action of the story in such a measure that Timme often for
+whole chapters and sections seems to forget entirely the convention of
+his outsetting.
+
+His attack is threefold, the centers of his opposition being “Werther,”
+“Siegwart” and Sterne, as represented by their followers and imitators.
+But the campaign is so simple, and the satirist has been to such trouble
+to label with care the direction of his own blows, that it is not
+difficult to separate the thrusts intended for each of his foes.
+
+Timme’s initial purpose is easily illustrated by reference to his first
+chapter, where his point of view is compactly put and the soundness of
+his critical judgment and the forcefulness of his satirical bent are
+unequivocally demonstrated: This chapter, which, as he says, “may serve
+instead of preface and introduction,” is really both, for the narrative
+really begins only in the second chapter. “Every nation, every age,”
+he says, “has its own doll as a plaything for its children, and
+sentimentality (Empfindsamkeit) is ours.” Then with lightness and grace,
+coupled with unquestionable critical acumen, he traces briefly the
+growth of “Empfindsamkeit” in Germany. “Kaum war der liebenswürdige
+Sterne auf sein Steckenpferd gestiegen, und hatte es uns vorgeritten;
+so versammelten sich wie gewöhnlich in Teutschland alle Jungen an ihn
+herum, hingen sich an ihn, oder schnizten sich sein Steckenpferd in der
+Geschwindigkeit nach, oder brachen Stecken vom nächsten Zaun oder rissen
+aus einem Reissigbündel den ersten besten Prügel, setzten sich darauf
+und ritten mit einer solchen Wut hinter ihm drein, dass sie einen
+Luftwirbel veranlassten, der alles, was ihm zu nahe kam, wie ein
+reissender Strom mit sich fortris, wär es nur unter den Jungen
+geblieben, so hätte es noch sein mögen; aber unglücklicherweise fanden
+auch Männer Geschmack an dem artigen Spielchen, sprangen vom ihrem Weg
+ab und ritten mit Stok und Degen und Amtsperüken unter den Knaben
+einher. Freilich erreichte keiner seinen Meister, den sie sehr bald aus
+dem Gesicht verloren, und nun die possirlichsten Sprünge von der Welt
+machen und doch bildet sich jeder der Affen ein, er reite so schön wie
+der Yorick.”[47]
+
+This lively description of Sterne’s part in this uprising is, perhaps,
+the best brief characterization of the phenomenon and is all the more
+significant as coming from the pen of a contemporary, and written only
+about a decade after the inception of the sentimental movement as
+influenced and furthered by the translation of the Sentimental Journey.
+It represents a remarkable critical insight into contemporaneous
+literary movements, the rarest of all critical gifts, but it has been
+overlooked by investigators who have sought and borrowed brief words to
+characterize the epoch.[48]
+
+The contribution of “Werther” and “Siegwart” to the sentimental frenzy
+are even as succinctly and graphically designated; the latter book,
+published in 1776, is held responsible for a recrudescence of the
+phenomenon, because it gave a new direction, a new tone to the faltering
+outbursts of Sterne’s followers and indicated a more comprehensible and
+hence more efficient, outlet for their sentimentalism. Now again, “every
+nook resounded with the whining sentimentality, with sighs, kisses,
+forget-me-nots, moonshine, tears and ecstasies;” those hearts excited by
+Yorick’s gospel, gropingly endeavoring to find an outlet for their own
+emotions which, in their opinion were characteristic of their arouser
+and stimulator, found through “Siegwart” a solution of their problem,
+a relief for their emotional excess.
+
+Timme insists that his attack is only on Yorick’s mistaken followers and
+not on Sterne himself. He contrasts the man and his imitators at the
+outset sharply by comments on a quotation from the novel, “Fragmente zur
+Geschichte der Zärtlichkeit”[49] as typifying the outcry of these petty
+imitators against the heartlessness of their misunderstanding
+critics,--“Sanfter, dultender Yorick,” he cries, “das war nicht deine
+Sprache! Du priesest dich nicht mit einer pharisäischen
+Selbstgenügsamkeit und schimpftest nicht auf die, die dir nicht ähnlich
+waren, ‘Doch! sprachst Du am Grabe Lorenzos, doch ich bin so weichherzig
+wie ein Weib, aber ich bitte die Welt nicht zu lachen, sondern mich zu
+bedauern!’ Ruhe deinem Staube, sanfter, liebevoller Dulter! und nur
+einen Funken deines Geistes deinen Affen.”[50] He writes not for the
+“gentle, tender souls on whom the spirit of Yorick rests,”[51] for those
+whose feelings are easily aroused and who make quick emotional return,
+who love and do the good, the beautiful, the noble; but for those who
+“bei dem wonnigen Wehen und Anhauchen der Gottheithaltenden Natur, in
+huldigem Liebessinn und himmelsüssem Frohsein dahin schmelzt . . die ihr
+vom Sang der Liebe, von Mondschein und Tränen euch nährt,” etc.,
+etc.[52] In these few words he discriminates between the man and his
+influence, and outlines his intentions to satirize and chastise the
+insidious disease which had fastened itself upon the literature of the
+time. This passage, with its implied sincerity of appreciation for the
+real Yorick, is typical of Timme’s attitude throughout the book, and his
+concern lest he should appear at any time to draw the English novelist
+into his condemnation leads him to reiterate this statement of purpose
+and to insist upon the contrast.
+
+Brükmann, a young theological student, for a time an intimate of the
+Kurt home, is evidently intended to represent the soberer, well-balanced
+thought of the time in opposition to the feverish sentimental frenzy of
+the Kurt household. He makes an exception of Yorick in his condemnation
+of the literary favorites, the popular novelists of that day, but he
+deplores the effects of misunderstood imitation of Yorick’s work, and
+argues his case with vehemence against this sentimental group.[53]
+Brükmann differentiates too the different kinds of sentimentalism and
+their effects in much the same fashion as Campe in his treatise
+published two years before.[54] In all this Brükmann may be regarded as
+the mouth-piece of the author. The clever daughter of the gentleman who
+entertains Pank at his home reads a satirical poem on the then popular
+literature, but expressly disclaims any attack on Yorick or “Siegwart,”
+and asserts that her bitterness is intended for their imitators. Lotte,
+Pank’s sensible and unsentimental, long-suffering fiancée, makes further
+comment on the “apes” of Yorick, “Werther,” and “Siegwart.”
+
+The unfolding of the story is at the beginning closely suggestive of
+Tristram Shandy and is evidently intended to follow the Sterne novel in
+a measure as a model. As has already been suggested, Timme’s own
+narrative powers balk the continuity of the satire, but aid the interest
+and the movement of the story. The movement later is, in large measure,
+simple and direct. The hero is first introduced at his christening, and
+the discussion of fitting names in the imposing family council is taken
+from Walter Shandy’s hobby. The narrative here, in Sterne fashion, is
+interrupted by a Shandean digression[55] concerning the influence of
+clergymen’s collars and neck-bands upon the thoughts and minds of their
+audiences. Such questions of chance influence of trifles upon the
+greater events of life is a constant theme of speculation among the
+pragmatics; no petty detail is overlooked in the possibility of its
+portentous consequences. Walter Shandy’s hyperbolic philosophy turned
+about such a focus, the exaltation of insignificant trifles into
+mainsprings of action. Shandy bristles with such discussions.
+
+In Shandy fashion the story doubles on itself after the introduction and
+gives minute details of young Kurt’s family and the circumstances prior
+to his birth. The later discussion[56] in the family council concerning
+the necessary qualities in the tutor to be hired for the young Kurt is
+distinctly a borrowing from Shandy.[57] Timme imitates Sterne’s method
+of ridiculing pedantry; the requirements listed by the Diaconus and the
+professor are touches of Walter Shandy’s misapplied, warped, and
+undigested wisdom. In the nineteenth chapter of the third volume[58] we
+find a Sterne passage associating itself with Shandy rather more than
+the Sentimental Journey. It is a playful thrust at a score of places in
+Shandy in which the author converses with the reader about the progress
+of the book, and allows the mechanism of book-printing and the vagaries
+of publishers to obtrude themselves upon the relation between writer and
+reader. As a reminiscence of similar promises frequent in Shandy, the
+author promises in the first chapter of the fourth volume to write a
+book with an eccentric title dealing with a list of absurdities.[59]
+
+But by far the greater proportion of the allusions to Sterne associate
+themselves with the Sentimental Journey. A former acquaintance of Frau
+Kurt, whose favorite reading was Shandy, Wieland’s “Sympatien” and the
+Sentimental Journey, serves to satirize the influence of Yorick’s ass
+episode; this gentleman wept at the sight of an ox at work, and never
+ate meat lest he might incur the guilt of the murder of these sighing
+creatures.[60]
+
+The most constantly recurring form of satire is that of contradiction
+between the sentimental expression of elevated, universal sympathy and
+broader humanity and the failure to seize an immediately presented
+opportunity to embody desire in deed. Thus Frau Kurt,[61] buried in
+“Siegwart,” refuses persistently to be disturbed by those in immediate
+need of a succoring hand. Pankraz and his mother while on a drive
+discover an old man weeping inconsolably over the death of his dog.[62]
+The scene of the dead ass at Nampont occurs at once to Madame Kurt and
+she compares the sentimental content of these two experiences in
+deprivation, finding the palm of sympathy due to the melancholy
+dog-bewailer before her, thereby exalting the sentimental privilege of
+her own experience as a witness. Quoting Yorick, she cries: “Shame on
+the world! If men only loved one another as this man loves his dog!”[63]
+At this very moment the reality of her sympathy is put to the test by
+the approach of a wretched woman bearing a wretched child, begging for
+assistance, but Frau Kurt, steeped in the delight of her sympathetic
+emotion, repulses her rudely. Pankraz, on going home, takes his Yorick
+and reads again the chapter containing the dead-ass episode; he spends
+much time in determining which event was the more affecting, and tears
+flow at the thought of both animals. In the midst of his vehement curses
+on “unempfindsame Menschen,” “a curse upon you, you hard-hearted
+monsters, who treat God’s creatures unkindly,” etc., he rebukes the
+gentle advances of his pet cat Riepel, rebuffs her for disturbing his
+“Wonnegefühl,” in such a heartless and cruel way that, through an
+accident in his rapt delight at human sympathy, the ultimate result is
+the poor creature’s death by his own fault.
