Verbatim report of proceedings of 5 May 2022
Date: 2022-05-05
Institutions: European Parliament
Subjects: European Parliament, parliamentary debate








C_202405931EN.000101.fmx.xml












Official Journal of the European Union


EN
C series














4.10.2024







            5 May 2022
            VERBATIM REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF 5 MAY 2022
            
         
(C/2024/5931)

Contents







1.

Opening of the sitting
4










2.

State of play of the EU-Moldova cooperation (debate)
4










3.

Ongoing hearings under Article 7(1) TEU regarding Poland and Hungary (motions for resolutions tabled): see Minutes
16










4.

The impact of the war against Ukraine on women (debate)
16










5.

Composition of committees and delegations
36










6.

Resumption of the sitting
36










7.

Voting time
37










7.1.

Decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations: EU Digital COVID Certificate – Union citizens (A9-0138/2022 - Juan Fernando López Aguilar) (vote)
37










7.2.

Decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations: EU Digital COVID Certificate – third-country nationals (A9-0137/2022 - Juan Fernando López Aguilar) (vote)
37










7.3.

Transitional rules for the packaging and labelling of veterinary medicinal products (C9-0054/2022) (vote)
37










7.4.

The case of Osman Kavala in Turkey (RC-B9-0227/2022, B9-0227/2022, B9-0232/2022, B9-0233/2022, B9-0237/2022, B9-0238/2022, B9-0239/2022, B9-0246/2022) (vote)
37










7.5.

Reports of continued organ harvesting in China (B9-0248/2022, B9-0249/2022, RC-B9-0250/2022, B9-0250/2022, B9-0251/2022, B9-0252/2022, B9-0253/2022, B9-0254/2022) (vote)
38










7.6.

The continuous crackdown of political opposition in Cambodia (B9-0226/2022, RC-B9-0230/2022, B9-0230/2022, B9-0231/2022, B9-0234/2022, B9-0236/2022, B9-0247/2022) (vote)
38










7.7.

Competition policy – annual report 2021 (A9-0064/2022 - Andreas Schwab) (vote)
38










7.8.

Threats to stability, security and democracy in Western and Sahelian Africa (B9-0255/2022, B9-0256/2022, RC-B9-0257/2022, B9-0257/2022, B9-0258/2022, B9-0259/2022, B9-0260/2022) (vote)
38










7.9.

Ongoing hearings under Article 7(1) TEU regarding Poland and Hungary (B9-0262/2022, B9-0263/2022, B9-0264/2022) (vote)
38










7.10.

State of play of the EU-Moldova cooperation (RC-B9-0240/2022, B9-0240/2022, B9-0241/2022, B9-0242/2022, B9-0243/2022, B9-0244/2022, B9-0245/2022) (vote)
38










7.11.

The impact of the war against Ukraine on women (B9-0219/2022) (vote)
38










7.12.

Impact of Russian illegal war of aggression against Ukraine on the EU transport and tourism sectors (B9-0223/2022) (vote)
38










8.

Resumption of the sitting
39










9.

Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting
39










10.

Building of a wall on the Polish – Belarus border in the Białowieża primeval forest (debate)
39










11.

Explanations of vote
47










11.1.

Competition policy – annual report 2021 (A9-0064/2022 - Andreas Schwab)
47










11.2.

Threats to stability, security and democracy in Western and Sahelian Africa (B9-0255/2022, B9-0256/2022, RC-B9-0257/2022, B9-0257/2022, B9-0258/2022, B9-0259/2022, B9-0260/2022)
47










11.3.

Ongoing hearings under Article 7(1) TEU regarding Poland and Hungary (B9-0262/2022, B9-0263/2022, B9-0264/2022)
48










11.4.

State of play of the EU-Moldova cooperation (RC-B9-0240/2022, B9-0240/2022, B9-0241/2022, B9-0242/2022, B9-0243/2022, B9-0244/2022, B9-0245/2022)
48










11.5.

The impact of the war against Ukraine on women (B9-0219/2022)
49










12.

Corrections to votes and voting intentions: see Minutes
50










13.

Documents received: see Minutes
50










14.

Petitions: see Minutes
50










15.

Decision to draw up own-initiative reports: see Minutes
50










16.

Withdrawal of own-initiative report procedures: see Minutes
50










17.

Associated committees (Rule 57): see Minutes
50










18.

Consent Procedure (Rule 105): see Minutes
50










19.

Dates of forthcoming sittings: see Minutes
50










20.

Approval of the minutes of the sitting and forwarding of texts adopted
51










21.

Closure of the sitting
51










22.

Adjournment of the session
51




Verbatim report of proceedings of 5 May 2022
                  


ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ


Αντιπρόεδρος

1.   Opening of the sitting

(Η συνεδρίαση αρχίζει στις 9.00)

2.   State of play of the EU-Moldova cooperation (debate)

Πρόεδρος. – Το επόμενο σημείο στην ημερήσια διάταξη είναι η συζήτηση επί της δηλώσεως της Επιτροπής σχετικά με την τρέχουσα κατάσταση της συνεργασίας ΕΕ-Μολδαβίας (2022/2651(RSP)).
               

                  Σας υπενθυμίζω ότι η ελεύθερη επιλογή εδράνου εφαρμόζεται με εξαίρεση τις δύο πρώτες σειρές που κατανέμονται στους επικεφαλής των ομάδων.
               

                  Mπορείτε να ζητήσετε τον λόγο με catch-the-eye και με γαλάζια κάρτα μέσω του τερματικού ψηφοφορίας σας, αφού εισαγάγετε πρώτα την κάρτα ψηφοφορίας σας.
               

                  Σας υπενθυμίζω επίσης ότι οι παρεμβάσεις στο Ημικύκλιο θα συνεχίσουν να γίνονται από το κεντρικό βήμα, εκτός εάν πρόκειται για catch-the-eye, γαλάζιες κάρτες και παρατηρήσεις επί της εφαρμογής του Κανονισμού.
               

Olivér Várhelyi,
Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you for adding this important topic to the plenary agenda today. This is an ample opportunity to discuss the current situation in Moldova and to take stock of our cooperation with Moldova.
Since the beginning of Russia's aggression against Ukraine on 24 February, we are witnessing extreme human suffering with many lives lost and millions fleeing Ukraine. I want to praise the solidarity shown by the Moldovan Government and the people of Moldova, who have welcomed those fleeing and opened their homes, and they are helping as we speak.
After the COVID-19 pandemic and the gas crisis, which is far from being resolved, this refugee crisis is another major challenge for Moldova. The European Union stood by Moldova through the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Union stood by Moldova when the gas crisis hit last autumn, and the European Union will continue to stand by Moldova as it supports the refugees from this unprovoked war.
I also take this debate as an occasion to thank this House for your continued support for our ongoing work with Moldova. The EU stands in full solidarity with Moldova in these difficult times. Let me focus on some of the actions on the ground that we are taking together with our partners in Moldova.
First, we have mobilised EUR 30 million in humanitarian aid to meet the needs of the refugees, in particular, to finance cash transfers. The EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM) immediately reoriented its actions towards assisting the managing of the inflow of refugees to Moldova. EUBAM actions have been reinforced by EUR 15 million and the scope has been expanded to allow them to provide necessary equipment for border police and conduct the training of newly recruited staff by the Moldovan authorities.
A new EUR 15 million regional project is being put in place to support migration management and to help people to reach safety and security, whether that is in Moldova or beyond.
The European Border and Coast Guard Agency, Frontex, is stepping up its operations in Moldova and will deploy in total up to 80 officers and staff to work hand in hand with the Moldovan border guards to help them manage the situation at the border. On 5 April, we announced the further financial assistance of EUR 53 million budget support to help fund Moldova's efforts to address the immediate challenges.
I also want to express our concern about the reported incidents in the Transnistria region. We are monitoring the situation closely. In this context, we are stepping up our support to strengthen Moldova's resilience, notably by working on cybersecurity, hybrid threats, fighting disinformation, and providing Moldova's armed forces with medical, logistics and communication equipment. I want to reiterate the EU's unwavering support for Moldova's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The EU remains fully committed to facilitating a comprehensive, peaceful and sustainable settlement of the Transnistrian conflict.
We continue to work with our Moldovan partners to secure long-term recovery, resilience and reforms. In this context, we welcome that the co-legislators have approved a EUR 150 million macro-financial assistance programme for Moldova. The Commission will now make the first disbursement very early in the summer. Moreover, we are providing an assistance programme for 2021, worth EUR 52 million, which has recently been adopted. This will support SMEs and the economy, important reforms in the energy sector, including energy efficiency, as well as justice reforms and capacity building. We will follow quickly with the 2022 annual programme in the region of EUR 65 million.
We are also exploring options and looking at how best to help Moldova in facing the continued fallout of the gas crisis and improving socioeconomic resilience. And, of course, we keep rolling out investments under the economic recovery plan, worth EUR 600 million, and the Eastern Partnership economic and investment plan. Under the latter, we expect to mobilise around EUR 3.4 billion of public and private investments for the five flagships focusing on SMEs, trade facilitation, energy efficiency, connectivity and human capital development.
Finally, let me say some words on Moldova's application for EU membership. Following the request by the Council, the Commission is working on the opinion on this application now. Normally, this is a very complex and lengthy process but, because of the current situation, we are working in an accelerated manner. We are impressed that we have already received the answers to the first part of the questionnaire from the Moldovan authorities.
Once the Commission has adopted its opinion, further decisions on Moldova's European path will be up to the Council to decide. We do not have a precise timing yet when the Commission will adopt the opinion, but we are preparing ourselves in such a way that this could happen ahead of the European Council of 24—25 June this year.

Siegfried Mureșan,
on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, we have all seen how, since the beginning of the invasion of Russia into Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova has helped. It has helped Ukrainian people in need. It has provided humanitarian aid in Ukraine and it has helped provide stability and security at the external borders of the European Union. The Republic of Moldova is the European country that has received the biggest number of Ukrainian refugees in comparison to its population – bigger than any Member State of the European Union – and Ukrainian people in need were received with open arms by the people of Moldova and also by Moldovan authorities. This has provided safety, stability and security at the borders of the European Union.
More than this, on 3 March, the Republic of Moldova submitted its request to become a Member State of the European Union. Because reforms are happening in Moldova, because Moldovans have acted in a European spirit since the beginning of the war, and because the Republic of Moldova intends to become an EU Member State, we have decided to hold this debate today and to adopt a resolution to provide the following messages.
Firstly, we call on the EU institutions to grant the Republic of Moldova the status of a candidate country to the European Union. If the Republic of Moldova intends to join, our answer has to be ‘Yes, you are welcome to join’. We have to work and proceed to all necessary steps.
Secondly, the institutional and political accession of the Republic of Moldova to the EU might take some time. There are things to be done in the Republic of Moldova and at European level, but even before we manage to finish that process, we have to provide concrete, tangible benefits to the citizens of the Republic of Moldova. This is why we call on the further integration of the Republic of Moldova into the EU single market. That means more development for the Republic of Moldova, more financial support from our side, increasing and lifting, where possible, the quotas in the short term for the export of Moldovan products to the European Union. And we would like to see a permanent support group for the Republic of Moldova established at the level of the European Commission. There will be more things to be done between Moldova and the European Union. We need to provide the necessary technical assistance to them.
In the end, dear colleagues, thank you very much for the wide support of all political groups. We will adopt this resolution with a large majority, knowing that by helping the Republic of Moldova, we are helping the whole European Union.

Juozas Olekas,
on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, in our resolution today, we show solidarity with the Moldovan people, who are doing their utmost to help Ukrainian war refugees, and our solidarity with the refugees who had to leave Ukraine because of the Russian bombardment of their cities, towns and villages. I call on the EU to continue its efforts to provide support to Moldova, so that Moldovans can continue to help their Ukrainian neighbours. Because Moldova is one of the European countries hosting the biggest amount of refugees by population. The EU should step up its financial efforts to help save lives and the country's economy in the face of the refugee crisis. It also should help with the experience such as you mentioned, Commissioner, provided by the Frontex agency.
But we should also be ready, in case of further escalation of the situation in the region, to help Moldova with the military equipment. I strongly welcome Moldova's European aspirations. I know that the accession process may be long and painful, but I hope and believe that in the not-so-distant future, the Republic of Moldova will be a full and equal member of our Union. Granting the country candidate status would be a strong political signal for all pro-European forces in the country. At least the halt on gas deliveries to Poland and Bulgaria shows gas is another weapon that Russia is using to project its influence. Therefore, I call again on Moldova to accelerate its efforts to reduce its dependence on one energy supplier, encourage the country to diversify its energy sources and increase internal connection with the European Energy Network, as well as to accelerate its development of renewable energy. And we, as the European Union, have to help Moldova in this process.

Dragoș Tudorache,
în numele grupului Renew. – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, dragi colegi, Republica Moldova, prin cetățenii săi și prin ceea ce reprezintă politic, și-a făcut foarte clară opțiunea europeană, iar curajul de a rămâne loială angajamentelor și valorilor asumate, într-o situație geopolitică care amenință direct securitatea națională, este admirabil și nu ne poate lăsa fără răspuns. Rezoluția pe care o votăm astăzi dă recunoaștere a acestui efort uriaș pe care Republica Moldova și cetățenii săi îl fac.
               

                  Da, gestiunea celui mai mare număr de refugiați pe cap de locuitor din toate țările limitrofe Ucrainei merită recunoașterea noastră și, mai mult decât atât, merită sprijinul nostru direct și imediat. Și da, pierderile economice și de acces la piețele externe și la rutele de transport sunt și ele menționate în rezoluția noastră, pentru că și ele merită un răspuns financiar concret din partea Uniunii. Și da, dependența energetică cvasitotală de Rusia pune o presiune uriașă nu doar pe economia Republicii Moldova, dar și pe securitatea și stabilitatea politică a țării, iar noi nu o putem lăsa în afara soluțiilor de sustenabilitate energetică pe care le gândim și pe care le vom aplica la nivel european.
               

                  Dar mesajul politic cel mai important pe care cred eu că trebuie să îl dăm cetățenilor Republicii Moldova este că ei sunt cetățenii Europei Unite și că noi, de aici, din Parlamentul European, recunoaștem perspectiva de a deveni cetățeni ai Uniunii Europene.
               

                  Rezoluția pe care o votăm astăzi face apel la acordarea statutului de țară candidată Republicii Moldova și am speranța, dragi colegi, că suntem cu toții pregătiți să dăm acest mesaj politic fără echivoc. Cei care aleg democrația, cei care aleg statul de drept au vocația de a ni se alătura. Ne aflăm într-un moment istoric care va avea urmări istorice. Haideți să ne asumăm o viziune politică curajoasă și decizii îndrăznețe.
               

Viola von Cramon-Taubadel,
on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, ‘Ukraine and Crimea, Belarus and Moldova, that is my country’. These rhymes were chanted on the eighth anniversary of the Crimean annexation in Moscow this year, a month ago. Putin himself addressed this rally in Russia's biggest stadium packed with war supporters. As the invasion of Ukraine teaches us, the Kremlin's signals should never be ignored.
During the ongoing invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin is already aiming at Moldova as its next target. A land bridge to occupied Transnistria is a tempting consolation prize for Putin to claim some victory and appease his supporters. This is one more reason for the EU to remain vigilant and stand with Moldova's pro-European Government, and this Government of Moldova is European to the very core, for the first time in many years. In just over a year, Moldova has demonstrated strong commitment to its European future. The quality of democracy and press freedom has improved significantly, while human rights are better protected. Moldova now becomes the leader of the Eastern Partnership.
Yet many achievements need to be urgently addressed. The so-called Russian peacekeepers still occupy parts of Moldova. The ‘false flag’ operation in this region drastically increased the risk of the war spillover. Meanwhile, Moldova, with its 1.5 million population, is demonstrating unique solidarity by sheltering over 450 000 Ukrainians since the start of the invasion. This puts huge pressure on the infrastructure of this generous country. Increased energy consumption and limited housing options are challenges that Moldova can solve only with the assistance of the EU.
We cannot abandon Moldova at this decisive moment. As the people of Moldova have proved, the EU is Moldova's clear choice. Application for candidacy is the first step. Through its dedication and the merit-based process, Moldova will become a full member of the European family.

Thierry Mariani,
au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, la Moldavie a fait un choix essentiel en 1994, celui de la neutralité. Ce choix est le gage du développement de ce pays. Ce choix est celui d'un pays qui doit nous aider à maintenir des ponts entre l'est et l'ouest de l'Europe. La grande générosité du peuple moldave dans l'accueil des réfugiés ukrainiens fait bien sûr honneur à ce pays et mérite d'être saluée. Il est tout à fait normal, donc, que la solidarité des nations européennes s'exerce avec ceux qui accueillent les victimes de la guerre.
               

                  Toutefois, j'ai les plus vives inquiétudes en entendant les propos de certains de mes collègues. La Moldavie est le fruit d'une histoire complexe faite d'amitié, de coexistence entre l'Occident et le monde russe. Tout ce qui viendrait ébranler cet équilibre peut devenir un danger pour cette zone. C'est l'immense erreur de l'Union européenne d'avoir suivi toutes les stratégies américaines et de s'être rendue dépendante de l'OTAN. Si nous avions construit un véritable outil de soutien à l'indépendance des nations européennes, alors peut-être pourrions-nous être un acteur de stabilisation régionale.
               

                  Malheureusement, ce n'est pas le cas. Ce n'est pas le cas quand le Partenariat oriental est instrumentalisé pour aligner les pays bénéficiaires sur les positions occidentales. Ce n'est pas le cas quand nous fermons les yeux sur les pratiques des milieux d'affaires pro-européens, comme ce fut le cas lors du scandale bancaire de 2014 en Moldavie. Ce n'est pas le cas quand l'Union européenne s'ingère ouvertement dans les élections d'un pays tiers en désignant les bons et les méchants, comme Bruxelles l'a fait pour appuyer l'élection de Maia Sandu. Les dernières élections européennes ont montré dans mon pays que le peuple français était à l'heure actuelle opposé à tout nouvel élargissement. Les principaux partis politiques présents dans ce Parlement l'avaient d'ailleurs clairement énoncé.
               

                  Tromper les Moldaves en leur disant qu'il y aura une unanimité en faveur d'un nouvel élargissement rapide n'est pas honnête. Je me rappelle qu'on a eu exactement le même scénario en 2014, quand un certain nombre de mes collègues allaient sur Maïdan en expliquant que les Ukrainiens seraient après-demain au sein de l'Europe. Dix ans après, on voit où on en est! Je soutiens donc l'aide nécessaire à la Moldavie, mais je refuse absolument l'instrumentalisation de ce pays par des puissances qui veulent entraîner une grande partie de l'Europe dans le chaos d'une confrontation généralisée. Nous devons œuvrer pour la paix et le dialogue, pas chercher à étendre des guerres par procuration qui ne serviront personne sur notre continent.
               

Anna Fotyga,
on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, I salute the Moldovan authorities and people for warmly welcoming Ukrainians fleeing war. For years, I have supported the Ukrainian drive to try to achieve a European future, a really European future, to obtain accession to the EU. Also, I support the sovereign, independent statehood of this country and welcome pro-European changes in the political scene.
Allow me to deliver a difficult truth to us and to Moldova. In my opinion, to achieve this goal it has to be proper action now and during this important time. In order to fundamentally change Moldova, we have to help; collectively, the West has to help Moldova in cutting ties with the Russian Federation, in particular in hydrocarbons, but in other areas – financial – as well.
So I think that joining the sanction is a major opportunity to this country, of course, with our fundamental help.

Idoia Villanueva Ruiz,
en nombre del Grupo The Left. – Señor presidente, desde la Izquierda Europea lo decimos alto y claro: toda nuestra solidaridad está con los pueblos que sufren. Más de dos meses después de su inicio, la invasión rusa a Ucrania está hoy provocando la pérdida de miles de vidas, más de diez millones de desplazados, principalmente mujeres y niños, la destrucción sistemática de infraestructuras esenciales y que se hayan disparado los precios de los alimentos y energía a nivel mundial.
               

                  Hoy es Moldavia quien teme la invasión rusa y que esta acabe escalando en el conflicto en Transnistria que lleva décadas enquistado. Un país que ha acogido a un gran número de personas refugiadas de Ucrania hoy siente de cerca la amenaza de esta escalada.
               

                  ¿Y qué va a hacer la Unión Europea? ¿Seguir alentando el ardor belicista, diciendo que esta guerra se ganará en el campo de batalla, mientras que los que combaten y pierden vidas todos los días son otros? Debemos urgir en los términos más enérgicos al alto el fuego, a que Rusia cese la invasión en Ucrania y cualquier amenaza sobre Moldavia. Y debemos poner todos los recursos y capacidades en cuidar cada vía de negociación abierta e impulsar y sumar a las vías diplomáticas abiertas, como la de las Naciones Unidas.
               

                  Debemos impulsar también el trabajo en solventar los conflictos congelados como el de Transnistria con la puesta en marcha de soluciones dialogadas y acordadas entre las partes en conflicto, con mediación también con Rusia, Ucrania, Estados Unidos, la OSCE y la propia Unión Europea. Lo debemos hacer por el pueblo de Moldavia, para cesar el desastre en Ucrania, para evitar otro desastre y otra crisis económica europea y por el derecho a un futuro con un sistema internacional justo y en paz.
               

Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η σημερινή συζήτηση αποτελεί στοιχείο της νέας φάσης όξυνσης των ενδοϊμπεριαλιστικών ανταγωνισμών. Δίπλα στη Μολδαβία, όπου στρατοπεδεύουν εκατοντάδες Ρώσοι στρατιώτες, αναπτύσσονται χιλιάδες μέσω σχηματισμών της PESCO, της Frontex και του ΝΑΤΟ. Η πολεμική σύγκρουση στην Ουκρανία κλιμακώνεται ανησυχητικά. Ανώτερα στρατιωτικά στελέχη των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών υπογραμμίζουν την πιθανότητα εμπλοκής μεγάλων δυνάμεων, ενώ ο Ρώσος Υπουργός Άμυνας στοχοποιεί τις αποστολές πολεμικού υλικού.
               

