Harawira Hone: Statutes Amendment Bill (No 2) — First Reading 
Harawira Hone: Statutes Amendment Bill (No 2) — First Reading 
[Volume:642;Page:12109] 
HONE HARAWIRA (Maori Party—Te Tai Tokerau) 
: 
 Tena koe Mr Deputy Speaker. A tena tatou katoa e te Whare. In considering this Statutes Amendment Bill (No 2) I am reminded of the fact that like this bill the Westminster style of Parliament is an exercise in precedent and ritual established over hundreds of years which is expressed nowhere more obviously than in the movie  
Amazing Grace 
. 
The move is about a British politician William Wilberforce who over a period of 20 years led a fierce political battle to abolish slavery and its trade throughout the British Empire. His campaign culminated in an impassioned speech by Lord Grenville in the House of Lords during which he criticised fellow members for “not having abolished the trade long ago” and argued that the trade was “contrary to the principles of justice humanity and sound policy”. That was followed by a second reading in the House of the Slave Trade Bill the bill passing by 283 votes to 16 and the Slave Trade Act gaining Royal assent on 25 March 1807. 
The surprising thing for me though is how in 200 years Parliament has hardly changed. There is the same layout of the debating chamber with tiered rows the gallery up above the Speaker of the House the heckling the back-door deals the speech-making the practices the processes and the rituals. Indeed apart from the wigs and the dress it seems that little has changed at all. 
I raise the matter of the history of ritual and procedure because it seems that the process of getting to the first reading of a Statutes Amendment bill is something of a ritual in itself—one of those rare occasions when the full cooperation of the House is apparent. Eulogies and events of national and international significance are the other occasions. 
The process gives me cause to raise another matter of international significance that had widespread national support from within Maoridom but no support whatsoever it seems from either the Government or indeed the Labour Maori caucus. I am talking about the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples—a declaration emphasising the rights of indigenous peoples to maintain and strengthen their own institutions cultures and traditions. The declaration is supported by 143 countries of the world and opposed by four including this Labour Government. 
In line with the efforts of those slaves freed men and women parliamentary speakers and community leaders who fought for the rights of all men women and children of colour to be free from the bonds of slavery I am mindful also of the efforts of our own indigenous leaders who spoke up for the declaration over the past 25 years. 
 As we give thought to the historical processes behind the acceptance for bills such as this one the Statutes Amendment Bill (No 2) I would like us to consider the fact that although Nanaia Mahuta spoke against the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples history will tell us that Sir Robert Mahuta and indeed Te Atairangikaahu were both strong supporters of the declaration. 
Again as we debate the historical development of change in legislation that gives rise to the amendments suggested in the Statutes Amendment Bill (No 2) I would like us to consider also the fact that although my whanaunga Shane Jones spoke against the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples history will also tell us that Shane’s and my whanaunga Sir James Henare and Dame Mira Szaszy were noted supporters of the declaration. 
In a final reference to the history behind the technical changes to legislation necessitating the Statutes Amendment Bill (No 2) I would like us to consider also the fact that although Mita Ririnui is recorded as a member of the Government that opposed the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples history will also tell us that the late Whakahuihui Vercoe was a member of an indigenous delegation that travelled to the United Nations to support the declaration. 
Indeed historical references that give us the background to the Statutes Amendment Bill (No 2) also enable us to reference the historical support given by other individuals such as Sir Paul Reeves and the late Syd Jackson as well as organisational support from groups such as the Maori Women’s Welfare League the New Zealand Maori Council and the National Maori Congress for the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in the face of opposition to the declaration from the Labour Government and the Labour Maori caucus including Parekura Horomia Nanaia Mahuta Mahara Okeroa Mita Ririnui Dover Samuels and Shane Jones. 
On the eve of the 2007 Maori Women’s Welfare League conference I am happy to note that its support for the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is the same as that given to the declaration by the Maori Party. 
There are a couple of very important amendments to the Statutes Amendment Bill (No 2) that I would like to speak on. I note with horror but no surprise being a Maori that section 35 of the Crimes Act still includes reference to the death penalty which was supposed to have been abolished nearly 50 years ago for heaven’s sake! 
We have a history in which New Zealand carried out legalistic and ritual murder from 1842 to 1957 a history in which New Zealand legally executed 83 people and a history in which Maori people have featured disproportionately—again to the surprise of no Maori. It is a history of death by formal execution that began with the killing of Maketu Wharetotara son of the Ngapuhi chief Ruhe of Waimate but it did not end there. It is ironic that at a time when England was fretting over its new colony peopled by lawless pox-ridden land-grabbing white whalers sailors traders double-dealers thieves mongrels and scum of the white nations of the world the first person who was executed happened to be Maori. Why are we not surprised at that? 
This history includes the execution of Te Whakatohea chief Mokomoko and four others Heremita Kahupaea Hakaraia Te Rahui Horomona Poropiti and Mikaere Kirimangu for the murder of the missionary Carl Völkner. Yet for Mokomoko as for many other Maori execution was only the middle punishment. Prior to that colonial militia had been allowed to rampage through Te Whakatohea territory looting pillaging and burning villages and crops in order to smoke out Mokomoko and his comrades. After the execution the land-grabbing white settler Government proceeded to steal thousands of hectares of Te Whakatohea land as a further reprisal. 
Others in the list of those receiving the death penalty that is referenced in this bill include: Maroro in 1849 Taherei in 1863 Ruarangi in 1864 Nikotema Okoroa in 1864 Whakamau in 1869 Hamiora Peri in 1869 Kereopa in 1872 Nutana in 1875 Te Mohi in 1877 Tuhiata in 1880 Wiremu Hiroki in 1882 and the list goes on and on to Edward Te Whiu in 1955. 
I have called out that roll of 17 names deliberately to remind us of our shameful history of racism and to remind us that in taking steps to remove the words “punishable by death” we do not forget the history of legitimised murder and land theft that is part of our colonial history. 
On a personal note I say that in 1981 a number of us were picked up and jailed in Mount Eden Prison during the Springbok Tour including Shane Jones’ relations such as Haami Piripi Mangu Awarau my brother and myself. Following a revolt against prison regulations we were split up. Haami got left in remand I got sent down to the separation wing Mangu got sent to the pound and my brother Arthur was put in a cell where they used to hold guys just before they hanged them. It was a freaky experience he tells me and a good note on which to end that part of my korero. 
The Maori Party will be voting for this bill to enable the necessary changes to be made to tidy up legislation. But we remind the House that in doing so we must never forget the history behind many of the cruel bigoted intolerant and unfair laws that have blighted our history and we must never forget the role that this Government and the Labour Maori caucus have played in making a cruel bigoted intolerant and unfair decision that will blight our future in voting against the rest of the world’s support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Tena koe Mr Deputy Speaker. Kia ora tatou katoa.