+
+In the second volume[64] Timme repeats this method of satire, varying
+conditions only, yet forcing the matter forward, ultimately, into the
+grotesque comic, but again taking his cue from Yorick’s narrative about
+the ass at Nampont, acknowledging specifically his linking of the
+adventure of Madame Kurt to the episode in the Sentimental Journey. Frau
+Kurt’s ardent sympathy is aroused for a goat drawing a wagon, and driven
+by a peasant. She endeavors to interpret the sighs of the beast and
+finally insists upon the release of the animal, which she asserts is
+calling to her for aid. The poor goat’s parting bleat after its
+departing owner is construed as a curse on the latter’s hardheartedness.
+Frau Kurt embraces and kisses the animal. During the whole scene the
+neighboring village is in flames, houses are consumed and poor people
+rendered homeless, but Frau Kurt expresses no concern, even regarding
+the catastrophe as a merited affliction, because of the villagers’ lack
+of sympathy with their domestic animals. The same means of satire is
+again employed in the twelfth chapter of the same volume.[65] Pankraz,
+overcome with pain because Lotte, his betrothed, fails to unite in his
+sentimental enthusiasm and persists in common-sense, tries to bury his
+grief in a wild ride through night and storm. His horse tramples
+ruthlessly on a poor old man in the road; the latter cries for help, but
+Pank, buried in contemplation of Lotte’s lack of sensibility, turns a
+deaf ear to the appeal.
+
+In the seventeenth chapter of the third volume, a sentimental journey is
+proposed, and most of the fourth volume is an account of this
+undertaking and the events arising from its complications. Pankraz’s
+adventures are largely repetitions of former motifs, and illustrate the
+fate indissolubly linked with an imitation of Sterne’s related converse
+with the fair sex.[66]
+
+The journey runs, after a few adventures, over into an elaborate
+practical joke in which Pankraz himself is burlesqued by his
+contemporaries. Timme carries his poignancy and keenness of satire over
+into bluntness of burlesque blows in a large part of these closing
+scenes. Pankraz loses the sympathy of the reader, involuntarily and
+irresistibly conceded him, and becomes an inhuman freak of absurdity,
+beyond our interest.[67]
+
+Pankraz is brought into disaster by his slavish following of suggestions
+aroused through fancied parallels between his own circumstances and
+those related of Yorick. He finds a sorrowing woman[68] sitting, like
+Maria of Moulines, beneath a poplar tree. Pankraz insists upon carrying
+out this striking analogy farther, which the woman, though she betrays
+no knowledge of the Sentimental Journey, is not loath to accede to, as
+it coincides with her own nefarious purposes. Timme in the following
+scene strikes a blow at the abjectly sensual involved in much of the
+then sentimental, unrecognized and unrealized.
+
+Pankraz meets a man carrying a cage of monkeys.[69] He buys the poor
+creatures from their master, even as Frau Kurt had purchased the goat.
+The similarity to the Starling narrative in Sterne’s volume fills
+Pankraz’s heart with glee. The Starling wanted to get out and so do his
+monkeys, and Pankraz’s only questions are: “What did Yorick do?” “What
+would he do?” He resolves to do more than is recorded of Yorick, release
+the prisoners at all costs. Yorick’s monolog occurs to him and he
+parodies it. The animals greet their release in the thankless way
+natural to them,--a point already enforced in the conduct of Frau Kurt’s
+goat.
+
+In the last chapter of the third volume Sterne’s relationship to “Eliza”
+is brought into the narrative. Pankraz writes a letter wherein he
+declares amid exaggerated expressions of bliss that he has found
+“Elisa,” his “Elisa.” This is significant as showing that the name Eliza
+needed no further explanation, but, from the popularity of the
+Yorick-Eliza letters and the wide-spread admiration of the relation, the
+name Eliza was accepted as a type of that peculiar feminine relation
+which existed between Sterne and Mrs. Draper, and which appealed to
+Sterne’s admirers.
+
+Pankraz’s new Order of the Garter, born of his wild frenzy[70] of
+devotion over this article of Elisa’s wearing apparel, is an open satire
+on Leuchsenring’s and Jacobi’s silly efforts noted elsewhere. The garter
+was to bear Elisa’s silhouette and the device “Orden vom Strumpfband der
+empfindsamen Liebe.”
+
+The elaborate division of moral preachers[71] into classes may be
+further mentioned as an adaptation from Sterne, cast in Yorick’s
+mock-scientific manner.
+
+A consideration of these instances of allusion and adaptation with a
+view to classification, reveals a single line of demarkation obvious and
+unaltered. And this line divides the references to Sterne’s sentimental
+influence from those to his whimsicality of narration, his vagaries of
+thought; that is, it follows inevitably, and represents precisely the
+two aspects of Sterne as an individual, and as an innovator in the world
+of letters. But that a line of cleavage is further equally discernible
+in the treatment of these two aspects is not to be overlooked. On the
+one hand is the exaggerated, satirical, burlesque; on the other the
+modified, lightened, softened. And these two lines of division coincide
+precisely.
+
+The slight touches of whimsicality, suggesting Sterne, are a part of
+Timme’s own narrative, evidently adapted with approval and appreciation;
+they are never carried to excess, satirized or burlesqued, but may be
+regarded as purposely adopted, as a result of admiration and presumably
+as a suggestion to the possible workings of sprightliness and grace on
+the heaviness of narrative prose at that time. Timme, as a clear-sighted
+contemporary, certainly confined the danger of Sterne’s literary
+influence entirely to the sentimental side, and saw no occasion to
+censure an importation of Sterne’s whimsies. Pank’s ode on the death of
+Riepel, written partly in dashes and partly in exclamation points, is
+not a disproof of this assertion. Timme is not satirizing Sterne’s
+whimsical use of typographical signs, but rather the Germans who
+misunderstood Sterne and tried to read a very peculiar and precious
+meaning into these vagaries. The sentimental is, however, always
+burlesqued and ridiculed; hence the satire is directed largely against
+the Sentimental Journey, and Shandy is followed mainly in those
+sections, which, we are compelled to believe, he wrote for his own
+pleasure, and in which he was led on by his own interest.
+
+The satire on sentimentalism is purposeful, the imitation and adaptation
+of the whimsical and original is half-unconscious, and bespeaks
+admiration and commendation.
+
+Timme’s book was sufficiently popular to demand a second edition, but it
+never received the critical examination its merits deserved. Wieland’s
+_Teutscher Merkur_ and the _Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_
+ignore it completely. The _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitungen_ announces the
+book in its issue of August 2, 1780, but the book itself is not reviewed
+in its columns. The _Jenaische Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen_ accords
+it a colorless and unappreciative review in which Timme is reproached
+for lack of order in his work (a censure more applicable to the first
+volume), and further for his treatment of German authors then
+popular.[72] The latter statement stamps the review as unsympathetic
+with Timme’s satirical purpose. In the _Erfurtische gelehrte
+Zeitung_,[73] in the very house of its own publication, the novel is
+treated in a long review which hesitates between an acknowledged lack of
+comprehension and indignant denunciation. The reviewer fears that the
+author is a “Pasquillant oder gar ein Indifferentist” and hopes the
+public will find no pleasure (Geschmack) in such bitter jesting
+(Schnaken). He is incensed at Timme’s contention that the Germans were
+then degenerate as compared with their Teutonic forefathers, and Timme’s
+attack on the popular writers is emphatically resented. “Aber nun kömmt
+das Schlimme erst,” he says, “da führt er aus Schriften unserer grössten
+Schenies, aus den Lieblings-büchern der Nazion, aus Werther’s Leiden,
+dem Siegwart, den Fragmenten zur Geschichte der Zärtlichkeit, Müller’s
+Freuden und Leiden, Klinger’s Schriften u.s.w. zur Bestätigung seiner
+Behauptung, solche Stellen mit solcher Bosheit an, dass man in der That
+ganz verzweifelt wird, ob sie von einem Schenie oder von einem Affen
+geschrieben sind.”
+
+In the number for July 6, 1782, the second and third volumes are
+reviewed. Pity is expressed for the poor author, “denn ich fürchte es
+wird sich ein solches Geschrey wider ihn erheben, wovon ihm die Ohren
+gällen werden.” Timme wrote reviews for this periodical, and the general
+tone of this notice renders it not improbable that he roguishly wrote
+the review himself or inspired it, as a kind of advertisement for the
+novel itself. It is certainly a challenge to the opposing party.