                  Παράλληλα, η ελληνική κυβέρνηση, με τη στήριξη των αστικών κομμάτων, έχει μετατρέψει τη χώρα σε νατοϊκό ορμητήριο. Φέρνει σαν κατεπείγουσα τη συμφωνία για επέκταση των αμερικανικών βάσεων, οδηγώντας σε βαθύτερη εμπλοκή στα αμερικανονατοϊκά σχέδια ενάντια στη Ρωσία και την Κίνα, με ‘λεία’ πλουτοπαραγωγικές πηγές, αγορές και γεωπολιτικά οφέλη, που με αίμα σήμερα πληρώνουν ο ουκρανικός και ρωσικός λαός.
               

                  Σε αυτή την σύγκρουση ληστών, οι λαοί έχουν μόνο έναν δρόμο: το δυνάμωμα της πάλης ενάντια στη συμμετοχή της χώρας στον ιμπεριαλιστικό πόλεμο, για απεμπλοκή από ιμπεριαλιστικούς οργανισμούς όπως το ΝΑΤΟ και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, και από τους σχεδιασμούς τους, που βάζουν τους λαούς στο στόχαστρο και γιγαντώνουν τη φτώχεια, την ακρίβεια και την ανασφάλεια που αντιμετωπίζουν οι λαοί σε όλες τις χώρες.
               

Andrzej Halicki (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! To historyczne i dramatyczne dni. Putin usiłuje zastraszyć Mołdawię, ale Mołdawianie nie dadzą się zastraszyć i nie przestraszą się. Mołdawia będzie niepodległym krajem i liczy na ścisłą współpracę z nami. Dlatego tak ważna jest rezolucja, która staje po stronie niepodległej Mołdawii. Mołdawianie, nawet ci rosyjskojęzyczni, nie życzą sobie rosyjskiej pomocy. Są dumnym narodem w pięknym kraju. Chcą żyć w pokoju i dlatego potrzebna jest bardzo ścisła współpraca z nami. Nie wystarczą słowa. Dziś rezolucja. Za dwa tygodnie prezydent Maia Sandu będzie gościem naszego parlamentu. Musimy nie tylko bardzo aktywnie pomagać finansowo i ekspercko, ale także włączyć się w realizację tego podstawowego oczekiwania Mołdawian, by żyć wspólnie w jednej bezpiecznej Europie.
               

                  W czerwcu przyjmiemy sprawozdanie. Współpracowaliśmy ponad podziałami z Dragoșem Tudorache'm, liderem budowania bardzo dobrego projektu współpracy pomiędzy nami a rządem Mołdawii, który jest wiarygodnym, dobrym partnerem do tej współpracy. Musimy wykorzystać ten moment, bo to najważniejszy moment w historii tego kraju i tego społeczeństwa, które przyjęło ponad 400 tysięcy Ukraińców uciekających przed śmiercią. To rzeczywiście ogromna pomoc tego społeczeństwa i wyraz, że są w Europie już dziś.
               

Tonino Picula (S&D). – Mr President, Mr Commissioner, given the highly worrying security situation after the Russian aggression on Ukraine, it's very much timely to discuss the state of cooperation between the European Union and Moldova.
Security incidents in the Transnistria region and mandatory military mobilisations clearly show how fragile the security situation in this area is. It's worth praising the reaction of Moldovan leaders which properly contributed to the de-escalation of the already challenging situation. Russia has an abiding interest in destabilising Moldova and the Kremlin has now chosen the means of external interference in Moldova through propaganda, military presence, energy blackmail and direct interference in political processes. It is important today to oppose these actions and see how we can best support Moldova.
Following the signing of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Moldova in 2016, the European Union has continued to support Moldova, and we recognise the results already achieved. When it comes to the application for EU membership, we welcome it and call for compliance with the established procedure. We also call on the Commission to assess Moldova's readiness and application for EU membership and ensure that its opinion is delivered swiftly to the Council.
At the same time, political actors in Moldova should contribute to meeting the European aspirations of the people of Moldova, seeking to establish consensus on the most essential and urgent structural reforms.
Finally, I would like to emphasise the exemplary solidarity of Moldova and the Moldovan people towards the refugees from Ukraine. Moldova has shown its support for Ukraine and its commitment to European values. We now need to increase our support for Moldova in this challenging situation. The EU stands by Ukraine. The EU should also stand by Moldova.

Ramona Strugariu (Renew). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, dragi colegi, Republica Moldova merită încredere, merită perspectiva europeană și statutul de țară candidată, nu pentru că este un moment politic important care trebuie valorificat, ci pentru că ne-a dovedit în această criză cu mult curaj, dar și dincolo de ea, că merită această încredere.
               

                  Europa de astăzi este rezultatul viziunii unor oameni pentru un viitor al păcii, al prosperității și al democrației. Noi nu avem voie acum, în plin război al imperialismului împotriva democrației, să ignorăm această viziune. Europa viitorului nu este un spațiu pe care îl populăm cu reguli, ci este fiecare țară și fiecare om câștigat în societate și în guverne care luptă pentru aceste reguli și pentru valorile noastre, care le însușește, care le apără.
               

                  Moldova face asta. O țară cât un land din Germania cu un filon proeuropean cât toată inima Europei trebuie să fie parte a construcției noastre. Economiile cresc și se dezvoltă în niște ani, dar pentru ca națiunile să aspire la identitatea europeană a fost nevoie de zeci de ani.
               

                  Republica Moldova are astăzi, acum, această aspirație. Banii, regulile asumate și respectate, capitolele de aderare sunt instrumente pe care trebuie să le dăm. Obiectivul este să o aducem acasă, aici, în familia europeană, chiar dacă nu e ușor, chiar dacă nu va fi mâine.
               

                  Deschideți porțile pentru cei care cred, simt, acționează proeuropean. Asta înseamnă viziune pentru Europa.
               

Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, what a week it was right after the invasion of Ukraine by Russia. On the Tuesday, Ukraine applied for EU membership. On the Wednesday, Georgia applied for EU membership. And on the Thursday, Moldova applied for EU membership. All our three association partners. And we must be very firm in our support for the European way of Moldova. I very much believe that they are doing everything they can in this fragile situation to be able to finally get candidate status for membership.
We have to help Moldova to get rid of this near-total dependency on Russian energy. We have to help them to balance the ownership of media, help them to get rid of disinformation, which is really damaging their European way. And of course, Transnistria is a real danger now. We see that the first of the Eastern Partner frozen conflicts is a real threat to Moldova's situation in this attack and this is a crucial moment when Moldova really needs all our support.

Susanna Ceccardi (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la preoccupazione dei cittadini moldovi da quando è scoppiato il conflitto in Ucraina è altissima.
               

                  La Moldova si trova al confine con l'Ucraina e deve fronteggiare da anni una situazione molto complicata con la Transnistria, un pezzo di territorio autodichiaratosi indipendente, ma di fatto sotto l'influenza russa.
               

                  In Transnistria non solo ci sono depositi di armi, ma anche centrali elettriche che riforniscono di energia la Moldova e la presenza di 2 000 soldati russi, più 6 000 truppe transnistriane. La Moldova dipende al cento per cento dal gas russo e per loro uno stop energetico da Mosca significherebbe la catastrofe economica.
               

                  Nella recente visita della commissione affari esteri in Moldova, dove ho partecipato come membro, ho avuto l'occasione di parlare con la gente. E lì uno stipendio medio è di 120 euro, la benzina ha già toccato 1,40 euro al litro. Il paese ha un'economia ancora fortemente rurale e l'innalzamento dei prezzi del gasolio agricolo, dei fertilizzanti e delle sementi rischia di compromettere gravemente tutta l'economia.
               

                  Nonostante la povertà diffusa, la Moldova ha dimostrato una grande generosità. Questo piccolo grande paese ha ospitato nel suo territorio il più alto numero di profughi di guerra in rapporto alla sua popolazione. Anche da paese non membro dell'Unione europea, la Moldova è comunque parte della cultura europea. Condivide i nostri valori ed è legata a noi dall'accordo di associazione. È un partner sempre più importante per l'Italia, con un interscambio commerciale che nel 2021 ha toccato i 520 milioni di euro su un PIL moldovo di 12 miliardi.
               

                  Va sostenuto il coraggio dimostrato da una giovane donna presidente, Maia Sandu, e da un governo guidato da un'altra giovane donna molto intraprendente, Natalia Gavrilița. Nella totale assenza di figure femminili ai tavoli per le trattative tra Russia e Ucraina, la forza delle donne dei governi al confine con la guerra è un elemento che non deve essere ignorato. Prendiamo esempio dal loro coraggio e non ignoriamo i segnali molto preoccupanti che arrivano da quel confine.
               

Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н Председател, г-н Комисар, разбрах, че вчера на срещата между г-н Мишел и президента на Молдова Мая Санду е обещана и военна помощ за Молдова. Това, разбира се, трябва да се случи и да се случи колкото се може по-бързо, за да не бъдем свидетели отново на действия постфактум и на търсене на оправдания, и да не се превръщат пак този парламент и тази зала в място за поклони, жалейки и четене на скръбни съчувствия.
               

                  Това, което трябва да направят Европейският съюз и Европейският парламент, разбира се, е да се обърне колкото се може повече и по-бързо внимание на това как Молдова да бъде подпомогната и хуманитарно, и с необходимите ресурси, а и като ѝ бъде даден път към Европейския съюз. Прави са колегите, които казват, че държавата положи усилия. Прави са колегите, които казват, че не само причина трябва да бъде сегашната ситуация, а и нивото на готовност в момента на самата държава.
               

                  Нещо друго обаче трябва да се направи и то бързо. Трябва да има централизирана организирана хуманитарна помощ, за да може молдовската държава да се справи с притока на хилядите жени и деца от Украйна, на които трябва да се помогне.
               

Andrius Kubilius (PPE). – Mr President, we all know what Moldova has faced during the last 40 years: occupation of part of the territory by the Kremlin, money laundering and Kremlin-loyal political parties in government and things like that.
Now we have a totally different picture. We have a pro-European president and a pro-European government, and we have Kremlin threats to Moldovan sovereignty. We know what this means. All of the European continent, including Ukraine, Moldova and ourselves, we are facing a huge political crisis created by the Kremlin invasion of Ukraine and threats to Moldova and others.
We need to learn a lesson – part of the responsibility for this crisis is also on our shoulders. The EU was too slow and too weak in the realisation of its strategic responsibility to bring stability and development to its neighbourhood, either in the Western Balkans or in Ukraine and Moldova.
Let's imagine a different picture now – one in which Moldova is a member of the EU. It's very clear that it would be beneficial not only for Moldova, it would be beneficial for EU stability in its neighbourhood, it would be beneficial even for Russia, since it would have much less of a wrong temptation to restore its empire.
So let's make a strategic conclusion from the lessons of this geopolitical crisis. Moldova membership in the European Union is needed not only for Moldova; it's very much needed also for the European Union itself. And it's very much needed for the perspective of a different Russia.
Together with the Moldovan people, we have a possibility to create a different future for the whole European continent. Candidate status for Moldova and negotiations for membership – it's our obligation to the Moldovan people and to the European people.

Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, but mainly, dear citizens of the Republic of Moldova, we are here for you. Parliament is here. The Commission is here. The Member States, Romania and all social democratic groups are here to help the Republic of Moldova in a concrete, practical and pragmatic way in any situation.
Suntem aici pentru voi. 600 de milioane de euro pentru planul de redresare economică, zeci de milioane de euro pentru asistență umanitară, securizarea frontierelor, chestiunea refugiaților și mai ales pentru protejarea populației în contextul creșterii prețurilor la energie.
Sume consistente promise pentru a ajuta Republica Moldova în contextul efectelor generate de război. Un sprijin fără precedent și nu ne oprim aici. Vorbim de investiții de eliminare a dependenței Republicii Moldova de Federația Rusă. Vorbim de întărirea instituțiilor democratice.
Nu pentru noi, ci pentru voi, cetățenii din Republica Moldova. Meritați tot sprijinul și respectul nostru. De aceea, le solicit încă o dată colegilor mei ca împreună să sprijinim aderarea rapidă a Republicii Moldova la Uniunea Europeană.

Dacian Cioloș (Renew). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, dragi colegi, caracterul oamenilor, dar și al națiunilor se vede cel mai bine în momente de criză. În ultimele săptămâni tragice, am avut ocazia să vedem nu doar determinarea cu care ucrainenii își apără țara, dar și comportamentul exemplar al vecinilor lor.
               

                  Moldova este o țară teritorial mică, dar cu cetățeni cu o inimă mare, care au dovedit acest lucru pentru că reacția moldovenilor la tragedia vecinilor a fost una exemplară, a fost una solidară și necondiționată. Atât statul cât și cetățenii Republicii Moldova i-au ajutat pe refugiații ucraineni rapid și eficient, ca niște adevărați cetățeni europeni, au acționat cetățenii moldoveni ca orice cetățeni dintr-un stat membru, cu toate că și Republica Moldova suferă încă de agresiunea Rusiei.
               

                  Am fost în mai multe puncte de frontieră ale Republicii Moldova cu Ucraina și am fost impresionat de profesionalismul și de empatia cu care Moldova își ajută vecinii, îi primesc și găzduiesc cu toate că și ei trec prin situații dificile din punct de vedere economic. Prin comportament și prin fapte, Moldova și-a câștigat deja locul în Uniunea Europeană, iar decizia noastră nu poate avea decât un răspuns: ‘da’.
               

                  Trebuie doar să găsim modalitățile pentru ca acest lucru să fie posibil, dar avem toate argumentele pe masă. În condițiile actuale statele membre și Uniunea trebuie deci să dea dovadă de inventivitate, flexibilitate, iar liderii europeni nu au altă cale decât să se ridice la înălțimea momentului și să aducă Republica Moldova în Uniunea Europeană.
               

Adam Bielan (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Jest takie powiedzenie w moim kraju, w Polsce: ‘Być mądrym dopiero po szkodzie’. W przypadku Ukrainy Unia Europejska nie była mądra przed szkodą. Była głupia. W przypadku bardzo wielu polityków europejskich była po prostu skorumpowana przez brudne rosyjskie pieniądze.
               

                  Tylko tak można wytłumaczyć działania wielu krajów Unii Europejskiej, które w ciągu ostatnich lat zamiast się uniezależniać od dostaw rosyjskiej ropy i gazu, coraz bardziej się uzależniały. Tylko tak można wytłumaczyć działania wielu europejskich krajów, które po wprowadzeniu embarga na dostawy broni do Rosji w 2014 roku to embargo omijały, jednocześnie odmawiając dostaw broni na Ukrainę.
               

                  Dlaczego mówię o Ukrainie podczas debaty o Mołdawii? Dlatego że Mołdawia może być kolejnym celem tego szaleńca Putina. I mam nadzieję, że w przypadku Mołdawii Unia Europejska będzie mądra przed szkodą.
               

                  Dziękuję panu komisarzowi za jego działania w niesieniu pomocy humanitarnej dla Mołdawian, ale potrzebujemy więcej. Potrzebujemy specjalnego funduszu dla uchodźców w takich krajach jak Mołdawia, w jego kraju, na Węgrzech czy w moim, Polsce – porównywalnego z tym, co Unia Europejska przyznała Turcji, czyli dziewięcioma miliardami euro. Potrzebujemy przyznania Mołdawii statusu państwa kandydującego do Unii Europejskiej. Potrzebujemy wreszcie pomocy wojskowej, którą na szczęście teraz zapowiada Charles Michel podczas pobytu w stolicy Mołdawii w tym tygodniu.
               

                  Mam nadzieję, że będziemy wszyscy mądrzy przed szkodą tym razem.
               

Traian Băsescu (PPE). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, locul Republicii Moldova este în Uniunea Europeană. Răspunsul impecabil dat de Chișinău în contextul crizei din Ucraina, inclusiv în ceea ce privește primirea refugiaților, este o dovadă clară a faptului că împărtășim aceleași valori și principii.
               

                  Republica Moldova a demonstrat prin atitudine și acțiune că este un stat mai european chiar decât unele state membre sau candidate. Statutul de partener nu dă niciun fel de certitudine asupra viitorului acestei țări ca stat și nu poate da certitudini nici cetățenilor săi.
               

                  Strivită, cu tot cu cetățenii săi, între interesele a două blocuri gigantice, Uniunea Europeană și Federația Rusă, mica republică pro-europeană are la frontiera de est armata rusă, iar la frontiera de vest o Uniune Europeană care parcă ezită să-i deschidă porțile pentru intrare în Uniunea Europeană.
               

                  Trebuie să înceteze politica concesiilor făcute Rusiei pe seama și în detrimentul statelor din estul Europei. La ce au dus concesiile repetate făcute Moscovei în ultimii 30 de ani? La o Rusie agresivă, care a invadat neprovocat Ucraina și a declanșat un război și un dezastru umanitar ce amenință pacea și stabilitatea Europei și a lumii.
               

                  De aceea, cer ca Uniunea Europeană să acorde Republicii Moldova statutul de țară candidată pentru aderarea la Uniunea Europeană conform articolului 49 din Tratatul Uniunii Europene.
               

Thijs Reuten (S&D). – Mr President, I'm both highly proud of and deeply concerned for Moldova. Proud because of the incredible assistance the Moldovan people have offered to the Ukrainians and because of Moldova's unambiguous pro-European turn. But I am also concerned because Putin and his cronies have now set their sights on Moldova. The Kremlin is pumping propaganda by the bucket-load into the country, it has ramped up its cyberattacks and its false flags in Transnistria are escalating by the day. Our Moldovan friends have clearly chosen democracy over dictatorship and we should be firmly with them on every step of their path to the EU membership they seek.
We cannot afford complacency. I commend the Council and Commission's pledge to boost defensive aid to Moldova, and this must be fast and ambitious. We need to learn fast and act fast now.

Vlad-Marius Botoș (Renew). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, doamnă comisară, vorbim astăzi despre Moldova, despre progresele pe care le face acest stat spre respectarea valorilor democratice și europene.
               

                  Trebuie să recunoaștem, stimați colegi, că reformele din ultimul an și mai ales modul în care au reacționat odată cu începerea războiului din Ucraina ne arată clar că Moldova este pe drumul cel bun.
               

                  Pericolul însă este mare pentru o țară atât de mică aflată în imediata vecinătate a războiului, mai ales în condițiile în care oficiali de la Moscova au declarat că Moldova este o țintă posibilă pentru Rusia. Dacă Ucraina a avut și are o armată pregătită, care face față cu succes invaziei ruse, Republica Moldova este un stat mic, nepregătit pentru asemenea confruntare.
               

                  Cu toată sinceritatea, când vorbim despre Moldova, trebuie să ne întrebăm ce putem face noi, Uniunea Europeană, să o sprijinim dacă va fi nevoie. Ce vom putea face noi în cazul unui scenariu negativ pe care nimeni nu și-l dorește.
               

                  În aceste momente dificile, trebuie să recunoaștem că NATO are un rol extrem de important, crucial, de neînlocuit, însă Uniunea Europeană are nevoie totuși de o armată proprie, care să fie gata să apere granițele Uniunii și ale statelor asociate, dacă va fi cazul.
               

Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, over the years, Moldova has suffered with political instability and cases of corruption. However, the leadership of Maia Sandu, who supports European values, now promises to reorientate the country towards Europe in the fight against corruption. Moldova is showing great determination in the current crisis. Compared to its population of only 2.6 million people, no country has received more Ukrainian refugees than the Republic of Moldova, clearly showing that it is an ally ready to fight for a democracy and a European future.
There are real concerns, however, about its ability to defend itself from a potential Russian invasion should Putin push towards its border with Ukraine. There have been reports of repression of Russian speakers in the Transnistria region, just another example of Russia's use of disinformation to try to achieve its military objectives. We must ask ourselves what support the EU can provide to counter such harmful disinformation. The Kremlin will likely try and force Moldova back towards its sphere of influence, leveraging Transnistria in some way. The EU must support Moldova in resisting such forceful attempts to bind it to Moscow so that the Moldovan people may choose their own path towards the future. We stand with Ukraine. We stand with Moldova.

Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, Putin has thrown the world and Europe back to a time we had hoped never to experience again. A crisis of such dignity shows our true colours – if we are on the right side of history or choose the path of destruction.
When I visited the Republic of Moldova last month with a delegation from Parliament's Subcommittee on Security and Defence, it became very clear to me the enormous responsibility the government is taking. Despite the many challenges in the country, they show their call of solidarity through receiving the largest number of Ukrainian refugees per capita.
We tend to very often in this Parliament talk about European fundamental values. This is actually European fundamental values in practice, in contrast to our own Member State, Hungary, which asks ‘How high?’ when Putin says ‘Jump’.
I therefore welcome the decision by the Government of the Republic of Moldova to apply for EU membership. At the European Union we must support the people and government of the country, to defend their sovereignty and security, to support democratic economic and social development, and assist them to ensure they one day can also join us here in this Parliament.

Διαδικασία ‘catch the eye’
                     


Eugen Tomac (PPE). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, sunt foarte încântat că există această dezbatere astăzi, în Parlamentul European.
               

                  În anul 2000, când Putin a ajuns la Kremlin pentru prima dată, în Republica Moldova doar 5 % dintre cetățenii ei își doreau o perspectivă europeană. Rusia era extrem de puternic implicată și avea o influență totală asupra societății moldovenești. Am fost implicat direct în procesul de scoatere a Republicii Moldova de sub influența Rusiei, chiar în prima linie. Drept răspuns, Federația Rusă m-a declarat persona non grata.
               

