dtufail/nuremberg-trials-corpus huggingface dataset:
HERR BABEL: Now, you used the word "Nazi illiterate." Quite apart from, I would say, your not very friendly attitude towards us Germans, have you any justification for saying this? Have you met a single German who was illiterate?
VORRINK: I am rather surprised at this question. By an "illiterate Nazi" I meant a man who talks about things about which he has no knowledge, and the people who judged an author's work were people who had been set to read through the book to find out whether a Jew appeared in it and was presented as a good and humane character. According to the Nazi concepts, such a book could not be published. I would add that I have used the word "Nazi illiterate" from the days when there were found in the German cities, in the country of Goethe and Schiller, great piles of burned books, books that we had read and admired in Holland,
HERR BABEL: I understand you to mean that you can bring no positive facts which might justify this derogatory word "Nazi illiterate." Thank you.
DR. OTTO PANNENBECKER (Counsel for Defendant Frick): I have just one question, Witness. You just said that young people who did not enter the SS were threatened with prison. Do I understand you to say that they would be given prison sentences for an offense committed previously or that they would be imprisoned only because they did not enter the SS?
VORRINK: They would be given a prison sentence, of course, because they had been threatened. Whether they would have put them in prison, I do not know, but it was a threat. It was one of the usual methods of, the Nazis to say "We want you to do this or that, and if you do not we will put you in prison." There were so many instances of this sort that one could have no illusions about it.
DR. PANNENBECKER: But it is correct in this case that these were youngsters who had run away from home because of differences with their parents?
VORRINK: Those are cases which I know of personally.
DR. PANNENBECKER: I thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Does any other Defense Counsel wish to ask any questions? [There was no response.] M. Faure, do you wish to ask any questions?
M. FAURE: I have no further questions.
THE PRESIDENT: Then, the witness can leave. [The witness left the stand.]
M. FAURE: I shall ask the Tribunal to be kind enough to take the brief and the document book, bearing the title "Denmark." The Tribunal knows that Denmark was invaded on 9 April 1940 in violation, as in other cases, of treaties, and particularly, of a treaty which was not very old, since it was the Non-Aggression Treaty which had been concluded on 31 May 1939. Inasmuch as Denmark was not in a position to offer armed resistance to this invasion, the Germans sought to establish and maintain the fiction according to which that country was not an occupied country. Therefore they did not set up a civil administration with powers to issue regulations as they were to do in the case of Belgium and Holland. On the other hand, there was a military command, inasmuch as troops were garrisoned there. But this military command, contrary to what happened in the other occupied countries, did not exercise any official authority by issuing ordinances or general regulations. In spite of this fiction, the Germans did commit in this country which they pretended they were not occupying, usurpations of sovereignty. These usurpations were all the more blatant, inasmuch as they had no juridical justification whatsoever, even from the Nazi point of view. During the first period, which extended to the middle of 1943, German usurpations were discreet and camouflaged. There were two reasons for this. The first was that one had to take into account international public opinion, inasmuch as Denmark was not officially occupied. The second reason was that the Germans had conceived the plan to germanize the country from within by developing National Socialist political propaganda there. I think it should be noted, very briefly, that this Germanization from within had already begun before the war. It is set forth in detail and in a most interesting manner in a part of the official report of the Danish Government, which I place before the Tribunal as Document Number RF-901. This Document Number RF-901 comprises the whole of the green dossier which the Tribunal has before it.
M. FAURE: There are several sections. The subject of which I am now speaking is to be found in the first document of this bundle. This first document starts with the heading "Memorandum." This document shows that even before the war the Germans had organized an information service which was supplemented by a clever espionage service. In particular they had established a branch of the National Socialist Party, into which Germans living in Denmark were recruited. The idea was first of all to form a party made up of Germans and we shall shortly see how this National Socialist Party was afterwards called the Danish Party. This branch of the German Party was called NSDAP, Ausland Organisation, Landeskreis Danemark (Foreign Section, Regional District Denmark). It acted in co-ordination with other institutions; particularly, the Deutsche Akademie, the Danish-German Chamber of Commerce, and the Nordische Gesellschaft (Nordic Association). A German organization in Hamburg called the Deutsche Fichtebund, which was directly under the Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, undertook a systematic propaganda campaign in order to gain favorable Danish public opinion. In this connection I should like to quote a passage of the document which is worthy of note from the point of view of German premeditation and of the methods employed. This passage is in the first document which I have just mentioned and which is called "Memorandum"-on Page 6 of this first document. I shall skip the first sentence of  this paragraph. I would point out to the Tribunal, in case it should be more convenient for them because of the length of the document, that these quotations are to be found in the expose: "This information agency, which functioned in Hamburg with no less than eight different addresses, gave in one of its publications the following details about itself.