+
+The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[74] alone seems to grasp the full
+significance of the satire. “We acknowledge gladly,” says the reviewer,
+“that the author has with accuracy noted and defined the rise,
+development, ever-increasing contagion and plague-like prevalence of
+this moral pestilence; . . . that the author has penetrated deep into
+the knowledge of this disease and its causes.” He wishes for an
+engraving of the Sterne hobby-horse cavalcade described in the first
+chapter, and begs for a second and third volume, “aus deutscher
+Vaterlandsliebe.” Timme is called “Our German Cervantes.”
+
+The second and third volumes are reviewed[75] with a brief word of
+continued approbation.
+
+A novel not dissimilar in general purpose, but less successful in
+accomplishment, is Wezel’s “Wilhelmine Arend, oder die Gefahren der
+Empfindsamkeit,” Dessau and Leipzig, 1782, two volumes. The book is more
+earnest in its conception. Its author says in the preface that his
+desire was to attack “Empfindsamkeit” on its dangerous and not on its
+comic side, hence the book avoids in the main the lighthearted and
+telling burlesque, the Hudibrastic satire of Timme’s novel. He works
+along lines which lead through increasing trouble to a tragic
+_dénouement_.
+
+The preface contains a rather elaborate classification of kinds of
+“Empfindsamkeit,” which reminds one of Sterne’s mock-scientific
+discrimination. This classification is according to temperament,
+education, example, custom, reading, strength or weakness of the
+imagination; there is a happy, a sad, a gentle, a vehement, a dallying,
+a serious, a melancholy, sentimentality, the last being the most poetic,
+the most perilous.
+
+The leading character, Wilhelmine, is, like most characters which are
+chosen and built up to exemplify a preconceived theory, quite
+unconvincing. In his foreword Wezel analyzes his heroine’s character and
+details at some length the motives underlying the choice of attributes
+and the building up of her personality. This insight into the author’s
+scaffolding, this explanation of the mechanism of his puppet-show, does
+not enhance the aesthetic, or the satirical force of the figure. She is
+not conceived in flesh and blood, but is made to order.
+
+The story begins in letters,--a method of story-telling which was the
+legacy of Richardson’s popularity--and this device is again employed in
+the second volume (Part VII). Wilhelmine Arend is one of those whom
+sentimentalism seized like a maddening pestiferous disease. We read of
+her that she melted into tears when her canary bird lost a feather, that
+she turned white and trembled when Dr. Braun hacked worms to pieces in
+conducting a biological experiment. On one occasion she refused to drive
+home, as this would take the horses out in the noonday sun and disturb
+their noonday meal,--an exorbitant sympathy with brute creation which
+owes its popularity to Yorick’s ass. It is not necessary here to relate
+the whole story. Wilhelmine’s excessive sentimentality estranges her
+from her husband, a weak brutish man, who has no comprehension of her
+feelings. He finds a refuge in the debasing affections of a French
+opera-singer, Pouilly, and gradually sinks to the very lowest level of
+degradation. This all is accomplished by the interposition and active
+concern of friends, by efforts at reunion managed by benevolent
+intriguers and kindly advisers.
+
+The advice of Drs. Braun and Irwin is especially significant in its sane
+characterization of Wilhelmine’s mental disorders, and the observations
+upon “Empfindsamkeit” which are scattered through the book are
+trenchant, and often markedly clever. Wilhelmine holds sentimental
+converse with three kindred spirits in succession, Webson, Dittmar, and
+Geissing. The first reads touching tales aloud to her and they two unite
+their tears, a sentimental idea dating from the Maria of Moulines
+episode. The part which the physical body, with its demands and desires
+unacknowledged and despised, played as the unseen moving power in these
+three friendships is clearly and forcefully brought out. Allusion to
+Timme’s elucidation of this principle, which, though concealed, underlay
+much of the sentimentalism of this epoch, has already been made. Finally
+Wilhelmine is persuaded by her friends to leave her husband, and the
+scene is shifted to a little Harz village, where she is married to
+Webson; but the unreasonableness of her nature develops inordinately,
+and she is unable ever to submit to any reasonable human relations, and
+the rest of the tale is occupied with her increasing mental aberration,
+her retirement to a hermit-like seclusion, and her death.
+
+The book, as has been seen, presents a rather pitiful satire on the
+whole sentimental epoch, not treating any special manifestation, but
+applicable in large measure equally to those who joined in expressing
+the emotional ferment to which Sterne, “Werther” and “Siegwart” gave
+impulse, and for which they secured literary recognition. Wezel fails as
+a satirist, partly because his leading character is not convincing, but
+largely because his satirical exaggeration, and distortion of
+characteristics, which by a process of selection renders satire
+efficient, fails to make the exponent of sentimentalism ludicrous, but
+renders her pitiful. At the same time this satirical warping impairs the
+value of the book as a serious presentation of a prevailing malady. The
+book falls between two stools.
+
+A precursor of “Wilhelmine Arend” from Wezel’s own hand was “Die
+unglückliche Schwäche,” which was published in the second volume of his
+“Satirische Erzählungen.”[76] In this book we have a character with a
+heart like the sieve of the Danaids, and to Frau Laclerc is attributed
+“an exaggerated softness of heart which was unable to resist a single
+impression, and was carried away at any time, wherever the present
+impulse bore it.” The plot of the story, with the intrigues of Graf. Z.,
+the Pouilly of the piece, the separation of husband and wife, their
+reunion, the disasters following directly in the train of weakness of
+heart in opposing sentimental attacks, are undoubtedly children of the
+same purpose as that which brought forth “Wilhelmine Arend.”
+
+Another satirical protest was, as one reads from a contemporary review,
+“Die Tausend und eine Masche, oder Yoricks wahres Shicksall, ein blaues
+Mährchen von Herrn Stanhope” (1777, 8vo). The book purports to be the
+posthumous work of a young Englishman, who, disgusted with Yorick’s
+German imitators, grew finally indignant with Yorick himself. The
+_Almanach der deutschen Musen_ (1778, pp. 99-100) finds that the author
+misjudges Yorick. The book is written in part if not entirely in verse.
+
+In 1774 a correspondent of Wieland’s _Merkur_ writes, begging this
+authoritative periodical to condemn a weekly paper just started in
+Prague, entitled “Wochentlich Etwas,” which is said to be written in the
+style of Tristram Shandy and the Sentimental Journey, M . . . R . . .
+and “die Beyträge zur Geheimen Geschichte des menschlichen Herzens und
+Verstandes,” and thereby is a shame to “our dear Bohemia.”
+
+In this way it is seen how from various sources and in various ways
+protest was made against the real or distorted message of Laurence
+Sterne.
+
+
+    [Footnote 1: I, p. 103, Lemgo.]
+
+    [Footnote 2: 1772, July 7.]
+
+    [Footnote 3: See Erich Schmidt’s “Heinrich Leopold Wagner,
+    Goethe’s Jugendgenosse,” 2d edition, Jena, 1879, p. 82.]
+
+    [Footnote 4: Berlin, 1779, pp. 86.]
+
+    [Footnote 5: XLIV, 1, p. 105.]
+
+    [Footnote 6: Probably Ludwig Heinrich von Nicolay, the poet and
+    fable-writer (1727-1820). The references to the _Deutsches Museum_
+    are respectively VI, p. 384; VIII, pp. 220-235; X, pp. 464 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 7: “Georg Christoph Lichtenberg’s Vermischte Schriften,”
+    edited by Ludwig Christian Lichtenberg and Friedrich Kries, new
+    edition, Göttingen, 1844-46, 8 vols.]
+
+    [Footnote 8: “Geschichte des geistigen Lebens in Deutschland,”
+    Leipzig, 1862, II, p. 585.]
+
+    [Footnote 9: See also Gervinus, “Geschichte der deutschen
+    Dichtung,” 5th edition, 1874, V. p. 194. “Ein Original selbst und
+    mehr als irgend einer befähigt die humoristischen Romane auf
+    deutschen Boden zu verpflanzen.” Gervinus says also (V, p. 221)
+    that the underlying thought of Musäus in his “Physiognomische
+    Reisen” would, if handled by Lichtenberg, have made the most
+    fruitful stuff for a humorous novel in Sterne’s style.]
+
+    [Footnote 10: I, p. 184 f.]
+
+    [Footnote 11: III, p. 112.]
+
+    [Footnote 12: II, 11-12: “Im ersten Fall wird er nie, nach dem die
+    Stelle vorüber ist, seinen Sieg plötzlich aufgeben. So wie bei ihm
+    sich die Leidenschaft kühlt, kühlt sie sich auch bei uns und er
+    bringt uns ab, ohne dass wir es wissen. Hingegen im letztern Fall
+    nimmt er sich selten die Mühe, sich seines Sieges zu bedienen,
+    sondern wirft den Leser oft mehr zur Bewunderung seiner Kunst, als
+    seines Herzens in eine andere Art von Verfassung hinein, die ihn
+    selbst nichts kostet als Witz, den Leser fast um alles bringt, was
+    er vorher gewonnen hatte.”]
+
+    [Footnote 13: V, 95.]
+
+    [Footnote 14: I, p. 136.]
+
+    [Footnote 15: I, p. 151.]
+
+    [Footnote 16: See also I, p. 139.]
+
+    [Footnote 17: II, p. 209; III, p. 11; VII, p. 133.]
+
+    [Footnote 18: I, p. 136; II, pp. 13, 39, 209; 165, “Die Nachahmer
+    Sterne’s sind gleichsam die Pajazzi desselben.”]
+
+    [Footnote 19: In _Göttingisches Magazin_, 1780, Schriften IV, pp.
