dtufail/nuremberg-trials-corpus huggingface dataset:
represented by a commissioner who has to direct the supervision of and the liaison with these organizations: Reichassociation of German Newspaper Publishers. Reichassociation of German Publishers of Periodicals. Professional Association of the Radio-Press. Professional Group of Student Publications. Professional Group of the Youth Press. Professional Staff of the Catholic Church Press. Reich Association of the Evangelical Press. Reich Association of the German Press and Information Bureau, Incorporated. Association of German Newspaper and Peridocal Wholesalers. Reich Association for the Recruiting of Periodical Trade. Reich Professional Staff of the German Newspaper and Periodical Trade. Reich Association of German Railway Station Booksellers. Reich Association of German Reading Circle Proprietors. Reich Association of German Newspaper Stenographers. Reich Association of the German Press. Professional Staff of Publishing House Employees. German Book Publishers. (Organized Brokers' Association and League of Reich German Book Publishers). Recruiting Office of German Economy. The Chief of the Foreign Press I. The Chief of the Foreign Press of the NSDAP is the highest party functionary for all matters affecting the foreign press. He is subordinate to the Fuehrer and his deputy. He is in charge of the governing body of all foreign Party Press Bureaus. II. The offices of the chief of the foreign press are at the disposal of all party offices, organizations, and associated groups in all matters affecting the foreign press. (For example, instruction concerning German and foreign papers and periodicals abroad as well as foreign press correspondents in Germany.) III. The Chief of the foreign press has offices in Berlin, corresponding to the office of the Fuehrer and his deputy in Berlin (with Referat: United States of North America) and Munich. The main office is in Berlin. Foreign Political Office of the NSDAP I. 1. The foreign political office (APA) of the NSDAP includes two different fields of operation: one domestic, the other foreign, in character. 2. In the domestic field, the APA is entrusted with the task of introducing the foreign political aims and endeavors of the National Socialist State into all offices and organizations of the party. 3. In the
includes two different fields of operation: one domestic, the other foreign, in character. 2. In the domestic field, the APA is entrusted with the task of introducing the foreign political aims and endeavors of the National Socialist State into all offices and organizations of the party. 3. In the foreign field, the APA is entrusted with the task of enlightening those in foreign lands and especially the foreigners who visit Germany or remain there as foreign correspondents, of the nature and aims of National Socialism in order to arouse thereby the understanding of other people for the fundamental needs of the German people and to convince foreign nations that National Socialism in Germany desires peace for progress and peace with other nations without at the same time rejecting the defence of their right to existence. II. 1. The APA is divided into three main offices: A. Office for Foreign Referants with the Main Offices. a. England and Far East. b. Near East. c. South East. d. North. e. Old Orient. f. Controls, personnel questions, etc. B. Office of the German Academic Exchange Service. In order to effect as close cooperation as possible between the German academic exchange service and the party, the president of the German academic exchange service is chief official in the APA. C. Office of Foreign Commerce. 2. Moreover, there is in the APA a main office for the press service and an educational office. [Page 312] The Commissioner of the Fuehrer for the Surveillance of the Whole Spiritual and Ideological Education of the NSDAP. In order to effect the surveillance of the whole spiritual and ideological education of the NSDAP the Commissioner makes use of the following offices: 1. Chief of Staff. 2. Office of artistic development. 3. Philosophy and pedagogy. 4. Central office of national and ancient history. 5. Historical Referat. 6. Referat for Aryan ideology. 7. Referat for Nordic questions. 8. Central office for educational questions. 9. Referat for collection of material and curriculum (surveillance). 10. Referat Organizations. 11. Central office for the cultivation of literature. 12. Referat ideological information. 13. Organization and business administration. 14. Press Office. 15. Association
for Nordic questions. 8. Central office for educational questions. 9. Referat for collection of material and curriculum (surveillance). 10. Referat Organizations. 11. Central office for the cultivation of literature. 12. Referat ideological information. 13. Organization and business administration. 14. Press Office. 15. Association for the Education of the whole movement. For the purpose of promulgating an ideological train of thought, the Commissioner publishes the periodical "NS Monthly Magazine." [Page 327] Colonialpolitical Office For the treatment of all colonialpolitical and colonial economic questions within the national socialist movement and its press, the colonialpolitical office only issues general principles and instructions (see point 2 of the decree of the Fuehrer's Deputy 17/34, series 71). The colonialpolitical office is operated only as an office in the Reich Government of the NSDAP. [Page 337] Official Party Board of Examiners for the Protection of NS Literature I. The official Party Board of Examiners is not a censorship office, but an office for the protection and defense against pseudonational socialist literature and it insures that the National Socialist ideology is not misused by an unqualified man and commercially exploited in a way that deceives the public: II. The official Party Board of Examiners gives an opinion on: 1. The NS literature in a narrower sense. To this belongs the NS literature that has come into existence by its immediate identification with the movement. This literature, corresponding with national socialist ideology, is exclusively political. 