                  Astăzi însă, domnule comisar, avem o altă realitate dincolo de Prut, în Republica Moldova, pentru că peste 50 % din cetățenii Republicii Moldova sunt cetățeni ai Uniunii Europene și trebuie să le dăm o perspectivă clară europeană, pentru că cetățenii din Republica Moldova au demonstrat prin vot, prin mijloace democratice, că locul lor este aici, împreună cu noi și trebuie să dăm această perspectivă.
               

Tudor Ciuhodaru (S&D). – Domnule președinte, mulțumesc. Bună dimineața, Moldova, bun-venit în Uniunea Europeană. Azi, 5 mai 2022, este un moment istoric pentru că Parlamentul votează și își arată solidaritatea cu această țară europeană și vă solicit tuturor să votați acest demers pentru că el aduce Moldova alături de România în marea familie europeană.
               

                  Sunt medic de urgență, lucrez în Moldova, în Iași, la Spitalul Clinic de Urgență ‘Nicolae Oblu’ și tratez cetățeni de o parte și de alta a Prutului și vreau de acum încolo, pentru că le știu problemele și dorințele, și Consiliul să dea un semnal politic ferm și clar apropo de aderarea acestei țări la Uniunea Europeană. Succes Moldova.
               

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, de la bun început, ca român, ca membru în delegația pentru Republica Moldova, susțin rezoluția. Susțin tot ce s-a discutat aici și a spus domnul comisar legat de ajutoare.
               

                  Dar domnule comisar, m-a întristat ce ați spus dumneavoastră. Ați spus că așteptați de la Consiliu să vă dea avizul pentru a fi practice aceste ajutoare, nu pe hârtie. Moldova are acum nevoie, are nevoie de ajutor financiar, are nevoie de asistență tehnică, are nevoie de securitate în fața Rusiei.
               

                  De aceea, domnule comisar, vă adresez un mesaj public acum, prin dumneavoastră și prin Parlamentul European, Consiliului. Consiliul nu este prezent aici. Cer, în primul rând, președintelui României să susțină deblocarea imediată a banilor și acordarea banilor Republicii Moldova.
               

                  Cetățenii din Republica Moldova sunt europeni. Cunosc bine Moldova de dincolo de Prut care istoric a fost despărțită de Moldova de partea cealaltă a Prutului. Așadar, ajutor pentru Moldova din toate punctele de vedere, drum european și sprijin imediat.
               

                  Domnule comisar aștept să faceți acest lucru și să cereți Consiliului să nu mai blocheze, ca de fiecare dată, tot ce decidem noi aici. Declarațiile politice nu ajută pe cetățenii moldoveni.
               

(Λήξη της διαδικασίας ‘catch the eye’)


Olivér Várhelyi,
Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I thank the honourable Members very much for the fruitful debate. Again, I want to thank Parliament for the strong support for Moldova. We welcome, of course, the resolution that is going to be adopted today because this is a very strong signal of support from the European Union to Moldova.
We will, of course, continue to work together to find additional ways to help our Moldovan friends to be able to face the current crisis, and we are going to stand in solidarity with all those who are bearing the weight of this war on their shoulders. This, of course, extends to the territorial integrity and security of the country.

Πρόεδρος. – Έχω λάβει, σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 132, παράγραφος 2 του Κανονισμού, έξι προτάσεις ψηφίσματος.
               

                  Η συζήτηση έληξε.
               

                  Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί σήμερα.
               


Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 171 του Κανονισμού)



Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR),
na piśmie. – Mołdawia jest ważnym krajem kandydującym do grona państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej. To państwo, zamieszkałe przez 3,5 mln obywateli, jest bezpośrednim sąsiadem Ukrainy, stąd naturalnie znajduje się na liście państw, gdzie swoje wpływy chce zagwarantować sobie Rosja. To ważna okoliczność w tym procesie. Dlatego tak niezmiernie ważne jest, by teraz UE dołożyła wszelkich starań, by trwałe, realne i wymierne więzy z zachodem wygrały z tendencjami prorosyjskimi w tym kraju. Jesteśmy świadomi, że odcięcie powiązań z Federacją Rosyjską jest koniecznością. Unia Europejska zaś winna udzielić fundamentalnej pomocy państwu, które dołączyło do sankcji przeciwko Federacji Rosyjskiej, co jest wielką szansą dla Mołdawii, ale i dużym ryzykiem.
               

                  To piękne państwo i jego dumni obywatele powinni być pewni, że integracja z UE to dla nich realna alternatywa, perspektywa rozwoju i nade wszystko bezpieczeństwa. Nauczeni trudnym doświadczeniem brutalnej agresji Rosji na Ukrainę budujmy konsekwentnie i perspektywicznie sojusze z państwami, które chcą współpracy i integracji, nie zapominając nigdy o idei Unii Europejskiej Roberta Schumana – Europy zjednoczonej w różnorodności, Europy niepodległych państw członkowskich, nie zaś utopii Stanów Zjednoczonych Europy.
               

Daniel Buda (PPE),
în scris. – Agresiunea Rusiei în Ucraina a schimbat pentru totdeauna soarta continentului nostru. Lumea occidentală a dat dovadă de solidaritate. În timp ce majoritatea țărilor europene reușesc să aibă o singură voce, ceea ce până ieri părea aproape imposibil. De acum înainte, Europa va trebui să facă față unei politici a Kremlinului din ce în ce mai asertive. Rusia continuă să producă atrocități în Ucraina, masacrul de la Bucea, omorârea civililor sunt de neimaginat, iar comunitatea internațională trebuie să ia măsuri ferme și rapide împotriva Rusiei. În același timp, toată lumea privește spre Republica Moldova. Situația din Transnistria provoacă îngrijorări majore. Cu toate acestea, populația Moldovei continuă să dea dovadă de o solidaritate extraordinară cu poporul ucrainean. Republica Moldova găzduiește cei mai mulți refugiați ucraineni din regiune, raportat la numărul de locuitori. Guvernul de la Chișinău a fost nevoit să ia măsuri imediate, precum acordarea de asistență medicală, acoperirea nevoilor de cazare pentru refugiați. Cu cât războiul se prelungește, cu atât Comisia Europeană trebuie să sporească și mai mult asistența financiară pentru Republica Moldova. Este momentul să fim mai uniți ca niciodată!
               

David McAllister (PPE),
in writing. – In the context of the Russian war against Ukraine, the security situation in the Republic of Moldova has become increasingly tense. The country has been disproportionally affected by the recent events. I condemn all provocations and attempts to involve Moldova in actions that could endanger peace in the country. The EU must be ready to provide more humanitarian, security and socio-economic assistance to the Republic of Moldova, the longer the Russian war against Ukraine lasts. This includes: increasing the financial and technical assistance, including through a new proposal for macro-financial assistance; putting forward additional proposals aimed at ensuring the full liberalisation of transport and trade with the EU; working towards granting EU candidate status to the Republic of Moldova, in line with Article 49 of the Treaty of the European Union and on the basis of merit; in the meantime, working towards the full implementation of the Association Agreement with Moldova and its integration into the EU single market. The Moldovan authorities under President Maia Sandu are on the right track by adopting key reforms that will ensure Moldova's compliance with the ‘Copenhagen criteria’. Let us provide our full support to Moldova's European aspirations.

Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE),
în scris. – Există români, cehi, olandezi sau germani care văd mai mult partea goală decât partea plină a paharului acestui proiect numit Uniunea Europeană. Unii au dreptate: există unele diferențe între ceea ce am crezut și sperat că poate face UE, ceea ce așteaptă oamenii de la noi și ce poate face cu adevărat UE. Europa nu este perfectă. Dar UE a reușit ceva unic pe planetă: o combinație de democrație, libertăți personale și de gândire, siguranță și prosperitate.
               

                  Moldova de azi, cu Maia Sandu, îmi aduce aminte de generația Walesa, Havel, Kohl. Europenii fără îndoieli. După război, comunism și sărăcie, UE era o alegere fără egal. Așa este și azi, mai ales pentru o țară ca Moldova, unde trupele Armatei a 14-a sovietice, astăzi ale Rusiei, transformă ideea de război într-o amenințare zilnică, și asta de 30 de ani încoace. Moldova Maiei Sandu privește la UE văzându-și aici viitorul, simțindu-se acasă și în siguranță, oferindu-le oamenilor gustul dulce al victoriei și al căldurii familiei europene.
               

                  Nu avem voie să nu le deschidem poarta. Sunt ai noștri, viitorul nostru este împreună și de aceea trebuie să le spunem cât mai curând : bun venit în UE, moldoveni!
               

Dan-Ștefan Motreanu (PPE),
în scris. – Susțin statutul de țară candidată la Uniunea Europeană pentru Republica Moldova. Perspectiva concretă de aderare la UE va menține ridicat moralul cetățenilor Republicii Moldova care se simt amenințați și trec prin dificultăți materiale. Cu cât agresiunea Rusiei asupra Ucrainei se prelungește, cu atât mai mult va avea nevoie Republica Moldova de ajutor din partea Uniunii: ajutor umanitar, ajutor de securitate și ajutor economic. Este important ca acesta să fie acordat sub formă de granturi, pentru a stabiliza situația socioeconomică și pentru a consolida reziliența generală a țării. Salut reușita testelor de izolare efectuate recent de Republica Moldova în vederea sincronizării cu rețeaua electrică europeană. În acest sens, solicit Comisiei Europene să utilizeze fondurile de urgență pentru a conecta rapid Republica Moldova la rețeaua de energie electrică a Uniunii și să o sprijine prin toate mijloacele pentru a face față presiunii externe asupra aprovizionării cu energie.
               
3.   Ongoing hearings under Article 7(1) TEU regarding Poland and Hungary (motions for resolutions tabled): see Minutes
4.   The impact of the war against Ukraine on women (debate)

Πρόεδρος. – Το επόμενο σημείο στην ημερήσια διάταξη είναι η συζήτηση επί της ερώτησης με αίτημα προφορικής απάντησης προς την Επιτροπή σχετικά με τον αντίκτυπο του πολέμου κατά της Ουκρανίας στις γυναίκες που κατέθεσε ο Robert Biedroń, εξ ονόματος της Επιτροπής Δικαιωμάτων των Γυναικών και Ισότητας των Φύλων (O-000015/2022 - B9-0012/22) (2022/2633(RSP)).
               

                  Σας υπενθυμίζω ότι η ελεύθερη επιλογή εδράνου εφαρμόζεται με εξαίρεση τις δύο πρώτες σειρές που κατανέμονται στους επικεφαλής των ομάδων.
               

                  Mπορείτε να ζητήσετε τον λόγο με catch-the-eye και με γαλάζια κάρτα μέσω του τερματικού ψηφοφορίας σας, αφού εισαγάγετε πρώτα την κάρτα ψηφοφορίας σας.
               

                  Σας υπενθυμίζω επίσης ότι οι παρεμβάσεις στο Ημικύκλιο θα συνεχίσουν να γίνονται από το κεντρικό βήμα, εκτός εάν πρόκειται για catch-the-eye, γαλάζιες κάρτες και παρατηρήσεις επί της εφαρμογής του Κανονισμού.
               

Robert Biedroń,
author. – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, despite the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian people, Russia's barbaric war continues, and, as usual in such conflicts, girls and women pay the highest price.
This is why the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality has prepared a resolution on the impact of this war on girls and women, which strongly condemns the Russian aggression and orders the EU and its Member States to ensure that women seeking refuge in Europe receive all the support they need. Every day, independent media alert us that mass rapes, sexual and gender-based violence, torture and genocide are being used as a weapon of this war. We will not rest until the perpetrators of those crimes are brought to justice. This is the promise, this is the declaration which must be heard today in this House.
But, even when they are, deeply wounded lives might never recover from such a trauma. Since the beginning of the Russian aggression, more than 5 million people have been forced to flee the country, with an estimated 90% of refugees being girls, women and children. As European citizens, we have reacted to the incoming refugees with unprecedented solidarity and, for the first time, the Council of the EU triggered the Temporary Protection Directive. From this place, I want to thank you, Commissioner Johansson, for your personal involvement in this case.
However, this is merely the first step and Member States need to increase their efforts in this regard. The risk of violence and sexual exploitation does not end once vulnerable women and children cross the border, as human traffickers increasingly profit from the crisis. Member States must improve the registration of all refugees and volunteers and ensure refugees can travel safely.
People need specialised support as survivors of violence. Those women need to gain access to livelihoods, including their ability to work and earn income to get stability and possible independence. The economic empowerment of women and integration is crucial here. Women within Ukraine and in the host EU countries require access to the full range of sexual reproductive health services. It is therefore absolutely unacceptable that, for instance, women seeking refuge in Poland – the EU country with the highest proportion of refugees – are forced to continue pregnancies that are the result of a brutal rape.
Finally, we need to ease the burden on civil society as they have worked tirelessly to help refugees, filling the gaps created by the sometimes slow and indecisive actions of our governments. It is high time that the Member States step up their efforts here.
Considering all the above, I would like to ask the Commissioner and the Commission what specific strategies to prevent and combat the trafficking of women and children is the EU implementing in this context? Second, what is your role in providing support to coordinating health services on the refugees' arrival in the EU, which ensures that women have access to the full range of sexual and reproductive health services, including emergency contraception, contraception itself, legal and safe abortion care, antenatal care and skilled assistance during childbirth. Third, what is the EU's role in collecting evidence against war atrocities that have been committed, in particular investigating war crimes, including rape? Fourth, what are the EU's medium-term plans for managing the situation of women refugees?

(The speaker spoke in a non-official language)

Long live the heroic Ukrainian women.

Ylva Johansson,
Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, Russia is not only waging a war against Ukraine; Russia is waging war against women. There are increasing and credible reports of Russian soldiers raping women, women and girls as young as ten and as old as 78 – rape as a weapon of war, violating women's bodies to break the spirit of people.
Rape is a crime against women, a war crime, a crime against humanity. So I welcome the resolution of the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality condemning sexual violence.
You ask, how can we investigate these crimes? I say we must leave no stone unturned to punish the perpetrators. The EU supports investigations by the Ukrainian authorities, by the Member States and the International Criminal Court. Eurojust has opened a case and supports a Joint Investigation team together with Ukraine. We propose to boost Eurojust's capabilities to handle evidence of war crimes.
You ask, how can we support victims of rape? I say, we must do everything in our power to help the victims. Can you just imagine the trauma? Russian soldiers come into your yard. They kill your husband who tries to protect you and they rape you one after the other. They invade your country. They invade your home. They invade your body.
The Temporary Protection Directive is very clear. Member States need to provide medical help, also psychological help. And can you imagine you are pregnant by your rapist? Like nine out of the 25 women systematically raped in a basement in Bucha. Let me tell you something I feel very strongly about: women who suffered rape and sexual violence need to have access to safe abortion and sexual and reproductive health treatments immediately and unconditionally, and any other specialised care they need. That is what I call standing with Ukrainian women. With Member States, we will donate emergency contraception pills.
Civil society organisations are doing a fantastic job helping these women, and they deserve our thanks and support. Yesterday I had an opportunity to discuss exactly this issue, the topic of how to support women victims of rape in Ukraine, with Olha Stefanishyna, the Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine, and we are discussing how we can also join efforts in this aspect.
You also ask, what are we doing to prevent and fight trafficking of women and children? I raised this issue from the first day of the war. A few weeks ago, I presented to this House the decisive action that we are taking. Europol has set up a special task force, and yesterday, together with the EU anti-trafficking coordinator Diane Schmitt, I presented the EU Common Anti-Trafficking Plan to the Solidarity Platform where we coordinate efforts to help refugees. Next week, the Solidarity Platform will endorse this plan to raise awareness, to boost prevention, investigation, prosecution, early identification, and support to victims.
You ask, how do we support women once they are safe in Europe? I say by putting in practice the Temporary Protection Directive, helping women with health care and housing and schools and with jobs, by helping with child care as outlined in the Child Guarantee and the Strategy on the Rights of the Child. And with the new EU Talent Pool pilot initiative to match women's qualifications and skills with employers across Europe.
Honourable Members, when I think of the women of Ukraine, I think of the old lady who, on the first day of the war, walked up to a Russian soldier twice her size. She gave him some sunflower seeds and said: ‘put these in your pockets so they will grow where you die’. Let her strength inspire us to do everything we can to support the amazing women of Ukraine.

Frances Fitzgerald,
on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President. Commissioner, thank you for your work and for those initiatives. They are appreciated and very important.
Colleagues, the brutality of this war has shocked us all. A thousand people in the basement of a steel plant in Mariupol feeling the net tightening around them as Russian forces advance. A thousand people in mass graves across the suburbs of Kyiv, and millions of people with the scars that will be carried with them and their families for generations. Some of the worst atrocities in this barbaric war have been carried out targeting women. Perhaps the gravest of them all – rape and sexual violence – as a weapon of war. We all know the brutality. A woman gang-raped to death in front of her children. Children, both boys and girls, brutally raped while a screaming mother is forced to look on. A pregnant 14-year-old, who decides to keep the child because the brutality of the attack against her means she is unlikely to have children again. Unimaginable horrors.
When we say ‘never again’, I have to ask, do we truly mean it? I think many people feel helpless, yet emboldened to take whatever action can be taken to stop these horrendous crimes against women. This cannot continue to happen. Every Russian soldier who commits rape in Ukraine must end up in The Hague at the International Criminal Court, and justice must be seen to be done. There can be no impunity for those who commit rape in the name of war.
In the meantime, as the Commissioner has said, we must offer the very best support to victims of sexual violence, including healthcare, both physical and mental. We know that, for example, our NGOs across Europe are uniquely skilled to provide the kind of specialist help that many of these women need. I've seen it in rape crisis centres in Dublin, which worked in Bosnia after the war. We must fund these organisations so they can do this work.
Women are victims of this war, as are the people of Ukraine as a whole and its diaspora around the world. Yes, we applaud, as the Commissioner has done, the strength of Ukrainian women and we stand with them. Slava Ukraini!


Heléne Fritzon,
för S&D-gruppen. – Herr talman! Kommissionär Johansson, tack för ert starka engagemang för kvinnor och flickor i kriget i Ukraina –familjer som vaknar upp till flygplan och bomber som faller, rädsla för din egen familj, men också över tillgång på mat, brist på sjukvård, en stängd skola och en förstörd lekplats.
               

                  Men Ukrainas kvinnor och flickor oroar sig för mer än så. De fruktar de ryska soldaterna som begår avskyvärda sexuella övergrepp, som våldtar, som trakasserar. Och de oroar sig över den begränsade tillgången till preventivmedel, mödravård, trygga förlossningar och abort. Kvinnor är rädda, rädda att deras barn ska komma bort och hamna i händerna på människohandlare eller att de själva luras in i fel bil vid gränsen och sedan tvingas att sälja sina kroppar. För det är så, kvinnor och barn är mer utsatta i våld och krig och i konflikter, och våld och övergrepp i konflikt är ett krigsbrott. Dessa brott måste utredas och förövarna måste ställas inför rätta.
               

                  Sexuellt våld i krig och konflikt, människohandel och begränsningar av sexuella och reproduktiva rättigheter kan förhindras, men det krävs både politiskt mod och aktiva åtgärder. Det handlar framför allt om att mäns våld mot kvinnor måste upphöra. Vad är det för fel på dessa män? Det handlar om varje människas rätt att bestämma över sin egen kropp, om att kvinnor och män ska ha samma makt att forma samhället och sina egna liv. Det säger vi i högtidstalen, men nu handlar det om att det också måste bli verklighet i deras egna liv, om ett Europa som på riktigt står upp och är jämställt.
               

                  Vi socialdemokrater kommer att fortsätta att ställa krav på att kvinnor och barn som drabbas i kriget får skydd. Och vi kommer att fortsätta vårt arbete för ett jämställt Europa.
               

María Soraya Rodríguez Ramos,
en nombre del Grupo Renew. – Señor presidente, una vez más, la guerra ha convertido el cuerpo de las mujeres en un campo de batalla. ‘Os violaremos hasta que no sintáis deseo hacia ningún otro hombre’, ‘hasta que no sintáis deseo de dar a luz a nuevos ucranianos’ son algunas de las frases que la defensora del pueblo de Ucrania ha señalado como recurrentes declaraciones de las víctimas: madres que han sido violadas delante de sus hijas e hijas que han sido violadas delante de sus madres.
               

                  No podemos asistir a este drama como meros espectadores. Por eso, la Unión Europea tiene que defender de forma clara que no estamos ante daños colaterales de la guerra sino ante crímenes de guerra. Y estos crímenes de guerra deben ser castigados. Deben responder ante la Corte Penal Internacional o ante tribunales especiales de guerra. Pero tenemos que recopilar las pruebas necesarias para que los autores respondan de sus crímenes.
               

                  Agradezco, efectivamente, también la modificación de Eurojust para que pueda recopilar, guardar estas pruebas necesarias. Pero tenemos que hacer más. Todas estas mujeres tienen derecho a servicios médicos, de salud sexual, tienen derecho a un aborto seguro. Estas y las demás ucranianas, de las que están llegando más de cinco millones a nuestras fronteras: todas ellas tienen derecho. Nosotros tenemos la obligación de garantizar esta cartera de servicios sanitarios básicos.
               

                  Por otra parte, la trata ya era un problema en Ucrania. Tenemos que hacer todo lo posible para que las mujeres y las niñas que huyen de la guerra no acaben en manos de las mafias criminales y, no lo olvidemos, de los usuarios y demandantes de los servicios sexuales de personas víctimas de trata.
               

                  Muchas gracias por su esfuerzo, también, señora comisaria.
               

Heidi Hautala,
on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I want to talk to you about Nadia Murad. She was a sex slave of ISIL. She's a Yazidi. She got free and she has become a big champion of women and girls raped in war. She has started something called the Murad Code, which means that the evidence on these horrible atrocities and war crimes – crimes against humanity, the systematic use of rape as a war weapon – must be collected as early as possible, because otherwise it becomes very difficult.
So I would very much hope that Eurojust and other EU-related bodies would assume this strategy in fighting against impunity for these crimes. I also wanted to mention that we need to see how the command chain can be proven, but we did see that President Putin actually decorated those troops that had been known to have committed these atrocities against women and girls in Ukraine. So perhaps here we have evidence of a very high-level command chain, which would be necessary to prove to bring the real perpetrators and commanders to justice.

