dtufail/nuremberg-trials-corpus huggingface dataset:
necessary steps to assure that the land required for these installations shall be conveyed to the German armed forces. Furthermore, the Government of Slovakia will agree to grant exemption from custom duties for imports from the Reich for the maintenance of the German troops and the supply of military installations.
Military sovereignty will be assumed by the German armed forces in the zone described in the first paragraph of this Article.
German citizens who, on the basis of private employment contracts, are engaged in the construction of military installations in the designated zone shall be subject to German jurisdiction.
ARTICLE 3. The Government of Slovakia will organize its military forces in close agreement with the German armed forces.
ARTICLE 4. In accordance with the relationship of protection agreed upon, the Government of Slovakia will at all times conducts its foreign affairs in close agreement with the German Government.
ARTICLE 5. This treaty shall become effective as of the date of its signature and shall be valid for a period of twenty-five years. The two governments will reach an understanding on the extension of this treaty in due time before the expiration of that period.
In witness whereof the representatives of the two parties have signed the above treaty in duplicate.
Vienna, March 18, 1939. Berlin, March 23, 1939.
For the German Government:
VON RIBBENTROP
For the Slovak Government:
DR. JOZEF TISO
DR. VOJTECH TUKA
DR. F. DURCANSKY
[Cf. Document 2793-ps, which is the secret protocol to this treaty.]
Source:
Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality
Washington, DC : United States Government Printing Office, 1946
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Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Document No. 1445-PS
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TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1445-PS
Berlin, 15 June 1940.
Minutes about the Conference at the Reich Ministry of Economics on 14 June 1940, 1600 hours
Represented:
Ministry for Foreign Affairs (Ambassador Clodius)
Representative for the Four Year Plan (Director of Ministry Gramsch)
Reichsfuehrer S.S.
Foreign Exchange Department
Clearing Institute
Reich Ministry for Economics (various representatives)
O.K.W., Wi Rue Amt (I a M3)
Subject of the Conference:
Utilization of the Belgian Dutch capital investments in South East European corporations.
Result:
After a discussion of several hours the following regulations were considered as necessary:
a. Immediate order by the Reichskommissar for the Netherlands and the Military Commander for Belgium. Issue of a regulation for prohibition of the disposal, destruction or transfer of securities held in these countries, furthermore a compulsory registration of the owners and trustees, an embargo on bank deposits, finally the cancellation of regulations about securities which contain change of locations of firms. (Compare paragraph A of document I a M3 of 23 May 1940.)
b. In addition to this, after thorough consideration, shall be issued a legal regulation corresponding to the German law for foreign exchange regarding the disposal of foreign securities. In this law it shall be made possible to void with retroactive power change of locations of firms which took place since the beginning of the war. Provisions shall be made also for the appointment of Commissars to corporations and holding companies where after expiration of the registration date securities are hidden.
law it shall be made possible to void with retroactive power change of locations of firms which took place since the beginning of the war. Provisions shall be made also for the appointment of Commissars to corporations and holding companies where after expiration of the registration date securities are hidden.
c. In addition to this it shall be put into effect in the South-east states by the Mission chiefs that, where a permit is already required for the transfer of shares, no permit of any kind shall be granted and that in regions where no permit for the sale of shares is necessary, a law for these permits shall be established, but as a matter of principle these permits shall not be granted.
d. Finally the attempt shall be made to gain an influence through the Dutch holding companies over their owned subsidiaries in view of the German economic warfare. (Compare with paragraph B of notice I a M3 of 23 May 1940.)
e. A confiscation of securities shall be disregarded because this would be against international law.
f. The regulation drafts shall be completed by the Reich Ministry of Economics (R.W.M.) with assistance of the Labor Board of the Reich Ministry of Finance (A.A. des R.F.M.) and the Army High Command-Economy Armament Division (O.K.W. Wi Rue Amt.)
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Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality
Washington, DC : United States Government Printing Office, 1946
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Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Document No. 1456-PS
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PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1456-PS
Berlin, 20 June 1941
Chief of Agency for Armament Economy
[Chef Wi-Rue Amt]
Colonel Jansen
MEMORANDUM
Following is the new conception of the Fuehrer, which Minister Todt has explained to me and which has been confirmed later on by Field Marshal Keitel:
Par. I
The course of the war shows that we went too far in our autarchical endeavors. It is impossible, to try and manufacture everything we lack, by synthetic procedures or other measures. For instance, it is impossible, to develop our motor fuel economy to a point where we can entirely depend on it. All these autarchical endeavors ask for a tremendous amount of manpower, and it is simply impossible to provide it. One has to choose another way. What one does not have, but needs, one must conquer. The commitment of men which is necessary one single time, will not be as great as the one that is currently needed for the running of the synthetic factories in question. The aim must also be to secure all territories, which are of special interest to us for the war economy, by conquering them.