+    186-227: “Thöricht affectirte Sonderbarkeit in dieser Methode wird
+    das Kriterium von Originalität und das sicherste Zeichen, dass man
+    einen Kopf habe, dieses wenn man sich des Tages ein Paar Mal
+    darauf stellt. Wenn dieses auch eine Sternisch Kunst wäre, so ist
+    wohl so viel gewiss, es ist keine der schwersten.”]
+
+    [Footnote 20: II, pp. 199-244.]
+
+    [Footnote 21: V, p. 250.]
+
+    [Footnote 22: VI, p. 195.]
+
+    [Footnote 23: Tristram Shandy, I, pp. 172-180.]
+
+    [Footnote 24: II, p. 12.]
+
+    [Footnote 25: Weimar, 1899.]
+
+    [Footnote 26: These dates are of the departure from and return to
+    Copenhagen; the actual time of residence in foreign lands would
+    fall somewhat short of this period.]
+
+    [Footnote 27: _Deutsches Museum_, 1777, p. 449, or Schriften, I,
+    pp. 12-13; “Bibliothek der deutschen Klassiker,” Vol. VI, p. 652.]
+
+    [Footnote 28: English writers who have endeavored to make an
+    estimate of Sterne’s character have ignored this part of Garrick’s
+    opinion, though his statement with reference to the degeneration
+    of Sterne’s moral nature is frequently quoted.]
+
+    [Footnote 29: _Deutsches Museum_, II, pp. 601-604; Schriften, II,
+    pp. 288-291.]
+
+    [Footnote 30: Gedichte von L. F. G. Goeckingk, 3 Bde., 1780, 1781,
+    1782, Leipzig.]
+
+    [Footnote 31: I, pp. 94, 116, 160.]
+
+    [Footnote 32: Hamburg, pp. 44.]
+
+    [Footnote 33: Hamburg, Bohn, 1785.]
+
+    [Footnote 34: Published in improved and amplified form,
+    Braunschweig, 1794.]
+
+    [Footnote 35: II, Nr. 204, August 25, 1808, Tübingen.]
+
+    [Footnote 36: Breslau, 1779, 2d edition, 1780, by A. W. L. von
+    Rahmel.]
+
+    [Footnote 37: See M. Denis, “Literarischer Nachlass,” edited by
+    Retzer, Wien, 1801, II, p. 196.]
+
+    [Footnote 38: “Sämmtliche Werke,” edited by B. R. Abeken, Berlin,
+    1858, III, pp. 61-64.]
+
+    [Footnote 39: First American edition as “Practical Philosophy,”
+    Lansingburgh, 1805, p. 331. Sterne is cited on p. 85.]
+
+    [Footnote 40: Altenburg, 1778, p. 90. Reviewed in _Gothaische
+    Gelehrte Zeitungen_, 1779, p. 169, March 17, and in _Allg.
+    deutsche Bibl._, XXXVII, 2, p. 476.]
+
+    [Footnote 41: Hempel, VIII, p. 354.]
+
+    [Footnote 42: In a review of “Mamsell Fieckchen und ihr
+    Vielgetreuer, ein Erbauungsbüchlein für gefühlvolle Mädchen,”
+    which is intended to be a warning to tender-hearted maidens
+    against the sentimental mask of young officers. Another protest
+    against excess of sentimentalism was “Philotas, ein Versuch zur
+    Beruhigung und Belehrung für Leidende und Freunde der Leidenden,”
+    Leipzig, 1779. See _Allg. deutsche. Bibl._, XLIV. 1, pp. 128-9.]
+
+    [Footnote 43: See Erich Schmidt’s “Richardson, Rousseau und
+    Goethe,” Jena, 1875, p. 297.]
+
+    [Footnote 44: See _Jenaische Zeitungen von Gel. Sachen_, 1780,
+    pp. 627, 761.]
+
+    [Footnote 45: The full title is “Der Empfindsame Maurus Pankrazius
+    Ziprianus Kurt auch Selmar genannt, ein Moderoman,” published by
+    Keyser at Erfurt, 1781-83, with a second edition, 1785-87.]
+
+    [Footnote 46: “Faramonds Familiengeschichte, in Briefen,” Erfurt,
+    Keyser, 1779-81. _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XLIV, 1, p. 120;
+    _Jenaische Zeitungen von Gel. Sachen_, 1780, pp. 273, 332; 1781,
+    pp. 113, 314.]
+
+    [Footnote 47: Pp. 8-9.]
+
+    [Footnote 48: Goethe’s review of Schummel’s “Empfindsame Reise”
+    in _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._ represents the high-water mark of
+    understanding criticism relative to individual work, but
+    represents necessarily no grasp of the whole movement.]
+
+    [Footnote 49: Frankfurt, 1778, _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XL, 1, 119.
+    This is by Baker incorrectly ascribed J. F. Abel, the author of
+    “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Liebe,” 1778.]
+
+    [Footnote 50: P. 15.]
+
+    [Footnote 51: P. 17.]
+
+    [Footnote 52: P. 18.]
+
+    [Footnote 53: I, pp. 313 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 54: This distinction between Empfindsamkeit and
+    Empfindelei is further given II, p. 180.]
+
+    [Footnote 55: Pp. 33-39.]
+
+    [Footnote 56: I, pp. 88 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 57: See discussion concerning Tristram’s tutor, Tristram
+    Shandy, II, p. 217.]
+
+    [Footnote 58: III, pp. 318 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 59: Vol. IV, p. 12. “Zoologica humana,” and treating of
+    Affen, Gekken, Narren, Schelmen, Schurken, Heuchlern, Schlangen,
+    Schafen, Schweinen, Ochsen und Eseln.]
+
+    [Footnote 60: I, p. 72.]
+
+    [Footnote 61: I, pp. 225 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 62: I, pp. 245 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 63: A substitution merely of another animal for the
+    passage in “Empfindsame Reise,” Bode’s translation, edition of
+    1769 (2d ed.), I, p. 109.]
+
+    [Footnote 64: pp. 241 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 65: Vol. II, pp. 333 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 66: See the record of Pankraz’s sentimental interview
+    with the pastor’s wife.]
+
+    [Footnote 67: For example, see Pankraz’s prayer to Riepel, the
+    dead cat, when he learns that another has done more than he in
+    raising a lordlier monument to the feline’s virtues: “Wenn du itz
+    in der Gesellschaft reiner, verklärter Kazengeister, Himnen
+    miaust, O so sieh einen Augenblick auf diese Welt herab! Sieh
+    meinen Schmerz, meine Reue!” His sorrow for Riepel is likened to
+    the Nampont pilgrim’s grief for his dead ass.]
+
+    [Footnote 68: IV, pp. 222-235.]
+
+    [Footnote 69: IV, pp. 253 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 70: IV, pp. 113 ff.: “Wenn ich so denke, wie es Elisen
+    berührt, so wird mir schwindlich . . . . Ich möchte es umschlingen
+    wie es Elisen’s Bein umschlungen hat, mögt mich ganz verweben mit
+    ihm,” etc.]
+
+    [Footnote 71: IV, pp. 214 ff.]
+
+    [Footnote 72: 1781, p. 573: “Dass er einzelne Stellen aus unsern
+    angesehensten Schriftstellern heraus rupfet und in eine
+    lächerliche Verbindung bringt.”]
+
+    [Footnote 73: 1781, pp. 265-7.]
+
+    [Footnote 74: LI, I, p. 234.]
+
+    [Footnote 75: LII, 1, p. 149.]
+
+    [Footnote 76: Reviewed in _Almanach der deutscher Musen_, 1779,
+    p. 41. The work was published in Leipzig, I, 1777; II, 1778.]
+
+
+
+
+A BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY OF LAURENCE STERNE
+
+
+The Case of Elijah and the Widow of Zerephath considered: A charity
+sermon preach’d on Good Friday, April 17, 1747. York, 1747.
+
+The Abuses of Conscience set forth in a sermon preached in the Cathedral
+Church of St. Peter’s, York, July 29, 1750. York, 1750.
+
+The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, vols. I, II, York, 1759. 2d.
+ed. London, 1760. Vols. III, IV, London, 1761. Vols. V, VI, London,
+1762. Vols. VII, VIII, London, 1765. Vol. IX, London, 1767.
+
+Sermons of Mr. Yorick. Vols. I, II, London, 1760. Vols. III, IV, London,
+1766. Vols. V, VI, VII, London, 1769.
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy, 2 vols. London, 1768.
+
+A Political Romance addressed to ----, esq., of York, 1769. The first
+edition of the Watchcoat story.
+
+Letters from Yorick to Eliza. London, 1775.
+
+Twelve Letters to his Friends on Various Occasions, to which is added
+his history of a Watchcoat, with explanatory notes. London, 1775.
+
+Letters of the Late Reverend Laurence Sterne to his most intimate
+Friends with a Fragment in the Manner of Rabelais to which are prefixed
+Memoirs of his life and family written by himself, published by his
+daughter, Lydia Sterne de Medalle. London, 1775.
+
+Seven Letters written by Sterne and his Friends, edited by W. Durrant
+Cooper. 1844.
+
+Unpublished Letters of Laurence Sterne. In Philobiblon Society
+Miscellanies. 1855, Vol. II. The Kitty Correspondence.
+
+Works of Laurence Sterne. 10 vols. London, Dodsley, etc., 1793.
+
+Works. Edited by G. E. B. Saintsbury, 6 vols. London, 1894.
+
+  These two editions have been chiefly used in the preparation of this
+  work. Because of its general accessibility references to Tristram
+  Shandy and the Sentimental Journey are made to the latter.