Christine Anderson,
im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Heute ist das EU-Parlament also um das Wohlergehen weiblicher ukrainischer Flüchtlinge besorgt. Ungeachtet der enormen Anstrengungen, die Polen unternimmt, um flüchtenden Ukrainerinnen Sicherheit, Unterkunft und Versorgung zu bieten, nutzt man diese Entschließung natürlich, um Polen für seine Haltung zum menschlichen Leben in allen Phasen wieder mal an den Pranger stellen zu können.
               

                  Aber damit nicht genug. Unter dem Vorwand, flüchtende Ukrainerinnen als Opfer von Sexhandel schützen zu wollen, muss diesen natürlich sofort nach ihrer Ankunft eine Abtreibung angeboten werden. Von wegen Menschenrecht und so. Wenn viele Frauen in der Ukraine seit Jahren aber schon von den privilegiertesten Schichten aus aller Welt unter Ausnutzung ihrer prekären wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse in entwürdigender Art und Weise auf vergleichsweise preisgünstige wandelnde Inkubatoren reduziert werden, die ukrainische Rechtsordnung diese verzweifelten Frauen weitestgehend rechtlos stellt, weil einzig und allein die Interessen der Auftraggeber der ‘Ware Baby’ schützenswert erscheinen, hört man vom EU-Parlament nichts, rein gar nichts. Dabei ist die ‘Ware Baby’ längst zum Exportschlager der Ukraine geworden.
               

                  Und mithilfe der ukrainischen Rechtsordnung werden diese Mütter eben nicht nur komplett rechtlos gestellt; für den Verkauf ihrer Körper speist man sie oftmals mit wenigen Hundert Euro ab, während die vermittelten Baby-Handelsunternehmen Zehntausende von Euro einstreichen. Insofern dann, wenn was schiefgeht mit der Lieferung, kommt es auch nicht selten dazu, dass die Annahme der Lieferung verweigert wird.
               

                  Über alles und jedes regt sich das EU-Parlament auf. Aber zu diesen zum Himmel schreienden, menschenverachtenden Vorgängen schweigt das EU-Parlament, ganz so, als habe die Abwägung schützenswerter Interessen ergeben, dass die Menschenrechte einfacher Ukrainerinnen eben hinter den Lifestylewünschen der privilegierten Schichten zurückfallen.
               

                  Hören Sie also bitte auf, in Ihrem irreführenden Papier zu behaupten, dass den flüchtenden Frauen aus der Ukraine vor allem durch einen leichteren Zugang zur Abtreibung geholfen werden muss! Das ist Ablenkung von wahrlich dramatischen Verhältnissen.
               

Margarita de la Pisa Carrión,
en nombre del Grupo ECR. – Señor presidente, comisaria, colegas, es triste que, ante un drama de semejantes dimensiones, ante una invasión bélica injustificable, haya quienes aprovechen para meter cizaña.
               

                  Es desgarrador ver separarse a las familias, madres con sus hijos que no saben si volverán a encontrarse con sus maridos. Los ucranianos están entregando la vida por los suyos, por su patria.
               

                  El ser humano ha vuelto a mostrar una crueldad que pensábamos superada. El mal se hace evidente en estos días con una violencia denigrante, violaciones como armas de guerra, mafias que se lucran con la trata de personas, crímenes de lesa humanidad que deben ser perseguidos. Ninguna acción debe quedar impune.
               

                  Pero, a la vez, debemos aplaudir de manera unánime el espíritu de acogida de los países vecinos, como Polonia y Hungría, cuyos valores cristianos les han llevado a abrir sus hogares sin dudarlo. Merecen un reconocimiento internacional por su labor humanitaria y no las críticas injustificadas que se están expresando en estos días. Son mezquinas.
               

                  Solo tienen la inquietud de implantar una cultura que no valora la vida, sino que la materializa, la mercantiliza, como ocurre con la promoción del aborto o los vientres de alquiler. ¿Quién no está consternado con la situación de desamparo y peligro de estas mujeres embarazadas y bebés en un limbo legal y ético? La vida no es un objeto ni de capricho ni de deseo.
               

Eugenia Rodríguez Palop,
en nombre del Grupo The Left. – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, doscientas mil mujeres de consuelo o mujeres de solaz fueron convertidas en esclavas sexuales por el ejército japonés antes y durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A muchas las mataron, otras se suicidaron y las sobrevivientes fueron estigmatizadas. En la antigua Yugoslavia las violaciones sistemáticas y los embarazos forzosos se utilizaron como una forma de limpieza étnica. El genocidio contra la comunidad yazidí a manos del autodenominado Estado Islámico se saldó con miles de mujeres y niñas raptadas, esclavizadas, torturadas, violadas y asesinadas. En Nigeria son habituales los secuestros de niñas en edad escolar a manos de grupos armados, los matrimonios prematuros y los embarazos precoces. La violación, la esclavitud sexual, la mutilación y otras formas de tortura son moneda de cambio en el conflicto armado del Tigré occidental en Etiopía.
               

                  Yemen, Siria, Afganistán, en todos los conflictos bélicos, el cuerpo de las mujeres es un campo de batalla, y Ucrania no es ni será una excepción. También allí las mujeres y las niñas son botín de guerra y la violación es una estrategia de terror y tortura que dejará huellas imborrables. Quienes escapan de Ucrania, en un 90 % mujeres y niños, se enfrentan riesgos similares en las zonas de tránsito y destino, en algunas de las cuales no se respetan los derechos sexuales y reproductivos. Las mujeres desplazadas son, además, especialmente vulnerables, porque en la mayoría de los casos sostienen la vida y cuidan de quienes son más vulnerables que ellas.
               

                  Hoy estamos a tiempo de frenar la rueda implacable de la historia. Pongamos en marcha recursos de acogida. Ofrezcamos oportunidades de estudio y empleo a quienes buscan refugio. Esforcémonos con las niñas que tienen menos probabilidades de acceder a la educación y se exponen a la violencia sexual, el tráfico de personas y la trata. Facilitemos a las mujeres mecanismos de denuncia cuando son objeto de violencia, buenos servicios de salud física, psicológica, sexual y reproductiva, métodos contraceptivos de emergencia y una atención adecuada en caso de aborto.
               

                  Atendamos a las víctimas y no olvidemos a los victimarios, porque los delitos sexuales que se han perpetrado en Ucrania son crímenes de guerra y posibles crímenes de lesa humanidad, y, como tales, deben ser perseguidos y sancionados.
               

Lívia Járóka (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök úr! Képviselőtársaim! A háború valósága már több mint két hónapja van velünk. Ukrajna az orosz agressziónak kitéve teljeskörű humanitárius segítségre szorul, és büszkén mondom, hogy egy olyan ország tagja vagyok, akik igenis segítenek. És ebben nincs is vita közöttünk, hogy a legfontosabb most a segítség. A legkiszolgáltatottabbakat képviselem. Én egy kisebbségnek a tagja vagyok, de emellett gyerekek, nők vannak leginkább kitéve a háború okozta létbizonytalanságnak.
               

                  Ez a jelentés azonban meg kell, hogy mondjam, hogy az Ukrajnából az EU irányába menekülő nők és gyerekek helyzetének a kiszolgáltatottságát nem teljesen pontosan mutatja be abból a szempontból, hogy hadjáratot nyit egy olyan tagállam ellen, sőt több tagállam ellen is, akiket politikai és ideológiai megfontolásoktól vezérelve rendre támadnak. Úgy, hogy naponta fogadjuk a nőket a kórházainkban és segítséget nyújtunk a gyermekeiknek. Ezért kénytelen vagyok módszeresen cáfolni a jelentésben elhangzottakat, hisz Magyarországgal kapcsolatban nagyon sokan tudatosan ferdítettek. Mi hiszünk a család szentségében, országunkban a jelentésben állítottakkal szemben van sürgősségi fogamzásgátlás, amely limitált időintervallumon belül bárki számára elérhető, vénykötelezettsége azonban egészségügyileg indokolható. Törvényi úton 12 hétig biztosított az abortusz. 20 és 24 hetes esetekkel is találkozunk, ahol ugyancsak segítünk. Az ország meleg közösségei nincsenek negatív diszkriminációnak kitéve. Örömmel fogadunk mindenkit, aki az országunkban menedéket kér. Ukrajnának most segítségre van szüksége, s Magyarország segít. Segítsenek Önök is.
               

Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Wojna w Ukrainie ma twarz kobiety. To kobiety i dzieci stanowią blisko 90 proc. spośród blisko 5 milionów uchodźców. To kobiety pomagają, jak mogą, biorąc na swoje barki ewakuację, ochronę i utrzymanie rodzin, oraz na równi z mężczyznami sięgają po broń i walczą na froncie. To kobiety i dziewczynki są najczęściej ofiarami wojny: są gwałcone, torturowane, zabijane czy wywożone w głąb Rosji. Stają się także ofiarami handlu żywym towarem.
               

                  Świat to widzi i Europa to widzi. I myślę, że dzisiaj z tego miejsca musimy powiedzieć ukraińskim kobietom, że spisane i zapamiętane będą zbrodnie i czyny, że zbrodniarze zostaną osądzeni i pociągnięci do odpowiedzialności.
               

                  Szanowni Państwo, musimy także pamiętać, że entuzjazm pomocy – i to jest zauważalne – powoli opada. Inflacja i sytuacja gospodarcza drenują portfele chociażby w Polsce, która przyjęła najwięcej uchodźców. Samorządowcy apelują i mówią, że kończą się im środki finansowe.
               

                  Dlatego z tego miejsca kolejny raz apeluję do Komisji Europejskiej o bezpośrednie i celowe wsparcie dla samorządu terytorialnego, dla NGO i dla zwykłych ludzi, bo to oni są na pierwszym froncie pomocy i wsparcia dla wszystkich ukraińskich uchodźców.
               

Evelyn Regner (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Und vor allem Dankeschön, Frau Kommissarin, für die hervorragende Arbeit, die Sie leisten. Frauen in der Ukraine wurden vom Krieg gezwungen, allein oder mit ihren Kindern, oft auch noch mit den Kindern der Nachbarn oder von Geschwistern, ihre Heimat von einem Tag auf den anderen hinter sich zu lassen. Mit der Flucht haben sie ihr Zuhause verloren, ihr soziales Umfeld und oft auch noch ihre finanzielle Autonomie.
               

                  Wir müssen den Frauen helfen, sich in dem neuen Alltag zurechtzufinden. Und für ihre Unabhängigkeit brauchen sie daher den uneingeschränkten Zugang zu Bildungseinrichtungen, zu Betreuungseinrichtungen und zu fair entlohnter Arbeit.
               

                  Diese Frauen sind durch den Krieg oft traumatisiert. Nicht nur die Angst vor Bomben und die Angst um ihre Angehörigen wirken dabei lähmend. Sexuelle Gewalt und Vergewaltigungen durch russische Soldaten – Kriegsverbrechen nach den Regeln des Völkerrechts – werden gezielt als Waffe gegenüber Mädchen und Frauen eingesetzt.
               

                  Diese extrem erlebten Gewalterfahrungen können wir natürlich nicht ungeschehen machen. Aber genau deswegen ist es umso wichtiger und unsere Verantwortung, den Betroffenen zu helfen, das Trauma zu verarbeiten. Psychologische Betreuung und Zugang zu Notfallverhütung und, wenn notwendig, zu legaler und sicherer Abtreibung müssen in jedem Mitgliedstaat der Europäischen Union unbürokratisch und kostenlos möglich sein.
               

                  Und hier denke ich insbesondere an Polen, wo die Zivilgesellschaft Großartiges leistet, aber auch die Regierung ihren Beitrag leisten muss, damit Frauen, wenn erforderlich, rasch Zugang zu Notfallverhütung und Schwangerschaftsabbruch haben. Und ich denke auch daran, was Staatspräsident Macron aus Frankreich am Beginn der Ratspräsidentschaft angekündigt hat, nämlich das Recht auf Abtreibung endlich in der Grundrechtecharta zu verankern. Wir brauchen es dringend.
               

Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Mr President, Putin's brutality knows no limits. One day, we were all appalled as a maternity clinic was bombed, the next as mass graves were discovered in Bucha. But how far does inhumanity go if you applaud military units that are linked to mass rape.
The reports of sexual violence and rape by Russian forces continue to grow, and so do the number of pregnancies. Many Ukrainian women and girls are traumatised as they witnessed how their cities were attacked and their beloved family was killed. And if one trauma wasn't enough, rape survivors are now trying to cope with the idea that, inside, they are carrying the baby of those that erased all that they left.
Faced with these horrors, the EU cannot be a silent bystander. That is why today we call on the Commission to step up and act without delay to ensure that dignity health kits and emergency contraceptives reach Ukraine and host countries to ensure – very important, colleagues – access to safe abortion care throughout the whole EU for pregnant women victims of rape and to ensure justice for the war crimes committed against women.
These women have already lost so much. We must not disappoint the ones counting on our help. And remember, women here, maybe also the men, what Madeleine Albright said: ‘There is a special place in hell for women who don't help other women’.

Pierrette Herzberger-Fofana (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, l'offensive russe en Ukraine et dans les villes assiégées a jeté des millions de femmes sur les routes de l'exil, les exposant ainsi aux abus sexuels et autres atrocités.
               

                  De nombreuses femmes et jeunes filles seules sont forcées de traverser la frontière dans l'espoir d'échapper à la guerre. Elles courent de grands dangers: elles se retrouvent victimes de la traite des femmes comme travailleuses du sexe. Pour elles, au milieu des bombardements et des combats se glisse un danger plus insidieux: celui des violences sexuelles.
               

                  Les risques de viols, d'agressions et de harcèlement sexuels sont forts aussi pour celles qui sont restées en Ukraine. Le travail de documentation des exactions actuellement commises par les forces russes reste évidemment à accomplir. Les femmes réfugiées victimes de discriminations intersectionnelles, telles que les femmes roms, les non ukrainiennes, les femmes noires ou d'ascendance africaine, les femmes migrantes, celles vivant avec un handicap ou encore les personnes LGBTQ sont laissées pour compte et sont touchées de manière disproportionnée par ce conflit.
               

                  Les femmes réfugiées font également face à des risques accrus en ce qui concerne l'accès à la santé et aux droits sexuels et reproductifs. Nombre d'entre elles n'ont pas accès à la contraception ou à un avortement légal et sécurisé. Nous devons mettre en place des stratégies spécifiques en soutenant et en protégeant les organisations civiles et les ONG qui mettent leur propre liberté en jeu et qui travaillent sans relâche afin de soulager la situation des femmes réfugiées, surtout celles qui sont victimes d'exploitation sexuelle.
               

                  Madame la Commissaire, comment allez-vous procéder afin de soutenir la coordination des services de santé, en veillant à ce que les femmes aient accès à l'ensemble des services de santé sexuelle et génésique? Quelles stratégies allez-vous mettre en place pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être des survivantes et faire en sorte que les femmes qui ont fui l'Ukraine en raison de leur grande vulnérabilité puissent bénéficier d'une protection particulière et d'une aide psychologique en langue maternelle?
               

                  Le corps des femmes ne doit pas être un champ de bataille, ni pour les envahisseurs, ni pour les hommes sur place du même camp et encore moins pour les trafiquants de la traite des femmes.
               

Simona Baldassarre (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, cinque milioni di profughi dall'Ucraina verso l'Unione europea e di questi il 90 per cento sono donne e bambini. Persone in fuga da una guerra, bisognose di assistenza sanitaria, di lavoro, di istruzione per i bambini, di alloggio e protezione.
               

                  Oggi le donne ucraine aspettano da questo Parlamento un sostegno reale senza incorrere in retoriche ideologiche. Purtroppo, nel testo, una parola fondamentale come maternità, segno di vita e di speranza, è citata solo una volta in questa risoluzione; i diritti sessuali e riproduttivi e l'aborto invece ben 22 volte. Devono essere tutelate tutte le persone fragili.
               

                  Diciamolo chiaramente, pur contenendo elementi positivi, questo testo rischia di strumentalizzare la situazione per rincorrere fini ideologici e per bacchettare ancora una volta quei paesi che non si piegano al mainstream di Bruxelles. Al contrario, dovremmo essere grati a tutti i paesi che stanno aiutando, anche a quelli di frontiera per l'immenso lavoro di accoglienza e tutela di donne e bambini.
               

                  Le donne profughe sono particolarmente a rischio, penso alla tratta e al mercato della prostituzione, di cui l'Ucraina era già una meta, penso agli abusi, alle violenze e tra le violenze nascoste in Ucraina, non dimentichiamo l'utero in affitto. Madri surrogate, dunque donne sfruttate che ricevono pressioni per non rifugiarsi nell'Unione europea perché rischierebbero intoppi legali nella consegna delle creature che portano in grembo.
               

                  I nostri emendamenti condannano la maternità surrogata e chiedono corridoi umanitari per evacuare le madri e i bambini vittime di questa pratica, gli orfani e i disabili che sono ancora in Ucraina. Chiediamo più tutele anche per i minori, verificando anche all'arrivo da chi sono accompagnati. Bisogna scongiurare in ogni modo che cadano vittime della tratta.
               

                  Colleghi, le donne rifugiate sono fondamentali. Non cediamo a strumentalizzazioni ideologiche. Lavoriamo uniti perché ad ogni donna e ad ogni ragazza possa essere restituita la propria dignità.
               

Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA


varapuhemies


Izabela-Helena Kloc (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowni Państwo! Jak wiadomo, od początku wojny na Ukrainie do Polski przybyło ponad 3 miliony uchodźców. Ponad 90% z nich to kobiety z dziećmi. Przewodnicząca von der Leyen lubi mówić o wspieraniu kobiet. Ale co konkretnie zrobiła Komisja Europejska dla kobiet z Ukrainy?
                  

                     Nie zrobiła praktycznie nic! W środku Europy kilka milionów uciekających przed wojną kobiet nie otrzymało żadnej realnej pomocy ze strony Komisji Europejskiej. Komisja oferuje tylko relokację istniejących funduszy. Co więcej, jak widać na tej sali, niektórym bardzo zależy, by Ukrainki, które przeżyły traumę bombardowań i rozstania ze swoimi mężami, przeżyły jeszcze traumę aborcji.
                  

                     One potrzebują teraz przede wszystkim odzieży, żywności i leków. A Pan Biedroń koniecznie chciałby im dać pigułki aborcyjne. Tymczasem matki, które uciekły przed wojną, urodziły w Polsce tysiąc dzieci. Każde z tych dzieci to dla nich źródło radości i nadziei. Te matki mieszkają w naszych domach, uczą się w naszych szkołach, korzystają z bezpłatnej, polskiej opieki zdrowotnej. To koszt szacowany na 13 miliardów euro rocznie.
                  

                     Niestety Komisja Europejska nie planuje żadnej nadzwyczajnej pomocy, ani dla polskiego rządu, ani dla samorządów, ani dla organizacji pozarządowych – a przez to dla kobiet i dzieci.
                  

                     Dla porównania, Komisja przekazała ponad 3 mld euro Turcji dla uchodźców z Syrii. Dlaczego więc Ukrainki w Polsce są dla Komisji mniej ważne? Dlaczego Erdogan nie musiał czekać na europejską pomoc? A my wciąż czekamy i pytamy – co jeszcze musi zrobić Polska, aby być potraktowana przynajmniej tak jak Turcja?
                  

Sandra Pereira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, começo por destacar o papel das mulheres na defesa da paz, exigindo o fim de uma guerra que não deveria ter começado através de uma solução política do conflito, com o objetivo do cessar-fogo imediato que a escalada de confrontação não propicia.
                  

                     Entre os diferentes tipos de violência a que as mulheres estão sujeitas, está a violência em contexto de guerra, em qualquer guerra.
                  

                     Nesse contexto, as violências somam-se. As mulheres e as raparigas correm mais riscos de violência sexual e de exploração, de cair em redes de tráfico de seres humanos e, posteriormente, serem vítimas de prostituição e de outras violências.
                  

                     Importa, pois, minimizar o sofrimento das mulheres que fogem da guerra, assegurando o combate às múltiplas discriminações, seja de raça, etnia, orientação sexual, idade ou barreiras linguísticas.
                  

                     Assegurar também o transporte seguro e rotas seguras, a habitação digna no país de acolhimento, o direito à saúde, incluindo o acesso a direitos sexuais e reprodutivos, os direitos sociais e laborais e condições dignas de trabalho, garantindo que não sejam vítimas de exploração laboral e que não seja feito, a esse pretexto, o caminho para atacar direitos laborais e sociais consagrados.
                  

                     E, neste ponto, a resolução que hoje votamos poderia e deveria ter ido mais longe. Também no que aos meios financeiros diz respeito, a resolução fica aquém do desejado, amarrando apoios ao acordo de associação e às políticas neoliberais nele inscritos.
                  

                     É necessário que, para as necessárias medidas de apoio ao acolhimento dos refugiados, se prevejam recursos adicionais da União Europeia, sem retirar verbas aos fundos estruturais que não esticam e são já hoje insuficientes para outras respostas necessárias.
                  

                     Por último, queremos expressar a nossa solidariedade às mulheres ucranianas e saudar a mobilização que o seu sofrimento e a sua luta geraram nas instituições europeias.
                  

                     Que essa mobilização solidária seja alargada a todas as mulheres que sofrem o mesmo drama na Palestina, no Afeganistão, na Síria, na Líbia ou em qualquer outra região do mundo assolada por uma guerra.
                  

