刻板印象

刻板印象（亦称印刻作用，stereotype），是一个社会学术语，专指人类对于某些特定类型人、事或物的一种概括的看法，看法可能是来自于同一类型的人事物之中的某一个个体给旁人的观感。刻板印象有分为正面以及负面的观感有先入为主的观念，并不能够代表每个属于这个类型的人事物都拥有这样的特质；每个人从小教育的观念以及生长环境也会影响人的观念，当遇到类似或相同的事情则会以自己的经历反映在某件事上，而造成意见有落差形成的刻板印象，不过另一方面，虽然有一个对49个文化进行的研究显示，民族性这种族群刻板印象，并不反映该社会成员的平均人格特质，但刻板印象有可能是准确的，一项研究显示，一些种类的刻板印象有著中至高度的准确性，而且一些研究和后续的研究，可能会一再证实某些刻板印象的准确性。
概说.
刻板印象的来源大多是因为个人没有足够的时间去了解某个个体所致。例如说当我们看到长得魁梧、纹身，戴黑色太阳眼镜、脸孔吓人且穿著黑西装的壮汉，很可能会将他误认为黑社会人物。又例如某电影中，主角是一般社会大众印象下的坏人，则判定该电影为「歌颂罪恶」的影片。刻板印象爱好者容易先把世事标签化分类，再加以对目标物的种种现象归纳，支持其原先的刻板印象。例如一位正义英雄型人物因醉酒与自己伴侣以外的女性发生性行为，令对方怀孕并诞下私生子，应该是遭「奸人所害」。
刻板印象常常是相对负面的，不过刻板印象并非全是负面的，有些刻板印象是正面的，正面的刻板印象即所谓的「正面刻板印象」（Positive stereotype）。正面刻板印象可能造成正面或负面的影响。
刻板印象一旦形成，若不客观理解，则很难加以改变，亦可能造成同类型人的困扰，即使是正面的刻板印象，如「亚洲人数理强」、「亚斯伯格症患者很擅长且适合搞电脑程式」等，都可能对当事人造成困扰和负面影响。不过，出色的公共关系手法，可以改善当事人原先给标签的刻板印象，创造出第二印象，社会心理学又称之为「最后印象」，例如一位富翁一生对人对己都「节俭」，意想不到原来遗嘱指定，将遗产全数捐赠作慈善，感动了法官。
刻板印象在某些专制社会、或民主制度较不发达的国家也容易为有心的政治人物、政党、或他们的支持者所利用，例如透过各种管道（媒体、宣传等）普遍散布敌对政治阵营的负面形象，或刻意宣扬有利于己身立场的事件，以便塑造本身阵营的正面刻板形象或敌方的负面刻板印象。
刻板印象在我们的生活中，表示于部分的、片面的、不正常的、不完全的。然而刻板印象代表内团体(小圈子)对外团体(其他团体)成员的普遍化概论。
外显的刻板印象.
外显的刻板印象指的是人们有所认知且用以论断他人的刻板印象，如果今天某甲对属于某团体的某乙做出论断，而某甲对于那团体有著一定的成见，那他多少能用有意识的控制来调和自己的决策偏见；然而，有意识地尝试改变因偏见而形成的刻板印象、以达成不偏私的努力常会失败，而这是因为人们常会低估或高估因为刻板印象而形成的偏见所致。
内隐的刻板印象.
内隐的刻板印象是指那些存在于个人潜意识中，他们无法控制或意识到的刻板印象。「内隐的刻板印象的建立是基于两个概念：语义（知识）记忆中的联想网络和自动启动。」。 内隐的刻板印像是人们在社会群体与某个领域或属性之间建立的自动且非自愿的联想。例如，人们可以相信女性和男性同样有能力成为成功的电工，但与此同时，许多人可能会将电工与男性而非女性联系起来。
在社会心理学中，刻板印象指的是关于某类人或行为、且广泛受认可的任何想法，而这种想法出现的目的，是为了要对这类人或行为所组成的群体给出一个作为整体的代表所致；而这些想法可能准确地或不准确地反映事实。在心理学以及其他领域中，有著多种不同的关于刻板印象的概念和理论，这些概念彼此有相似之处，也有相冲突之处；此外，即使在社会科学以及一些心理学的分支中，在像是对其他文化等不同团体做出假定时，刻板印象有时也有可能重现并在一些理论的框架中得到识别。
与其他团体间态度的关联.
