## 1 Introduction  
As the Internet continues to affect more and more of social life, less and less will remain free of its influence. Even as the Internet takes on an increasingly important role in our daily routines, the question of its mirroring or transforming the social divide remains a matter of vigorous academic debate. Unfortunately, for the most part, this debate does not involve a substantive discussion of the technology's construction processes, even though there are always several potential paths for developing Internet websites, and the choice between paths is often determined by the social forces at play [1]. According to several sociologists, people's use of the Internet as an important source for making health-related decisions is an indication of their having adopted an \"Internet-oriented lifestyle\", which leaves different \"footprints\" on the users' lives, manifested in an increase of social and financial returns [2, 3, 4, 5]. A survey conducted in the USA by [PERSON] and [PERSON] (2006) [6] and titled the \"Major Moments Survey\" found that the size of the Internet footprint on the user's life increases dramatically as the individual's level of education increases. This finding suggests that although the gap related to Internet access has narrowed, the divide related to Internet skills and _types of use_ still exists [4, 7]. Most of the findings about the partial use of the Internet are explained by users' characteristics such as low digital skills [8, 9], eHealth literacy [10, 11] and users age and education [12, 13]. We suggest that factors other than user characteristics inhibit productive Internet use and are responsible for the existing gap. Specifically, the characteristics of the technology itself play a vital role in constraining or enabling the range of potential users and uses. The use of health websites is a form of self-directed self-service; it does not necessitate payment and is intended to serve a broad range of needs, both the needs of the parties involved in building the websites as well as the needs of its potential users. Analysis of the characteristics of online medical resources is complicated, due to the numerous \"players\" involved, including government ministries, health institutions, insurance companies, drug companies, hospitals, community clinics, private clinics, and providers of various paramedical services, as well as healthy citizens, patients, and caregivers who are the consumers of all of the services available. Each of these constituents has different and varied needs for information, and each \"provider\" has in mind specific applications for the electronic medical resources that digital information consumers will draw upon. Furthermore, although millions of people are using the Internet, only a small group of people are responsible for the web applications, systems or site into which content is created by institutions or by Internet users [2, 13, 14]. This leaves an opening for possible gaps in terms of language and content between the needs of potential users and the health websites or portals intended to serve them. The literature about E-Commerce webmasters and content managers' practices is by far more prevalent than the literature related to health-website webmasters and content managers' best practices and their content selection process, despite the fact they share a big responsibility for surfers' health, as many people tend to trust the information they find online [15, 16]. In this article, we elaborate on the manner in which the processes involved in the construction of health websites are determined by a hidden, perhaps even an unconscious agenda, or--at the very least--by the basic assumptions of those in charge of producing the content and structure of health websites. An unfortunate consequence of this unconscious agenda is the exclusion of a range of users, characterized by different cultural backgrounds and diverse levels of digital and eHealth literacy.