At the time the 4-year-plan was established, I issued the statement where I made it clear that a completely autarchical economy is impossible for us, because the need of men will be too great. Nevertheless, my solution was always to provide the necessary reserves for missing stocks resp. to secure the delivery in wartime through economic alliances.
Par. II
In a conference between Todt-Pleiger-Thomas, it was determined:
Matter: "Detailed orders to the mining industries".
Par. III
Todt suggests the construction of heavy special machinery at Krupp's and Skoda's.
[Signed] THOMAS
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Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV Document No. 1458-PS Previous Document Volume IV Menu Next Document TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1458-PS "THE HITLER YOUTH" by Baldur von Schirach Published by Koehler und Amelang, Leipzig 1934. In place of a foreword. My Fuehrer! It is five years now since you gave me the mission to take over leadership of the National Socialist youth. At that time you explained to my collaborators and to me the idea of this youth organization. What you preached to us at that time as aim and demand, my Fuehrer, has taken on shape here before you. You asked at that time from me and my collaborators that we should create a community of youth in which no other law should be binding for the process of reconstruction but the law of achievement. Here, among the leaders of the Hitler youth are the sons of the poorest who exercise command over hundreds of thousands. What do the conceptions of poverty and richness mean in face of the reality of this community? In future days only those will be called poor who did not belong in their youth to this community. And further, my Fuehrer, you demanded from my collaborators and from me that we should not only unite the youth in enthusiasm, but also by discipline and order. We fought for years laboriously for this end, but today even this demand is fulfilled and proudly we feel ourselves as a worthy part of your great National Socialist Movement. But we were powerless regarding one of your demands. You told us then it would appear as a great success to you if we succeeded to hold together in one organization of the German one hundred thousand German youth. My Fuehrer, you forgot, that you had given this organization your name. You asked for one hundred thousand, and it was all who came. There is one thing which is stronger than you, my fuehrer, that is the love of the young Germany for you. There are many gay hours in the year of the youth. This one, however, is in every year our happiest. Because more than other people, my Fuehrer, we feel to be chained to your person by our name. Your name is the happiness of the youth, your name, my Fuehrer, is our immortality. Baldur von Schirach to the Fuehrer at the occasion of the inspection of the Hitler Youth at the Reichs party day 1936. Chapter
Because more than other people, my Fuehrer, we feel to be chained to your person by our name. Your name is the happiness of the youth, your name, my Fuehrer, is our immortality. Baldur von Schirach to the Fuehrer at the occasion of the inspection of the Hitler Youth at the Reichs party day 1936. Chapter 1 From Union [Bund] to Nation [pp. 13-19] That which was formerly called the German youth movement [Jugend bewegung] is dead. This statement has nothing to do with ill will. No youth leader of our time will deny the merits of the scout [Wandervogel] Karl Fischers in his work with the German youth movement. That youth movement was as right for its own time as the Hitler Youth is right for the present. Without any doubt, many ideas and the form of life [Lebensform] of the Youth Movement helped to create the prerequisites on which the H J is building: The idea of self-leadership on the part of the youth, the declaration to fight against the standards of bourgeois society, the will to folkdom, homeland, or comradeship and many others, are akin to the feelings of the H. J. And yet: The first step into public life, the meeting which took place on 11 and 12 October 1913 on the "Hohen Meissner", remained only an impulse. The best thing about the speech on the "Hohen Meissner" were the people who listened to it [p. 14]. What today's youth is looking for in this, for the youth movement so important meeting, is the sincere will to form, to create. We, today, see clearer than the generation of that time that the value of their youth movement was in their silent work. The greater German idea and the really valuable return to folkdom and simplicity are achievements of the youth movement which seem to us more significant than the numerous manifestoes which were handed down to us. They had the courage to let themselves be ridiculed, a courage which the National Socialist Fighter of a decade later also had to have. And we must, if we want to do justice to this youth movement, look less to the picture of their actual appearance but more to the determination with which they followed their ideals. The political reality of youth was their cleanness, their decent behaviour, their political change [Umbruch]. The Youth movement was one of the few pleasant phenomena of the
