## 2 Comparison of BRI with Other Global and Regional Infrastructure Initiatives
### Environmental Sustainability  
Infrastructure projects that fail to align with the environmental expectations of local communities may also be classified as NIMBY facilities, particularly when adverse pollution is concentrated in specific areas that the physical infrastructure is being constructed in. NIMBY facilities may not only be limited in scope in terms of zoning and siting decisions since, regionally, economic corridors can lead to increased greenhouse gas emissions not only from infrastructure development but also from transportation and industrial production processes. Although direct evidence on local environmental preferences is limited, differences in environmental outcomes between BRI and non-BRI member countries offer an indirect lens to assess such concerns. Empirical studies examining changes in pollution levels, carbon intensity, and the deployment of green technologies provide insight into the extent to which BRI projects have been perceived as environmentally unsustainable or otherwise. Several studies have shown that BRI member countries fare worse in environmental sustainability compared to non-member countries, and this negative effect is more pronounced for developing countries than developed countries. For example, [PERSON] and [PERSON] (2024) found a significant increase in ecological footprint consumption (EFP) (as measured by the Global Footprint Network) among BRI member countries, especially African countries, after the implementation of the BRI in 2014, and this is linked to an increase in financial development, implying the lack of sustainable and green finance to ensure that industries adopt cleaner technologies as they grow ([PERSON] et al., 2020; [PERSON] et al., 2019). Although the BRI was found to have improved its member countries' environmental quality in terms of exporting new green technology and augmenting environmental regulation (indirectly proxied by external health expenditures), the industrial structure effect remained unchanged, i.e., industries were still predominantly using fossil fuels. Moreover, the resource utilisation stage was still the main driver for expanding the scale of economy rather than the production efficiency stage, meaning that scale effects would continue to result in more environmental pollution ([PERSON] et al., 2021). Countries along the Maritime Silk Road were assessed to fare poorly in wastewater treatment and water use efficiency, the development and deployment of renewable energy sources, the coverage of marine protected areas, support for marine science research, and the preservation of ecosystem services and genetic resources ([PERSON] et al., 2023). The pollution haven theory is validated by [PERSON] and [PERSON] (2023), who found that upstream countries in global value chains (GVCs) are likely to relocate their polluting industries to the lower stream of GVCs, where most BRI economies are located. Moreover, improvement in environmental quality is only evident for developed economies as they are able to leverage their more energy-efficient and less carbon-intensive production technology in assemblages during the final stage of production, producing cleaner intermediate inputs relative to their imported counterparts, i.e., a pollution halo effect. In contrast, environmental quality deteriorates for emerging and developing BRI economies. However, other studies suggest that the BRI has contributed to improving environmental quality in participating countries, particularly in developing regions. In Africa, the BRI participation of developing countries has been linked to substantial reductions in the carbon intensity of energy-intensive sectors compared to both developed and non-participating countries ([PERSON] et al., 2023).