dtufail/nuremberg-trials-corpus huggingface dataset:
as follows: Kauen approximately 15,000 Jews. Wilna approximately 15,000 Jews. Schaulen approximately 4,500 Jews. These Jews are used primarily for work of military importance. For example up to 5,000 Jews are employed in 3 shifts on the aerodrome near Kauen on earth-works and work of that sort. 4. White Russia
The White Russian Sector is more thickly populated by Jews than all the other States in the Ostland. In the year 1926, far more than 400,000 Jews were counted in the then BSSR. The last Polish census showed more than 500,000 Jews in the provinces [Wojwodschaften] of Bialystock, Nowo Grodlek, Polesien and Wilna. These figures are however approximate and most certainly too low, which is further apparent from the fact that far more people have given "Yiddish" as their mother tongue than there were supposed to be Jews counted in the same area. Quite half of the Jews in the White Russian Settlement Area lived at the beginning of the war in the larger towns. Minsk was occupied to a very particular extent by Jews, in 1939 there were approximately 100,000 out of a total population of 238,000.
The social structure of the Jews shows a broad lower stratum of very poor Jews, both in the area formerly Polish, and in the White Russian Sector which was Bolshevik before the Russo-Polish war.
The proportionately thin upper stratum dominated simply every sphere of life in the former Polish sector, mainly as a result of its strong economic position, and in the former Soviet-Russian sector as a result of their influence in the leading party positions. The Jew in the area formerly Polish is a particularly dangerous element, because of his intelligence and activity. But even the Soviet-Russian Jew has during the 25 years of Bolshevik domination assumed a very self-sufficient and arrogant air, which he has even retained after the entry of the German troops.
in the area formerly Polish is a particularly dangerous element, because of his intelligence and activity. But even the Soviet-Russian Jew has during the 25 years of Bolshevik domination assumed a very self-sufficient and arrogant air, which he has even retained after the entry of the German troops.
The final and fundamental elimination of the Jews remaining in the White Russian sector after the entry of the Germans is fraught with certain difficulties. Just in this place the Jews form an extremely high percentage of the specialized workers, who are indispensable because of the shortage in other reserves in this area.
Furthermore Einsatzgruppe A did not take over this area until after the heavy frost had set in, which made mass executions much more difficult. A further difficulty is that the Jews live widely scattered over the whole country. In view of the enormous distances, the bad conditions of the roads, the shortage of vehicles and petrol and the small forces of Security Police and SD, it needs the utmost effort in order to be able to carry out shootings in the country. Nevertheless 41,000 Jews have been shot up to now. This number does not include those shot in operations by the former Einsatzkommandos. From estimated figures about 19,000 partisans and criminals, that is in the majority Jews, were shot by the Armed Forces [Wehrmacht] up to December 1941. At the moment approximately 128,000 Jews must still be reckoned with in the area of the Commissariat-General. In Minsk itself-exclusive of Reich Germans-there are about 1,800 Jews living, whose shooting must be postponed in consideration of their being used as labour.
The Commander in White Russia is instructed to liquidate the Jewish question as soon as possible, despite the difficult situation. However a period of about 2 months is still required-according to the weather.
1,800 Jews living, whose shooting must be postponed in consideration of their being used as labour. The Commander in White Russia is instructed to liquidate the Jewish question as soon as possible, despite the difficult situation. However a period of about 2 months is still required-according to the weather.
The shutting up of all the remaining Jews in special Ghettos is also almost completed in the towns in White Russia too. They will be used for work to the fullest extent by the authorities of the Armed Forces, the Civil Administration and German Authorities.
The feeding of the Jews in the Ghettos causes considerable difficulty, especially in White Russia but also in Lithuania. Together with the general decrease in working capacity, there is increased susceptibility to all contagious diseases.
5. Jews from the Reich.
Since December 1940 transports containing Jews have arrived at short intervals from the Reich. Of these 20,000 Jews were directed to Riga and 7,000 Jews to Minsk. The first 10,000 Jews evacuated to Riga were housed partly in a provisionally erected reception camp and partly in a newly established hut encampment near Riga. The remaining transports have for the time being been directed into a separate part of the Riga Ghetto.
The building of the hut encampment, as a result of the employment of all Jews fit for work, is so advanced that all evacuated Jews who survive the winter can be put into this camp in the spring.
