Mahuta NanaiaHon NANAIA MAHUTA (Minister of Foreign Affairs): That podcast may be well worth a listen! I want to welcome the opportunity to speak on the Autonomous Sanctions Bill. While Labour won't be supporting this bill to progress it is important to set out our approach that we are taking and some of the shortcomings that we do see in the bill with all respect to the sponsoring member the Hon Gerry Brownlee.New Zealand articulates its independent values-based foreign policy with a focus on human rights; an open and transparent democracy; upholding international rules and norms; a commitment to multilateralism; and promoting regional peace prosperity and stability. The world we are living in is very different and when I consider that the genesis of this bill dates back probably to about 2012 so much has happened: a global pandemic increased competition for scarce natural resources the impact of climate change armed conflict economic coercion and geostrategic positioning in our region that has caused us to reflect on the role that we might play at this time. Against this backdrop we need to consider the place for foreign policy and diplomacy and the need for strong domestic legislation to platform what we value who we are and what we stand for.I've said previously that the autonomous sanctions regime is a suite of tools that are used as a measure of last resort when diplomatic sanctions and diplomacy simply have not worked to the degree necessary. They are often characterised as a stronger set of measures that have economic and trade consequences. In the New Zealand context we need to consider this element of how a sanctions regime might impact on our economy and exporting community.We also need to consider the context of our values-based approach to foreign policy and to work collectively in the pursuit of our core interests which include an international rules-based order which gives all countries a voice and provides frameworks that promote stability; keeping New Zealanders safe by promoting regional stability; international conditions and connections that aid our prosperity including supply chain resilience; and global action on sustainability issues such as climate change. Aotearoa's record on the world stage shows we are most effective when we take this approach internationally. We exhaust our diplomatic tool kit to influence and lead change. We build and strengthen our relationships that are with an independent foreign policy perspective that promotes strong relationships and acknowledges the mana of all countries. This is what we must bear in mind when considering this particular bill.This bill was first drafted back in 2012 and while the bill has not changed too much the international environment has. The challenges confronting us have become increasingly more complex: COVID has highlighted the impact of growing inequality; competition for scarce resources; climate change impacts; geostrategic competition; the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; terrorism; human rights abuses; and the list goes on. This also reinforces the enduring importance of New Zealand's belief in the use of multilateral avenues to be able to influence change and over time the international rules and norms that should be contextualised for the challenges that we are facing today. We do so because our voice is greater when we speak together with other like-minded States and because a rules-based order protects the rights and interests of smaller States.I welcome the debate on autonomous sanctions. This is the first opportunity we have had to do so. We need to consider what is in New Zealand's best interest. This Government is looking at how to provide greater support for human rights around the world. Since coming into Government we have made progress on a number of fronts to strengthen our domestic legislative context including taking action to tackle modern slavery with an all-of-Government action plan and a pre-election commitment to explore implementation of modern slavery legislation; progressing our counter-terrorism laws to protect New Zealanders and make us safer while bringing us into line with other countries; reviewing our export control regime to ensure it is fit for purpose and meets the values of this Government and our country; strengthening our maritime laws to prevent serious criminal offending and transnational organised crime. We also have our existing tool kit including options like travel bans redirecting aid the Telecommunications (Interception Capability and Security) Act diplomatic representations recourse through multilateral institutions and the international rules and norms that we've so often spoken about in this House.We are looking at the best way to utilise our tool kit and the options within. We need to understand what we have in our tool kit for responding internationally not stand up a regime that is not fit for purpose. An autonomous sanctions regime would be an option of last resort and something to be used only after this full range of other options had been exhausted. It cannot be seen as a way of avoiding or an effective substitute for multilateral action; indeed it should not be called upon by outsiders beyond New Zealand to strong arm our own interests.I believe that the bill as it stands is unfit for purpose beyond what could be rectified through its continued consideration beyond first reading. Firstly the bill fails to take into account the importance of any autonomous sanctions regime implemented today facing the upholding of human rights at its centre; although much has been spoken about it in the introduction of the bill. In the case of this bill human rights issues are not considered at all in contrast with Australia's recent consideration of how human rights could fit within its own autonomous sanctions regime. In addition to this the bill's focus on the Asia-Pacific region is likely too narrow. The effect of these oversights is that sanctions could not be levelled to respond to severe human rights abuses if they did not constitute a threat to peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region. The bill also fails to cover some emerging risks such as threats to cyber-security. These omissions highlight the importance of taking the time to get this issue right also to discuss with the public what the impact of an autonomous sanction regime would have. As mentioned earlier as part of a values-based approach to foreign policy it is incumbent on the Government to consider what more it can do to support the upholding of human rights around the world. This work will include what role an autonomous sanctions regime could play within this framework. So I'm not ruling it out; it is just that the bill falls short of expectations on that front. I look forward to having more of a say on this as we continue the Government's process. However we continue to favour multilateral collaboration and adherence to well-established rules and norms whether this be in an economic health or humanitarian context; hence the particular need for security when a framework of unilateral action is proposed.Again while much of Mr Brownlee's submission to propose this particular bill focuses on human rights that premise is not as clearly stated at the heart and purpose of this particular bill. The bill falls short and fails to stand up to that level of scrutiny and is why we won't be supporting it to first reading.