Andrea Bocskor (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Több mint két hónapja tart Ukrajnában a háború, és tegnapelőtt először szülőföldemet, Kárpátalját is rakétatámadás érte. Mit éreztem? Fájdalmat, félelmet úgy, hogy nem voltam ott, nem éltem át. El sem tudjuk képzelni, mit éreznek azok a nők, akik rakétatámadások és golyózápor közepette menekülnek karjaikban a gyermekeikkel, vagy egy metróállomáson hozzák világra gyermeküket miközben a felszínt bombázzák. Vagy akik idegen országba érkeznek úgy, hogy nem ismerik a nyelvet és próbálják megóvni gyermeküket a rájuk leselkedő emberkereskedőktől. Az ukrajnai nők helyzete nagyon nehéz. Ennek dacára az Európai Parlament ismét egy olyan jelentést készít, mely átpolitizált, számos helyen elrugaszkodik a valós problémáktól, és alaptalan hazugságokkal vádolja például Magyarországot, amely már több százezer emberen segített, gondoskodott és befogadott. Az ideológiai játszmák helyett az Uniónak arra kellene törekednie, hogy a szörnyű traumákat átélt nőket valóban segítse. Segítse abban, hogy védelmet kapjanak, megfelelő szállást, ellátást, egészségügyi segítséget. A gyermekek oktatást és megfelelő megélhetést kapjanak. Május 8-án ünneplik Ukrajnában az anyák napját. Fejezzük ki tiszteletünket az ukrajnai nők és anyák iránt, akik helyt állnak, családellátóvá válnak, és sok esetben egyedül gondoskodnak az idősekről, gyermekekről.
                  

                     És a mielőbbi békéért is tegyünk, hiszen nagyon szörnyű, hogy (az elnök megvonja a szót a felszólalótól).


Rasa Juknevičienė (PPE). – Madam President, dear colleagues, I will just read the stories. Bucha. Mother, father, daughter (nine) and son (five years' old). The Kadyrovites entered their house. The father's hands were tied. He was brought to his knees and shot in front of his wife and children. The next day, the boy's genitals were cut off. He died of bleeding. The mother and daughter were raped for two weeks. Mother, father, grandparents and two-year-old girl. They were all found dead in the house. The father with his hands tied and shot. The child had a cut throat. The mother with torn genitals. A 14-year-old girl was raped by five Russian occupiers. She is pregnant now. An 11-year-old boy was raped in front of his mother. She was tied to a chair to watch it happen. A nine-year-old girl was raped by 11 soldiers – at least 11 sperm samples were found. Then they cut the letter Z on her chest and ripped her stomach open. Her parents were killed in front of her. And more and more.
Dear friends, dear colleagues, Putin's Russia must be defeated and the war criminals must be convicted. Dear sisters and brothers in Ukraine, we stand with you. Slava Ukraini!


Radka Maxová (S&D). – Paní předsedající, vážená paní komisařko, vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové, když vidím, jaká zvěrstva se dějí ženám a dívkám na Ukrajině, kde dle zpráv bylo v jednom domě ve městě Buča znásilněno 25 dívek ve věku od čtrnácti do dvaceti čtyř let a devět z nich otěhotnělo, je mi velmi úzko a říkám si, jsem ráda, že mám dva syny, ale i jim hrozí během války hrozná zvěrstva. Potom mě velmi silně překvapují reakce některých, jak si říkají Hnutí pro život, kteří tato zvěrstva plně neodsuzují a nabádají jako ochranu proti znásilnění posílat na Ukrajinu pepřové spreje či houkadla místo antikoncepce či potratových pilulek. Proto bychom znásilněným a poté nechtěně těhotným ženám měli pomoci bez jakýchkoli administrativních či společenských překážek v jednotlivých členských státech, požádají-li o to. 90 % těch, kteří k nám přicházejí z Ukrajiny, jsou ženy a děti. Dívky jsou nejvíce ohrožené obchodem s lidmi, znásilněním či sexuálním zneužitím. Jako prevenci obchodu s lidmi můžeme zajistit, že mezi těmi lidmi, co jim nabízí pomoc, se neskrývají predátoři, kteří chtějí situace zneužít. Toho docílíme skrze kvalitní, dostupné a dobře organizované legální cesty pro překročení hranice bez potřeby využití převaděčů. Další pomoc jako prevenci zneužití ukrajinských žen a dívek vidím v pravidelných kontrolách domů, kde jsou často s dětmi ubytovány. To je jedna stránka pomoci.
                  

                     Druhou stránku pomoci hledejme v podpoře jejich začlenění do společnosti, ať už se jedná o velmi důležité jazykové kurzy a psychologickou podporu, tak i o podporu při hledání bydlení a zaměstnání co nejvíce odpovídajícího jejich kvalifikaci. Evropská unie musí tuto pomoc koordinovat a zajistit efektivní sdílení dobré praxe. Děkuji všem kolegům, kteří stojí na naší straně, a děkuji paní komisařce za skvělou práci.
                  

Dita Charanzová (Renew). – Madam President, Ukrainian women are the biggest victims of Putin's war. Women and their children are the easiest targets for Russian soldiers' cruelty. Horrible stories are emerging: a woman forced into sexual slavery, trapped in a basement in Bucha. After being tortured, Russian soldiers, shot her dead. A mother raped repeatedly in front of her son; a three-year-old girl found dead with her whole family, her body bearing marks of rape; a mother forced to watch her 11-year-old son being gang-raped.
Ukrainian women are fleeing and they need our help. They need immediate medical care, access to emergency contraception, psychological support, and legal abortion in Europe. The border countries must provide urgently needed healthcare to victims of Russian violence.
Thanks to investigators and press underground collecting evidence on war crimes, we already know some of the faces and names of the perpetrators. It is our duty to ensure that the monsters responsible for these crimes are brought to justice and punished. It's good that Russian soldiers will be sanctioned, but I want to see them at the International Criminal Court.

Diana Riba i Giner (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, comisaria, en Ucrania nos enfrentamos una vez más a una realidad devastadora: la guerra siempre ha tenido cara de mujer. Las niñas y las mujeres en los escenarios bélicos son objeto de cosificación, de descarnada instrumentalización y casi siempre de omisión sistemática en los lugares de decisión.
                  

                     Esta violencia, que afecta desproporcionadamente a mujeres y niñas, se recrudece cuando se conjugan diferentes formas de discriminación. Ser mujer romaní, apátrida, con discapacidad, migrante, racializada o del colectivo LGBTIQ+ agudiza esta vulnerabilidad. Lo vemos con especial preocupación en el caso de las mujeres transgénero, para quienes el reconocimiento de su identidad puede marcar, entre otras cosas, la posibilidad o no de huir de la guerra.
                  

                     Es por eso que no nos conformamos con pedir una respuesta humanitaria en términos generales. En esta crisis, la Unión Europea debe responder a las necesidades específicas de las mujeres y las niñas, garantizando, por ejemplo, la disponibilidad de servicios de apoyo en materia de violencia de género y el acceso a todos los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva, incluida la anticoncepción de emergencia y el aborto.
                  

                     Pero, sobre todo, nuestra respuesta debe partir de la convicción de que las mujeres no somos únicamente testigos y víctimas o armas de guerra y botín. Las mujeres en Ucrania son combatientes y cuidadoras, líderes de sus comunidades y proveedoras. Hace apenas unos días eran profesoras, periodistas, funcionarias. Por eso reivindicamos la preeminencia de su rol, pero sobre todo su capacidad como agente de cambio. Sin las voces de las mujeres no habrá paz ni reconstrucción posible.
                  

Nicolaus Fest (ID). – Frau Präsidentin! Der Krieg in der Ukraine bedeutet natürlich viel Leid auch für Frauen. Das will ich nicht kleinreden. Aber wenn hier Frau Charanzová – glaube ich, ist der richtige Name – sagt: Die Frauen sind die größten Opfer des Krieges, dann ist das schlicht Fake News und Dummheit.
                  

                     In der Ukraine kämpfen Männer, nicht Frauen. Männer werden von Granaten zerrissen, von Kugeln zerfetzt, von Minen verstümmelt, nicht Frauen. Männer sterben im Felde, bei der Verteidigung von Kiew, im Stahlwerk von Mariupol, nicht Frauen. Männer verteidigen die Freiheit der Ukraine und übrigens auch die Freiheit der Frauen. Nicht Frauen tun das.
                  

                     Diese Männer wollten keinen Krieg. Sie wollten nicht all das Elend, das Leid. Aber sie tragen die Hauptlast des Krieges, nicht Frauen. Hier aber wird so getan, als seien die Frauen die Hauptleidenden. Das ist wirklich, man muss es klar sagen: Das ist grotesk.
                  

                     Und statt jedes Mal über Frauen und Wohnungen und Abtreibungsrechte und dergleichen zu reden, sollten Sie mal darüber nachdenken, was wir endlich für die heroischen Kämpfer in Kiew und in Mariupol tun können, denn hier wird für die so gut wie gar nichts getan. Darüber sollten Sie endlich mal debattieren.
                  

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Wortmeldung nach dem Verfahren der ‘blauen Karte’ zu antworten)


Bogdan Rzońca (ECR),
wystąpienie zasygnalizowane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Ja chciałbym zapytać Pana, jak Pan ocenia pomoc Niemców generalnie dla Ukrainy, w tym dla kobiet ukraińskich, dla matek ukraińskich, dla dzieci ukraińskich? Czy Pan wie, jak ta pomoc ze strony rządu niemieckiego wygląda w praktyce?
                  

President. – I should say that this is off our topic. So, let's move to the speakers' list.

Elżbieta Kruk (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! W wyniku rosyjskiej inwazji na Ukrainę zginęło tysiące ludzi. Miliony zostało zmuszonych do ucieczki z własnych domów, wielu wywieziono w głąb Rosji. Rosyjska armia wykorzystuje okrucieństwa, gwałty, tortury i ludobójstwo jako broń przeciwko cywilnej ludności. W sposób szczególny dotyka to kobiety i dzieci.
                  

                     To zło nie wzięło się znikąd. To efekt polityki Zachodu wobec Rosji Putina. Dwuznaczna rola niektórych państw ujawniła się już wcześniej, gdy zbroiły Rosję. Potem przyglądały się agresji bezczynnie, jakby licząc na szybką kapitulację Kijowa. Następnie blokowały sankcje. A teraz w tej Izbie próbuje się wykorzystać tragedię ukraińskich kobiet i dzieci do promowania własnego programu ideowego. Kiedy miliony potrzebują pomocy, zastanawiacie się, jak ułatwić zabieranie życia, zamiast jak je chronić.
                  

                     Gdyby tu była szczera troska o los kobiet, zajmowalibyśmy się kwestią większego zaangażowania w pomoc Ukrainie na poziomie unijnym, by jak najszybciej powstrzymać te okrucieństwa, czy pomocą solidarnościową dla Polski, gdzie schroniło się najwięcej ukraińskich kobiet.
                  

Malin Björk (The Left). – Fru talman! 90 procent av flyktingarna från Ukraina är kvinnor och barn. Kvinnliga flyktingar är bland de modigaste och starkaste som jag har träffat, men det är vårt ansvar att stötta och stärka deras rättigheter och stå vid deras sida.
                  

                     För att göra detta måste vi lyssna på de organisationer som jobbar natt och dag med att göra precis det. Och de är tydliga: Vi behöver trygga transporter, vi behöver trygga och säkra boenden, vi behöver särskilda insatser för de kvinnor som är gravida och behöver mödravård och vi måste öka stödet direkt till de organisationer och lokala myndigheter som faktiskt gör jobbet på gränsen och i Polen.
                  

                     De organisationer som jobbar i Polen vittnar också om att de möter kvinnor som utsatts för sexuellt våld. Precis som har sagts här så måste vi ställa förövarna inför rätta. Men vi måste också se till att de utsatta får den vård, inklusive abortvård, som behövs. Därför kräver vi nu att kvinnor från Ukraina ska få säkra, lagliga och gratis aborter i Polen och i EU:s medlemsländer.
                  

                     Kriget i Ukraina har också skapat en stor grupp kvinnor och barn som riskerar att utnyttjas och falla offer för sexköpare och hallickar, alltså europeiska män som inte drar sig för att köpa kvinnor. Alla bedyrar ju att de tar avstånd från det här, men samtidigt så görs det ingenting och ingen har någon överblick om vad som faktiskt sker runt om på prostitutionsmarknaderna i Europa. Det är inte okej, och det vet jag att du, kommissionär, inte heller tycker.
                  

                     Vi måste jobba tillsammans för att stå upp för ukrainska flyktingars rättigheter. Vi måste se att det är kvinnor som det rör sig om. Vi måste ha en mer feministisk flyktingpolitik i Europa. Jag föreslår att vi utser en speciell representant i kommissionen som ser till kvinnliga flyktingars situation och behov, så att vi får rätsida på detta.
                  

Ewa Kopacz (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Wojna na Ukrainie całkowicie zmieniła rzeczywistość. Ukraińscy mężczyźni musieli natychmiast podjąć decyzję, czy przyłączyć się do walczących żołnierzy, kobiety natomiast zdecydować, czy zostają w kraju, czy też ratując życie swoje i swoich dzieci, uciekają z Ukrainy. Kobiety zabierały rzeczy pierwszej potrzeby i wraz z dziećmi opuszczały Ukrainę. Ukraińskie dziewczęta zbyt wcześnie dorosły. W wyniku tej wojny kobiety zostały sprowadzone do roli opiekunki rodziny, a nawet głowy rodziny. Musiały się zmierzyć z zapewnieniem podstawowych potrzeb dla siebie i dzieci. Te, które pozostały, pewnie żałowały swej decyzji, gdy rosyjscy żołnierze barbarzyńcy gwałcili je i torturowali.
                  

                     Wojna na Ukrainie spowoduje trwałe zmiany w psychice ukraińskich kobiet, w psychice kobiet, którym towarzyszy nieustanny strach o pozostałych na wojnie mężów, ojców, braci i synów. Czy te kobiety kiedykolwiek odzyskają równowagę psychiczną, poczucie bezpieczeństwa, wiarę w ludzi? Czy traumy i koszmary będą im towarzyszyć jeszcze przez długie lata? Jedna z bohaterek powieści Swiatłany Aleksijewicz, pisarki i noblistki, powiedziała ‘Na wojnie starzeje się dusza człowieka. Po wojnie już nigdy nie byłam młoda.’. Dajmy kobietom z Ukrainy szansę na uratowanie ich młodości.
                  

                     I na koniec: my kobiety z Europy, my obywatele Europy, Europy bez wojny, musimy pamiętać, że to nasz obowiązek, a nie przywilej, zadbać o zdrowie i szeroko pojęte prawa ukraińskich kobiet.
                  

Leszek Miller (S&D). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Koleżanki i Koledzy! Zbrodnie na ukraińskich dziewczętach i kobietach muszą być ścigane i ukarane. Wiele prześladowanych kobiet uciekło do Polski. Są to kobiety, które nie tylko mierzą się z wojenną traumą, ale z powodu tragicznych wydarzeń zostały jedynymi żywicielkami rodzin.
                  

                     Jednym z największych wyzwań, oprócz zapewnienia im bezpieczeństwa, jest zbudowanie systemu aktywizacji zawodowej, umożliwiającego wejście na rynek pracy, pozwalającego zdobyć środki utrzymania. Warunkiem osiągnięcia tego celu jest z jednej strony zapewnienie miejsc w placówkach edukacji żłobkowej, przedszkolnej i szkolnej dla dzieci z Ukrainy, a z drugiej wyodrębnienie przez Komisję Europejską środków na programy dofinansowania przedsiębiorców tworzących miejsca pracy i zatrudniających kobiety z Ukrainy.
                  

                     Spontaniczne, godne podziwu działania obywateli Polski – a jak Państwo wiedzą, trzy miliony Ukraińców przekroczyło naszą granicę – muszą zostać wsparte środkami, jakimi Unia dysponuje, i to nie kiedyś, a tu i teraz.
                  

Barry Andrews (Renew). – Madam President, Commissioner, this morning we've heard some of the unspeakable horrors that have been visited on the women and children of Ukraine. The task I want to concentrate on is how we convert evidence into prosecutions.
This time last year, the European Parliament passed a resolution calling for the Commission to publish an action plan on impunity. Nothing has happened since then, and it needs to address, for example, the different application of the principle of universal jurisdiction in each Member State. It is applied in a different way, depending on which Member State you are in – whether it's questions of the Statute of Limitations, whether it is the definition itself of a war crime, which is so significant in the case of sexual violence, or questions of impunity and immunity. So we need to publish that.
We also need to address the question of the proposal for a treaty on mutual legal assistance and extradition. The EU Genocide Network was briefed on this last month, so my call is for two things: on 23 May, it is EU day for action against impunity. What we need a commitment to do is to publish an EU action plan on impunity, and also to support the initiative for a treaty on mutual legal assistance and extradition.

Kim Van Sparrentak (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, dear Commissioner, we have all heard terrible reports in the past weeks about Russian troops using rape as a weapon of war against Ukrainian women who have stayed behind. And we've also heard heart-breaking stories about pregnant Ukrainians fleeing to Poland who are in need of an abortion there, but discover that they cannot get it because of the de facto abortion ban. Moreover, they are actually greeted with anti-abortion propaganda. This includes women who have been raped, but also people who have fled, and now they just cannot get access to a safe abortion. This is a horrible situation you don't wish to anyone.
We need to support Ukrainian refugees with basic sexual and reproductive health and services wherever they go. If this cannot be assured in one Member State, we need to make sure that they get this support in another country as soon as possible. These are things that can not wait, and I hope the Commission will inform us on how they plan to act as quickly as possible on this, and help these victims of war with dignity.

Guido Reil (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Über 5 Millionen Frauen und Kinder sind bereits vor dem grausamen Krieg in der Ukraine geflohen, und ihnen drohen viele Gefahren: Raub, Vergewaltigung. Und wir müssen sie schützen. Sie brauchen sichere Fluchtkorridore. Sie brauchen sichere Unterkünfte. Sie brauchen Nahrung und selbstverständlich medizinische Versorgung.
                  

                     Und die Länder, die am meisten leisten, sind Polen und Ungarn. Umso trauriger ist es, wie die EU mit ihnen verfährt. Sie hatten keine Unterstützung, und ich erinnere mal daran: Der Despot Erdoğan wurde mit 3 Milliarden unterstützt, damit er Flüchtlingen aus Syrien helfen kann – der Despot Erdoğan. Die Polen und die Ungarn werden jetzt angegriffen von den Genderideologen in der EU. Die LGBTIQ-Szene ist besonders wichtig, anscheinend besonders bedroht, unter den Flüchtlingen.
                  

                     Ich bin entsetzt, ich bin wirklich entsetzt. Und ich möchte noch einmal daran erinnern: Es sind nicht Polen und Ungarn, die verhindern, dass LGBTIQ-Wesen in Polen und Ungarn einreisen. Es sind die Ungarn selber, die es verhindern, dass Männer mit Perücken und High Heels einreisen.
                  

Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Dzisiaj siedemdziesiąty pierwszy dzień wojny w Europie. Codziennie widzimy morderstwa, gwałty, tortury, niewyobrażalne cierpienia, czasami niestety pijąc kawę czy rozmawiając z przyjaciółmi. Przed kobietami ukraińskimi, tak jak kobietami w całej Europie, które udzieliły im wsparcia, a przede wszystkim kobietami polskimi, chylę czoła i dziękuję im każdego dnia, szczególnie kobietom na Podkarpaciu i w Lubelszczyźnie, ponieważ codziennie od początku wojny są one na granicy.
                  

                     Kobiety ukraińskie potrzebują trzech rzeczy: zakończenia wojny, szczelnych sankcji i pieniędzy. Dzisiaj, najpóźniej jutro. Pani Komisarz, proszę nie mówić Polkom, że mają to robić ze swoich własnych kieszeni. Przyjęliśmy ponad dwa miliony Ukraińców. Są w systemie opieki zdrowotnej, edukacji, opieki społecznej, mają swoje PESELE. Potrzebujemy pieniędzy. Proszę nie mówić, że przy okazji wojny chcecie Państwo Polskę zagłodzić. Bo jesteśmy w Polsce dla Ukrainy, dla całej Unii Europejskiej. Chcemy służyć pomocą, ale chcemy pieniędzy. Dzisiaj, jutro.
                  

Maria da Graça Carvalho (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Caros Colegas, continuamos a receber denúncias de abusos dos direitos das mulheres no palco de guerra da Ucrânia. A violência sexual, sob a forma de violações, tráfico de seres humanos ou qualquer outro tipo de abuso, é absolutamente inadmissível e impensável num contexto de conflito armado a decorrer em pleno século XXI.
                  

                     É essencial que a União, em colaboração com a comunidade internacional e as organizações não governamentais, responda a estes alertas. Devem ser definidos roteiros e medidas concretas e deve ser dada especial atenção às questões de género na programação das missões civis e de segurança.
                  

                     Além disso, o julgamento e a punição de todos os responsáveis por estes abusos devem ser requisitos obrigatórios de qualquer negociação de paz.
                  

                     Não existe verdadeira paz sem justiça. Os criminosos desta guerra devem sofrer as consequências das suas ações.
                  

Maria-Manuel Leitão-Marques (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, há um número cada vez maior de relatos de mulheres ucranianas que foram vítimas de várias formas de violência, incluindo violações, às mãos de soldados russos.
                  

                     O uso da violência contra as mulheres como arma de guerra não é, infelizmente, um problema novo nem restrito a este conflito. Diria mesmo que se tornou uma constante em cenários de guerra.
                  

                     Estima-se que 50 000 mulheres tenham sido violadas no conflito da Jugoslávia, um número que sobe para 250 000 no genocídio de Ruanda. Não nos podemos esquecer também de conflitos prolongados que envolvem o rapto de meninas, casamentos forçados e a sua exclusão do sistema educativo, como acontece em partes da Nigéria, às mãos de grupos terroristas.
                  