Only a small section of the Jews from the Reich is capable of working. About 70-80% are women and children or old people unfit for work. The death rate is rising continually, also as a result of the extraordinarily hard winter.
The amount done by those few Jews from the Reich who are fit for work is satisfactory. They are preferred as labour to the Russian Jews, because they are German speaking and because of their comparatively greater cleanliness. Worthy of note is the adaptability of the Jews, with which they attempt to form their life in accordance with the circumstances.
Reich who are fit for work is satisfactory. They are preferred as labour to the Russian Jews, because they are German speaking and because of their comparatively greater cleanliness. Worthy of note is the adaptability of the Jews, with which they attempt to form their life in accordance with the circumstances.
The crowding together of the Jews into the smallest space, which occurs in all the Ghettos, naturally causes greater danger of epidemics, which is being combatted as much as possible by the employment of Jewish doctors. In isolated instances sick Jews with contagious diseases were selected under the pretext of putting them into a home for the aged or a hospital and executed.
CHART [See Chart Number 4 in the last volume of this publication.]
Judenfrei-free of Jews
Jewish Executions carried out by Special Purpose Group A.
Estimated number of Jews still remaining-128,000.
Source:
Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality
Washington, DC : United States Government Printing Office, 1946
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THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE-AIM-MEANS [Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen-Ziel-Wege] Issued by the Scientific Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing House of the German Labor Front, 1943
[Footnote, page 11].
More than nine-tenths of all working Germans are members of the German Labor Front. Shortly before the outbreak of war the German Labor Front had 23 million individual members in the then Reich territory. In addition there were corporate members [Korporative Mitglieder], the number of which can be estimated at 10 millions after eliminating all multiple memberships.
The members of such organizations are "corporatively" affiliated to the German Labor Front which have collectively joined the German Labor Front on the basis of special agreements. But the members of such organizations can nevertheless become individual members of the German Labor Front.
Among others the members of the following organizations are "corporative" members of the German Labor Front: Reich Chamber of Culture; Reich Food Estate; Reich League of Graduate Farmers; Organization of Trade Economy; Experts' Council on Public Health; Attorneys' League; Reich League of German Civil Servants; National Socialist Teachers' League; Reich Labor Service; Armed Forces; Nurses' Association. In other words, practically all important professional or economic organizations have led their members into the German Labor Front.
Source:
Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality
Washington, DC : United States Government Printing Office, 1946
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THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE-AIM-MEANS [Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen-Ziel-Wege] Issued by the Scientific Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing House of the German Labor Front, 1943
[Page 55].
During the years from 1933 to 1939 everything necessary had been done in secrecy [in aller Stille] that seemed necessary to the conservation of the nation in the anticipated clash with an envious surrounding world. As always, when taking precautionary defense measures in a newly-won field, it was not possible here either to plan in a way that would be satisfactory. It was necessary to check what was on hand, and build with that the most essential and the momentarily most useful. It could not be obviated that the result, measured with the yardstick of what had been planned for the future, would appear modest and perhaps even inadequate.
It has not always been simple for those charged with practical social work to master satisfactorily the juxtaposition of old, scantily mended institutions and new ones. But certainly it was even more difficult for the biggest part of the people to see how the effort supported by it was, year after year, applied to tasks which initially necessitated renunciation after renunciation. After all, it seemed like a small matter to apply the energies released by the National Socialist revolution to the improvement of social conditions desired for so long. Instead the leadership chosen by the people and over again confirmed by it, channeled all its strength into armaments [Wehrhaftigkeit]
After all, it seemed like a small matter to apply the energies released by the National Socialist revolution to the improvement of social conditions desired for so long. Instead the leadership chosen by the people and over again confirmed by it, channeled all its strength into armaments [Wehrhaftigkeit]. And-won the consent especially of those sections of the people who had had to suffer most from social conditions prevailing up to then.
Source:
Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality
Washington, DC : United States Government Printing Office, 1946
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STATEMENT of Gustav Schiefer, born 17 July 1876, residence: Munich 9, No. 3 Armanspergstrasse, about what happened to him when the Nazis came on 9 March 1933.
I was employed as part time worker [Hilfsarbeiter] by the former Trade Union society, Munich, beginning 11 November 1911. During the years 1914-1918, I was in the World War.
After the revolution in November 1918 I was elected Executive Chairman of the General German Trade Union Association [Allgemeiner Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund], Local Committee, Munich. I held this position without interruption until 9 March 1933.