一般认为，刻板印象、偏见、种族主义和歧视等是彼此相关但不同的概念，在这其中，刻板印象常被认为是最认知性的成分，且常常在无意识的状况下出现；偏见则更多是刻板印象的情感性成分；而歧视则是偏见回应的行为成分。在这种族群间态度的三分观点中，刻板印象反映了对归属不同团体的成员的预期与信念；偏见则反映了对此的情绪反应；而歧视则反映了行为。
尽管刻板印象、偏见、和歧视相关，这三者可独立于彼此存在，根据丹尼尔·卡茨（Daniel Katz）和肯尼斯·布拉利（Kenneth Braly）的研究，在人们对团体的名字出现情绪性反应、将特质赋予团体成员并评估这些特质时，刻板印象可导致对种族的偏见。
以下为刻板印象可能带来的偏见效应：
情境.
刻板印象的情境指称人们对一个团体的特性的想法的属性，对刻板印象的研究通常关注人们对他人的想法，而非刻板印象背后的理由与机制。
高尔顿·威拉德·奥尔波特等人提出的早期对刻板印象的理论假定说刻板印象必然是对外团体的反感而形成的，像例如卡茨（Katz）和布拉利（Braly）在其1933年做的经典研究中声称种族刻板印象必然是负面的。
然而，更近期的认为，刻板印象未必是负面的，且不同刻板印象会在「温暖」（warmth）和「竞争力」（competence）这两个向度上有所不同，而温暖和竞争力这两者分别与缺乏竞争与社会地位有关。不与自身所属的内团体竞争相同资源（像例如大学空间）的团体被认为是温暖的；而地位高的团体（像是经济或教育上成功的团体）则被认为是有竞争力的。而外团体根据其在温暖与竞争力高低，会引发不同的情感。这模型解释了说为何一些外团体被赞赏但不被喜爱；而其他的一些外团体被喜爱但不受尊敬。这模型已在多个国家与国际样本上受到实证检验，且能可靠地预测刻板印象的情境。
功能.
早期的研究认为刻板印象只为死板、压抑且专制的人所使用，但这主意已受到当代研究否定，当代研究认为刻板印象已经相当普遍，且刻板印象是团体的集体信仰，也就是说属于同样社会团体的人会有著相同的刻板印象。
现代的研究认为要彻底了解刻板印象，就要了解两个彼此互补的认知，也就是在特定文化或次文化团体内部共享的想法，和在个人心中形成的想法。
认知与社会功能间的关系.
刻板印象在人际关系中有认知功能，在团体关系中也有社会功能；若要刻板印象 发挥其社会功能，一个人必须先认同自己是团体的成员，而作为团体成员的事实也必须是这人重要的一部分。克雷格·麦葛提（Craig McGarty）、罗素·斯皮尔斯（Russell Spears）和樊尚·伊泽拜（Vincent Y. Yzerbyt）等人在2002年指出，刻板印象的认知功能和社会功能最好以其彼此间的关系来理解。
刻板印象乃是对人与事物的分类，分属不同刻板印象的人与事物会尽量地被视为是不同的；而分属相同刻板印象的人与事物会尽量地被视为是相近的。
Gordon Allport has suggested possible answers to why people find it easier to understand categorized information. First, people can consult a category to identify response patterns. Second, categorized information is more specific than non-categorized information, as categorization accentuates properties that are shared by all members of a group. Third, people can readily describe objects in a category because objects in the same category have distinct characteristics. Finally, people can take for granted the characteristics of a particular category because the category itself may be an arbitrary grouping.
A complementary perspective theorizes how stereotypes function as time- and energy-savers that allow people to act more efficiently. Yet another perspective suggests that stereotypes are people's biased perceptions of their social contexts. In this view, people use stereotypes as shortcuts to make sense of their social contexts, and this makes a person's task of understanding his or her world less cognitively demanding.
