## 3 Main Hypotheses
[PERSON] (2007), using his study results [45], concluded that the students who manifest a great sense of interpersonal trust have a low proclivity to migrate abroad because of belonging to social networks of mutual trust, which act as institutions that operate in order to fulfil duties and overcome obstacles. [PERSON] et al. (2006) demonstrated that personality affects young people's mobility decisions [46]. Others [47] have found that openness to experience is a personality trait that has an essential role on the skilled migrants' intentions to leave their native country. By contrast, regarding agreeableness, this personality trait decreases the likelihood to migrate in the future [48; 49; 50], because this personal quality creates powerful emotional attachments with close people [51]. Moreover, other scholars [52] have not found any connection between this variable and the intention to migrate, while others [53] demonstrated a positive relationship, but only in the situation when the migration was achieved. **Hypothesis 2 (H2). **_Individuals with lower levels of external religiosity (frequency of participation at religious services) and higher ones for internal religiosity (personal belief in [PERSON]) are more likely to leave the country of origin._  
[PERSON] et al., analysing the intentions to migrate, found that individuals with lower levels of religiosity are more likely to leave these countries and move abroad for a better life [54]. [PERSON], [PERSON], and [PERSON] have come to the conclusion that, in comparison with non-religious individuals, those who manifest higher religiosity have a lower inclination towards geographical mobility, especially due to a certain type of capital that is embedded with religious features by simply belonging to a certain denomination [55] (p. 22). Other studies emphasise that, using different religiosity scales, compared with the natives, the immigrants present higher religiosity levels [56] (p. 20). [PERSON], [PERSON], and [PERSON] made a clear distinction between the influence of internal and external religiosity towards the migration intentions, finding that an increased level of external religiosity among them has a negative effect on the desire to leave the country and move to the United States. By contrast, a higher internal religiosity has a positive influence on their migration intentions because of a sense of divine protection that will ease the integration in a foreign society [57]. **Hypothesis 3 (H3). **_The students who benefit from intergenerational transmission of past migration experience from their parents and have higher educated parents are more likely to migrate after graduation._  
[PERSON] (1990) and [PERSON] (2000) demonstrate that the migration intentions could be influenced by relatives and/or friends who already migrated abroad [58,59]. Hence, \"family migration capital\" or the (positive) transmission of migration experiences abroad from parents to their children \"reduces the non-pecuninary (psychological/psychic) costs of migration. Attitudes and stories about past migration could be passed from one generation to another, and migration in such families could be viewed as a less risky, more rewarding and enriching enterprise, compared to families without such experience\" [23] (p. 119). [PERSON] and [PERSON] (2016, p. 84) emphasise that the migration intentions among the Romanian teenagers are primarily based on personal accomplishment abroad, but, also important, influenced by paternal education and parental belonging to a certain social class [7] (p. 84). **Hypothesis 4 (H4).