2. Literature related to national socialism. From the point of view of time, this covers a very broad field and includes the literature dealing with political thoughts and demands that lie within the line of national socialist development. III. A reliable staff of lecturers is at the disposal of the official examining Party Board of Examiners in an advisory capacity. Writings which have been considered satisfactory by the examiners will be added to the NS Library [NSB]. The chairman of the PPK leaves the publishing to the decision of the report by the lecturers. It is stated in this: 1. The work is unobjectionable from the standpoint of the
capacity. Writings which have been considered satisfactory by the examiners will be added to the NS Library [NSB]. The chairman of the PPK leaves the publishing to the decision of the report by the lecturers. It is stated in this: 1. The work is unobjectionable from the standpoint of the political will represented by the party. The work will be marked unobjectionable in this case, i.e. the following sentence may be printed in the work. No objections are raised by the NSDAP against the publication of this writing. 2. Against the contents of a work no objections are offered. However, it cannot be classified as belonging to national socialist literature in a more narrow sense. Here however, there is the possibility that the work will be added to the NSB under the category of literature related to national socialism. Such a work embodies in its text no notice that it has been examined. 3. The work does not agree with the principles of the NSDAP; hence it is rejected. Here there are the following possibilities: a. The work may be put on sale but not brought into relationship with national socialism. b. The writing may no longer be distributed. More detailed instructions are given by the president of the Reich Chamber of Literature. 4. Construction & Organization of PPK see Plan of Organization. Source: Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality Washington, DC : United States Government Printing Office, 1946 Previous Document Volume IV Menu
Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Document No. 2320-B-PS
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PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2320-B-PS
ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP (1940)
"The young driver who has received his training in the six-week courses of the NSKK will be well prepared in body and spirit when the time comes for his military service, and will wear with pride the dress of the Armed Forces of the Nation." [Page 394].
Source:
Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV
Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality
Washington, DC : United States Government Printing Office, 1946
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Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume IV Document No. 2322-PS Previous Document Volume IV Menu Next Document TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2322-PS HITLER'S SPEECH BEFORE THE REICHSTAG 1 SEPTEMBER 1939 Members of the German Reichstag: For months we have been tormented by a problem once imposed upon us by the Dictate of Versailles and which, in its deterioration and corruption, had now become utterly intolerable. Danzig is a German City. The Corridor was and is German. All these territories owe their cultural development exclusively to the German people, without whom absolute barbarism would reign in these Eastern territories. Danzig was separated from us. The Corridor was annexed by Poland. The German minorities living there were mistreated in the most appaling manner. Already during the years 1919/20 more than one million people of German blood were driven from their homes. As usual, I have tried to change this intolerable state of affairs through proposals for a peaceful revision. It is a lie if it is claimed throughout the world that we insure all our revisions only by applying pressure. There was ample opportunity for fifteen years before National Socialism assumed power to carry through revisions by means of a peaceful understanding. This was not done. In every single case did I then take the initiative, not once but many times, to bring forward proposals for the revision of absolutely intolerable conditions. As you know, all these proposals were rejected. I need not enumerate them in detail: proposals for a limitation of armaments, if necessary even for the abolition of armaments, proposals for restrictions on methods of warfare, proposals for eliminating methods of modern warfare which, in my opinion, are scarcely compatible with international law. You know my proposals for the necessity of the restoration of German sovereign rights over the territories of the German Reich, the countless attempts for a peaceful solution of the Austrian problem which I have made, and later, on the problem of the Sudetenland, Bohemia, and Moravia. It was all in vain. One thing, however, is impossible: to demand that a peaceful revision should be made of an intolerable state of affairs, and then obstinately refuse such a peaceful revision. It is equally impossible to assert