社会功能.
社会分类.
In the following situations, the overarching purpose of stereotyping is for people to put their collective self (their in-group membership) in a positive light:
解释目的.
As mentioned previously, stereotypes can be used to explain social events. Henri Tajfel described his observations of how some people found that the anti-Semitic fabricated contents of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion only made sense if Jews have certain characteristics. Therefore, according to Tajfel, Jews were stereotyped as being evil and yearning for world domination to match the anti-Semitic "facts" as presented in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
合理化目的.
People create stereotypes of an outgroup to justify the actions that their in-group has committed (or plans to commit) towards that outgroup. For example, according to Tajfel, Europeans stereotyped African, Indian, and Chinese people as being incapable of achieving financial advances without European help. This stereotype was used to justify European colonialism in Africa, India, and China.
区别不同族群.
An assumption is that people want their ingroup to have a positive image relative to outgroups, and so people want to differentiate their ingroup from relevant outgroups in a desirable way. If an outgroup does not affect the ingroup's image, then from an image preservation point of view, there is no point for the ingroup to be positively distinct from that outgroup.
People can actively create certain images for relevant outgroups by stereotyping. People do so when they see that their ingroup is no longer as clearly and/or as positively differentiated from relevant outgroups, and they want to restore the intergroup differentiation to a state that favours the ingroup.
自我分类.
Stereotypes can emphasize a person's group membership in two steps: Stereotypes emphasize the person's similarities with ingroup members on relevant dimensions, and also the person's differences from outgroup members on relevant dimensions. People change the stereotype of their ingroups and outgroups to suit context. Once an outgroup treats an ingroup member badly, they are more drawn to the members of their own group. This can be seen as members within a group are able to relate to each other though a stereotype because of identical situations. A person can embrace a stereotype to avoid humiliation such as failing a task and blaming it on a stereotype.
社会影响与共识.
Stereotypes are an indicator of ingroup consensus. When there are intragroup disagreements over stereotypes of the ingroup and/or outgroups, ingroup members take collective action to prevent other ingroup members from diverging from each other.
John C. Turner proposed in 1987 that if ingroup members disagree on an outgroup stereotype, then one of three possible collective actions follow: First, ingroup members may negotiate with each other and conclude that they have different outgroup stereotypes because they are stereotyping different subgroups of an outgroup (e.g., Russian gymnasts versus Russian boxers). Second, ingroup members may negotiate with each other, but conclude that they are disagreeing because of categorical differences amongst themselves. Accordingly, in this context, it is better to categorise ingroup members under different categories (e.g., Democrats versus Republican) than under a shared category (e.g., American). Finally, ingroup members may influence each other to arrive at a common outgroup stereotype.
形成.
不同的学科对于定型观念的形成有不同的描述： 心理学家可能会专注于个人与团体的经验、有关这些团体的沟通模式，以及团体间的冲突。至于社会学家，他们可能会专注于社会结构中不同群体之间的关系。他们认为，定型观念是冲突、家教不当以及心智和情绪发展不足的结果。刻板印象一旦形成，有两个主要因素可以解释其持续性。首先，基模式处理的认知效果（见基模）使得当某个群体的成员的行为符合我们的预期时，该行为就会证实甚至强化现有的刻板印象。第二，偏见的情感或情绪方面使得反对刻板印象的逻辑论据在对抗情绪反应的力量时无效。
In the intergroup context, illusory correlations lead people to misattribute rare behaviors or traits at higher rates to minority group members than to majority groups, even when both display the same proportion of the behaviors or traits. Black people, for instance, are a minority group in the United States and interaction with blacks is a relatively infrequent event for an average white American. Similarly, undesirable behavior (e.g. crime) is statistically less frequent than desirable behavior. Since both events "blackness" and "undesirable behavior" are distinctive in the sense that they are infrequent, the combination of the two leads observers to overestimate the rate of co-occurrence. Similarly, in workplaces where women are underrepresented and negative behaviors such as errors occur less frequently than positive behaviors, women become more strongly associated with mistakes than men.
