ethanporcaro/eric-fulltext-meta huggingface dataset:
U.S. Elementary and Secondary Schools: Equalizing Opportunity or Replicating the Status Quo?
Author: Rouse, Cecilia Elena
Date: 2006-00-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Family Characteristics,Educational Attainment,Socioeconomic Status,Social Mobility,Educational Policy,Intervention,Federal Legislation,Educational Legislation,Disadvantaged Youth,Class Size,Teacher Effectiveness,Education Work Relationship,Costs,Teacher Expectations of Students,Educational Benefits,Credit (Finance),School Effectiveness,Educational Quality,Peer Relationship,Accountability,Generational Differences

Although education pays off handsomely in the United States, children from low-income families attain less education than children from more advantaged families. In this article, Cecilia Elena Rouse and Lisa Barrow investigate why family background is so strongly linked to education. The authors show that family socioeconomic status affects such educational outcomes as test scores, grade retention, and high school graduation, and that educational attainment strongly affects adult earnings. They then go on to ask why children from more advantaged families get more or better schooling than those from less advantaged families. For low-income students, greater psychological costs, the cost of forgone income (continuing in school instead of getting a job), and borrowing costs all help to explain why these students attain less education than more privileged children. And these income-related differences in costs may themselves be driven by differences in access to quality schools. As a result, U.S. public schools tend to reinforce the transmission of low socioeconomic status from parents to children. Policy interventions aimed at improving school quality for children from disadvantaged families thus have the potential to increase social mobility. Despite the considerable political attention paid to increasing school accountability, as in the No Child Left Behind Act, along with charter schools and vouchers to help the children of poor families attend private school, to date the best evidence suggests that such programs will improve student achievement only modestly. Based on the best research evidence, smaller class sizes seem to be one promising avenue for improving school quality for disadvantaged students. High teacher quality is also likely to be important. However, advantaged families, by spending more money on education outside school, can and will partly undo policy attempts to equalize school quality for poor and nonpoor children.
Making It in America: Social Mobility in the Immigrant Population
Author: Borjas, George J.
Date: 2006-00-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Social Mobility,Immigrants,Ethnic Groups,Surveys,Economic Factors,Salary Wage Differentials,Trend Analysis,Social Structure,History,Socioeconomic Status

In his survey of research on social mobility and U.S. immigration, George Borjas underscores two insights. First, most immigrants are at a sizable earnings disadvantage, relative to nativeborn workers. Second, the earnings of different groups of immigrants vary widely. The children of immigrants &quot;catch up&quot; to native-born workers slowly. The jump in relative wages between the first and second generations is somewhere between 5 and 10 percentage points. Of particular concern is that the age-adjusted relative wage of both immigrants and secondgeneration workers has been falling--a trend with bleak implications for the children of immigrants. The wide ethnic variation in the earnings of immigrants has equally important implications. National origin groups from advanced economies, such as Canada, do much better in the U.S. labor market than those from poorer countries, such as Mexico. And the initial ethnic differences tend to persist. In rough terms, about half of the difference in relative economic status persists from one generation to the next. Thus a 20 percentage point wage gap among ethnic groups in the immigrant generation implies a 10 point gap among second-generation groups and a 5 point gap among third-generation groups. Again in rough terms, Borjas attributes about half of that persistence to the ethnic environment in which children are raised. Borjas cautions that the rate of social mobility that immigrants enjoyed over much of the twentieth century may not continue in the future. The employment sectors seeking immigrants today are unlikely to provide the same growth opportunities as did the rapidly expanding manufacturing sector a century ago. And in contrast to the many and diverse ethnic groups that made up early twentieth-century immigrants, the large ethnic groups of immigrants today may develop separate economies and social structures, in effect hindering their social mobility.
Children's Health and Social Mobility
Author: Case, Anne
Date: 2006-00-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Low Income Groups,Child Health,Public Health,At Risk Persons,Family Income,Poverty,Social Justice,Access to Health Care,Foreign Countries,Educational Attainment,Employment Qualifications,Physical Health,Socioeconomic Influences,Health Promotion,Prenatal Care,Smoking,Nutrition Instruction,Correlation,Prenatal Influences,Child Development