and later, on the problem of the Sudetenland, Bohemia, and Moravia. It was all in vain. One thing, however, is impossible: to demand that a peaceful revision should be made of an intolerable state of affairs, and then obstinately refuse such a peaceful revision. It is equally impossible to assert that in such a situation to act on one's own initiative in making a revision is to violate a law. For us Germans the Dictate of Versailles is not a law. It does not work to force somebody at the point of a pistol and by threatening to starve millions of people into signing a document and afterwards proclaim that this document with its forced signature was a solemn law. In the case of Danzig and the Corridor I have again tried to solve the problems by proposing peaceful discussions. It was obvious that they had to be solved! That the deadline for this solution may perhaps be of little interest to the Western Powers is conceivable. But for us this deadline is not a matter of indifference! First and foremost, it was not and could not be a matter of indifference to the suffering victims. In Conferences with Polish diplomats I have discussed the ideas which you have heard me express here in my last speech before the Reichstag. No one can say that this was an improper procedure or even unreasonable pressure. I then had the German proposals clearly stated and I feel bound to repeat once more that nothing could be fairer or more modest than those proposals submitted by me. And now I want to tell the world that only I could afford to make such proposals. Because I know very well that at that time I placed myself in a position contrary to the conception of millions of Germans by acting the way I did. Those proposals were rejected. But not only that! They were answered by mobilization, by increased terrorism, by intensified pressure on the people of German blood living in these territories, and by a gradual economic, political and, during the past few weeks, even military strangulation and blockade of the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore, Poland virtually began the war against the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore, she was not prepared to settle the problems of the Corridor in a fair manner satisfying the interests
political and, during the past few weeks, even military strangulation and blockade of the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore, Poland virtually began the war against the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore, she was not prepared to settle the problems of the Corridor in a fair manner satisfying the interests of both parties. And lastly, she did not even dream of fulfilling her obligations with regard to the minorities. I have to state here that Germany has fulfilled her obligations in this respect! Minorities living in Germany are not subject to persecution. Let any Frenchman get up and declare that French citizens living in the Saar territory are being oppressed, ill-treated, or deprived of their rights. No one can make such an assertion. For four months I have watched these developments without taking action but not without issuing repeated warnings. Recently I have made these warnings more and more emphatic. Over three weeks ago, the Polish ambassador was, at my request informed that if Poland persisted in sending further notes in the nature of an ultimatum to Danzig and in further oppressing the people of German blood, or if she should attempt to ruin Danzig economically through customs measures, Germany could no longer look on without taking action. I have left no room for doubt that in this respect the Germany of today is not to be confused with the Germany that existed before. Attempts have been made to justify the action against the German minorities by declaring that they had provoked them. I am wondering in what the "provocation" through the women and children who are being mistreated and deported, consisted, or the "provocations" of those who were tortured in the most beastly and most sadistic manner and finally killed! One thing, however, I do know: there is not one single great power with any honor who would tolerate such conditions for any length of time. In spite of it all I have made one last attempt. Although I am deeply convinced that the Polish Government-perhaps also because of its being dependent on an unrestraint, wild military rabble-is not seriously interested in a real understanding, I have nevertheless accepted a proposal by the British Government for mediation. The latter proposed that it would not carry on
that the Polish Government-perhaps also because of its being dependent on an unrestraint, wild military rabble-is not seriously interested in a real understanding, I have nevertheless accepted a proposal by the British Government for mediation. The latter proposed that it would not carry on any negotiations but assured me that it would establish a direct contact between Poland and Germany in order to get the discussion going once more. I must here state the following: I accepted that proposal. For these discussions I had drawn up the fundamentals which are known to you. And then I and my Government were sitting for two whole days waiting for the Polish Government to make up its mind whether to finally dispatch a plenipotentiary or not! Until last night it had not sent any plenipotentiary but informed us through its ambassador that at present it was considering the question whether and to what extent it might be able to accept the British proposals; it would inform England of its decision. Members of the Reichstag! If such treatment is meted out to the German Reich and its Chief, and the German Reich and its