In a landmark study, David Hamilton and Richard Gifford (1976) examined the role of illusory correlation in stereotype formation. Subjects were instructed to read descriptions of behaviors performed by members of groups A and B. Negative behaviors outnumbered positive actions and group B was smaller than group A, making negative behaviors and membership in group B relatively infrequent and distinctive. Participants were then asked who had performed a set of actions: a person of group A or group B. Results showed that subjects overestimated the frequency with which both distinctive events, membership in group B and negative behavior, co-occurred, and evaluated group B more negatively. This despite the fact the proportion of positive to negative behaviors was equivalent for both groups and that there was no actual correlation between group membership and behaviors. Although Hamilton and Gifford found a similar effect for positive behaviors as the infrequent events, a meta-analytic review of studies showed that illusory correlation effects are stronger when the infrequent, distinctive information is negative.
Hamilton and Gifford's distinctiveness-based explanation of stereotype formation was subsequently extended. A 1994 study by McConnell, Sherman, and Hamilton found that people formed stereotypes based on information that was not distinctive at the time of presentation, but was considered distinctive at the time of judgement. Once a person judges non-distinctive information in memory to be distinctive, that information is re-encoded and re-represented as if it had been distinctive when it was first processed.
Common environment.
One explanation for why stereotypes are shared is that they are the result of a common environment that stimulates people to react in the same way.
The problem with the 'common environment' is that explanation in general is that it does not explain how shared stereotypes can occur without direct stimuli. Research since the 1930s suggested that people are highly similar with each other in how they describe different racial and national groups, although those people have no personal experience with the groups they are describing.
Socialization and upbringing.
Another explanation says that people are socialised to adopt the same stereotypes. Some psychologists believe that although stereotypes can be absorbed at any age, stereotypes are usually acquired in early childhood under the influence of parents, teachers, peers, and the media.
If stereotypes are defined by social values, then stereotypes only change as per changes in social values. The suggestion that stereotype content depends on social values reflects Walter Lippman's argument in his 1922 publication that stereotypes are rigid because they cannot be changed at will.
Studies emerging since the 1940s refuted the suggestion that stereotype contents cannot be changed at will. Those studies suggested that one group's stereotype of another group would become more or less positive depending on whether their intergroup relationship had improved or degraded. Intergroup events (e.g., World War II, Persian Gulf conflicts) often changed intergroup relationships. For example, after WWII, Black American students held a more negative stereotype of people from countries that were the United States's WWII enemies. If there are no changes to an intergroup relationship, then relevant stereotypes do not change.
Intergroup relations.
According to a third explanation, shared stereotypes are neither caused by the coincidence of common stimuli, nor by socialisation. This explanation posits that stereotypes are shared because group members are motivated to behave in certain ways, and stereotypes reflect those behaviours. It is important to note from this explanation that stereotypes are the consequence, not the cause, of intergroup relations. This explanation assumes that when it is important for people to acknowledge both their ingroup and outgroup, they will emphasise their difference from outgroup members, and their similarity to ingroup members. International migration creates more opportunities for intergroup relations, but the interactions do not always disconfirm stereotypes. They are also known to form and maintain them.
实行.
A number of studies have found that stereotypes are activated automatically. Patricia Devine (1989), for example, suggested that stereotypes are automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of a stereotyped group and that the unintentional activation of the stereotype is equally strong for high- and low-prejudice persons. Words related to the cultural stereotype of blacks were presented subliminally. During an ostensibly unrelated impression-formation task, subjects read a paragraph describing a race-unspecified target person's behaviors and rated the target person on several trait scales. Results showed that participants who received a high proportion of racial words rated the target person in the story as significantly more hostile than participants who were presented with a lower proportion of words related to the stereotype. This effect held true for both high- and low-prejudice subjects (as measured by the Modern Racism Scale). Thus, the racial stereotype was activated even for low-prejudice individuals who did not personally endorse it. Studies using alternative priming methods have shown that the activation of gender and age stereotypes can also be automatic.