                     No caso da Ucrânia, temos de garantir, e a Senhora Comissária tem-no feito, obrigada, que as vítimas, muitas das quais estão refugiadas em países como a Polónia e a Hungria, tenham acesso a apoio psicológico, a serviços de saúde reprodutiva e sexual, como, por exemplo, a contraceção de emergência ou interrupções voluntárias de gravidez.
                  

                     Esta situação demonstra também a importância de desenvolver uma política externa feminista a nível europeu, seguindo o exemplo de países como a Suécia, como defendemos recentemente neste Parlamento, no Plano de Ação da União Europeia em matéria de igualdade de género no contexto da ação externa.
                  

                     É verdade que não podemos deixar de acudir a situações específicas e próximas de nós, como a Ucrânia, mas também não podemos trivializar situações que estão mais longe de nós apenas porque não fazem capas de jornais.
                  

Katalin Cseh (Renew). – Madam President, a woman near Kyiv was repeatedly raped by a Russian soldier, while her young son was crying in the boiler room. A mother and her under-age daughter were raped by three men in Kherson. Day after day, bodies of naked women are found with signs of torture and rape. I know it's not comfortable to hear, and I also know that some politicians insist that we look away. But this is the reality emerging from Ukraine. It may not be happening right here, but it's happening right now in 2022 in Europe, in a European country – and we are talking about hundreds of cases. These are not isolated instances. It's a deliberate war tactic. These are war crimes.
So, the European Parliament must send a clear message to the perpetrators that one day you will need to stand in front of an international tribunal and you will need to answer for these unspeakable crimes. This House calls for a special international tribunal. We already need to establish an interim office in The Hague, and the EU should provide financing for that, because every single one of these cases needs to be recorded. Accountability may not happen today or tomorrow, as it should, but it will happen and justice will be served.

Viola von Cramon-Taubadel (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin! Was wir eben gehört haben von der extremen Rechten in diesem Parlament, macht mich nicht nur sprachlos, sondern auch fassungslos. Es beschämt mich.
                  

                     Wir haben heute eine Entschließung aufgesetzt, wo es um den Einfluss von Gewalt des Kriegs auf Frauen in der Ukraine geht. Und es geht darum, dass wir gemeinsam hier Lösungen finden für das Leid, das vor allem Frauen im Moment in der Ukraine erfahren. Und dann wird hier so getan, als würden wir uns nicht um die anderen, um die Kämpferinnen und Kämpfer kümmern. Auch viele Frauen sind an der Front, kämpfen als Soldatinnen zusammen. Aber Frauen sind einem besonderen Leid, einer Brutalität der russischen Soldaten ausgesetzt. Rasa hat es erzählt: Die Kadyrowzy, die tschetschenische Spezialeinheit, ist ausgerichtet auf Kriegsverbrechen. Und ja, es ist wichtig, darauf hinzuweisen.
                  

                     Und was Polen betrifft: Ja, Polen nimmt wahnsinnig viele Geflüchtete auf, und wir würden uns wünschen, sie würden die europäische Hilfe annehmen. Aber sie müssen dafür einen Antrag stellen, und der Antrag wurde bisher nicht gestellt. Warum? Ich weiß es nicht. Ich würde mir sehr wünschen, dass wir besser zusammenarbeiten würden und dass auch die polnische Regierung anerkennt, dass Europa viel tut, gemeinsam mit den Polinnen und Polen, mit allen anderen Ländern, die im Moment sehr viele Geflüchtete aufnehmen.
                  

Arba Kokalari (PPE). – Fru talman! Bilderna och vittnesmålen från Butja, Mariupol och andra städer i Ukraina har chockat en hel värld. De ryska truppernas brutalitet, med avrättningar och våldtäkter på civila, kvinnor och barn är omänsklig. Putin, hans närmaste män och de ryska soldaterna som är ansvariga för detta måste dömas i Internationella brottsmålsdomstolen. De får aldrig, aldrig komma undan.
                  

                     De miljoner ukrainska kvinnor som nu har flytt till EU och överlevt det sexuella våldet måste få all vår hjälp, men de ska inte behöva mötas vid EUs yttre gräns av människohandlare som vill utnyttja dem för trafficking eller av att de nekas abortpiller i Polen. Jag har en vädjan till alla EU:s länder och till EU-kommissionär Ylva Johansson: Se nu till att de här kriminella nätverk som står vid EU:s gräns för att utnyttja de ukrainska kvinnorna och barnen till trafficking identifieras, ställs inför rätta och stoppas från att verka vid EU:s yttre gräns.
                  

                     Jag har också en vädjan till EU:s länder om att erbjuda en trygg abort med preventivmedel och förlossningsvård och abortvård till dessa våldtäktsoffer från Ukraina. Vi kan aldrig tolerera att våldtäkter används som ett vapen i krig. Historien skapas nu och Europa måste ha en nolltolerans mot dessa typer av brott och ge allt stöd vi kan till det ukrainska folket och till de kvinnor som drabbats allra värst.
                  

Lina Gálvez Muñoz (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, las consecuencias de una guerra son terribles y afectan de manera desproporcionada a mujeres, niñas y niños, quienes, además, también en esta ocasión, suponen la mayor parte de aquellos que han abandonado Ucrania.
                  

                     Tenemos que garantizar su atención e inserción en nuestros sistemas sociales, de salud y educativos y poner a disposición los fondos necesarios para que se haga con dignidad.
                  

                     Especialmente, la Unión Europea debe proteger a esas mujeres y niñas del uso de la violencia sexual como arma de guerra y garantizar que las mujeres tengan acceso a los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva, incluida la atención al aborto legal y seguro.
                  

                     Europa también debe participar en la recogida de pruebas contra las atrocidades de la guerra cometidas, incluidas las violaciones, que no deben prescribir, y abrir los ojos frente a la barbarie de la maternidad subrogada y no consentir la mercantilización y deshumanización que supone el ir a Ucrania a recoger los bebés comprados y dejar a su suerte a las gestantes, a las que ni siquiera se las nombra como madres.
                  

                     En definitiva, debemos garantizar los derechos de las mujeres y niñas en estos momentos, y en estos meses que vendrán, porque no podemos olvidar que nos enfrentamos a una agenda antigénero que, a escala global, no respeta nuestros derechos, especialmente los sexuales y reproductivos.
                  

Chrysoula Zacharopoulou (Renew). – Madame la présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, en Ukraine, des femmes sont torturées, violées, tuées par les soldats de Poutine, parfois devant leurs enfants. Ces humiliations, ces violences insoutenables contre les femmes ont un objectif: briser la nation ukrainienne. Ces méthodes ont un nom, ce sont des armes de guerre.
                  

                     Mais après avoir fui leur pays, les femmes réfugiées peuvent être exploitées et exposées à la violence, même au sein de l'Union européenne: des proxénètes, des agences matrimoniales, des sites de pornographie, etc.
                  

                     Notre devoir est d'accueillir et de protéger ces femmes de manière immédiate et inconditionnelle. J'aimerais saluer l'engagement de la société civile qui crée des réseaux de solidarité pour secourir, accompagner et héberger les femmes ukrainiennes. L'Union européenne doit continuer à soutenir et financer ce travail de terrain. Nous devons aussi nous assurer que les criminels soient punis et que justice soit faite pour les victimes.
                  

Tilly Metz (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, la situation des femmes affectées par la guerre en Ukraine doit attirer notre attention particulière.
                  

                     Au-delà d'une aide matérielle, nous devons leur apporter un soutien psychologique pour les aider à faire face aux épreuves de la guerre. Beaucoup de femmes ont dû quitter leurs partenaires, pour la plupart contraints de rester sur le territoire de l'Ukraine. Elles sont parties avec leurs enfants, leurs parents et parfois leurs grands-parents.
                  

                     D'autres se retrouvent toutes seules dans un pays qui n'est pas le leur. Il est indispensable que nous leur apportions un soutien moral fort. Aussi, nous apprenons chaque jour que certaines d'entre elles, ainsi que des enfants, ont été victimes de violences sexuelles. Ces crimes de guerre engendrent des traumatismes profonds qui nécessitent d'urgence une prise en charge psychologique et médicale.
                  

Angelika Winzig (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Die Prognose des UNHCR geht davon aus, dass 8,3 Millionen Menschen aus der Ukraine flüchten müssen. Es ist wirklich unglaublich: Das entspricht der Einwohnerzahl meines Mitgliedstaates, Österreich. 90 % davon sind Frauen, aber auch 2 300 unbegleitete Minderjährige wurden registriert. Sie haben es schon alle erwähnt: Schutz und Hilfe ist auf allen Ebenen erforderlich.
                  

                     Als Berichterstatterin der Roamingverordnung war es mir ein großes Anliegen, dass vor allem die geflüchteten Frauen weiterhin in Kontakt mit ihren Angehörigen und Freunden in der Ukraine bleiben können. Gemeinsam mit Kommissar Breton konnte ich die europäischen Telekommunikationsfirmen überzeugen, dass für die ukrainischen Flüchtlinge unbürokratisch SIM-Karten zur Verfügung stehen, aber auch die Roaminggebühren für die ukrainischen Provider heruntergefahren werden müssen, damit nicht auch noch immense Kosten für die Flüchtlinge entstehen, wenn sie mit ihren Lieben zu Hause telefonieren oder Nachrichten verschicken.
                  

                     Ein wichtiger Schritt für hunderttausende Frauen aus der Ukraine, die sich jetzt in der EU aufhalten, ihr Leben ein ganz kleines bisschen zu erleichtern.
                  

Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, ‘toi t'es trop moche. On va te laisser vivre pour que tu racontes à tout le monde’. Voilà ce que les soudards de Poutine ont dit à une adolescente de 17 ans, après avoir violé sa mère et sa petite sœur de quinze ans sous ses yeux pendant des jours et des nuits et les avoir tabassées à mort. Pourquoi ses bourreaux l'ont-ils laissée vivre pour qu'elle parle? Parce que le viol systématique des femmes ukrainiennes n'est pas qu'un accès de barbarie, c'est une stratégie de la terreur. Il ne fait pas qu'assouvir la pulsion abjecte du guerrier, il est la guerre elle-même aux yeux de ces fascistes.
                  

                     Cela fait 20 ans que le viol des femmes est au cœur de la terreur poutinienne, depuis la Tchétchénie. Humilier, profaner, souiller le corps des femmes pour briser la résistance d'un peuple, casser l'Ukraine en violant les Ukrainiennes. Lorsque nous nous sommes rendus à Boutcha, nous avons vu, nous avons entendu et nous nous sommes fait une promesse: tout mettre en œuvre pour que justice soit faite. Les bourreaux doivent payer et il faut systématiser les mécanismes de documentation et de collecte des témoignages.
                  

                     Nous demandons aussi la mise en place par l'Union de programmes de soutien cliniques et psychologiques, car le viol se poursuit dans les souffrances infinies de la victime. Enfin, alors qu'un très grand nombre de réfugiées ukrainiennes sont accueillies par la Pologne, la Commission doit faire en sorte que les victimes puissent avoir accès à tous leurs droits fondamentaux, y compris l'avortement.
                  

                     Chers collègues, les femmes ukrainiennes sont aujourd'hui des cibles, elles sont aussi au cœur de la résistance. Et je veux conclure en me faisant l'écho des propos de Ludmila, que j'ai rencontrée à Irpin et qui commande un bataillon de volontaires, aujourd'hui sur le front de l'Est: ‘Nous avons besoin de médecins, de juges, d'accueil des réfugiés, de votre écoute, de vos élans de solidarité, mais nous avons surtout besoin d'armes pour nous défendre.’ Pour que les bourreaux ne l'emportent pas, la première chose à faire est d'aider celles et ceux qui leur résistent.
                  

Karin Karlsbro (Renew). – Fru talman! Den 8 april besökte jag Ukraina. När skymningen föll över Butja stod vi runt den öppna massgraven och talade med en av dem som tagit hand om offren. Han beskrev i detalj hur människor avrättats, torterats, fått sina ögon utbrända av cigaretter och våldtagits.
                  

                     Att den ryska armén använt våldtäkt som vapen är ett faktum. Lika sant är det att det helvete som pågick Butja precis nu när vi sitter här sker på andra håll i Ukraina, men med skillnaden att ryssarna har blivit bättre på att sopa undan spåren och bevisen.
                  

                     EU måste nu göra allt för att stoppa Putin och ge Ukraina det stöd och de vapen de ber om. De som utsätts för sexuellt våld har rätt till skydd, stöd och vård, inklusive abort, i hela EU. Även i Polen. Våldtäkt i krig är ett krigsbrott och ett brott mot mänskligheten. Det behövs en särskild tribunal, och vi ska inte ge oss förrän alla skyldiga har dömts. Världen vet vilka ni är.
                  

Cindy Franssen (PPE). – Voorzitter, ik begin met een citaat van Hillary Clinton: ‘Vrouwen zijn altijd de eerste slachtoffers van oorlog. Ze verliezen hun echtgenoot, hun vaders, hun zonen in de strijd.’ En ik voeg hier nog iets aan toe: ze verliezen ook vaak hun waardigheid. En de Vrouwenraad verwoordt het correct. Gewapende conflicten zijn al lang geen kwestie meer van legers die ver van de burgerbevolking vechten. Vrouwen en kinderen maken maar liefst 70 % uit van de burgerslachtoffers. Dit is geen toeval. Verkrachting en andere seksuele barbaarsheden worden systematisch als oorlogswapen gebruikt. Bovendien zijn intussen ook miljoenen Oekraïense vrouwen en kinderen naar Europa gevlucht. Zowel in als buiten het conflictgebied lopen zij extra gevaar om in handen te vallen van malafide personen en organisaties.
                  

                     Om hun menselijke waardigheid te beschermen, moeten we veel sneller schakelen met onder meer een actieplan om misdrijven te voorkomen en te bestrijden, meer gespecialiseerde gezondheidszorg en traumazorg voor vrouwen en meisjes die misbruikt worden, een gecoördineerde aanpak voor niet-begeleide minderjarigen, en bijzondere aandacht voor de moedige vrouwen in het Oekraïense leger die vandaag in gevangenschap moeten overleven. Wij eisen een scherp toezicht op de naleving van de internationale conventies met betrekking tot het oorlogsrecht.
                  

                     En het was onze Parlementsvoorzitter Roberta Metsola die als eerste leider Oekraïne heeft bezocht. Misschien wordt het tijd – en ik rond af – dat we de VN-resolutie 1325 van onder het stof halen, opdat meer vrouwen betrokken worden bij vredesonderhandelingen. Vaak blijken zij de game changers in gruwelijke oorlogen.
                  

Evin Incir (S&D). – Madam President, I want to start by thanking Commissioner Johansson for her leadership in defence of women and girls in Ukraine through the work presented at the beginning of this debate.
Women's and girls' bodies have become a battlefield again in a war conducted by a man – Putin – again. With all the modern progresses worldwide, there is one crime we never have been able to consign to the dustbin of history: machismo. Rigorous investigation of the war crimes by Russian soldiers against women and children must be conducted to ensure justice for the survivors and end of impunity for the perpetrators.
We know that survivors of sexual violence and trafficking are fleeing to countries in our own Union to seek shelter. I am, however, deeply concerned that some survivors are welcomed by restrictive anti-abortion laws, as in Poland. We know that criminalising abortion does not stop abortion, it just makes abortion less safe. Therefore, I want to emphasise that access to safe abortion services is a human right and must be respected by all our Member States. These human rights must be ensured for those women fleeing the war in Ukraine. Colleagues, let's beat dictators, not women.

Vladimír Bilčík (PPE). – Madam President, Madam Commissioner, colleagues, I stand here with my most sincere condolences to all Ukrainians who have lost family members, friends and colleagues in this brutal war. It deeply pains me to hear the horrific stories from Ukraine. Every story, every picture, every emotion. We see you. We hear you. Your stories are being documented. Your stories will not be forgotten.
Ukrainian women have demonstrated enormous courage since the Russian invasion. They have left their jobs, their families, their daily lives, to fight for freedom, for their future, and for democratic values. While we speak of European values and freedoms, Ukrainian women live and fight for them. We must continue to listen with our full attention to the stories of women from Ukraine. We Europeans and the international community must urgently work on justice for all victims of war crimes in Ukraine.
As Russia's aggression continues, we have to make sure that we are ready to start prosecuting war crimes as soon as possible. This means pooling international resources together. I am proud of the EU's leading role – for instance, Eurojust's Joint Investigation Team into alleged core international crimes committed in Ukraine.
Let us encourage justice authorities across Member States to gather evidence and testimonies on war crimes against Ukrainian women who have fled Russia's aggression. We must seek justice that will be speedy, not dragged out. Justice that provides a safe and trustworthy space for victims and gathered evidence. Justice using the most advanced forensic methods. Justice for Ukrainian women that is free from Russian malign interference and is exercised not only through the media tools of Russian propaganda, but also through Russia's position in global affairs.
The crimes against Ukrainian women will never be forgotten. We must do everything to bring their perpetrators to justice. Slava Ukraini!


Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, comisaria Johansson, muy bien, Robert Biedroń, presidente de la Comisión de Derechos de la Mujer, por traer a este Parlamento Europeo una interpelación urgente sobre un drama que tiene que ser prioritario en nuestra agenda: el impacto de la guerra de Ucrania sobre las mujeres, que constituyen la inmensa mayoría de las personas que han huido de la zona de guerra. Ellas son las víctimas más vulnerables de la violencia sexual ejercitada brutalmente por las tropas rusas y, por supuesto, de la explotación sexual a la que están expuestas en las redes de tráfico ilícito que se han activado en la frontera.
                  

                     Por eso, el Parlamento Europeo saluda también la sensibilidad con que la Comisión, en primer lugar, ha coordinado el transporte seguro de las personas que huyen de la zona de guerra: mujeres, niñas y niños en su inmensa mayoría.
                  

                     En segundo lugar, ha asegurado los derechos de salud sexual y reproductiva, la atención médica y el derecho al aborto de las mujeres que han sido víctimas de violación por las tropas rusas.
                  

                     En tercer lugar, ha reforzado la Agencia de la Unión Europea para la Cooperación Judicial Penal, Eurojust, para que coopere con la Fiscalía ucraniana y con la Fiscalía del Tribunal Penal Internacional, de modo que ningún crimen de guerra —particularmente los perpetrados contra las mujeres— pueda quedar impune: recolección de pruebas, investigación y enjuiciamiento hasta del último delito de violencia sexual.
                  

Sandra Kalniete (PPE. – Cienījamā sēdes vadītāja! Visos pasaules karos visvairāk cieš sievietes un bērni. Ukrainā krievu kara pūļi aiz sevis ir atstājuši asiņainu sliedi – nogalinātus cilvēkus, izvarotas sievietes, meitenes un zēnus.
                  

                     No 5,5 miljoniem bēgļu apmēram 90% ir sievietes un bērni. No okupētajiem apgabaliem uz Krieviju ir izvesti miljons iedzīvotāju, un no tiem 200 tūkstoši ir bērni, kurus gaida piespiedu adopcija.
                  

                     Krievija ir jāsauc pie atbildības par šiem kara noziegumiem starptautiskajā krimināltiesā Hāgā. Bez tam ir jāizveido speciāls starptautisks mehānisms jeb tribunāls, ko, ar ANO dalībvalstu atbalstu, var izdarīt ar ANO Ģenerālās asamblejas lēmumu un ko finansētu no ANO budžeta. ANO ietvaros ir izveidojusies 49 valstu koalīcija, kas apņēmušās veikt izmeklēšanu nacionālā līmenī, cieši sadarbojoties ar Ukrainas tiesībsargājošajām iestādēm.
                  

                     Nekavējoties jāintervē vardarbības upuri bēgļu vidū un kvalitatīvi, detalizēti, digitāli jādokumentē seksuālie noziegumi, sniedzot upuriem psiholoģisko un materiālo atbalstu, kā arī iespēju pārtraukt izvarošanas rezultātā iestājušos grūtniecību.
                  

                     Apsveicams ir Eiropas Komisijas lēmums no ReactEU līdzekļiem paredzēt 3,5 miljardus, lai dalībvalstis varētu ātri piekļūt šiem līdzekļiem un nodrošināt bēgļiem cilvēka cienīgus dzīves apstākļus, sociālos pakalpojumus un veselības aizsardzību. Paldies.
                  

Isabel Wiseler-Lima (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, je voudrais tout d'abord saluer le courage incroyable des femmes ukrainiennes dans cette guerre qui leur est imposée par la Russie et que rien, absolument rien, ne justifie.
                  

                     Femmes soldats, elles sont des combattantes dans l'armée. Mères et responsables politiques, je les ai entendues affirmer que l'aide humanitaire était importante, mais que le plus important était la livraison d'armes pour défendre leur liberté. Quel courage aussi pour celles qui se sont mises en route pour survivre et protéger leurs enfants. Des battantes, oui. Mais il y a aussi celles qui, impuissantes face à la force brute et inhumaine, ont subi les pires des humiliations et des violences.
                  

                     Le viol comme arme de guerre a détruit jusqu'aux plus fortes. Physiquement et mentalement meurtries, elles ont du mal à survivre, à guérir. Beaucoup sont venues dans l'Union européenne, où la plupart ont été accueillies à bras ouverts, avec beaucoup de dévouement de la part de leurs hôtes et nombre d'associations ont fait un travail remarquable.
                  

                     Toutefois, d'autres dangers, malheureusement, guettent aussi chez nous: la traite des êtres humains et les abus de toutes sortes. Nous devons tout mettre en œuvre pour protéger les Ukrainiens qui cherchent refuge chez nous, et plus particulièrement les plus vulnérables d'entre eux, notamment les femmes seules et les enfants. Les moyens financiers, administratifs, médicaux et d'assistance psychologique doivent continuer à être mis en place et développés. C'est un des points que cette résolution du Parlement européen s'efforce de mettre en avant.
                  

