人类安全

人类安全（Human security） 是个理解全球的新兴范式，它与对国家安全的传统概念相对，认为实现安全的保障对象应该是人，而非保障国家层面。人类安全展示人为中心的多学科安全理解，涉及多方面的研究，包括发展研究、国际关系、策略管理研究及人权研究。联合国开发计划署在1994年的人类发展报告被认为是人类安全领域的里程碑出版物，它争论保障所有人的免于匮乏的自由及免于恐惧的自由是处理全球不安全的最佳方法。
批评者认为这概念过份模糊性破坏了其有效性 ，它并不多于活动家为了促进某些事物而提倡的概念，它并没有帮助研究团体理解安全的意思，也无助于决策者制定善政。相对地，其他学者认为人类安全应该扩大它的概念以涵盖军事安全：「换句话说，如果这称为『人类安全』的东西核心概念是『人』，那就应该让我们直接面对人类的状态问题。这样人类安全就不会只作为军事安全或国家安全等较硬核领域的一种模糊不定的附加物」。
为了让人类安全挑战全球不平等，国家的外交政策必须对全球健康发展作出协力，但是国家利益持续地盖过人民利益。例如，加拿大的外交政策「三个D」因强调国防忽略发展而受到批评。
起源.
人类安全被提及的原因是冷战结束后，多个因素趋同而成的结果。这些发现对新现实主义在国家安全的支配地位、「相互保证毁灭」及以军事安全为主导等概念产生挑战。那时候为了寻找解决方法，曾短暂地采取了更广泛的安全概念。越趋迅速的全球化发展步伐、尝试透过华盛顿共识建立自由主义国家却失败、超级大国之间的核威慑减少、民主化传播和巩固以指数级增长以及国际社会对人权的共识，这些情况的出现也提供了对于「发展」及「安全」概念重新思考的空间。
同一时间，非洲，亚洲和欧洲（巴尔干）的内部暴力冲突次数增加，导致国家及国际安全概念无法有效反映后冷战时期的安全挑战。同时新自由主义形成多个发展模式，尤其是在非洲及处理新的复杂威胁（例如艾滋病及气候变化）中可以看到较多应用。这让我们更明显地看到国际组织及国家的组织方式无法以综合方式有效处理这些问题。
作为推广人类安全的一个主要指标，个人化概念的发展很视乎于国际社会对于人权面对国家政治的威胁时的处理手法的演变。研究分析的最主要焦点是是联合国宪章、1948年的《世界人权宣言》及之后1966年的国际人权法案、与特定罪行有关的公约（例如种族灭绝）及特定群体的权利（例如女性、种族群体及难民）。
概念.
联合国开发计划署在1994年的定义.
经济学家在联合国开发计划署1994年的「人类发展报告」中首次促使人类安全的概念引起了全球关注，并对联合国1995年的做成影响。该报告提出了人类安全的定义，认为全球安全的范围应扩大至包含「七个领域的威胁」：
自此以后，人类安全就从关键国际发展组织得到更多的关注，例如世界银行。赫布卜以及其他人跟踪著人类安全理念在国际组织的演变，认为该概念自1994年以来已以得到采用并转化为切合组织的利益的措施。
免于恐惧的自由与免于匮乏的自由.
在理想世界，联合国开发计划署七个领域的威胁的每一个领也能获得全球关注及足够的和资源。至于这个人类安全议程应该如何实现的问题，带动了两个对于人类安全的最佳实践方案的主要思想流派出现——免于恐惧的自由及免于匮乏的自由。1994年的报告最先的提出人类安全需要对免于恐惧的自由及免于匮乏的自由作出关注，其后对于恰当的保障范畴（例如应该保护个人免受哪些威胁）以及恰当的应对机制出现很多不同的见解。
虽然它们之间有差异但这两个达致人类安全的途径可以理解为互补的，而不是矛盾的。这方面的观点包括：
与传统概念安全的关系.
自1900年代早期创立以来，思考家已开始使用人类安全这用语，希望将安全的专注点由传统的以国家为主导转移至保护及发展社会中的人类。
人类安全以挑战传统安全概念的形式冒起，但人类及传统或国家安全概念并不是互相排斥的观念。有人争论，没有人类安全，就无法实现传统的国家安全，反之亦然。
传统概念的安全是关乎一个国家抵御外来威胁的能力。传统安全（有时称为国家安全）自从威斯特伐利亚和约之后就是国际安全主导思想，由现实主义到，这些学说的一个基础特性是他们专注于民族国家的首要地位。
下表对比了这两种观点之间的四个差异：
Human security could be said to further enlarge the scope for examining the causes and consequences of underdevelopment, by seeking to bridge the divide between development and security. Too often, militaries didn't address or factor in the underlying causes of violence and insecurity while development workers often underplayed the vulnerability of development models to violent conflict . Human security springs from a growing consensus that these two fields need to be more fully integrated in order to enhance security for all.
The paper "Development and Security" by Frances Stewart argues that security and development are deeply interconnected.
Despite these similarities, the relationship with development is one of the most contested areas of human security . "Freedom from fear" advocates, such as Andrew Mack, argue that human security should focus on the achievable goals of decreasing individual vulnerability to violent conflict, rather than broadly defined goals of economic and social development. Others, such as Tadjbakhsh and Chenoy, argue that human development and human security are inextricably linked since progress in one enhances the chances of progress in another while failure in one increases risk of failure of another.