Subsequent research suggested that the relation between category activation and stereotype activation was more complex. Lepore and Brown (1997), for instance, noted that the words used in Devine's study were both neutral category labels (e.g., "Blacks") and stereotypic attributes (e.g., "lazy"). They argued that if only the neutral category labels were presented, people high and low in prejudice would respond differently. In a design similar to Devine's, Lepore and Brown primed the category of African-Americans using labels such as "blacks" and "West Indians" and then assessed the differential activation of the associated stereotype in the subsequent impression-formation task. They found that high-prejudice participants increased their ratings of the target person on the negative stereotypic dimensions and decreased them on the positive dimension whereas low-prejudice subjects tended in the opposite direction. The results suggest that the level of prejudice and stereotype endorsement affects people's judgements when the category – and not the stereotype per se – is primed.
Research has shown that people can be trained to activate counterstereotypic information and thereby reduce the automatic activation of negative stereotypes. In a study by Kawakami et al. (2000), for example, participants were presented with a category label and taught to respond "No" to stereotypic traits and "Yes" to nonstereotypic traits. After this training period, subjects showed reduced stereotype activation. This effect is based on the learning of new and more positive stereotypes rather than the negation of already existing ones.
Automatic behavioral outcomes.
Empirical evidence suggests that stereotype activation can automatically influence social behavior. For example, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows (1996) activated the stereotype of the elderly among half of their participants by administering a scrambled-sentence test where participants saw words related to age stereotypes. Subjects primed with the stereotype walked significantly more slowly than the control group (although the test did not include any words specifically referring to slowness), thus acting in a way that the stereotype suggests that elderly people will act. And the stereotype of the elder will affect the subjective perception of them through depression. In another experiment, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows also found that because the stereotype about blacks includes the notion of aggression, subliminal exposure to black faces increased the likelihood that randomly selected white college students reacted with more aggression and hostility than participants who subconsciously viewed a white face. Similarly, Correll et al. (2002) showed that activated stereotypes about blacks can influence people's behavior. In a series of experiments, black and white participants played a video game, in which a black or white person was shown holding a gun or a harmless object (e.g., a mobile phone). Participants had to decide as quickly as possible whether to shoot the target. When the target person was armed, both black and white participants were faster in deciding to shoot the target when he was black than when he was white. When the target was unarmed, the participants avoided shooting him more quickly when he was white. Time pressure made the shooter bias even more pronounced.
准确性.
刻板印象可以是有效率的捷径和感知工具。然而，它们会让人们无法处理关于每个人的新的或意料之外的资讯，从而使印象形成过程出现偏差。早期的研究人员认为，刻板印象是对现实的不准确表述。 1930年代的一系列先驱研究发现，广泛持有的种族刻板印象观念没有实证支持。 到了1950年代中期，戈登·奥尔波特 (Gordon Allport) 写道，「刻板印象有可能在无视所有证据的情况下成长」。
关于错觉相关 (Illusory correlation) 在刻板印象形成中的作用的研究表明，刻板印象的形成可能是因为对两个事件（例如，社会群体成员身份和坏或好的属性）之间关系的不正确推断。这表示至少有些刻板印象是不准确的。
1995年， (Yueh-Ting Lee) 等人的著作认为，刻板印象有时是准确的。 同样地，Jussim等人在2015年的一项研究中，回顾了4项关于种族刻板印象的研究，以及7项关于人口特征、学业成绩、个性和行为的性别刻板印象研究，并认为种族和性别刻板印象的某些方面是准确的，而关于政治联系和国籍的刻板印象则准确性低得多。
在2005年Terracciano等人的一项研究发现，对于国籍的刻板印象并不反映来自不同文化的人的实际人格特质。
在1973年的一篇论文中，Marlene MacKie认为，虽然刻板印象是不准确的，但这只是一个定义，而不是经验上的主张--刻板印象被简单地定义为不准确，尽管假定的刻板印象的不准确性被当作是一个经验上的发现。
效果.
Attributional ambiguity can also make it difficult to assess one's skills because performance-related evaluations are mistrusted or discounted. Moreover, it can lead to the belief that one's efforts are not directly linked to the outcomes, thereby depressing one's motivation to succeed.