+
+Illustrations of Sterne, by Dr. John Ferriar. Manchester, 1798. 2d
+edition: London, 1812.
+
+Life of Laurence Sterne, by Percy Fitzgerald. 1864. Revised edition,
+London, 1896. 2 vols.
+
+Sterne, in English Men of Letters Series, by H. D. Traill. 1883.
+
+Sir Walter Scott. Lives of the Novelists, Vol. I, p. 156-186.
+
+Paul Stapfer. Laurence Sterne, sa personne et ses ouvrages étude
+précédée d’un fragment inédit de Sterne. Paris, 1882.
+
+William M. Thackeray. Sterne and Goldsmith, in English Humorists, 1858,
+pp. 286-341.
+
+J. B. Montégut, Essais sur la Littérature anglaise. 1883, pp. 279-364.
+
+Walter Bagehot, Sterne and Thackeray, in Literary Studies. 1902, Vol.
+II, pp. 282-325.
+
+E. Scherer. Laurence Sterne or the Humorist, in Essays on English
+Literature. 1891, pp. 150-173.
+
+Sir Leslie Stephen. Hours in a Library. 1852. Vol. III, pp. 139-174.
+
+Herbert Paul. Men and Letters. 1901. Pp. 67-89.
+
+Whitwell Elwin. Some XVIII Century Men of Letters. 1902. Vol. II,
+pp. 1-81.
+
+Sidney Lee. Article on Sterne in the National Dictionary of Biography.
+
+
+
+
+A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF STERNE IN GERMANY
+
+
+  It cannot be assumed that the following list of reprints and
+  translations is complete. The conditions of the book trade then
+  existing were such that unauthorized editions of popular books
+  were very common.
+
+
+I. GERMAN EDITIONS OF STERNE’S WORKS INCLUDING SPURIOUS OR DOUBTFUL
+WORKS PUBLISHED UNDER HIS NAME.
+
+_a. Tristram Shandy_
+
+The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman, 6 vols. Altenburg,
+1772. (Richter.)
+
+The same. Altenburg, 1776.
+
+The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman. A new edition.
+Basil, 1792. (Legrand).
+
+The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, 2 vols gr. 8vo. Gotha, 1792.
+(Ettinger). Identical with the preceding.
+
+Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, 4 vols. (with 4 engravings). Wien,
+1798. (Sammer.)
+
+The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, 4 vols. Gotha, 1805-6.
+(Stendel and Keil.)
+
+The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Schneeburg, 1833. Pocket
+edition of the most eminent English authors of the preceding century,
+of which it is vols. XI-XIII.
+
+The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, 2 vols., gr. 8vo. Basel.
+(Thurneisen), without date.
+
+
+_b. The Sentimental Journey_
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy, 2 vols. 8vo. Altenburg,
+1771. (Richter.)
+
+The same with cuts, 2 vols, 8vo. Altenburg, 1772. (Richter.)
+
+The same. Altenburg, 1776. (Richter.)
+
+The same. Göttingen, 1779. (Diederich). Pp. 199. No introduction or
+notes.
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy in two books. Göttingen,
+1787. (Dietrich.)
+
+A Sentimental Journey with a continuation by Eugenius and an account of
+the life and writings of L. Sterne, gr. 8vo. Basel, 1792. (Legrand,
+Ettinger in Gotha.)
+
+Sentimental Journey through France and Italy mit Anmerkungen und
+Wortregister, 8vo. Halle, 1794. (Renger).
+
+A sentimental Journey through France and Italy. 4 parts complete in 2
+vols. 2d edition to which are now added several other pieces by the same
+author. (With four engravings) 12mo. Wien, 1798. (Sammer.)
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy and the continuation by
+Eugenius, 2 parts, 8vo. Halle, 1806. (Hendel).
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy by Mr. Yorick. In Two
+Books. Göttingen, 1806. (Dietrich). Pp. 271.
+
+A Sentimental Journey. New edition, 12mo. Altenburg, 1815. (Brockhaus in
+Leipzig.)
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy, gr. 12mo. Jena, 1826.
+(Schmid.)
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy, 16mo. Nürnberg, 1828.
+(Campe.)
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy. Schneeberg, 1830. Pocket
+edition of the most eminent English authors of the preceding century, of
+which it is Vol. IV.
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy. Basil (Thurneisen),
+without date.
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy. London. Cooke. Campe in
+Hamburg, without date.
+
+Tauchnitz has published editions of both Shandy and the Journey.
+
+
+_c. Letters, Sermons and Miscellaneous_
+
+Yorick’s letters to Eliza, Eliza’s letters to Yorick. Sterne’s letters
+to his Friends. Altenburg, 1776. (Richter.)
+
+Letters to his most intimate Friends, with a fragment in the manner of
+Rabelais published by his Daughter, Mme. Medalle. 3 vols., 8vo.
+Altenburg, 1776. (Richter.)
+
+Letters written between Yorick and Eliza with letters to his Friends.
+Nürnberg, 8vo, 1788. (Schneider.)
+
+Letters written between Yorick and Eliza. 12mo. Vienna, 1795.
+
+Letters between Yorick and Eliza, 12mo. Wien, 1797. (Sammer.)
+
+Letters of the late Rev. Mr. Laurence Sterne, to his most intimate
+friends, on various occasions, as published by his daughter, Mrs.
+Medalle, and others, including the letters between Yorick and Eliza.
+To which are added: An appendix of XXXII Letters never printed before;
+A fragment in the manner of Rabelais, and the History of a Watchcoat.
+With explanatory notes. 2 vols. Vienna, 1797. (Sammer.)
+
+Letters written between Yorick and Eliza, mit einem erklärenden
+Wortregister zum Selbstunterricht von J. H. Emmert. Giessen, 1802.
+
+Sermons by Laurence Sterne. 7 vols. Altenburg, 1777. (Richter) 8vo.
+
+The Koran, or Essays, Sentiments and Callimachies, etc. 1 vol. Wien,
+1795. (Sammer.)
+
+The Koran, etc. Wien, 1798. (Sammer). 12mo, pp. 275.
+
+Gleanings from the works of Laurence Sterne. Campe’s edition. Nürnberg
+and New York. Without date.
+
+
+II. GERMAN TRANSLATIONS OF STERNE.
+
+_a. Tristram Shandy_
+
+Das Leben und die Meynungen des Herrn Tristram Shandy. Berlin und
+Stralsund, 1763. Parts I-VI. Translation by Johann Friedrich Zückert.
+
+The same. Parts VII-VIII. 1763.
+
+The same. Part IX (spurious). 1767.
+
+Das Leben und die Meynungen des Herrn Tristram Shandy. Nach einer neuen
+Uebersetzung. Berlin und Stralsund, 1769-1772. (Lange.) A revised
+edition of the previous translation.
+
+Das Leben und die Meinungen des Herrn Tristram Shandy aus dem Englischen
+übersetzt, nach einer neuen Uebersetzung auf Anrathen des Hrn. Hofrath
+Wielands verfasst. Neun Theile. Berlin, 1774.
+
+Another edition of the same translation.
+
+Tristram Schandi’s Leben und Meynungen. Hamburg, 1774. Bey Bode.
+Translation by J. J. C. Bode. Nine parts. I, pp. 185; II, pp. 191; III,
+pp. 210; IV, pp. 226; V, pp. 166; VI, pp. 164; VII, pp. 148; VIII, pp.
+144; IX, pp. 128.
+
+The same. Zweite verbesserte Auflage. Hamburg, 1776.
+
+The same, 1777.
+
+The same, 1778.
+
+The same. Nachdruck, Hanau und Höchst. 1776-7.
+
+The same. Nachdruck. Berlin, 1778.
+
+Tristram Shandy’s Leben und Meinungen, von neuem verdeutscht. 3 vols.
+Leipzig, 1801. (Linke.) A revision of Bode’s translation by J. L.
+Benzler.
+
+The same. Hannover. 1810. (Hahn.)
+
+Leben und Meinungen des Tristram Shandy von Sterne--neu übertragen von
+W. H., Magdeburg, 1831. Sammlung der ausgezeichnetsten humoristischen
+und komischen Romane des Auslands in neuen zeitgemässen Bearbeitungen.
+Bd. X, I, pp. 188; II, pp. 192; III, pp. 151; IV, pp. 168; V, pp. 256;
+V, pp. 257-264, Ueber Laurence Sterne und dessen Werke. Another revision
+of Bode’s work.
+
+Tristram Shandy’s Leben und Meinungen, von Lorenz Sterne, aus dem
+Englischen von Dr. G. R. Bärmann. Berlin, 1856.
+
+Tristram Shandy’s Leben und Meinungen, aus dem Englischen übersetzt von
+F. A. Gelbcke. Nos. 96-99 of “Bibliothek ausländischer Klassiker.”
+Leipzig, 1879. (Bibliographisches Institut.)
+
+Leben und Meinungen des Herrn Tristram Shandy. Deutsch von A. Seubert.
+Leipzig, 1881. (Reclam.)
+
+
+_b. The Sentimental Journey_
+
+Yorick’s emfindsame Reise durch Frankreich und Italien. Hamburg und
+Bremen, 1768. Translated by J. J. C. Bode.
+
+The same, with parts III, IV (Stevenson’s continuation), 1769.
+
+The same. Hamburg und Bremen, 1770, 1771, 1772, 1776, 1777, 1804.
+
+The same. Mannheim. 1780.