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot


Tudor Ciuhodaru (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, mulțumesc, am un nume mai greu de pronunțat.
                  

                     Viol înseamnă violență și violență în vreme de război înseamnă crimă de război. Vreau toleranță zero față de astfel de fapte abominabile, dar în plus sunt multe alte probleme pe care le-aș fi vrut menționate astăzi.
                  

                     Sunt medic de urgență în Iași, România, la granița cu Moldova și am tratat deja paciente din zonele de conflict. Așa ca să știți că drama este enormă și trebuie abordată și sub alte aspecte. Și vreau ca viața femeilor și fetelor, mamelor, bunicilor, copiilor din zonele de război să fie protejată. Și vă solicit încă o dată, doamnă comisară, activarea Corpului Medical European și să mergem – mă ofer și voluntar – să mergem în aceste zone de război în care viața tuturor trebuie să fie protejată.
                  

Bogdan Rzońca (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Dziękuję bardzo za udzielenie mi głosu. Zabieram ten głos tylko dlatego, że padły tutaj bardzo nieprawdziwe i niepochlebne wręcz informacje, fałszywe informacje na temat tego, że polski rząd nie wystąpił do Komisji Europejskiej o pomoc finansową dla uchodźców. Jedna z pań posłanek powiedziała to w sposób bardzo jednoznaczny i bardzo brutalny, a pan poseł Biedroń bił jej brawa z tego tytułu.
                  

                     Otóż chcę poinformować, że 13 kwietnia tego roku pan premier Morawiecki wystąpił z pismem do pani Ursuli von der Leyen z prośbą o przekazanie 11 miliardów euro na pomoc dla uchodźców z Ukrainy w Polsce, dla dwóch milionów uchodźców, na okres dziewięciu miesięcy. I proszę, żeby pani poseł sprostowała tę informację i przeprosiła.
                  

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamna președintă, doamnă comisară, stimați colegi, știm cu toții că în criză se accentuează și se activează rețelele de trafic. Femeile sunt cele mai expuse. Violența și violul nu este numai asupra femeilor, este și a fetelor, a minorilor.
                  

                     Cred, doamnă comisară, că trebuie să avem o evidență a celor mai vulnerabile femei care au rămas în Ucraina, care nu au putut pleca de acolo, care au nevoie de adăpost, au nevoie de sprijin, un sistem de apelare rapidă pentru a fi o celulă care să meargă să le scoată să le să le protejeze.
                  

                     Deci avem nevoie ca noi, la nivelul Uniunii Europene, să facem fapte concrete, pentru că este oribil ca să rămână tinerele cu această fractură în suflet și în inimă, fiind atacate, violate, mutilate chiar unele din ele. De aceea solicit și Comisiei și nouă, Parlamentului, și Consiliului, să ajungem la niște soluții concrete de a sprijini femeile care sunt cele mai expuse și cele mai vulnerabile, vorbesc de femeile care au rămas acolo, nu au putut pleca.
                  

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)


Ylva Johansson,
Member of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you all very much for this debate. Thank you for your strong solidarity with the Ukrainian women.
War crimes must be brought to justice, including rapists. On top of what I said in the beginning of the debate, I can add, Member States can help investigations with financial support by sending forensic experts, for example. Last week, the Commission proposed to boost Eurojust capabilities to handle war crime-related evidence. The Genocide Network at Eurojust is providing guidance to civil society on collecting evidence. Europol is ready to support a joint investigation team.
And we must support women. As I said, yesterday I spoke to Olha Stefanishyna, Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine, and she told about a number of cases of rape, how it has exploded, and that Ukraine alone cannot cope. So we talked about a proposal to set up survivors' centres to support victims in Ukraine. She asked for our support, and I agree that this is a very good idea. I'm working closely together with my colleagues, Commissioners Lenarčič, Kyriakides and Dalli, to help victims of sexual violence, and I will discuss the possibilities to support survivors' centres in Ukraine together with them.
Inside the EU, the civil society organisations are really the first responders. Their volunteers are often the first to meet the badly traumatised victims. They say, you can tell it from their eyes. And we need to support the civil society organisations.
Victims of rape in Ukraine must have access to abortion. We do not yet know how many victims there are. Many raped women do not want to speak out. We need to encourage these victims to testify, to ask for support. Russia, on the other hand, should never, ever be able to wash away the shame.
I should add we are supporting medical aid with EU funds, short-term, immediate trauma support through EU4Health and long-term support from the Fund for European Aid to the Most Deprived and our cohesion policy funds. Yesterday, I presented an EU common anti-trafficking plan at the Solidarity Platform with EU anti-trafficking coordinators and that was extremely well received.
We have been working together – in the Commission agencies, the Commission, European Parliament, Member States – to fight trafficking in human beings since the beginning of this war. So we are very much on the same page and we don't need to start from zero. This work against trafficking in human beings builds on the Anti-Trafficking Directive and our strategy against the trafficking of human beings.
Then to conclude: after this debate, I can say we are very much united. United in condemnation of Russia's war on women, united in ensuring that perpetrators should not go unpunished, and united in support for the brave women of Ukraine.

Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.
                  

                     Äänestys toimitetaan tänään.
                  


Kirjalliset lausumat (171 artikla)



Łukasz Kohut (S&D),
na piśmie. – Nie ma słów, które mogłyby opisać barbarzyństwo wojsk Putina w Ukrainie. Rosyjska armia robi dziś w Ukrainie to, co w 1945 r. robiła na moim Śląsku. Morduje, gwałci, niszczy wszystko na swej drodze. Na przemoc Rosjan narażone są szczególnie ukraińskie kobiety i dzieci. Dlatego jako Parlament Europejski wzywamy do zapewnienia obywatelom Ukrainy dostępu do podstawowych praw i świadczeń w zakresie zdrowia seksualnego i reprodukcyjnego. Musimy też zapewnić bezpieczeństwo uciekającym Ukrainkom, by nie stały się ofiarami handlu ludźmi. Państwa członkowskie powinny skutecznie ścigać tych, którzy czerpią zyski z takich przestępczych działań. Wierzę, że za swoje zbrodnie Putin i jego sołdaci poniosą odpowiedzialność karną przed międzynarodowymi trybunałami.
                  

Ivan Štefanec (PPE),
písomne. – Utečenecká kríza je hlavne o ženách a deťoch, keďže odhady hovoria, že z piatich miliónov ukrajinských utečencov v zahraničí tvoria ženy a deti až 90 %. Okrem toho máme priamo na Ukrajine viac ako sedem miliónov vnútorných vysídlencov. Európska únia musí byť pre všetkých Ukrajincov bezpečným prístavom, v ktorom sa nebudú musieť obávať sexuálneho zneužívania, vykorisťovania či obchodovania s ľuďmi. Zločiny, ktoré páchajú ruskí vojaci na Ukrajine aj v oblasti sexuálneho násilia, nesmú zostať v budúcnosti nepotrestané.
                  
5.   Composition of committees and delegations

Puhemies. – ID-ryhmä on ilmoittanut puhemiehelle päätöksistä, joilla muutetaan valiokuntien jäsenten nimityksiä. Nämä päätökset ovat tämän päivän istunnon poytäkirjassa, ja ne tulevat voimaan päivänä, jona niistä on ilmoitettu parlamentille.
               

                  Istunto keskeytetään nyt hetkeksi ja sitä jatketaan klo 12 äänestyksillä.
               

(Istunto keskeytettiin klo 11.48)


PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: DITA CHARANZOVÁ


místopředsedkyně

6.   Resumption of the sitting

(The sitting resumed at 12.00)


David Lega (PPE). – Madam President, I do have a point of order. As we are now to adopt this part-session's urgency resolutions, I would like to update this House on a case we have discussed many times before.
Media now report that the Swedish-Iranian national, Ahmad Reza Jalali, who is sentenced to death in Iran, will be executed by 21 May. So I would like to remind the President and my colleagues that we have, on several occasions, adopted resolutions here calling for Dr Jalali's pardon and immediate release. Therefore, I expect this House now to do everything in our might to save Dr Jalali.

President. – Thank you very much, Mr Lega. I will pass on the information to Madam President, and we will see how the Parliament can officially react.
7.   Voting time

President. – The next item is the vote.
7.1.   Decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations: EU Digital COVID Certificate – Union citizens (A9-0138/2022 - Juan Fernando López Aguilar) (vote)

— Before the vote:


Juan Fernando López Aguilar,
rapporteur. – Madam President, if you will allow me, this is just a call for the Members to endorse the mandate of the LIBE Committee to engage into negotiations – the so-called interinstitutional negotiations – as it is an extension of the timeframe of the first version of the EU Digital COVID Certificate. It makes sense insofar as the pandemic is not over – the worst is over, but the pandemic is not over yet – so a time limited extension is reasonable, and that is the mandate of negotiation of the LIBE Committee.

Annalisa Tardino (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sarò brevissima. Noi abbiamo presentato un'obiezione. Un anno fa in quest'Aula abbiamo approvato questo strumento perché fosse uno strumento di armonizzazione normativa in grado di facilitare gli spostamenti dei nostri cittadini tra uno Stato membro e l'altro in maniera eccezionale, perché venisse rimossa una volta superata la pandemia.
                  

                     Oggi qui in quest'Aula siamo tutti per fortuna tornati alla normalità. Votiamo in presenza, siamo senza mascherine, non abbiamo esibito alcun certificato, quindi riteniamo che l'avvio dei negoziati e la proroga di questo strumento fino al 2023 sia veramente una lesione di alcuni diritti fondamentali dei nostri cittadini. Chiediamo pertanto che vi esprimiate contro.
                  

President. – Now we will proceed with the vote.
It is adopted. The committee can start interinstitutional negotiations immediately.
7.2.   Decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations: EU Digital COVID Certificate – third-country nationals (A9-0137/2022 - Juan Fernando López Aguilar) (vote)

President. – It is adopted. The committee can start interinstitutional negotiations immediately.
7.3.   Transitional rules for the packaging and labelling of veterinary medicinal products (C9-0054/2022) (vote)
7.4.   The case of Osman Kavala in Turkey (RC-B9-0227/2022, B9-0227/2022, B9-0232/2022, B9-0233/2022, B9-0237/2022, B9-0238/2022, B9-0239/2022, B9-0246/2022) (vote)
7.5.   Reports of continued organ harvesting in China (B9-0248/2022, B9-0249/2022, RC-B9-0250/2022, B9-0250/2022, B9-0251/2022, B9-0252/2022, B9-0253/2022, B9-0254/2022) (vote)
7.6.   The continuous crackdown of political opposition in Cambodia (B9-0226/2022, RC-B9-0230/2022, B9-0230/2022, B9-0231/2022, B9-0234/2022, B9-0236/2022, B9-0247/2022) (vote)
7.7.   Competition policy – annual report 2021 (A9-0064/2022 - Andreas Schwab) (vote)
7.8.   Threats to stability, security and democracy in Western and Sahelian Africa (B9-0255/2022, B9-0256/2022, RC-B9-0257/2022, B9-0257/2022, B9-0258/2022, B9-0259/2022, B9-0260/2022) (vote)
7.9.   Ongoing hearings under Article 7(1) TEU regarding Poland and Hungary (B9-0262/2022, B9-0263/2022, B9-0264/2022) (vote)
7.10.   State of play of the EU-Moldova cooperation (RC-B9-0240/2022, B9-0240/2022, B9-0241/2022, B9-0242/2022, B9-0243/2022, B9-0244/2022, B9-0245/2022) (vote)
7.11.   The impact of the war against Ukraine on women (B9-0219/2022) (vote)
7.12.   Impact of Russian illegal war of aggression against Ukraine on the EU transport and tourism sectors (B9-0223/2022) (vote)

— Before the vote:


Karima Delli,
présidente de la commission des transports et du tourisme. – Madame la Présidente, mes chers collègues, la commission des transports et du tourisme vous soumet une résolution sur la guerre en Ukraine et ses conséquences pour le secteur des transports. Vous le savez, les transports ont fait partie du premier train de sanctions stratégiques contre la Russie, qu'il s'agisse d'interdire aux bateaux sous pavillon russe les accès aux ports européens ou d'interdire le ciel européen aux opérateurs russes.
                  

                     Mais ceci n'est pas global. Nous avons été guidés aujourd'hui par l'urgence, et je tiens à remercier mes collègues de la commission des transports et du tourisme pour leur travail, qui a permis d'identifier les défis du secteur et d'apporter une vraie réponse pour venir en aide aux Ukrainiennes et aux Ukrainiens sur le long terme. La solidarité européenne envers nos amis ukrainiens s'exerce ici tout d'abord dans l'acheminement du matériel humanitaire et des vivres, dans l'évacuation des personnes réfugiées et dans le soutien à leur chaîne logistique. Oui, nous serons le relais de leurs exportations.
                  

                     Les travailleuses et les travailleurs du transport accomplissent un travail héroïque sur place depuis plus de deux mois, alors, pour faire preuve de solidarité et pour montrer à quel point nous encourageons leur humanité, je vous demande, mes chers collègues, de voter en faveur de cette résolution.
                  

President. – That concludes the vote.

(The sitting was suspended at 12.41)


PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: DITA CHARANZOVÁ


místopředsedkyně

8.   Resumption of the sitting

(The sitting resumed at 15.00)

9.   Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting

President. – The minutes of yesterday's sitting and the texts adopted are available. Are there any comments?
The minutes are approved.
10.   Building of a wall on the Polish – Belarus border in the Białowieża primeval forest (debate)

President. – The next item is the debate on the Commission statement on the building of a wall on the Polish – Belarus border in the Białowieża primeval forest (2022/2652(RSP)).
I remind you that free seating applies, with the exception of the first two rows, which are allocated to the Group leaders. You will be able to request catch-the-eye and blue-cards via your voting machine, after having inserted your voting card. I would also like to remind you that interventions in the Chamber will continue to be made from the central rostrum except for catch-the-eye, blue-cards and points of order.

Ylva Johansson,
Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, the exceptional natural value of the Białowieża Forest is uncontested. It is a UNESCO site and a Natura 2000 site.
The Białowieża Forest is part of Poland's and Europe's natural heritage. We must protect it so our children and grandchildren can enjoy it too. Forests are essential to regulate the climate and safeguard Europe's biodiversity. That's especially true for primeval forests like the Białowieża Forest.
The issue you raise is that of Polish plans to build a border wall right through the forest. This wall is being built in response to attempts by the Belarus dictator Lukashenko to create an artificial migration crisis by luring people that he could sell an expensive ticket to the EU. Of course, this is not for him to sell.
The EU response to Lukashenko's aggression has been effective: sanction towards the regime and cooperation with the international community. We have reached out to airlines and countries and we have stopped the flights to Minsk and stopped the inflow of people being tricked into this situation. Thanks to the cooperation with partner countries, many of these migrants have been able to return to the country of origin. And thanks to unified actions, irregular rivals have plummeted. Last summer, 800 people crossed into Poland from Belarus in one week; last week it was 34.
The Polish border with Belarus is not just a Polish border, it's the EU border. Member States must protect the EU external borders and uphold fundamental rights. It is no contradiction in doing both. The European Union does not fund fences or walls, but we do fund integrated border management that detects irregular crossings and is linked to an effective and speedy migration management and asylum system when managing the border.
Member States must not only uphold fundamental rights and our EU values, but also our EU acquis. That means being in full respect also of our European environmental legislation. The Habitats Directive is very clear. If a project has a potential impact on a Natura 2000 protected area, the authorities must first check for any significant negative effects and if there are ways to address these effects. If they find that there is significant impact, the authorities can still decide to go ahead with the project. But that can happen only if there are imperative reasons of overriding public interest. In that case, they must first prove there are no alternatives and they must also compensate for the environmental impact.
The Habitats Directive does not define ‘imperative reason of overriding public interest’, but the legal text does mention public safety as an example. So it is clear that under EU law we can protect both the environment and public safety. We can and must do both. It is also clear we must follow the procedures established by EU law. That is why, in line with our commitment made at the ENVI Committee meeting on 21 April, the Commission has sent a letter to the Polish authorities asking about the compliance of this project with EU environmental legislation. As soon as the Polish Government sends us a reply, we will update you on this important issue.

Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska,
w imieniu grupy PPE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Bezpieczeństwo granic Unii Europejskiej jest niezwykle ważne i należy zrobić wszystko, aby je wzmocnić. Zawsze w takich sytuacjach są koszty. Gdy popatrzymy na wojnę w Ukrainie, sankcje są również kosztem dla nas, mieszkańców Unii Europejskiej. W przypadku ochrony granic takim kosztem może być, na przykład, ingerencja w środowisko naturalne.
               

                  Podstawowe jest jednak pytanie, czy planowana budowa muru na granicy z Białorusią ze wszystkimi jej kontrowersjami, również ingerencją w cenne przyrodniczo środowisko, i niejasnościami, także tymi finansowymi, odstraszy potencjalnych uchodźców? Śmiem wątpić. Przykładem jest mur na granicy Stanów Zjednoczonych z Meksykiem. Czy on ograniczył uchodźców czy tych, którzy chcą przekroczyć granice nielegalnie? Nie – być może tylko wydłużył czas ich przekroczenia lub nieistotnie zmienił miejsce przekroczenia granicy.
               

                  Chciałabym, abyśmy też pamiętali, że na granicy z Białorusią są także kobiety i dzieci. Podkreślam – kobiety i dzieci. Nie mówię o mężczyznach. I one także uciekają przed wojną, za którą odpowiedzialny jest często ten sam człowiek, Putin.
               

                  Pamiętajmy też, że w strefie przygranicznej mieszkają ludzie. Mieszkańcy, którzy do tej pory żyli tylko i wyłącznie z turystyki, prowadzili turystyczną działalność gospodarczą, dzisiaj są tej możliwości pozbawieni.
               

                  Zakaz wjazdu dla dziennikarzy – proszę Państwa, dziennikarze mogą wjechać na Ukrainę, gdzie są narażeni na niebezpieczeństwo zabicia, a na granicy z Białorusią jest zakaz i argumentem jest to, że w trosce o ich bezpieczeństwo nie mogą tam przebywać.
               

                  To rodzi wiele wątpliwości, niejasności. One powinny być wszystkie sprawdzone, wyjaśnione. Ale najważniejsze – to już ostatnie zdanie – jest przygotowanie i wypracowanie wspólnych europejskich rozwiązań, długofalowych i skutecznych.
               

Robert Biedroń,
w imieniu grupy S&D. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Koledzy i Koleżanki! Pamiętacie mur, o którym mówił w 2018 roku cały świat? To był mur zbudowany przez nienawiść, ksenofobię, zaściankowość. Mur byłego prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Donalda Trumpa. Mur na granicy z Meksykiem, który miał zatrzymać nielegalną imigrację. Czy zatrzymał kogokolwiek poza oczywiście zwierzętami? Nie – ponieważ ludzie zawsze znajdą sposób, żeby przeskoczyć każdy mur, żeby znaleźć bezpieczniejsze miejsce. Zwierzęta niestety nie są w stanie sobie w ten sposób poradzić. Żaden mur nie powstrzymał jeszcze migracji.
               

                  Obecnie w najstarszym lesie Europy, chronionym przez UNESCO, podobny mur powstaje – w Puszczy Białowieskiej. Dobrze, żeby koledzy i koleżanki nauczyli się wymawiać tę nazwę, bo być może już za niedługo ta puszcza będzie tylko przeszłością. W sercu obszaru Natura 2020 powstaje mur, który spowoduje nieodwracalne zmiany dla środowiska, niszcząc szlaki migracyjne zwierząt chronionych.
               

                  W 2017 roku Komisja stanęła na wysokości zadania i skierowała sprawę przeciwko Polsce do Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej, kiedy ten sam rząd Prawa i Sprawiedliwości rozpoczął masową wycinkę lasu. Dzisiaj, Pani Komisarz, Komisja zwleka z podjęciem jakichkolwiek kroków, łamiąc przy okazji prawo unijne. Przypomnę chociażby dyrektywę siedliskową, która zakłada, że przy tego typu inwestycjach państwo członkowskie wysyła ocenę wpływu do Komisji Europejskiej – uwaga – przed rozpoczęciem budowy, a nie po rozpoczęciu budowy.
               

                  Pani Komisarz, dlaczego poprosiliście o to post factum? Dlaczego łamiecie unijne prawo? Na co czekacie Państwo w Komisji Europejskiej? Czemu kolejna procedura naruszenia nie została jeszcze w tej sprawie wszczęta?
               

                  Apelują organizacje pozarządowe, apeluje świat nauki, apelują mieszkańcy tego regionu, a Państwo pozwalacie wznosić kolejny mur. Naprawdę, nie po to obalaliśmy mur berliński, żeby w drugim miejscu, w innym miejscu Europy wznosić kolejny mur. Bo to niczego nigdy jeszcze nie rozwiązało.
               

Róża Thun und Hohenstein,
on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, I could just sign everything that was said, including with what you … I agree fully with what you said, Commissioner, only, as Robert Biedroń has just mentioned, why wait? All the points, all the breaches were committed. You know about it very well. You knew before the wall was being built that it was coming and then nothing was undertaken. Then the situation is really dramatic.
We have discussed it already several times from the point of view of human rights – those miserable people who are held outside of the European Union, dying in those forests. From the perspective of nature preservation, which is being brutally destroyed, probably this picture is too small, but this wall is….