M. FAURE: It was established in January 1914 in memory of the German philosopher, Fichte, and was to be looked upon as a 'union for world truth.' The objects were: (1) The promotion of mutual understanding by the free publication of information on the new Germany. (2) The protection of culture and civilization by the propagation of truth concerning the destructive forces in the world." I skip one sentence and continue: "This German propaganda had for its essential purpose the creation in Denmark of a nation-wide sentiment favorable to Germany and hostile to England, but it could also represent an attempt to prepare the ground for the introduction into Denmark of a Nazi system of government by collecting surreptitiously all manifestations of discontent in Denmark against the democratic regime in order to use such data as documentary proof in the event of a liberation action in the future. Thus, in January 1940, the propaganda was no longer content merely with attacking England and her methods of conducting the war, or the Jews and their mentality; but it proceeded to make serious attacks on the mentality of the government and the Danish Parliament." Finally, in this connection the Danish report mentions a very revealing incident: "At the end of February 1940, the Danish police seized from a German subject, a document entitled, 'Project for Propaganda in Denmark." In saying this, I am summarizing the first paragraph of Page 7 of this report. This document contains a characteristic sentence. It is the last sentence in that paragraph, in German, and is in quotation marks with a French translation in parenthesis: "It should be possible for the Legation and its collaborators to control the daily press." Germany did not limit herself to the use of her own subjects as agents inside the country and for carrying out propaganda, but the Nazis also inspired the organization of Danish political groups which were affiliated with the Nazi Party. This campaign first of all found favorable ground in southern Jutland, where there was a German minority.
M. FAURE: The Germans thus were able to promote the organization of a group called Schleswigsche Kameradschaft, or SK, which exactly corresponds to the German SA. The members of this group received military training. Likewise a group called Deutsche Jugendschaft Nordschleswig had been organized on the pattern of the Hitler Jugend. I want to call the attention of the Tribunal to the fact that I am now summarizing the statements in the Danish report in order to avoid reading in full. These statements are developed in detail in the following chapters of the report and what I have just said is on Page 7. This German infiltration had been completed by social institutions such as the Wohlfahrtsdienst founded in 1929 at Tinglev, and the Deutsche Selbsthilfe, founded in 1935, and also by economic organizations, the model of which was Kreditanstalt Vogelgesang, which by very clever and secret financing on the part of the Reich, had succeeded in taking over important agricultural properties. The movement formed in southern Jutland then tried to spread to the whole of Denmark. Thus, there existed, even before the war, a National Socialist Party of Denmark, whose leader was Fritz Clausen. We read in the governmental report, Pages 6 and 7: "With regard to the relations of the Party with Germany prior to the occupation it can be said that Fritz Clausen, himself, as well as the members of the Party, were assiduous participants at the Party Days held in Nuremberg and at the Congress of Streicher at Erfurt and that, in any event, Fritz Clausen personally was in very close relation with the German Foreign Office. "This propagation of Nazism in Denmark, starting in southern Jutland and spreading to the rest of the country, is illustrated by the fact that the Nazi newspaper, called Das Vaterland, which at first was published in Jutland, was transferred in October 1939 to Copenhagen, where it was published from then on as a morning daily." Such, then, was the situation when the occupation started.
M. FAURE: As I have indicated, the Germans did not establish a formal occupation authority; and it follows that the two principal agents for the usurpation of sovereignty in Denmark were diplomatic representation, on the one hand, and the Danish Nazi Party on the other. The German Reich Plenipotentiary in Denmark was at first Von Renthe-Fink, and from October 1942, Dr. Best. Cases of diplomatic infringement on Danish sovereignty were numerous; and the demands, made at first in a discreet manner, became -more and more sweeping. I shall quote, for example, a document which is contained in the government report. This document is a memorandum submitted by the Reich Plenipotentiary on 12 April 1941. May I point out to the Tribunal that this text is to be found in Book Number 3 of the report submitted. This third book is entitled, "Second Memorandum," or rather, it is a continuation of this third book and there is a sheet entitled "Annex One." I am now quoting: "The German Reich Plenipotentiary has received instructions to demand from the Royal Government of Denmark: "First: A formal declaration as to whether His Majesty, the King of Denmark, to whom M. De Kauffmann, Minister of Denmark now refers, or any other member of the Royal Danish Government had, prior to its publication, any knowledge of the treaty concluded between M. De Kauffmann and the American Government. "Second: The immediate putting into effect of the recall of M. De Kauffmann, Minister of Denmark, by His Majesty, the King of Denmark. "Third: The delivery without delay to the American Charg6 d'Affaires in Copenhagen of a note disavowing M. De Kauffmann, communicating the fact that he is being recalled, and stating that the treaty thus concluded is not binding upon the Danish Government, and formulating the most energetic protest against the American, procedure. "Fourth: A communication to be published in the press, according to which the Danish Royal Government clearly states that M.