+
+The same. Leipzig, 1797, 1802. (Rabenhorst.)
+
+Versuch über die menschliche Natur in Herrn Yoricks, Verfasser des
+Tristram Shandy Reisen durch Frankreich und Italien. Braunschweig, 1769.
+(Fürstliche Waisenhausbuchhandlung), pp. 248. Translation by Hofprediger
+Mittelstedt.
+
+Herrn Yoricks, Verfasser des Tristram Shandy, Reisen durch Frankreich
+und Italien, als ein Versuch über die menschliche Natur. Braunschweig,
+1769. Is a second edition of the former.
+
+The same, 1774.
+
+Yoricks empfindsame Reise von neuem verdeutscht. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1801.
+A revision of Bode’s work by Johann Lorenz Benzler.
+
+Empfindsame Reise durch Frankreich und Italien übersetzt von Ch.
+C. Meissner. Zwickau, 1825. (Schumann.)
+
+Eine Empfindsame Reise . . . übersetzt, mit Lebensbeschreibung des
+Autors und erläuternden Bemerkungen von H. A. Clemen. Essen, 1827.
+
+A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy. Yorick’s Empfindsame
+Reise durch Frankreich und Italien, mit erläuternden Anmerkungen von
+W. Gramberg. 8vo. Oldenburg, 1833. (Schulze.) Since both titles are
+given, it is not evident whether this is a reprint, a translation,
+or both.
+
+Laurence Sterne--Yoricks Empfindsame Reise durch Frankreich und Italien.
+Halle. (Hendel.) A revision of Bode’s translation, with a brief
+introductory note by E. Suchier.
+
+Yorick’s empfindsame Reise durch Frankreich und Italien, übersetzt von
+A. Lewald. Pforzheim, 1842.
+
+Yorick’s empfindsame Reise, übersetzt von K. Eitner. Bibliothek
+ausländischer Klassiker. Bd. 75. Hildburghausen.
+
+Empfindsame Reise durch Frankreich und Italien Deutsch von Friedrich
+Hörlek. Leipzig, 1859. (Reclam.)
+
+
+_c. Letters, Sermons and Miscellaneous_
+
+Briefe von (Yorick) Sterne an seine Freunde Nebst seiner Geschichte
+eines Ueberrocks, Aus dem Englischen. Hamburg, 1775. (Bohn.) Pp. VIII,
+144.
+
+Yorick’s Briefe an Elisa. Hamburg, 1775. (Bohn.) Pp. XX, 75.
+
+Briefe von Elisa an Yorick. Aus dem Engl. Hamburg, 1775. Pp. XVI, 64.
+
+Translation of the above three probably by Bode.
+
+Briefwechsel mit Elisen und seinen übrigen Freunden. Leipzig, 1775.
+(Weidmann.)
+
+Elisens ächte Briefe an Yorik. Leipzig, 1775.
+
+Briefe an seine vertrauten Freunde nebst Fragment im Geschmack des
+Rabelais und einer von ihm selbst verfassten Nachricht von seinem Leben
+und seiner Familie, herausgegeben von seiner Tochter Madame Medalle.
+Leipzig, 1776. (Weidmann.) Pp. XXVIII, 391. Translation probably by Chr.
+Felix Weisse.
+
+The same. 1785.
+
+Yorick’s Briefe an Elisa. Leipzig, 1785. (Göschen.) A new edition of
+Bode’s rendering.
+
+Briefe von Lorenz Sterne, dem Verfasser von Yorik’s empfindsame Reisen.
+Englisch und Deutsch zum erstenmal abgedruckt. London, 1787. Is probably
+the same as “Hinterlassene Briefe. Englisch und Deutsch.” Leipzig, 1787.
+(Nauck.)
+
+Predigten von Laurenz Sterne oder Yorick. Zürich. I, 1766; II, 1767.
+(Fuesslin und Comp.)
+
+The same, III, under the special title “Reden an Esel.”
+
+Predigten. Zürich, 1773. (Orell.)
+
+Neue Sammlung von Predigten: Leipsig, 1770. (Hahn.) Translation by Prof.
+A. E. Klausing.
+
+Reden an Esel. Mit Einleitung und Anmerkungen. Hamburg, 1795. (Herold,
+jun.)
+
+Reden an Esel, von Lorenz Sterne. Thorn, 1795.
+
+Lorenz Sterne des Menschenkenners Benutzung einiger Schriftsteller.
+Basel, 1781. (Flick.) An abridged edition of his sermons.
+
+Buch der Predigten oder 100 Predigten und Reden aus den verschiedenen
+Zeiten by R. Nesselmann. Elbing, 1868. Contains Sterne’s sermon on St.
+Luke X, 23-37.
+
+Yorick’s Nachgelassene Werke. Leipzig, 1771. Translation of the Koran,
+by J. G. Gellius.
+
+Der Koran, oder Leben und Meinungen des Tria Juncta in Uno, M. N. A.
+Ein hinterlassenes Werk von dem Verfasser des Tristram Shandy. Hamburg,
+1778. Translation probably by Bode.
+
+Yorick’s Betrachtungen über verschiedene wichtige und angenehme
+Gegenstände. Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1769.
+
+Betrachtungen über verschiedene Gegenstände. Braunschweig, 1789.
+(Schulbuchhandlung.)
+
+Nachlese aus Laurence Sterne’s Werken in’s Deutsche übersetzt von Julius
+Voss. Thorn, 1854.
+
+French translations of Sterne’s works were issued at Bern and
+Strassburg, and one of his “Sentimental Journey” at Kopenhagen and an
+Italian translation of the same in Dresden (1822), and in Prague (1821).
+
+
+III. MISCELLANEOUS AUTHORITIES.
+
+  The following list contains (a) books or articles treating
+  particularly, or at some length, the relation of German authors
+  to Laurence Sterne; (b) books of general usefulness in determining
+  literary conditions in the eighteenth century, to which frequent
+  reference is made; (c) periodicals which are the sources of reviews
+  and criticisms cited in the text. Other works to which only
+  incidental reference is made are noted in the text itself.
+
+Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek. Berlin und Stettin, 1765-92. Edited by
+Nicolai.
+
+Allgemeine Litteratur Zeitung. Jena, Leipzig, Wien, 1781.
+
+Almanach der deutschen Musen. Leipzig, 1770-1781. Edited by Chr. Heinr.
+Schmid.
+
+Altonaer Reichs-Postreuter. 1750. Editor 1772-1786 was Albrecht
+Wittenberg.
+
+Altonischer Gelehrter Mercurius. Altona, 1763-1772.
+
+Appell, Joh. Wilhelm. Werther und Seine Zeit. 4 Aufl. Oldenburg, 1896.
+
+Auserlesene Bibliothek der neuesten deutschen Litteratur. Lemgo,
+1772-1778.
+
+Baker, Thomas Stockham. The Influence of Laurence Sterne upon German
+Literature. In Americana Germanica. Vol. II, No. 4, pp. 41-56.
+
+Bauer, F. Sternescher Humor in Immermanns Münchhausen. Programm. Wien,
+1896.
+
+Bauer, F. Ueber den Einfluss Laurence Sternes auf Chr. M. Wieland.
+Programm. Karlsbad. 1898.
+
+Behmer, Karl August. Laurence Sterne und C. M. Wieland. Forschungen zur
+neueren Literaturgeschichte, No. 9 München, 1899. Ein Beitrag zur
+Erforschung fremder Einflüsse auf Wielands Dichtungen.
+
+Berlinische Monatsschrift, 1783-1796, edited by Gedike and Biester.
+
+Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften und der freyen Künste. Leipzig,
+1757-65. 12 vol. I-IV edited by Nicolai and Mendelssohn, V-XII edited by
+Chr. Felix Weisse.
+
+J. J. C. Bode’s Literarisches Leben. Nebst dessen Bildniss von Lips.
+Berlin, 1796. First published in Vol. VI of Bode’s translation of
+Montaigne, “Michael Montaigne’s Gedanken und Meinungen.” Berlin,
+1793-1795. The life of Bode is Vol. VI, pp. III-CXLIV.
+
+Bremisches Magazin zur Ausbreitung der Wissenschaften, Künste und
+Tugend. Bremen und Leipzig, 1757-66.
+
+Büchner, Alex. Sternes Coran und Makariens Archiv. Goethe ein Plagiator?
+Morgenblatt, No. 39, p. 922 f.
+
+Czerny, Johann, Sterne, Hippel und Jean Paul. Berlin, 1904.
+
+Deutsche Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften. Halle, 1767-1771. Edited
+by Klotz.
+
+Deutsches Museum. Leipzig, 1776-1788. Edited by Dohm and Boie and
+continued to 1791 as Neues deutsches Museum.
+
+Ebeling, Friedrich W. Geschichte der komischen Literatur in Deutschland
+während der 2. Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts. Leipzig, 1869. 3 vols.
+
+Elze, Frederich Karl. Die englische Sprache und Litteratur in
+Deutschland. Dresden, 1864.
+
+Erfurtische Gelehrte Zeitung. Erfurt, 1781-1796.
+
+Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen. Frankfurt. Published under several
+titles, 1736-1790. Editors, Merck, Bahrdt and others.
+
+Gervinus, G. G. Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung. Edited by Karl
+Bartsch. 5 vols. Leipzig, 1871-74.
+
+Goedeke, Karl. Grundriss zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung. Dresden,
+1884-1900.
+
+Gothaische gelehrte Zeitungen. Gotha, 1774-1804. Published and edited by
+Ettinger.