to this youth movement, look less to the picture of their actual appearance but more to the determination with which they followed their ideals. The political reality of youth was their cleanness, their decent behaviour, their political change [Umbruch]. The Youth movement was one of the few pleasant phenomena of the Wilhelmman era and it is characteristic for that time that youth was so delightful because it declared war on its time. Few leagues [Buende] of the postwar time have a right to refer to the former youth movement. They were a true copy of its weaknesses without its virtues. They ignored the lesson of the great war. They forgot that the time of a free and easy youth movement had undergone a break by the death of two youth million, which imposed on them the duties of unity and masculine constraint [Gebundenheit und maennliche Zucht-p. 15]. What was right up to 1 August 1914 was wrong after 9 November 1918. Some attempts were made to create a synthesis of youth and a militant movement [Wehrbewegung], attempts which started from the right principles. These attempts failed because their leaders were either representatives of pure militarism or at best of some lesser political ideas. Therefore, it was reserved to Adolf Hitler, the creator and supporter of an ideology [Weltanschauung], to determine the road of German youth. From the former youth movement the Hitler youth took over this or that form, out of the front of the World War it was given its content by Adolf Hitler. Its organization also has its prerequisite in the great war; its bearing is military, as was the bearing of those who came from the youth movement and who died in their gray coats in Flanders. Just as the youth of the "Hohen Meissner" felt, the front as the more important, so do we. Between the summer of 1914 and the spring of today lies a long dreary time through which we all passed consciously or unconsciously. Even those of us who had not been born at that time know it, every German knows it. As long as the German people will live, this time will live in their minds [p. 16]. That at that time a whole nation stood in arms, Catholics and Protestants, beggars and millionaires, peasants and clerks, merchants and laborers, and that they all obeyed one will and were only
time know it, every German knows it. As long as the German people will live, this time will live in their minds [p. 16]. That at that time a whole nation stood in arms, Catholics and Protestants, beggars and millionaires, peasants and clerks, merchants and laborers, and that they all obeyed one will and were only Germans, nothing but Germans, that also started us on the march. No title, no privilege of birth, not a lot of money nor anything special of any kind made a difference then. We also want the same thing. The black years of war have passed, the spirit of the warrior remains. Again youth in Germany does not want profits, nor personal gain, but renders service and sacrifices to the community. That is the idea of the HJ: A comradeship of those Germans who do not want anything for themselves. Because they do not want anything for themselves they can do everything for their great nation. Not a youth with new rights-a generation of strict fulfillment of duty. The postwar period showed a sad picture of party-bound youth. "Whoever controls youth, controls the future" was the slogan, given the German National club to the Communist thieves' den. Every lobby was dealing in youth. And they were successful. Young Germany took everything for gospel truth, sold itself today to this one, tomorrow to that one till finally, disappointed and disgusted, it turned its back on all these activities. Then came the time of exclusive sports, of exclusive indulging in entertainments and living to the fullest, the time of exclusive study. [p. 17]. "Politics is nonsense," was the reply given to party functionaries. When Adolf Hitler began to speak this attitude was shaken. But now the satisfied citizen used the same argument which youth had found against him. He called for peace, for self-possession, for order. "Youth should not mix in politics," because the defensive slogan of all the bourgeois parties which began to lose their young people to the Fuehrer. Anyone who at that time, 1924-25, among youth stood up for Adolf Hitler might have found that even youth leaders anxiously tried to avoid the alleged danger of influencing youth politically in the direction of National Socialism. Many comrades and I myself had to leave a militant organization [Wehrorganisation] to which I had become
time, 1924-25, among youth stood up for Adolf Hitler might have found that even youth leaders anxiously tried to avoid the alleged danger of influencing youth politically in the direction of National Socialism. Many comrades and I myself had to leave a militant organization [Wehrorganisation] to which I had become quite attached, because I had made a speech for Adolf Hitler there. At that time, many, like myself drew a dividing line between themselves and their friends and relatives and exchanged fight for the new ideal for the quiet life of a well protected home. We were not yet able to account for our conception in detail, we simply believed. And when Hitler's book, "Mein Kampf" was published it was our bible which we almost learned by heart in order to be able to answer the questions of the doubters and superior critics. Almost every one who today is leading youth in a responsible position joined us during those years [p. 18]. Again Youth was divided by politics but this time the problem was different. It was no longer a matter of national parties, of liberal and democratic ideas, it was this: Germany or Marxism, Germany or reaction. But youth also had been slightly infected with party ideas. Youth did not want to be convinced, it wanted to be overruled. Not