On that day the Nazis stormed the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, 40/42 Prestalozzistrasse. The offices remained closed until 15 March. On 13 March my late colleague Erhard Kupfer, former District Secretary of the General German Trade Union Association [ADGB] and I had to report to the, then, State Commissar Wagner, and were ordered to reopen the Munich Trade Union Headqearters Building, and with it the offices, by 15 March, and to resume normal activity within the framework of the trade unions.
Since I was at the same time chairman of the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, Inc., it became my task to take over the house in its entirety, and with it the individual offices of the trade unions.
Because safes and strong-boxes, in fact everything that was locked, had been smashed open, and because safes and tills, in the main, were empty, I refused to take over the house and offices in their present condition. I stated that I would take over the house only in the condition in which it was when it was taken away from us on 9 March.
The house had been taken over on 9 March 1933 by Herr Kurt Frey, and returned to us on 15 March by the former executive secretary of the Hotel, Restaurant, etc. Employees' Association, Herr Reichart
the house only in the condition in which it was when it was taken away from us on 9 March. The house had been taken over on 9 March 1933 by Herr Kurt Frey, and returned to us on 15 March by the former executive secretary of the Hotel, Restaurant, etc. Employees' Association, Herr Reichart. This Nazi, with whom I did not get along too well because of his equivocal attitude, believed that the opportunity had arrived to wreak his vengeance on me.
I was dragged to the great hall, paper and pencil put before me with the challenge to designate these Nazis who had committed thefts during the period of 9 to 15 March 1933. I could not do that, since I did not know the individuals. As I refused my signature about 10 Nazis beat me promiscuously and indiscriminately until I collapsed. Upon that they seized me and threw me into the bottom of the light shaft of the Trade Union Headquarters Building. After lying there for some time I summoned up my strength and tried to rouse myself. When the Nazis noted that, they again dragged me into the hall and beat me until I collapsed and fainted. My colleagues Josef Gessl, former executive secretary of the Cobblers' Association, and Richard Moses, employee of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, grabbed me and brought me in this condition to the Munich-Schwabing hospital. In addition to many other injuries, Professor Dr. Kerschensteiner, director of this institution, diagnosed serious concussion of the brain with hemorhage into the brain. I remained from 15 March to 5 May 1933. On 5 May the Precinct Physician, at that time already a Nazi, certified that I was sufficiently fit for arrest. On 5 May I was transported to the Ettstrasse Police Prison, and from there to Stadelheim. I remained in Stadelheim until 25 August 1933.
It is due to an extraordinarily fortunate circumstance that I was saved from Dachau in 1933. Medical Privy Councillor Dr
that I was sufficiently fit for arrest. On 5 May I was transported to the Ettstrasse Police Prison, and from there to Stadelheim. I remained in Stadelheim until 25 August 1933. It is due to an extraordinarily fortunate circumstance that I was saved from Dachau in 1933. Medical Privy Councillor Dr. Geisendoerfer, who was chief physician in Stadelheim, knew me from the Cooperative Sickness Benefit movement (I had been on the Committee of the General Mutual Insurance Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, for 25 years). Through the many negotiations with the physician I had been in close touch with the above-named gentleman. During my stay in Stadelheim the Gestapo had me examined five times by the chief physician, who always held a protective hand over me, and to whom I am also indebted for my early release, due to a serious illness (intestinal gap of 15 cm depth and 7-8 cm length).
I was then sick and unable to work until 24 December 1933. On that day I was sent away by the Trustee Physician of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office, Munich (city), in spite of my request to allow me to draw sickness benefits until the eve of the New Year. He said that there was no reason to grant the request. As far as I know this Trustee Physician was Medical Councillor Dr. Plate.
I was then unemployed until May/June 1934 and then accepted various jobs as representative. After my release from Stadelheim I had to report to the police every third day for almost 2 years. Constant police supervision was one of the simplest cases of chicanery.
Upon the initiative of my colleague Wilhelm Leuschner, Berlin, I joined the movement against the Nazi system in good time; and it was exclusively due to the steadfastness of my colleague Leuschner that I, like many other friends, am still alive.
After the assassination attempt on Hitler on 20 July 1944, I was again arrested and shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. As is well known, that project was called "Gitter."