Stereotype threat.
Stereotype threat occurs when people are aware of a negative stereotype about their social group and experience anxiety or concern that they might confirm the stereotype. Stereotype threat has been shown to undermine performance in a variety of domains.
Claude M. Steele and Joshua Aronson conducted the first experiments showing that stereotype threat can depress intellectual performance on standardized tests. In one study, they found that black college students performed worse than white students on a verbal test when the task was framed as a measure of intelligence. When it was not presented in that manner, the performance gap narrowed. Subsequent experiments showed that framing the test as diagnostic of intellectual ability made black students more aware of negative stereotypes about their group, which in turn impaired their performance. Stereotype threat effects have been demonstrated for an array of social groups in many different arenas, including not only academics but also sports, chess and business.
Not only has stereotype threat been widely criticized by on a theoretical basis, but has failed several attempts to replicate its experimental evidence. The findings in support of the concept have been suggested by multiple methodological reviews to be the product of publication bias.
Self-fulfilling prophecy.
Stereotypes lead people to expect certain actions from members of social groups. These stereotype-based expectations may lead to self-fulfilling prophecies, in which one's inaccurate expectations about a person's behavior, through social interaction, prompt that person to act in stereotype-consistent ways, thus confirming one's erroneous expectations and validating the stereotype.
Word, Zanna, and Cooper (1974) demonstrated the effects of stereotypes in the context of a job interview. White participants interviewed black and white subjects who, prior to the experiments, had been trained to act in a standardized manner. Analysis of the videotaped interviews showed that black job applicants were treated differently: They received shorter amounts of interview time and less eye contact; interviewers made more speech errors (e.g., stutters, sentence incompletions, incoherent sounds) and physically distanced themselves from black applicants. In a second experiment, trained interviewers were instructed to treat applicants, all of whom were white, like the whites or blacks had been treated in the first experiment. As a result, applicants treated like the blacks of the first experiment behaved in a more nervous manner and received more negative performance ratings than interviewees receiving the treatment previously afforded to whites.
A 1977 study by Snyder, Tanke, and Berscheid found a similar pattern in social interactions between men and women. Male undergraduate students were asked to talk to female undergraduates, whom they believed to be physically attractive or unattractive, on the phone. The conversations were taped and analysis showed that men who thought that they were talking to an attractive woman communicated in a more positive and friendlier manner than men who believed that they were talking to unattractive women. This altered the women's behavior: Female subjects who, unknowingly to them, were perceived to be physically attractive behaved in a friendly, likeable, and sociable manner in comparison with subjects who were regarded as unattractive.
A 2005 study by J. Thomas Kellow and Brett D. Jones looked at the effects of self-fulfilling prophecy on African American and Caucasian high school freshman students. Both white and black students were informed that their test performance would be predictive of their performance on a statewide, high stakes standardized test. They were also told that historically, white students had outperformed black students on the test. This knowledge created a self-fulfilling prophecy in both the white and black students, where the white students scored statistically significantly higher than the African American students on the test. The stereotype threat of underperforming on standardized tests affected the African American students in this study.
In accountancy, there is a popular stereotype which represents members of the profession as being humorless, introspective . It has been suggested that this stereotype influences those attracted to the profession, with many new entrants underestimating the importance of communication skills and overestimating the importance of numeracy, thus contributing to the perpetuation of the stereotype.
Discrimination and prejudice.
Because stereotypes simplify and justify social reality, they have potentially powerful effects on how people perceive and treat one another. As a result, stereotypes can lead to discrimination in labor markets and other domains. For example, Tilcsik (2011) has found that employers who seek job applicants with stereotypically male heterosexual traits are particularly likely to engage in discrimination against gay men, suggesting that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is partly rooted in specific stereotypes and that these stereotypes loom large in many labor markets. Agerström and Rooth (2011) showed that automatic obesity stereotypes captured by the Implicit Association Test can predict real hiring discrimination against the obese. Similarly, experiments suggest that gender stereotypes play an important role in judgments that affect hiring decisions.