The following table is adopted from Tadjbakhsh to help clarify the relationship between these two concepts.
The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) states that a major goal of comprehensive human security is to “transmit practical recommendations to policy-makers on how to strengthen human security through better environmental management and more effective natural resource governance.” The overreaching goal being a pervasive global mindset that recognizes the interdependent natures of the natural environment and our collective social security.
--> The UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, as of 1995, suggested that the problem is not just a social one, but requires evaluation of the political institutions which uphold unequal system of domination. Women's rights are neglected especially in the Middle East and Southeast Asian regions where customary practices are still prevalent. Although there are different opinions on the issue of customary practices, it infringes upon human security's notion where women and men are innated with equal human rights. Attempts to eradicate such violent customary practices requires political and legal approaches where human security in relation to gender should be brought up as the main source of assertion. Such cruel customary practices as honor killing, burning brides and widows, child marriage are still in existence because of women's vulnerability in economic independence and security. Human security in relationship to gender tries to overthrow such traditional practices that are incompatible to the rights of women. Also human security seeks to empower women, through education, participation and access, as gender equality is seen as a necessary precondition for peace, security and a prosperous society.
--> Overtly militaristic societies have utilized rape and other sexually violent acts to further their gains within the context of war, but also by using such practices of violence as rewards to the (often male) combatants. This tactic undermines the enemy's morale, as they are seen as "unable to protect their women".
--> This can be seen as an infringement on the traditional practices found within some sovereign states of the Global South, and a threat to ways of life and processes of development.
--> In 2001, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) produced the "Responsibility to protect", a comprehensive report detailing how the “right of humanitarian intervention” could be exercised. It was considered a triumph for the human security approach as it emphasized and gathered much needed attention to some of its main principles:
The report illustrates the usefulness of the human security approach, particularly its ability to examine the cause of conflicts that explain and justify humanitarian intervention. In addition, it could also act as a paradigm for identifying, prioritizing and resolving large transnational problems, one of the fundamental factors that act as a stimulus for humanitarian intervention in the first place. However, human security still faces difficulties concerning the scope of its applicability, as large problems requiring humanitarian intervention usually are built up from an array of socio-political, cultural and economic problems that may be beyond the limitations of humanitarian projects. On the other hand, successful examples of the use of human security principles within interventions can be found.
The success of humanitarian intervention in international affairs is varied. As discussed above, humanitarian intervention is a contentious issue. Examples of humanitarian intervention illustrate, that in some cases intervention can lead to disastrous results, as in Srebrenica and Somalia. In other cases, a lack of clarity as to the rules of when intervention can occur has resulted in tragic inaction, as was witnessed during the Rwandan genocide. One example is of a successful humanitarian intervention and also of humanitarian principles being applied is East Timor which, prior to its independence, was plagued with massive human rights abuses by pro-Indonesian militias and an insurgency war led by indigenous East Timorese against Indonesian forces. A peacekeeping mission was deployed to safeguard the move to independence and the UN established the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET). This not only dealt with traditional security priorities, but also helped in nation building projects, coordinated humanitarian aid and civil rehabilitation, illustrating not only a successful humanitarian intervention but also an effective application of human security principles.
--> Human Security proponents believe that this treaty has set new standards in humanitarian advocacy and has acted as a landmark in international lawmaking for a more secure world.
Critics of the treaty, however, caution against complacency on its success. Many states, they point out, have neither signed nor ratified this convention. They include China, Russia and the United States who are major contributors to the global weapons trade. Second, even though there were a diverse group of civil society actors, the real influence on the treaty came from the ones in the 'global north'. Third, cynics may argue that the success of this campaign stems from the fact that these weapons were outdated and of limited military value and this treaty just helped to accelerate a process that would have happened anyway.
争议.
沃尔特·多恩（Walter Dorn）提出了数个批评。他特别质问，外交政策实际上是否真的如声称的一样出现重大偏离。他认为国际社会自1860年代成立了红十字国际委员会以来已经有顾及人类安全所提出的观点。斯图尔特·戈登（Stuart Gordon）认为加拿大作为人类安全的拥戴者，在许多方面只是套用了人类安全的语调来重新推出其传统的皮尔逊主义外交政策。多恩也质问了「既然人类安全议程中的所有提倡的内容在该概念出现之前就已推行」，该概念是否真的有需要存在。最后他指出这个概念可能适得其反。为了对抗「联合国几乎无限制的干预主义」，一些国家政府可能会迫害「他们的人民直至产生奴性」。
理查德·乔利（Richard Jolly）和 迪伊潘·巴苏·雷（Deepayan Basu Ray）在他们的联合国开发计划署报告表明人类安全的主要批评包括：人类安全没有定明研究界限，因此任何东西也可以理解为一个对安全的威胁，这导致组建政策变得几乎不可能；人类安全，当广泛至包含气候变化及健康等议题时，令到国际机制决定策略及采取行动变得复杂；人类安全具有招引军事涉及一些原本最好由非军事手段解决的问题的风险；人类安全或许会引起人们联合国能解决一些它无法解决的问题的期望。
其他的作者，例如罗兰巴黎（Roland Paris），认为人类安全其实是「现实主义、传统、基于国家、基于利益的方法」和「新的，自由世界主义，基于领土的，基于价值的专注个人需要」之间的中央斗争，它并没有全然对安全辩论的基础产生转变，相反地他认为人类安全将两种截然不同的「范式」严重夸大了。