Children from low-income families are more likely than other children to have serious health problems. And, as Anne Case and Christina Paxson show, childhood health problems can prevent poor children from achieving economic success as adults. Income-related disparities in childhood health are evident at birth or even before, and the disparities grow more pronounced as children grow older. Not only do poor children have more severe health problems than wealthier children, but they fare less well than wealthier children who have the same problems. They also receive less and lower-quality medical care for their problems. And poor families may be less well equipped to manage their children's health problems, which could worsen their effects. The available U.S. data sets do not allow researchers to track individuals' health and economic well-being from birth into adulthood, but three British data sets are producing growing evidence that health in childhood is a determinant of educational attainment, which in turn affects adults' employment opportunities and wages. Children in poor health are also more likely to have poor health as adults, and their health as adults adversely affects their economic status. Case and Paxson note that eliminating income-related disparities in health problems in childhood would do little to reduce earnings disparities between richer and poorer adults. However, they emphasize that, for children in poor health, improvement in physical condition in childhood would lead to substantial improvement in economic circumstances. The authors cite several areas, including expanded prenatal care, maternal smoking cessation programs, and nutrition programs, as deserving particular attention. They contend that increased access to health care is not sufficient to improve children's health. The next wave of policies should focus on improving the quality of health care and strengthening the ability of parents to manage their children's health problems.
How Can Catholic Higher Education Help K-12 Catholic Schools and School Systems Prepare for and Maximize Participation in Parental Choice Programs? &quot;A Reflection on the 2013 Catholic Higher Education Collaborative Conference on Catholic School Financing&quot;
Author: Ferguson, Susan M.
Date: 2014-09-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Catholic Schools,Elementary Secondary Education,Church Related Colleges,School Choice,Conferences (Gatherings),Educational Finance,College School Cooperation,Marketing,Preservice Teacher Education,Religious Education,Advocacy,Publications

Susan Ferguson reflects on the Catholic Higher Education Collaborative Conference of 2013 and the breakout group talk titled &quot;Helping the Church Prepare for and Implement Publicly Funded Programs.&quot; The main point of the talk asked: &quot;How Can Catholic Higher Education Help K-12 Catholic Schools and School Systems Prepare for and Maximize Participation in Parental Choice Programs?&quot; Ferguson points out that the discussion was rich because members of the breakout group represented a gamut of affiliations--archdioceses and dioceses, advocacy groups, and Catholic colleges and universities--and because they expressed such a diversity of possibilities for need, for support, and for mutual outcomes. The breakout group was offered a glimpse at possibilities for utilizing Catholic college and university resources and growing partnerships with PK-12 Catholic schools that may enhance preparation for and maximize participation in parental choice programs. Addressed was the thought that when public funding is available in some states and regions, Catholic education becomes an option for families once unable to consider Catholic education. University and Arch/diocesan partnerships were encouraged to create campaigns to inform families of these opportunities, which would promise multiple opportunities for growth for all stakeholders. The collaboration of Catholic colleges, universities, PK-12 Catholic schools, and other stakeholders hold keys to parental choice through public funding and for financial sustainability and vitality for Catholic schools.
&quot;Culture&quot; and the Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty: The Prevention Paradox
Author: Ludwig, Jens
Date: 2006-00-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Poverty,Prevention,Low Income Groups,Parent Influence,Employed Parents,Marital Status,Religious Factors,Family Influence,Social Mobility,Policy Formation

Many U.S. policymakers support changing the &quot;culture&quot; of poor parents to encourage marriage, work, and religion as a means to end the intergenerational transmission of poverty. In this article Jens Ludwig and Susan Mayer review and evaluate research on how parental work, marriage, and religion affect children&apos;s socioeconomic status as adults, as well as on the likelihood that changing these indicators of parental behavior will reduce poverty in the next generation. They conclude that even if policymakers were able to ensure that all children had married, working, and religious parents, the result would be a far smaller reduction in poverty among the children&apos;s generation than many people believe. The explanation for this &quot;poverty-prevention paradox,&quot; say Ludwig and Mayer, is that the poverty rate in the children&apos;s generation depends not only on how many poor children grow up to be poor adults, but also on how many nonpoor children grow up to be poor adults. Reducing the chances that poor children become poor adults will dramatically lower future poverty rates only if most poor adults begin life as poor children. But most poor adults grow up as nonpoor children in the type of &quot;pro-social&quot; households that policymakers are pushing to attain. Moreover, little good evidence supports the idea that such parental behaviors as marriage, work, and religious adherence have strong causal effects on children&apos;s long-term economic success. The authors argue that encouraging positive social behaviors in the parents of poor children is a worthwhile goal in its own right. But they stress that policymakers should recognize the limits of this strategy for reducing poverty among future generations. There may be no substitute for a system of social insurance and income transfers for those children who do wind up poor as adults.
Early Childhood Development and Social Mobility
Author: Barnett, W. Steven
Date: 2006-00-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Preschool Education,Social Mobility,Young Children,Disadvantaged Youth,Program Effectiveness,Early Intervention,Child Care,State Programs,Academic Ability,Academic Achievement,School Readiness,Interpersonal Competence,Family Income,Participation,Parent Education,Kindergarten,Public Education,Private Education,Background,Family Programs,Outcomes of Education,Child Development,Adolescents,Adults,Program Design