the accuracy of the idea was questioned, but an attempt was made to prove that with such a small following it could not be successful. The National Socialist movement was regarded as a fractional party, the honest but, because of its pettiness, hopeless attempt of a man of whom it was not known if he had the necessary knowledge, the essential education. A bricklayer from Vienna, a man without college education, a self-taught person should liberate Germany? That was at best very doubtful. As there are old people who are young, there are also among the youth some who are old. I have met them in the universities, in the youth movement, everywhere. The people who are old in their hearts are like a pestilence to a healthy people. They represent the tenacious and embittered resistance against every new idea. But youth is an attitude. The paralyzed Chamberlain whose lips are forming words which only his wife can read and transcribe represents eternal youth as much as the old Goethe in
old in their hearts are like a pestilence to a healthy people. They represent the tenacious and embittered resistance against every new idea. But youth is an attitude. The paralyzed Chamberlain whose lips are forming words which only his wife can read and transcribe represents eternal youth as much as the old Goethe in his last days. His Faust, the Ninth Symphony and the will of Adolf Hitler are eternal youth and know neither time nor death [p. 19]. Yet there are men who are born old and are living their lives as if they were 70 years old. During the years of our fight we overcame those people and we fight them again and again. They are the living dead. Their coldness kills every slight stir of a new life. Only the collective force of passionate youth is able to destroy them. Let us do away with the old! Only eternal youth shall have its home in our Germany. Chapter 2 The development of the Hitler Youth movement [p. 20, par. 1]. The idea for the foundation of a National Socialist youth organization came from the Fuehrer himself, while the name Hitler Youth was originated by Julius Streicher, who also named the Brown House. The name of the man who deserves the credit for having set up the first groups of the H. J. is Kurt Gruber. At the time of the beginning of the H. J. Kurt Gruber had just graduated from Law School. He devoted himself with great energy to his new task. From a small cellar in Plenen which served as Reichs office, we first organized a number of Saxonian HJ groups, energetically assisted by the present Reich Governor in Saxony, Martin Mutschinanon. Here I would also like to mention that since 1928, Alfred Rosenberg also took a special interest in the National Socialist Youth. At that time we were trying to come to an understanding with the leagues. Alfred Rosenberg negotiated with the Eagles and Falcons, the "bensen", and other leagues without fundamental results. I realized at that time that an understanding with the leaders of the leagues would never be possible [p. 23] and devoted myself to the principle of the totality of the Hitler Youth, which in the year 1933 cost all those leagues their independent existence. When, in 1930, the Fuehrer himself took over the high command of the SA [Storm Troups] and Ernst Roehm started his new office as
leaders of the leagues would never be possible [p. 23] and devoted myself to the principle of the totality of the Hitler Youth, which in the year 1933 cost all those leagues their independent existence. When, in 1930, the Fuehrer himself took over the high command of the SA [Storm Troups] and Ernst Roehm started his new office as Chief of Staff, the National Socialist Youth organizations were centralized in the SA. Kurt Gruber resigned. His nervous state was such that he was physically unable to continue his work. On 30 October 1931, the Fuehrer appointed me as Reichs youth leader of the NSDAP with the rank of a Lt. General [Gruppenfuehrer] in the SA. My old comrade, Dr. von Reuteln was given the leadership of the students' league and also the leadership of the HJ, under my command. Now the organization of the HJ was thoroughly overhanded, which was necessary because Kurt Gruber had not been able to fully devote himself to his tasks as a leader especially during the last months of his activities. Dr. von Reuteln continued his work as a consultant for economic questions in the Executive Office [Reichsleitung] of the NSDAP but still found time for official trips and for night work at his desk to which the HJ owes the tightening of the threads of its organization which had become rather loose. At that time I had to go temporarily to Kufstein where I stayed with friends in a little mountain inn in order to avoid a prison term of three months [p. 24]. The previous year I had spoken against the Versailles dictate from the steps of Cologne University, violating a government order and, to begin with, was locked up in the Cologne prison, the so-called "Klingelpuetz", which then often housed Dr. Robert Ley, at that time regional leader of Koeln-Aachen and another leading party comrade, Tom Winkelnkemper. There I stayed for 8 days till my case came up in court and was then sentenced to 3 months in prison without a time of probation according to the emergency decree by the Reichs President. I was very lucky to be set free after the sentence was passed. With great joy I still think of the dear Cologne party comrades who, headed by Dr. Ley stood in a mass before the gates of the prison when I was released. It was high time, I flew