Stereotypes can cause racist prejudice. For example, scientists and activists have warned that the use of the stereotype "Nigerian Prince" for referring to Advance-fee scammers is racist, i.e. "reducing Nigeria to a nation of scammers and fraudulent princes, as some people still do online, is a stereotype that needs to be called out".
Self-stereotyping.
Stereotypes can affect self-evaluations and lead to self-stereotyping. For instance, Correll (2001, 2004) found that specific stereotypes (e.g., the stereotype that women have lower mathematical ability) affect women's and men's evaluations of their abilities (e.g., in math and science), such that men assess their own task ability higher than women performing at the same level. Similarly, a study by Sinclair et al. (2006) has shown that Asian American women rated their math ability more favorably when their ethnicity and the relevant stereotype that Asian Americans excel in math was made salient. In contrast, they rated their math ability less favorably when their gender and the corresponding stereotype of women's inferior math skills was made salient. Sinclair et al. found, however, that the effect of stereotypes on self-evaluations is mediated by the degree to which close people in someone's life endorse these stereotypes. People's self-stereotyping can increase or decrease depending on whether close others view them in stereotype-consistent or inconsistent manner.
Stereotyping can also play a central role in depression, when people have negative self-stereotypes about themselves, according to Cox, Abramson, Devine, and Hollon (2012). This depression that is caused by prejudice (i.e., "deprejudice") can be related to group membership (e.g., Me–Gay–Bad) or not (e.g., Me–Bad). If someone holds prejudicial beliefs about a stigmatized group and then becomes a member of that group, they may internalize their prejudice and develop depression. People may also show prejudice internalization through self-stereotyping because of negative childhood experiences such as verbal and physical abuse.
Substitute for observations.
Stereotypes are traditional and familiar symbol clusters, expressing a more or less complex idea in a convenient way. They are often simplistic pronouncements about gender, racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds and they can become a source of misinformation and delusion. For example, in a school when students are confronted with the task of writing a theme, they think in terms of literary associations, often using stereotypes picked up from books, films, and magazines that they have read or viewed.
The danger in stereotyping lies not in its existence, but in the fact that it can become a substitute for observation and a misinterpretation of a cultural identity. Promoting information literacy is a pedagogical approach that can effectively combat the entrenchment of stereotypes. The necessity for using information literacy to separate multicultural "fact from fiction" is well illustrated with examples from literature and media.
刻板印象在艺术与文化中的角色.
For example, Russians are usually portrayed as ruthless agents, brutal mobsters and villains in Hollywood movies. According to Russian American professor Nina L. Khrushcheva, "You can’t even turn the TV on and go to the movies without reference to Russians as horrible." The portrayals of Latin Americans in film and print media are restricted to a narrow set of characters. Latin Americans are largely depicted as sexualized figures such as the Latino macho or the Latina vixen, gang members, (illegal) immigrants, or entertainers. By comparison, they are rarely portrayed as working professionals, business leaders or politicians.
In Hollywood films, there are several Latin American stereotypes that have historically been used. Some examples are El Bandido, the Halfbreed Harlot, The Male Buffoon, The Female Clown, The Latin Lover, The Dark Lady, The Wise Old Man, and The Poor Peon. Many Hispanic characters in Hollywood films consists of one or more of these basic stereotypes, but it has been rare to view Latin American actors representing characters outside of this stereotypical criteria.
Media stereotypes of women first emerged in the early 20th century. Various stereotypic depictions or "types" of women appeared in magazines, including Victorian ideals of femininity, the New Woman, the Gibson Girl, the Femme fatale, and the Flapper.]
Stereotypes are also common in video games, with women being portrayed as stereotypes such as the "damsel in distress" or as sexual objects (see Gender representation in video games). Studies show that minorities are portrayed most often in stereotypical roles such as athletes and gangsters (see Racial representations in video games).
In literature and art, stereotypes are clichéd or predictable characters or situations. Throughout history, storytellers have drawn from stereotypical characters and situations to immediately connect the audience with new tales.
常见的刻板印象.
以下为一些常见的刻板印象：