On 6 October 1944 I was released without any interrogation
of my colleague Leuschner that I, like many other friends, am still alive. After the assassination attempt on Hitler on 20 July 1944, I was again arrested and shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. As is well known, that project was called "Gitter." On 6 October 1944 I was released without any interrogation. I was extraordinarily fortunate. Since 2 May 1945 I am again active, in the trade union as well as the political movement and also in social work and life.
As witnesses for the correctness of my statements I name the persons already mentioned above, who brought me to the Schwabing hospital (Josef Gessl and Richard Moses).
And how decent were we once more in the year 1945. Not a hair on the head of any of these swine was harmed on behalf of the trade unions. We bore witness, and still bear witness today, for human dignity and justice.
Other liberated colleagues of the Free Trade Unions got away with beatings in the cellar of the Trade Union Headquarters Building in the beginning. Among others my colleague, Anton FRiebl, now living at 4 Gabrielenstrasse, 2nd floor. Many deceased colleagues, such as Georg Kandlbinder, Josef Ertl, Heinrich Gassner and many others.
Munich, 17 October 1945
[signed] G. SCHIEFER
Today on the 19th of November 1945, I have re-read and signed every single page of the statement given by me on 17 October 1945. I declare hereby under oath that this statement is true.
[signed] Gustav Schiefer
Gustav Schiefer
SWORN TO BEFORE ME this 19th day of November 1945, Munich, Germany.
[signed] Kurt A. Baer, 0-1041959
Captain, CAC
3rd Military Government Regiment
APO 403, U. S. Army
Source:
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Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality
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Official tour of Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart to the districts of Warsaw, Lublin, and Radom from 17th November to 22nd November 1939
Those taking part were:
1. Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart.
2. Dr. Sild.
3. Dr. Rahn, department of food and agriculture in the office of the General Governor.
4. Legation Councillor [LGR] Dr. Goetze, economic department. 17.11. Departure at 7.0 a.m. from Burg Cracow in a car. To Warsaw via Mislowitz, Sosnowitz, Czestochau, Radomsko, Petrikau, Lodz, Tomaszow and Rawa. Arrival 1.0 p.m. Received by the governor, Dr. Fischer and the gentlemen of his staff, followed by a small luncheon party.
At 3.0 p.m., Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart addressed the department heads of the District Chief and stated, among other things, that the chief guiding rule for carrying out the German administration in the General Government must be solely the interests of the German Reich. A stern and inflexible administration must make the area of use to German economy and so that excessive clemency may be guarded against, the results of the intrusion of the Polish race into German territory must be brought to mind.
Following that the Reich Minister held conferences with the governor, Dr. Fischer, and Section Head, Dr. Barth, on administrative and economic questions; later on, experts and heads of departments were called into the conferences to make reports.
Among other specifications, Dr. Fischer submitted to the Reich Minister the specification attached to the plan for the preliminary arrangement of the departments in the office of the District Chief and of the authorities in Warsaw.
Dr. Fischer reported that, in particular, the number of personnel was still considerably too small. Three out of 14 Sub-Prefects [Landraete] were also missing
attached to the plan for the preliminary arrangement of the departments in the office of the District Chief and of the authorities in Warsaw. Dr. Fischer reported that, in particular, the number of personnel was still considerably too small. Three out of 14 Sub-Prefects [Landraete] were also missing. Of the departments in the District Office, only a few had their full complement; that was also the case with the department of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda and the Labour department. Of important experts, there were still none for taxes and monopolies. In the Health Service, one medical advisor was, at the same time, head of the Health Department and district physician. The accommodation of the authorities also left much still to be desired.
Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart then stated that a large sum for the productive support of unemployed would be made available. This sum could be used for erecting or repairing any buildings required by the administration.
The governor, Dr. F., reported that further German administrative and municipal officials were also required for the administration of the city of Warsaw. Then a discussion took place on the organization of the district authorities, the occupation of the rural districts [Landkreise] and on the question of transferring the remaining 5 communities of the Gtojec district from the district of Radom, and a further 5 communities of the Garwolin district from the district of Lublin, to the district of Warsaw. Reich Minister S. I. promised to look into this affair. After that, general questions on the division and personnel to occupy the districts were discussed. Reich Minister S. I. agreed that should the District captain [Kreishauptmann] not be a lawyer the best arrangement for a district captaincy [Kreishauptmannschaft] was to assign to him a representative who was trained in legal matters. Dr. Fischer reported that, up to now, the German administration had been set up as essentially a supervising authority over a Polish administration