+
+Göttingische Anzeigen von Gelehrten Sachen 1753. Michaelis was editor
+1753-1770, then Christian Gottlob Heyne.
+
+Hamburger Adress-Comptoir Nachrichten, 1767. Edited by Joh. Wm. Dumpf.
+
+Hamburgischer unpartheyischer Correspondent. Full title, Staats- und
+Gelehrte Zeitung des Hamburgischen unpartheyischen Correspondenten.
+Editor, 1763-3, Bode; 1767-1770, Albrecht Wittenberg.
+
+Hédouin, Alfred. Goethe plagiaire de Sterne, in Le Monde Maçonnique.
+July, 1863.
+
+Heine, Carl. Der Roman in Deutschland von 1774 bis 1778. Halle, 1892.
+
+Hettner, Hermann. Geschichte der deutschen Literatur im achtzehnten
+Jahrhundert. 4te Auflage. Braunschweig, 1893-94. This is the third
+division of his Literaturgeschichte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts.
+
+Hillebrand, Joseph. Die deutsche Nationalliteratur seit dem Anfange des
+achtzehnten Jahrhunderts, besonders seit Lessing bis auf die Gegenwart.
+2te Ausgabe. Hamburg und Gotha, 1850.
+
+Hirsching, Friedr. Carl Gottlob. Historisch-litterarisches Handbuch
+berühmter und denkwürdiger Personen, welche in dem 18. Jahrhundert
+gelebt haben. Vol. XIII. Leipzig, 1809.
+
+Jenaische Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen. Jena, 1765-1781.
+
+Jördens, Karl Heinrich. Lexikon deutscher Dichter und Prosaisten.
+Leipzig, 1806-1811.
+
+Koberstein, Karl August. Geschichte der deutschen Nationalliteratur.
+Leipzig, 1872-73.
+
+Koch, Max. Ueber die Beziehungen der englischen Literatur zur deutschen
+im 18. Jahrhundert. Leipzig, 1883.
+
+Kurz, Heinrich. Geschichte der deutschen Literatur. Leipzig, 1876-81.
+
+Leipziger Musen-Almanach. Leipzig, 1776-87. Editor, 1776-78, Friedrich
+Traugott Hase.
+
+Longo, Joseph. Laurence Sterne und Johann Georg Jacobi. Programm. Krems,
+1898.
+
+Magazin der deutschen Critik. Halle, 1772-1776. Edited by Gottlob
+Benedict Schirach.
+
+Mager, A. Wielands Nachlass des Diogenes von Sinope und das englische
+Vorbild. Abhandlung. Marburg, 1890.
+
+Meusel, Johann Georg. Das gelehrte Deutschland, oder Lexicon der jetzt
+lebenden deutschen Schriftsteller. Lemgo, 1796-1806.
+
+Meusel, Johann Georg. Lexicon der von 1750 bis 1800 verstorbenen
+teutschen Schriftsteller. Leipzig, 1802-16.
+
+Neue Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek. Kiel, 1793-1800. Edited by Bohn.
+Berlin und Stettin, 1801-1805. Edited by Nicolai.
+
+Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften und der freyen Künste.
+Leipzig, 1765-1806. Edited first by Chr. Felix Weisse, then by the
+publisher Dyk.
+
+Neue Critische Nachrichten. Greifswald, 1750-1807. Editor from 1779 was
+Georg Peter Möller, professor of history at Greifswald.
+
+Neues Bremisches Magazin. Bremen, 1766-1771.
+
+Neue Hallische Gelehrte Zeitung. Founded by Klotz in 1766, and edited by
+him 1766-71, then by Philipp Ernst Bertram, 1772-77.
+
+Neue litterarische Unterhaltungen. Breslau, bey Korn der ä 1774-75.
+
+Neue Mannigfaltigkeiten. Eine gemeinnützige Wochenschrift, follows
+Mannigfaltigheiten which ran from Sept., 1769 to May, 1773, and in June
+1773, the new series began. Berlin. Vol. II, pp. 97-106. Life of Sterne.
+
+Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen. 1715-1785. At the latter date the
+title was changed to Neue Litteratur Zeitung. Leipzig.
+
+Schmidt, Julian. Bilder aus dem geistigen Leben unserer Zeit. Leipzig,
+1870. Vol. IV, 1875. Vol. IV, pp. 272 ff, Studien über den Englischen
+Roman.
+
+Schmidt, Julian. Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur von Leibnitz bis
+auf unsere Zeit. Berlin, 1886-96.
+
+Schmidt, Julian. Geschichte des geistigen Lebens in Deutschland von
+Leibnitz bis auf Lessing’s Tod, 1681-1781. Leipzig, I, 1862; II, 1864.
+
+Schröder, Lexicon Hamburgischer Schriftsteller. Hamburg, 1851-83, 8
+vols.
+
+Springer, Robert. Essays zur Kritik und zur Goethe-Literatur. “War
+Goethe ein Plagiarius Lorenz Sternes?” Minden i. W., 1885.
+
+Teutscher Mercur. Weimar, 1773-89. And Neuer deutscher Merkur. Weimar,
+1790-1810. Edited by Wieland, Reinhold and Böttiger.
+
+Unterhaltungen. Hamburg bey Bock, 1767-70. Edited by J. J. Eschenburg,
+I-IV; Albrecht Wittenberg, V; Christoph Dan. Ebeling, VI-X.
+
+(Der) Wandsbecker Bothe. Edited by Matthias Claudius. Wandsbeck,
+1771-75.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX OF PROPER NAMES
+
+
+  Abbt, 43.
+  Abel, J. F., 170.
+  Addison, 157.
+  Alberti, 26, 27, 46.
+
+  Behrens, Johanna Friederike, 87.
+  Benzler, J. L., 61, 62.
+  Blankenburg, 5, 8, 139.
+  Bock, Joh. Chr., 93, 127, 129-133, 136.
+  Bode, J. J. C., 15, 16, 24, 34, 37, 38, 40-62, 67, 76, 90, 94,
+      106, 115.
+  Bodmer, 75.
+  Boie, 59, 131.
+  Bondeli, Julie v., 30, 31.
+  Bonstetten, 89.
+  Böttiger, C. A., 38, 42-44, 48, 49, 52, 58, 77, 81.
+  Brandon, J., 82.
+  Brockes, 37.
+  Burney, Frances, 37.
+  Burton, 77.
+  Butler, 6, 29.
+
+  Campe, J. H., 43, 164-166.
+  Carr, John, 14.
+  Cervantes, 6, 23, 26, 60, 168, 178.
+  Chappelle, 35, 112.
+  Claudius, 59, 133, 157-158.
+  Combe, Wm., 69.
+
+  Defoe, 3.
+  Denis, 10, 75, 166.
+  Draper, Eliza, 64-70, 89, 114, 176.
+
+  Eberhard, 5.
+  Ebert, 10, 26, 44-46, 59, 62.
+  Eckermann, 98, 101, 104.
+  Einsiedel, 59.
+  Eschenburg, 2.
+
+  Ferber, J. C. C., 84.
+  Ferriar, 77, 78.
+  Fielding, 4, 6, 10, 23, 58, 60, 96, 145, 154.
+  Forster, 12.
+  Frenais, 60.
+
+  Garrick, 66, 161.
+  Garve, 22, 135.
+  Gay, 92.
+  Gebler, 90.
+  Gellert, 32, 37, 120.
+  Gellius, 76, 92.
+  Gerstenberg, 59.
+  Gleim, 2, 3, 59, 85-87, 112, 152.
+  Göchhausen, 88, 140-144, 181.
+  Göchhausen, Fräulein v., 59.
+  Goeckingk, 162-3.
+  Goethe, 40, 41, 59, 75, 77, 85, 91, 97-109, 126, 153, 156, 167,
+      168, 170, 180.
+  Goeze, 27, 48.
+  Goldsmith, 10, 98.
+  Göschen, Georg. Joachim, 134-135.
+  Griffith, Richard, 74-75.
+  Grotthus, Sara v., 40-41.
+
+  Hamann, 28, 29, 59, 69, 71, 97, 153.
+  Hartknoch, 28, 32, 97.
+  Hebbel, 88, 153.
+  Hedemann, 136-138.
+  Heine, H., 103.
+  Heinse, 152.
+  Herder, 5, 7, 8, 28, 29, 32, 59, 97, 99, 156.
+  Herder, Caroline Flachsland, 89, 99, 152.
+  Hermes, 2, 8, 109.
+  Hippel, 6, 59, 101, 155.
+  Hofmann, J. C., 88.
+  Hopffgarten, 93.
+  Hopfner, 69.
+  Hume, 63.
+
+  Ireland, 80.
+
+  Jacobi, 59, 85-90, 112-114, 131, 136, 139, 142, 143.
+  Jung-Stilling, 99.
+
+  Kästner, 30.
+  Kaufmann, 88.
+  Kirchberger, 30.
+  Kirsten, 93.
+  Klausing, A. E., 72.
+  Klopstock, 37, 51, 59.
+  Klotz, 21, 114.
+  Knebel, 109, 152.
+  Knigge, 91, 93, 110, 154, 166.
+  Kölbele, 52.
+  Koran, 74-76, 92, 95, 103-108, 153.
+  Kotzebue, 133-34.
+  Krummacher, 153.
+
+  Lenz, 152.
+  Lessing, 24-28, 40-46, 59, 62, 77, 97, 109, 156.
+  Leuchsenring, 88.
+  Lichtenberg, 4, 78, 84, 158-60.