M. FAURE: De Kauffmann acted against the will of His Majesty, the King, and of the Danish Royal Government and without their authorization; that he has been recalled, and that the Danish Government considers the treaty thus concluded as not binding upon it and has formulated the most energetic protests against the American procedure. "Fifth: The promulgation of a law according to which the loss of nationality and the confiscation of property may be pronounced against any Danish subject who has been guilty of grave offenses abroad against the interests of Denmark, or against the provisions laid down by the Danish Government. "Sixth: M. De Kauffmann is to be brought to trial for the crime of high treason, by virtue of Article 98 of the penal code, and of Article 3, Section 3, of the law of 18 January 1941, and to lose his nationality in conformity with a law to be promulgated, as mentioned under Paragraph 5." I believe that this very characteristic example shows how the sovereignty of the legitimate Danish Government was violated by the Germans. They gave orders in the sphere of international relations, although liberty in this sphere constitutes the essential attribute of the sovereignty and the independence of the State. They even go so far, as the Tribunal has seen in the last two paragraphs, as to demand that a law be passed in accordance with their wishes and that a prosecution for high treason be made in conformity with such law, on the supposition that it will be promulgated at their instance. To conclude the subject, I should like to read a passage from the Danish Government report which appears in the second supplementary memorandum on Page 4, the third book in the green file: "In the month of October there occurred a sudden crisis. The Germans claimed that His Majesty, the King, had offended Hitler by giving too short a reply to a telegram which the latter had sent to him. The Germans reacted abruptly and with extreme violence. The German Minister in Copenhagen was immediately recalled. The Danish Minister in Berlin was then recalled to Denmark.
M. FAURE: Minister Von Renthe-Fink was replaced by Dr. Best, who arrived in the country with the title of Plenipotentiary of the German Reich and who brought with him sweeping demands on the part of the German Minister of Foreign Affairs, Von Ribbentrop, including a demand for a change in the Danish Government and the admission of National Socialists into the Government. These demands were refused by Denmark and, the government having dragged out the matter, they were finally abandoned by Dr. Best."
THE PRESIDENT: This may be a convenient time to break off. [The Tribunal adjourned until 4 February 1946 at 1000 hours.]
MARSHAL: May it please the Court, I desire to announce that the Defendant Kaltenbrunner will be absent from this morning's session on account of illness.
M. FAURE: May it please the Tribunal, Mr. Dodd would like to give some explanations.
MR. DODD: May it please the Court, with reference to the prospective witness Pfaffenberger, over the weekend it occurred to us, after talking with him, that perhaps if Defense Counsel had an opportunity to talk to him we might save some time for the Court. Accordingly we made this witness available to Dr. Kauffmann for conversation and interview; he has talked with him as long as he has pleased, and has notified us that in view of this conversation he does not care to cross-examine him, and as well other Counsel for the Defense have no desire to cross-examine him.
THE PRESIDENT: Then the witness Pfaffenberger can be released?
MR. DODD: That is what we would like to do, at the order of the Court.
THE PRESIDENT: Very well.
M. FAURE: Gentlemen, during the last session I reached the end of the first period of the German occupation of Demmark. In connection with that first period I should like still to mention a circumstance which is established by the Danish report, Document Number RF-901, second memorandum, Page 4. 1 quote: "When the German aggression against Russia took place on 22 June 1941"-that is the third book of the report-"one of the most serious encroachments was made on the political liberties which the Germans had promised to respect. They forcibly obliged the government to intern the Communists, the total number of which was 300." The explanations which I gave in the previous session related to the improper interference on the part of the first instrument of German usurpation, the diplomatic representation. The second instrument of German interference was, as might be expected, -the local National Socialist Party of Fritz Clausen, about which I spoke previously. The Germans hoped that In the favorable circumstances of the occupation, and thanks to the support they would bring to it, this party might develop enormously. But their calculations were completely wrong. In effect, in March 1943 elections took place in Denmark; and these elections resulted in the total defeat of the Nazi Party. This party obtained only a proportion which represented 2.5 percent of the votes, and it obtained only 3 seats out of 149 seats in the Chamber of- Deputies. I point out to the Tribunal that in some copies of my brief there is a printing mistake and that 25 percent is indicated instead of 2.5 percent, which is the correct figure and which shows what very little success the Clausen party had at the elections. The conduct of the Germans in Denmark showed a notable change in the period following the month of August 1943. The first reason for this change was clearly the failure of the plan which consisted in seizing power in a legal manner, thanks to the aid of the Clausen party. On the other hand, about the same time, the Germans were equally disappointed in another direction.