Chief were to submit to such treatment, then the German Nation would deserve no better than to disappear from the political scene. My love of Peace and my endless patience must not be mistaken for weakness, much less for cowardice. Therefore, I have last night informed the British Government that things being as they are, I have found it impossible to detect any inclination on the part of the Polish Government to enter into a really serious discussion with us. Thus, these proposals for mediation are wrecked, for in the meantime the answer to these offers had been, firstly, the order for Polish general mobilization, and secondly new grave atrocities. Repetitions of the latter incidents occurred last night. Only recently twenty-one frontier incidents had occurred, there were fourteen last night. Three of them were very grave. For that reason, I have now decided to talk to Poland in the same language Poland has been using toward us for months. If there are statesmen in the West who declare that their interests are involved, I can only regret such a declaration; however, not for one single minute could that persuade me to deviate from the execution of my
decided to talk to Poland in the same language Poland has been using toward us for months. If there are statesmen in the West who declare that their interests are involved, I can only regret such a declaration; however, not for one single minute could that persuade me to deviate from the execution of my duties. I have solemnly declared and repeat once more that we have no claims at all on these Western powers, and shall never demand anything from them. I repeatedly offered Britain our friendship, and if necessary closest cooperation. Love, however, is not to be offered by one partner only; it'll have to find response from the other. Germany has no interests in the West, our fortifications in the West shall be the frontiers of the Reich for all times. We have no other aims in the future, and this attitude of the Reich will remain unchanged. Some of the other European powers understand our attitude. First of all I'd like to thank Italy for having supported us all this time. But you'll also understand that we do not want to make an appeal for any foreign help in this struggle. This task of ours we shall solve ourselves. The neutral powers have assured us of their neutrality just like we have previously guaranteed their neutrality. This assurance we consider a sacred obligation, and as long as nobody breaks their neutrality, we, too, shall observe it painstakingly. What could we desire or want from them? I am happy to be able to inform you here of an event of special importance. You are aware of it that Russia and Germany are governed by two different doctrines. There was only one single question to be cleared up: Germany has no intention of exporting her doctrine, and the minute Russia does not intend to export her own doctrine to Germany, I no longer see any reason why we should ever be opponents again. Both of us agreed on this one point: any struggle between our two people would only result in benefits for others. We have therefore resolved to enter into an agreement which will exclude any application of force between us in the future, which compels us to consult each other in certain European questions, which makes economic cooperation possible and above all makes sure that these two great powers don't exhaust their energies in fighting each
have therefore resolved to enter into an agreement which will exclude any application of force between us in the future, which compels us to consult each other in certain European questions, which makes economic cooperation possible and above all makes sure that these two great powers don't exhaust their energies in fighting each other. Any attempt on the part of the Western Powers to alter these facts will prove futile, and in that connection I should like to state one thing: this political decision signifies an enormous change for the future and is absolutely final. I believe that the whole German people will welcome this political attitude. In the World War, Russia and Germany fought each other and up to the end they both suffered. That shall not happen a second time! The nonaggression and consultation pact was yesterday finally ratified in Moscow and in Berlin. In Moscow, the pact was acclaimed just as you have acclaimed it here. I approve of every word in the speech made by Mr. Molotov, the Russian Commissar for Foreign Affairs. Our aims I am determined to solve: Firstly, the question of Danzig; Secondly, the question of the Corridor Thirdly, to see to it that a change shall take place in Germany's relations to Poland, which will insure a peaceful coexistence of the two powers. I am determined to fight until either the present Polish Government is willing to effect this change or another Poland Government is prepared to do so. I am determined to eliminate from the German frontiers the element of insecurity, the atmosphere which permanently resembles civil war. I shall see to it that peace on the Eastern frontier shall be the same as it is on our other frontiers. I shall carry out all necessary actions in such a manner that they shall not contradict the proposals which I have made known to you here, members of the Reichstag, as my proposals to the rest of the world. That is, I will not wage war against women and children! I have instructed my air force to limit their attacks to military objectives. However, if the enemy should conclude from this that he might get away with waging war in a different manner he will receive an answer that he'll be knocked out of his wits! Last night for the first time regular soldiers of