+  Liscow, 3, 24.
+
+  Matthison, 60, 89, 152.
+  de Medalle, Lydia Sterne, 64, 68, 69.
+  Medicus, Wilhelm Ludwig, 69.
+  Mendelssohn, 24, 43, 109, 110.
+  Merck, 89, 99, 139.
+  Meyer, Aug. Wilh., 83.
+  Miller, J. M., 168, 170, 173, 180.
+  Mittelstedt, 46-47, 55-57, 115.
+  Montaigne, 60.
+  Moritz, K. P., 168.
+  Möser, 7, 166.
+  Müchler, K. F., 79.
+  Murray, Rev. James, 71.
+  Musäus, 10, 91, 138, 152, 153, 158.
+
+  Nicolai, 27, 40, 43, 77, 78, 110;
+  Sebaldus Nothanker, 6, 88, 110, 150.
+  Nicolay, Ludwig Heinrich v., 158.
+  Nonne, 93.
+
+  Opitz, Christian, 127.
+  Ossian, 10.
+
+  Paterson, Sam’l, 79.
+  Percy, Bishop, 2, 10.
+
+  Raabe, Wilhelm, 153.
+  Rabelais, 60.
+  Rabenau, A. G. F., 138.
+  Rahmel, A. W. L., 166.
+  Ramler, 90.
+  Richardson, 4, 10, 31, 43, 96, 179.
+  Richter, Jean Paul, 75, 91, 155.
+  Riedel, 29-30, 32, 54, 109, 125.
+  la Roche, Sophie, 139.
+  Rousseau, 4, 71.
+
+  Sattler, J. P., 8.
+  Schiller, 135, 153.
+  Schink, J. F., 80-82.
+  Schirach, 109.
+  Schmidt, Klamer, 60.
+  Schubart, 107.
+  Schummel, 59, 93, 114-129, 136, 140.
+  Schwager, 138.
+  Seidelinn, 153.
+  Shadwell, 25.
+  Smollett, 63.
+  Sonnenfels, 125.
+  Stephanie, d. j., 153.
+  Stevenson, J. H., 44-53, 57, 64, 81, 105.
+  Stolberg, 61.
+  Sturz, 160-162.
+  Swift, 69, 146, 157, 160.
+
+  v. Thümmel, 93, 135, 155.
+  Timme, 168-179.
+
+  Usteri, 30.
+
+  Wagner, H. L., 41, 157.
+  Wegener, 150-151.
+  Weisse, Chr. Felix, 68.
+  Wezel, 110, 138, 144-150, 179-181.
+  Wieland, 10, 14, 31, 32, 42, 59, 61, 73, 90, 93-99, 103, 146,
+      156, 181.
+  Wilkes, 64.
+  Wittenberg, 53, 87.
+  v. Wolzogen, 153.
+
+  Young, 7, 10, 149-150.
+
+  Zelter, 98, 102.
+  Ziegler, Louise v. (Lila), 89.
+  Zimmermann, 31, 59.
+  Zückert, 12-18, 22, 31, 32, 37, 58-60, 99.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+           *       *       *       *
+
+Errors and Inconsistencies
+
+German text is unchanged unless there was an unambiguous error, or the
+text could be checked against other sources. Most quoted material is
+contemporary with Sterne; spellings such as “bey” and “Theil” are
+standard.
+
+Missing letters or punctuation marks are genuinely absent, not merely
+invisible. Ellipsis (. . .) is shown as printed, as is any adjoining
+punctuation.
+
+The variation between “title page” and “title-page” is unchanged.
+Punctuation of “ff” is unchanged; at mid-sentence there is usually no
+following period. Hyphenization of phrases such as “a twelve-year old”
+is consistent.
+
+
+Chapter I
+
+  the unstored mind  [_unchanged_]
+
+Chapter II
+
+  des vaterländischen Geschmack entwickeln
+    [_unchanged: error for “den”?_]
+  Vol. I, St. 2, pp. 245-251, 1772  [245-251.]
+  Bode, the successful and honored translator  [sucessful]
+  sends it as such to “my uncle, Tobias Shandy.”
+    [_open quote missing_]
+  Ich bin an seine Sentiments zum Theil schon so gewöhnt  [go]
+  Footnote 48: . . . . in Auszug aus den Werken  [Auzug]
+  Julie von Bondeli[52]  [Von]
+  frequent references to other English celebrities  [refrences]
+  “How many have understood it?”  [understod]
+
+Chapter III
+
+  He says of the first parts of the Sentimental Journey,  [Journay]
+  the _Hamburgische Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_;[19]
+    [Nachrichten_;” with superfluous close quote]
+  Footnote 19: ... prominent Hamburg periodical.]  [perodical]
+  eine Reise heissen, bey der  [be]
+  It may well be that, as Böttiger hints,[24]  [Bottiger]
+  Footnote 24: See foot note to page lxiii.]  [_two words_]
+  Bode’s translation in the Allgemeine  [Allegemeine]
+  has been generally accepted  [generaly]
+
+Chapter IV
+
+  manages to turn it at once with the greatest delicacy  [delicay]
+  the Journey which is here mentioned.”[31]  [mentionad]
+  Footnote 34: ... (LII, pp. 370-371)  [_missing )_]
+  he is probably building on the incorrect statement  [incorect]
+  Footnote 87: ... Berlin, 1810  [810].
+  “Die Schöne Obstverkäuferin”  [“Die “Schöne]
+
+Chapter V
+
+  Footnote 3 ... Anmerk. 24  [Anmerk,]
+  Animae quales non candidiores terra tulit.”  [_missing close quote_]
+  “like Grenough’s tooth-tincture  [_missing open quote_]
+  founding an order of “Empfindsamkeit.”  [_missing close quote_]
+  Footnote 24 ... “Der Teufel auf Reisen,”  [Riesen]
+  Footnote 27 ... _Allg. deutsche Bibl._  [Allg deutsche]
+  Sein Seelchen auf den Himmel  [gen Himmel]
+  In an article in the _Horen_ (1795, V. Stück,)  [V Stück]
+  Footnote 84 ... G. B. Mendelssohn  [G. B Mendelssohn]
+
+Chapter VI
+
+  re-introducing a sentimental relationship.  [relationiship]
+  nach Erfindung der Buchdrukerkunst  [_unchanged_]
+  “Ueber die roten und schwarzen Röcke,”  [_“Röke” without close quote]
+  the twelve irregularly printed lines  [twleve]
+  conventional thread of introduction  [inroduction]
+  an appropriate proof of incapacity  [incaapcity]
+  [Footnote 23 ... Litteratur-geschichte  [_hyphen in original_]
+  Footnote 35 ... p. 28.  [_final . missing_]
+  [Footnote 38 ... a rather full analysis  [nalysis]
+  multifarious and irrelevant topics  [mutifarious]
+  Goethe replies (December 30), in approval, and exclaims  [exlaims]
+  laughed heartily at some of the whims.”[49]  [_missing close quote_]
+  [Footnote 52 ... Hademann as author  [auther]
+  für diesen schreibe ich dieses Kapitel nicht  [fur]
+  [Footnote 69 ... _July_ 1, 1774  [_italics in original_]
+  Darauf denke ich, soll jedermanniglich vom 22. Absatze fahren
+    [_“vom. 22. Absatze” with extra space after “22.” as if for
+    a new sentence_]
+  accompanied by typographical eccentricities  [typograhical]
+  the relationships of trivial things  [relationiships]
+  Herr v. ** and Herr v. ***  [_asterisks unchanged_]
+
+Chapter VII
+
+  expressed themselves quite unequivocally  [themsleves]
+  the pleasure of latest posterity.”  [_final . missing_]
+  “regarded his taste as insulted because I sent him “Yorick’s
+    Empfindsame Reise.”[3]
+    [_mismatched quotation marks unchanged_]
+  Georg Christopher Lichtenberg.[7]
+    [Lichtenberg.” with superfluous close quote]
+  Aus Lichtenbergs Nachlass: Aufsätze, Gedichte, Tagebuchblätter
+   [_“Gedichte Tagebuchblätter” without comma_]
+  Doch lass’ ich, wenn mir’s Kurzweil schafft  [schaft]
+  a poem named “Empfindsamkeiten  [Enpfindsamkeiten]
+  A poet cries  [croes]
+  “Faramond’s Familiengeschichte,”[46]
+    [_inconsistent apostrophe unchanged: compare footnote_]
+  sondern mich zu bedauern!’  [_inner close quote conjectural_]
+  Ruhe deinem Staube  [dienem]
+  the neighboring village is in flames  [nieghboring]
+  Footnote 67 ... [_all German spelling in this footnote unchanged_]
+  “Die Tausend und eine Masche, oder Yoricks wahres Shicksall,
+    ein blaues Mährchen von Herrn Stanhope” [_all spelling unchanged]
+
+
+[The Bibliography is shown in the Table of Contents as “Chapter VIII”,
+but was printed without a chapter header.]
+
+Bibliography (England)
+
+  Life of Laurence Sterne, by Percy Fitzgerald  [Lift]
+  b. The Sentimental Journey  [Jonrney]
+
+Bibliography (Germany)
+
+  The Koran, etc. Wien, 1798. [1798).]
+  Tristram Schandi’s Leben und Meynungen ... III, pp. 210  [p. 210]
+  durch Frankreich und Italien, übersetzt von A. Lewald.  [Italien.]
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Laurence Sterne in Germany, by 
+Harvey Waterman Thayer
+
+*** 
\ No newline at end of file