Steven Barnett and Clive Belfield examine the effects of preschool education on social mobility in the United States. They note that under current policy three- and four-year-old children from economically and educationally disadvantaged families have higher preschool attendance rates than other children. But current programs fail to enroll even half of poor three- and four year- olds. Hispanics and children of mothers who drop out of school also participate at relatively low rates. The programs also do little to improve learning and development. The most effective programs, they explain, are intensive interventions such as the model Abecedarian and Perry Preschool programs, which feature highly qualified teachers and small group sizes. State preschool programs with the highest standards rank next, followed by Head Start and the average state program, which produce effects ranging from one-tenth to one-quarter of those of the best programs. Typical child care and family support programs rank last. Barnett and Belfield point out that preschool programs raise academic skills on average, but do not appear to have notably different effects for different groups of children, and so do not strongly enhance social mobility. In such areas as crime, welfare, and teen parenting, however, preschool seems more able to break links between parental behaviors and child outcomes. Increased investment in preschool, conclude Barnett and Belfield, could raise social mobility. Program expansions targeted to disadvantaged children would help them move up the ladder, as would a more universal set of policies from which disadvantaged children gained disproportionately. Increasing the educational effectiveness of early childhood programs would provide for greater gains in social mobility than increasing participation rates alone. The authors observe that if future expansions of preschool programs end up serving all children, not just the poorest, society as a whole would gain. Benefits would exceed costs and there would be more economic growth, but relative gains for disadvantaged children would be smaller than absolute gains because there would be some (smaller) benefits to other children.
Intergenerational Social Mobility: The United States in Comparative Perspective
Author: Beller, Emily
Date: 2006-00-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Social Mobility,Socioeconomic Status,Trend Analysis,Family Income,Comparative Analysis,Economic Development,Fathers,Sons,Parent Background,Correlation,Occupations,Occupational Mobility,Social Systems,Cross Cultural Studies,Advantaged

Emily Beller and Michael Hout examine trends in U.S. social mobility, especially as it relates to the degree to which a person&apos;s income or occupation depends on his or her parents&apos; background and to the independent contribution of economic growth. They also compare U.S. social mobility with that in other countries. They conclude that slower economic growth since 1975 and the concentration of that growth among the wealthy have slowed the pace of U.S. social mobility. In measuring mobility, economists tend to look at income and sociologists, occupation. The consensus among those measuring occupational mobility is that the average correlation between the occupations of fathers and sons today ranges from 0.30 to 0.40, meaning that most variation in the ranking of occupations is independent of social origins. Those measuring income mobility tend to agree that the elasticity between fathers&apos; and sons&apos; earnings in the United States today is about 0.4, meaning that 40 percent of the difference in incomes between families in the parents&apos; generation also shows up in differences in incomes in the sons&apos; generation. Beller and Hout show that occupational mobility increased during the 1970s, compared with the 1940s--1960s, but there is some evidence to suggest that by the 1980s and 1990s it had declined to past levels. Existing data on income mobility show no clear trends over time, but increases in economic inequality during the 1980s made mobility more consequential by making economic differences between families persist for a longer time. In international comparisons, the United States occupies a middle ground in occupational mobility but ranks lower in income mobility. Researchers have used the variation in mobility to study whether aspects of a country&apos;s policy regime, such as the educational or social welfare systems, might be driving these results. There is as yet, however, no scholarly consensus about the sources of cross-national differences in mobility.
Comparative, Diachronic, Ethnographic Research on Education
Author: Tobin, Joseph
Date: 2014-00-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Qualitative Research,Ethnography,Video Technology,International Education,Cross Cultural Studies,Comparative Education,Research Methodology,Interviews,Early Childhood Education,Role,Cultural Influences,Global Approach,Political Influences,Economic Factors,Educational Change,Child Care Centers,Creativity,Foreign Countries,Educational History