M. FAURE: They had sought, as has been shown in my brief on economic questions, to mobilize Danish economy for the benefit of their war effort. But the Danish population, which had refused political nazification, did not wish to lend itself to economic nazification either. And so the Danish industries and the Danish workmen offered passive resistance, and by a legitimate reaction against the irregular under takings of the occupying power they organized a sabotage program. There were strikes accompanied by various incidents. Faced with this double failure, the Germans decided to modify their tactics. In this connection we read in the government report, Page 6 of the second memorandum, the following sentence: "As a result of these events, the Plenipotentiary of the German Reich, Dr. Best, was on 24 August 1943, called to Berlin, from whence he returned with claims in the nature of an ultimatum addressed to the Danish Government." I should now like to submit the text of this ultimatum, which is also to be found in the official Danish report. This is Appendix Number 2 of this report. The ultimatum is dated Copenhagen, 28 August 1943. At the end of the first three books there are several loose sheets which are the appendices. I now come to the second appendix-on Saturday I read the first appendix-which is the second sheet and it has also been copied in my brief: "Claims of the Reich Government: "The Danish Government must immediately declare the entire country in a state of military emergency. "The state of military emergency must include the following measures: "1. Prohibition of public gatherings of more than five persons. "2. Prohibition of all strikes and of any aid given to strikers. "3. Prohibition of all meetings in closed premises or in the open air; prohibition to be in the streets between 2030 hours and 0530 hours; closing of restaurants at 1930 hours. By I September 1943 all firearms and explosives to be handed over. "4.
M. FAURE: Prohibition to hamper in any way whatsoever Danish nationals because of their collaboration or the collaboration of their relatives with the German authorities, or because of their relations with the Germans. "5. Establishment of a press censorship with German collaboration. "6. Establishment of courts-martial to judge acts contravening the measures taken to maintain order and security. "Infringement of the measures mentioned above will be punished by the most severe penalties which can be imposed in conformity with the law in force concerning the power of the Government to take measures to maintain calm, order, and security. The death penalty must be introduced without delay for acts of sabotage and for any aid given in committing these acts, for attacks against the German forces, for possession after I September 1943 of firearms and explosives. "The Reich Government expects to receive today before 1600 hours the acceptance by the Danish Government of the above-mentioned demands." The Danish Government, mindful of its dignity, courageously refused to yield to that ultimatum, although it found itself under the material constraint of the military occupation. Direct encroachments upon the sovereignty then started. The Germans themselves took the measures which they had not succeeded in getting the national government to accept. They declared a state of military emergency; they took hostages; they attacked without warning, which is contrary to the laws of war; and at a time when-let me recall it-a state of war did not exist, they attacked the Danish Army and Navy and disarmed and imprisoned their forces. They pronounced death sentences and deported a certain number of persons considered to be Communists and whose internment, as I pointed out, they had previously required. From 29 August 1943, the King, the Government, and the Parliament ceased to exercise their functions.
M. FAURE: The administration continued under the direction of high officials who in urgent cases took measures called, "Emergency Laws." During this same period there existed three German authorities in Denmark: First, the Plenipotentiary, who was still Dr. Best; second, the military authority under the orders of General Hannecken, replaced subsequently by General Lindemann; and third, the German police. Indeed, the German police were installed in Denmark a few days after the crisis of which. I have just spoken to you. The SS Standartenfuehrer, Colonel Dr. Mildner, arrived in September as Chief of the German Security; and on 1 November there arrived in Denmark as the Supreme Chief of the Police, the Obergruppenfuehrer and Lieutenant General of the Police, Gunther Pancke, of whom I shall have occasion to speak again. General of Police Gunther Pancke had under his authority Dr. Mildner, whose name I mentioned at first and who was replaced on 5 January 1944 -by SS Standartenfuehrer Bovensiepen. The Tribunal will find in the Danish Government's report, on which I base this information, a chart showing the German officials in Denmark. This chart is to be found in the second memorandum, Page 2. It is interesting, although we are not concerned here with individual cases, insofar as it shows the organization of the German network in this country. During the whole period which I am speaking about now, of the three German authorities already mentioned, the police played the most important role and was the principal organ of usurpation of sovereignty by the Germans. For that reason we might consider that while Norway and Holland represent cases of civil administration and Belgium and France represent cases of military administration, Denmark represents the typical case of police administration. At the same time we must never forget that these different types of administration in all these occupied countries were always interdependent.