Most qualitative studies in international education take place in a single site in a single nation. When studies are of more than one country, they most often use more quantitative than qualitative approaches. Beatrice and John Whiting conducted the most systematic of comparative cross-cultural studies of child rearing in their &quot;Six Cultures&quot; (1975) study. One of the six ethnographies that served as the foundation of that study was conducted by Robert A. LeVine (1966). Author Joseph Tobin has attempted to carry this comparative project forward, and to do so in a way that systematically deals with variation within, as well as among cultures, while also taking into account how cultures stay the same and change over time. For the past thirty years in his studies of preschools in Japan, China, the US and other countries, the approach he has employed is a method he calls &quot;video cued multivocal ethnography,&quot; but which is better known as the &quot;Preschool in Three Cultures method.&quot; The core idea of this method is that videos function in these studies not as data but as interviewing cues. In this article, Tobin compares the results of two studies where this approach was used: (1) The &quot;Preschool in Three Cultures&quot; study (Tobin, Wu, &amp; Davidson, 1989) which emphasized differences in Chinese, Japanese, and US approaches to early childhood education, and argued for the importance of thinking about the role of what we call &quot;implicit cultural beliefs and practices&quot;; and (2) A second study, conducted twenty years later, where the investigators explored the power of globalization and other social, economic, and political forces on preschools by adding a diachronic dimension. The findings of the two studies showed that between the mid-1980s and the first decade of the millennia, early childhood education in China changed a lot and Japanese preschools stayed much the same. Understanding why a day at Komatsudani Day Care Center in Kyoto looks much the same in 2005 as it did twenty years earlier is as compelling a question as understanding why Daguan Preschool in Kunming China changed. Maintaining continuity in a program of early childhood education from one era to the next requires as much effort and creativity as it does to change. Herein, Tobin provides examples of the kind of change of preschool beliefs and practices they found in China and the kind of continuity they found in Japan, and why.
Why Do Policy-Makers Adopt Global Education Policies? Toward a Research Framework on the Varying Role of Ideas in Education Reform
Author: Verger, Antoni
Date: 2014-00-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Educational Policy,Policy Formation,Global Approach,Role,Educational Change,Epistemology,Comparative Education,Social Sciences,Context Effect

Globalization is profoundly altering the education policy landscape. It introduces new problems in education agendas, compresses time and space in policy processes, and revitalizes the role of a range of supra-national players in educational reform. This deterritorialization of the education policy process has important theoretical and epistemological implications. Among others, it is forcing comparative education scholars to pay more attention to the politics and dynamics involved in the &quot;policy adoption&quot; stage. Policy adoption is a moment that has acquired a great deal of strategic significance in current education reforms. Looking at the adoption stage has the potential to introduce new perspectives in the study of global education policy (GEP), as well as to disentangle several aspects of the global policy debate that, in comparative education, have been often captured by the convergence-divergence dilemma. In the first section of this article, author Antoni Verger reviews the different traditions in education and globalization studies, and justifies the necessity of looking more explicitly and systematically at the policy adoption stage. In the second section, he reviews how different theoretical approaches in social sciences can contribute to analyze the role of ideas in GEP change, and in policy adoption in particular. In the third section, he systematizes a range of contextual dimensions that are more decisive in processes of education policy adoption.
Developing and Validation a Usability Evaluation Tools for Distance Education Websites: Persian Version
Author: Hafezi, Soheila
Date: 2010-07-00
Type: Journal Articles
Subjects: Usability,Distance Education,Web Sites,Program Validation,Program Development,Evaluation Methods,Questionnaires,Definitions,Content Validity,Phrase Structure,College Programs,Foreign Countries,Computer Software Evaluation,Program Evaluation,Test Construction,Item Analysis

The web is playing a central role in distance education. The word &quot;usability&quot; is usually synonymous with functionality of the system for the user. Also, usability of a website is defined as something that can be used by a specific group of people to carry out specific objectives in an effective way, with efficiency and satisfaction. There are some useful usability evaluation instruments of websites in other languages. The aim of this study was to develop a Persian instrument to evaluate usability in distance education websites. This study was a methodology research design. According to review literature, the main structure of evaluation instrument for usability designed. It was consisted of forty-eight items divided in 8 domains. Each domain was composed of closed multiple choice questions in which an ordinal scale with three values is used (always, sometimes and never) that measures the opinion of the evaluator about the frequency of visiting each item selected in the website. After that, we used face validity method. It refers to what instrument appears superficially to measure. At the final step, we computed a formal content validity index (CVI) across the experts' ratings of each item's relevance. The content validity index was measured by set of ten experts, who evaluated each item individually. According to CVI, the final version of instrument was composed of 40 questions divided into 8 domains: Navigation, Functionality, Feedback, Control, Language, Consistency, Error prevention and correction, and Visual clarity. CVI score for each phrase was more than 0.75. According to our findings, this instrument has enough validity to apply in evaluation usability of educational websites of Persian distance education websites. However, instrument reliability can be measured in further study.