(The President invited the speaker to remove the photo she was showing)

Okay, I put it down. But see in the Internet, you will see much more tragic pictures, really, of this destruction of the most beautiful and precious monument of nature.
But what is maybe the worst is that the European Commission, in which we trust and which we want to be strong and fulfil its duty, namely to be the guardian of the Treaties and our laws in the European Union, doesn't fulfil its duties, and there are I don't know how many laws being broken, environmental laws that are being broken now through the construction of this horrible, useless, as you have said, wall: the Habitats Directive, Birds Directive, Charter of Human Rights, Articles 18 to 21, Treaty on the EU, of course, Article 2, etc.
And in addition to that, apart from this destruction, the horrible symbolic meaning of walls in Europe in the 21st century, the non-acting of the European Commission – we write letters, we never receive answers, the last letter I signed was written two months ago, I never received any answer – in addition to that, it's utterly useless because it is so miserably built this wall that it destroys the environment but people dig holes underneath and they managed to come and escape their misery, maybe, maybe thank God.
But we will surely hear immediately representatives of the members of the party ruling in Poland that will say that the fence is broken, protects us against Putin and against invasion from Russia, and I don't know if we should cry or laugh about such arguments, because really, if fences protected us against invaders like Putin, then life would be very easy. But life is much more complicated.
What we need is action by the European Commission. Please do act, Commissioner, I say it on your hands because you are here.

Sylwia Spurek,
w imieniu grupy Verts/ALE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Lider PPE powiedział tutaj, że ten mur to zwykła inwestycja i Unia może wspierać finansowo takie projekty. Nie, to nie jest zwykła inwestycja. Unia nie może popierać i nie może finansować takich pomysłów. Ponad 1800 ludzi nauki i ponad 160 NGOsów z całego świata w lutym tego roku zaapelowało do Komisji o powstrzymanie budowy tego muru, bo jego budowa i sam mur kolidują z terenami chronionymi i terenami cennymi przyrodniczo, bo mur ma wpływ na obszary Natura 2000, bo wpływa na stan ochrony gatunków i siedlisk, bo ucierpią populacje dużych zwierząt, żubry, łosie, jelenie, wilki. Nie przeprowadzono nawet oceny oddziaływania tego przedsięwzięcia na przyrodę Puszczy Białowieskiej, co narusza art. 6 ust. 3 dyrektywy siedliskowej. To są przecież sprawy fundamentalne. Komisja twierdzi, że sytuacja jest złożona i wymaga analizy. To samo słyszeliśmy, gdy w Polsce i na Węgrzech łamana była praworządność. Nie chcemy, aby zaniechania Komisji doprowadziły po raz kolejny do nieodwracalnych naruszeń.
               

Guido Reil,
im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir alle sind glücklich darüber, dass die innereuropäischen Grenzen gefallen sind. Aber ich denke, uns allen war auch klar, dass die Grundvoraussetzung dafür sichere Außengrenzen sind. Und diese sicheren Außengrenzen sind spätestens seit 2015 ein Problem, seit Angela Merkel in Deutschland mit der Willkommenskultur ganz falsche Anreize setzt. Seit 2015 darf nämlich jeder, der es schafft, nach Deutschland zu kommen, bleiben, wird mit offenen Armen im deutschen Sozialsystem empfangen und darf kurze Zeit später schon seine ganze Familie auf Steuerzahlerkosten nachholen.
               

                  Gott sei Dank sehen viele andere europäische Länder diese Politik skeptisch, und sie begrüßen Grenzen. Im Oktober 2020/2021 forderten die Regierungsverantwortlichen von Österreich, Ungarn, Bulgarien, Zypern, Tschechien, Dänemark, Estland, Griechenland, Ungarn, Litauen, Lettland, Polen und Slowenien die Kommission in einem Brief auf, endlich wieder vorrangig Grenzanlagen zu finanzieren. Gott sei Dank, denn diese Anlagen sind wichtig, und wir werden regelmäßig erpresst, erpresst von Despoten. Erst war es Erdoğan, der uns mit illegalen Migranten fluten wollte, und dann war es der Kerndemokrat Lukaschenko, der beste Freund von Putin – oder, ich weiß nicht, vielleicht vertue ich mich auch; ich glaube, Schröder ist der beste Freund von Putin, man weiß es nicht so genau.
               

                  Auf jeden Fall hat der die EU massiv unter Druck gesetzt und uns erpresst. Und Gott sei Dank, Gott sei Dank haben uns die robusten Polen davor bewahrt, und dafür müssen wir Danke sagen. Ich danke ausdrücklich der polnischen Regierung und dem polnischen Volk, dass sie das wirklich geleistet haben für uns alle.
               

                  So, und nun wollen die eine Grenzanlage bauen, 180 Kilometer. Und auch da sage ich: Gott sei Dank. Aber verhindert werden soll diese Maßnahme wieder, wie es Grüne immer versuchen zu verhindern: Aus Naturschutzgründen darf die natürlich nicht gebaut werden, weil Fledermäuse in Gefahr sind, Wühlmäuse und andere schnuckelige Tierchen. Diese Politik kennen wir schon seit Jahren, mittlerweile seit Jahrzehnten. Immer wenn irgendwas gebaut werden soll, was Grüne und Linke nicht möchten, sind irgendwelche bedrohten Tiere da, die auf jeden Fall geschützt werden.
               

                  Ich kann diesen Irrsinn nicht mehr ertragen. Wir brauchen diese Grenzanlagen. Und noch mal im Namen des deutschen Volkes: Vielen Dank an Polen. Vielen, vielen Dank. Macht weiter so! Gebt ja nicht auf!
               

Joachim Stanisław Brudziński,
w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Poziom infantylizmu – nie chcę powiedzieć, że złej woli – tych niemądrych wypowiedzi, które tutaj padały z ust moich przedmówców, sięga szczytów. Ja chciałbym Państwu uświadomić, z jakimi bzdurami mieliśmy do czynienia, kiedy opisywano sytuację na granicy polsko-białoruskiej ze strony różnego rodzaju przedstawicieli NGO-sów, różnego rodzaju polityków, którzy biegali tam jak, nie chcę powiedzieć, klauni z reklamówkami, kiedy ta pierwsza fala nielegalnych migrantów zwiezionych przez Łukaszenkę, za zgodą Putina, na Białoruś dotarła.
               

                  Tu słyszeliśmy o niejakim Ibrahimie, który rzekomo sześć dni płynął Bugiem, rzeką graniczną, w zimnej wodzie, wychodząc tylko w nocy, żeby się ogrzać przy ognisku. Słyszeliśmy o małym kotku, kociaku, który rzekomo przyszedł za swoją panią czy panem z Afganistanu.
               

                  Ludzie, no opamiętajcie się! Są granice – bez owijania w bawełnę – głupoty. Mamy do czynienia z wojną hybrydową. Gdybyśmy pozwolili, gdyby polska straż graniczna, gdyby Polska pozwoliła na zrealizowanie tego pierwszego etapu wojny, którą Putin dzisiaj toczy na Ukrainie, nie mielibyśmy w Polsce biednych uchodźców – bo nikt z Jemenu, z Nigerii, z Czadu, z Afganistanu, z Syrii na granicę polsko-białoruską nie dotarł na piechotę, tylko został, często za własne pieniądze, przywieziony na Białoruś przez Łukaszenkę.
               

                  Chciano zdestabilizować sytuację w Polsce przed atakiem Putina na Ukrainie. I dzisiaj Polacy nie byliby tak otwarci na prawdziwych uchodźców wojennych, gdyby przemyceni Czeczeni, Afgańczycy – bo wiemy o tym ze strony służb różnych państw – byli przygotowywani do tego, aby prowadzić działania destrukcyjne na terytorium Polski.
               

                  I naprawdę dzisiaj w pas się kłaniam polskiej straży granicznej, polskiemu wojsku, polskiej policji za to, jak skutecznie chronią Europę, również przed tak nieodpowiedzialnymi, żeby nie powiedzieć ostrzej, niemądrymi ludźmi jak ci, którzy takie dyrdymały z tej mównicy wygadują.
               

Anja Hazekamp,
on behalf of The Left Group. – Madam President, the Białowieża forest is an incredibly precious natural site. Protected by the Natura 2000 and World Heritage regimes, it is one of the last old-growth forests in Europe. It is home to thousands of different species. The Białowieża forest is an irreplaceable area for biodiversity conservation, due to its size, protection status and substantially undisturbed nature.
And precisely this forest is now under heavy attack as a 186 kilometres long and 5.5 metres tall wall is being built right through its heart. Steel, concrete and razor wire will block this key ecological corridor. The migration of wolves, lynx, bison and elk will become completely impossible, with dire consequences for their survival.
This wall is illegal: no impact assessment has been carried out, even though it is prescribed by the Habitats Directive. There are alternatives too, and the so-called mitigation measures proposed by the Polish authorities are utterly inadequate.
This wall is deeply unethical too. There is no justification for labelling this wall as a proportionate measure for border control while exhausted migrants are losing their lives because of it. We have a duty to protect the fundamental rights of all refugees, including those chased into the Białowieża forest.
Commissioner, do you agree that this wall is illegal and should be stopped? And what will you do to achieve that?
I am warning the Commission that claiming that it is a matter of national competence will not do! That is totally inadequate and disregards EU laws. As the guardian of the Treaties and the EU acquis, the Commission has a duty and obligation to act.
I would also like to know: what is the status of the infringement procedure that the Commission started in 2021 about the failure of Poland to stop the logging of this unique Białowieża forest? When are you going to take the next step? What are you waiting for?
I urge the Commission to do whatever it takes to halt the construction of this wall, and to remedy the negative consequences that it has already inflicted. The Białowieża forest needs to be protected: no walls, no logging, and no violation of fundamental human rights. It's as simple as that.

Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, ar an dteorainn idir an Bhealarúis agus an Pholainn, tá an fhorais Białowieża, forais chianaosta, áit a bhfuil go leor speiceas atá i mbaol, áit speisialta a bhfuil orainn a chaomhnú. Ach chomh maith leis sin, is í an áit a bhfuil an deachtóir Lukashenko, cara le Putin, ag iarraidh brú a chur ar an Aontas Eorpach agus ag imirt cluichí cruálacha le himircigh mar dhíoltas ar na smachtbhannaí a ghearramar ar a réimeas.
               

                  Tá an Pholainn sa líne thosaigh in aghaidh na Bealarúise agus in aghaidh na Rúise. Tá orainn tuiscint a bheith againn mar sin agus aitheantas a thabhairt dóibh as an bhfáilte atá siad tar éis a chur roimh tuairim is 3 mhilliún duine a theith ón gcogadh san Úcráin cheana féin.
               

                  É sin ráite, tá orainn seasamh dár luachanna do bhunchearta daonna agus do chosaint na timpeallachta.
               

Evin Incir (S&D). – Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, never in history have walls done anything other than separate. Never in history have walls done anything other than discriminate. The Polish Government managed to kill two birds with one stone when building yet another wall that fits best in a medieval society but has no place in our modern EU. Firstly, by environmental degradation through the construction of a wall on the Polish-Belarusian border running through protected areas, including one of Europe's last primeval forests, which is causing a severe environmental impact on local wildlife. Secondly, by violating human rights and international law through the inhuman treatment of migrants at the border.
I welcome the important support the Government is showing to the Ukrainian refugees, but that doesn't give the national conservative government of Poland the right to discriminate others and totally disregard the common responsibility we have taken in the EU for our environment and climate. It must be costly for a Member State to violate human rights and cause environmental degradation in our Union. Those who do not respect our core values and our joint decision should not face impunity. There must be consequences, and the wall must be torn down.

Jutta Paulus (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Nicht zum ersten Mal ist Białowieża hier Thema. Wir wissen, dass die Kommission durchaus in der Lage ist, entschlossen zu handeln, so wie sie es schon mal getan hat, als illegale Rodungen in diesem streng geschützten Weltnaturerbe stattfanden.
               

                  Jetzt geht es nur um eine Mauer. Aber diese Mauer ist 5 Meter hoch und fast 200 Kilometer lang. Für den Bau werden Bäume gefällt, Straßen verbreitert. Es gibt mehr Verkehr, mehr Lärm, mehr Brandgefahr. Und Wisente, Elche, Koniks, Luchse – sie alle werden diese Mauer nicht überwinden können. Die Populationen in Polen und Belarus werden so genetisch isoliert. Das ist ein eklatanter Bruch der Habitat-Richtlinie, den die Generaldirektion Umwelt so nicht hinnehmen darf.
               

                  Die polnische Regierung stellt jetzt die absurde Behauptung auf, die öffentliche Sicherheit sei durch einige hundert verzweifelte Menschen gefährdet, die auf der Suche nach genau dieser Sicherheit für sich und ihre Kinder im Niemandsland zwischen Polen und Belarus gestrandet sind. Ist es nicht vielmehr so, dass diese Menschen nach Ansicht der polnischen Regierung die falsche Hautfarbe haben oder die falsche Religion? Denn zu welch grandioser Hilfeleistung die Polinnen und Polen bereit sind, erleben wir ja gerade an der ukrainischen Grenze.
               

                  Ich danke deshalb der Europäischen Kommission dafür, dass sie endlich für die Rettung eines unserer letzten Urwälder eintritt, und fordere sie auf, notfalls wieder vor den Europäischen Gerichtshof zu ziehen.
               

Beata Kempa (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Dwa tygodnie temu Facebook poinformował, że zablokował konta utworzone przez białoruskie i rosyjskie KGB. Rosyjscy agenci podawali się za dziennikarzy aktywistów, żeby podsycać napięcia związane z kryzysem na granicy polsko-białoruskiej. Jak informuje Facebook, te fikcyjne osoby zamieszczały krytykujące Polskę treści w języku angielskim, polskim, kurdyjskim, w tym zdjęcia i filmy o polskich strażnikach granicznych rzekomo naruszających prawa migrantów.
               

                  Panie Biedroń, pani Thun, pani Spurek, czy wy naprawdę nie wiecie, co to jest ruska propaganda? Dlaczego łykacie ją jak karpie? Tylko po to, żeby się rozpaczliwie przebić. Za nic Państwo macie bezpieczeństwo granic Rzeczpospolitej, bezpieczeństwo granic Unii, za nic macie bezpieczeństwo funkcjonariuszy Straży Granicznej, którzy są wciąż brutalnie atakowani. Ze smutkiem słucham tego, co dzisiaj Państwo mówicie i co powtarzacie, również na tej sali: są to rosyjskie kłamstwa i antypolska propaganda. Facebook zamknął ruskie konta, ale rosyjskie kłamstwa wciąż trwają. Atak brutalny na Ukrainę ze strony Rosji wszystkim uświadomił i pokazał, jak kluczowe jest odpowiednie zabezpieczenie granicy Unii Europejskiej przed możliwymi próbami destabilizacji. Zdajmy sobie z tego sprawę.
               

                  Pani Komisarz! Dzisiaj nie powinniśmy debatować na temat muru, bo to jest oczywiste. Alternatywy nie ma, granic nie przesuniemy. Na pewno rząd polski odpowie. Dzisiaj jest potrzebna pomoc dla ukraińskich uchodźców, którzy są na terenie Polski.
               

Liudas Mažylis (PPE). – Gerbiama Pirmininke, būdami nuoseklūs savo pačių atžvilgiu, mes kartais pamirštame, nuo kokios agresyvios ir nevaldomos jėgos mums tenka gintis. Siųsdami nelegalius migrantus į Europos Sąjungos valstybių teritorijas, nei Baltarusijos, nei už jos stovintis Rusijos režimas negalvoja nei apie aplinką, nei apie gyvūnų rūšių išsaugojimą. Gal tai skamba ir ciniškai, bet jie galvoja apie žmonių išnaikinimą – ištisų tautų, o tai ne kas kita, kaip genocidas. Aišku, net karo sąlygomis turime nepamiršti aplinkos, bet ir negalime užmiršti, kad nelegali migracija per Baltarusiją yra hibridinio karo instrumentas, tad, visų pirma, prioritetas saugumui, ir galim nebent pasvarstyti papildomo finansavimo galimybes, kad pamažintume naštą toms ES narėms, kurios tiesiogiai ribojasi su Baltarusija.
               

Catch-the-eye procedure


Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Polacy od setek lat dbają o swoją puszczę, dlatego dzisiaj możecie mówić, że jest tak unikatowa. Nie inaczej jest teraz, kiedy budowany jest mur chroniący przed nielegalną imigracją, przed wojną i przed handlem ludźmi.
               

                  Cała procedura jest pod absolutnym nadzorem służb środowiskowych, które codziennie monitorują tę budowę, codziennie dokonują analiz. Cały mur jest tak pomyślany, aby chronić przyrodę i umożliwić przepływy cieków wodnych. Ogranicza się wycinkę drzew i pod nadzorem poszczególnych nadleśnictw ustala się szlaki migracyjne małych i dużych zwierząt.
               

                  Gdzie byliście Państwo, kiedy budowano Nord Stream 1 i Nord Stream 2? Nie słyszałam alarmu, jak to niszczy środowisko i jak umożliwia finansowo toczenie wojen.
               

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Madam President, during the first months of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Polish Government opened its borders to two million Ukrainian refugees. For this generosity and openness, they should be commended. Yet 100 kilometres to the north, the same government is building a wall made of steel, concrete and razor wire, 186 kilometres long, more than five metres high, all to stop refugees from crossing the Polish border with Belarus.
These people are also fleeing war zones – from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen, Ethiopia. What's the difference between these and the tens of thousands of Ukrainians coming to Poland every day?
According to the Polish Government, these refugees pose a threat to national and EU security. More than 20 of them have died of cold, starvation or whatever, in this Polish forest. Instead of helping these people, President van der Leyen wants to send them back to the war zones from which they have fled. Where's our care about human rights when it comes to other nationalities? What's wrong with us?

Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, г-жо Комисар, трудно може да се намери по-нелеп дебат в тази ситуация. Ситуация, в която Европа е във война, предизвикана от Кремъл, нашествие, предизвикано от Кремъл. В това време ние виждаме хибридна операция, която се ръководи едновременно от Кремъл и от Лукашенко, чрез която се преместват хора, които са докарани с измама, насила в Беларус и оттам се хвърлят в Европа. И в този момент, в който трябва да има обединение и защита на европейския интерес, на всички вас, тук се води разговорът за това да се защитят интересите на водното конче, на зелената еуглена, на разни скакалци и други подобни, на които им били нарушени правата. Много пъти в историята е използван изразът ‘полезни идиоти’. Моля ви проверете какво означава това и кой го е използвал и защо го е използвал. Много ми е жал, че чувам путинска пропаганда в тази зала, насочена срещу усилията на Полша да пази европейските граждани. Полша, която в момента приютява десетки хиляди, стотици хиляди бежанци, която помага наистина. И вие я осъждате, защото подкрепяте кремълската пропаганда. Не може да бъде по-шизофренично. Или може. Давайте, изненадайте ни. Очевидно може и нещо повече да измислите. Трябва да сте благодарни на Полша, на Испания, на България, на всички, които пазят външните граници, а не да се опитвате да се занимавате с путинска пропаганда.
               

Clare Daly (The Left). – Madam President, I think it's absolutely crazy that we now have the racism of the Polish Government being the responsibility of the Kremlin. For God's sake, there is something very sick at the heart of the European Union, where we constantly talk about values and we correctly have outrage at the construction of a border wall and the damage that this will do to nature and the forest in that area, but what greater damage it will do to the integrity of the European Union that claims to stand for international law, for the right to asylum and to be absolutely against racism.
Because this wall is just a physical manifestation of the racism that has existed in the Polish Government's policies towards migrants, and this is an insult to the wonderful Polish people, who have extended their hearts with generosity to Ukrainian refugees.
Some of those very same people who drove night and day to bring Ukrainians into Poland were penalised by the Polish Government for having the audacity to give humanitarian aid to a family of Afghans who are freezing and starving in the forest. They rescued them with their transport and they were brought to court for that.
What disgusting racism. The Commission has to act.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)


Ylva Johansson,
Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, the Commission calls for full compliance with the EU environmental legislation to protect the exceptional natural value of the Białowieża forest.
The Commission has sent a letter and asked the Polish authorities about the compliance of this project with EU environmental legislation, and we will keep the European Parliament informed.
Please also accept my apologies for the delay in the reply to the letter sent by 49 Members of this Parliament on this matter. You will receive a reply soon.

President. – The debate is closed.


Written statements (Rule 171)



Dominique Bilde (ID),
par écrit. – Les interrogations légitimes quant à la préservation de la biodiversité, de l'environnement et des ressources forestières ne sauraient être invoquées comme prétexte à un haro sur la Pologne, qui fait face à une importante vague migratoire. Cette situation souligne, du reste, que de nouvelles dispositions en matière de demandes d'asile sont désormais impératives. C'est d'autant plus vrai que la Lituanie, aux prises avec des circonstances similaires, a proposé que les demandes d'asile soient déposées au poste-frontière, investissant ainsi ses agents d'une mission de ‘prévention d'entrée’ . Le chancelier autrichien avait d'ailleurs appelé à la construction d'un mur frontalier dans ce pays. À l'heure où le Royaume-Uni fait preuve de volontarisme en matière de contrôle migratoire, comme l'atteste son accord récent avec le Rwanda, les cartes doivent également être rebattues en Europe continentale. Par ailleurs, il est absurde de vilipender Varsovie, au regard de sa générosité à l'égard des réfugiés ukrainiens. La Pologne a plus que jamais besoin de notre soutien, pour parvenir à une solution juste, respectueuse de l'homme comme, en l'occurrence, de la dernière forêt primaire d'Europe. Je vous remercie.
               

Beata Mazurek (ECR),
na piśmie. – Szanowni Państwo! Od lipca 2021 roku w obronie własnego terytorium i granic Unii Europejskiej Polska mierzy się z kryzysem migracyjnym na granicy z Białorusią. W odpowiedzi na unijne sankcje nałożone na Białoruś prezydent A. Łukaszenko zagroził niepowstrzymywaniem przybywających do Unii Europejskiej handlarzy narkotykami i ludźmi, a także uzbrojonych imigrantów, czym potwierdził celowe wywołanie kryzysu.
               

                  W listopadzie 2021 roku Litwa i Łotwa rozpoczęły budowy murów i zapór w celu ochrony swoich granic z Białorusią przed napływem nielegalnych imigrantów z Afganistanu i krajów Bliskiego Wschodu. Czy Parlament Europejski przeprowadził debatę dotyczącą wpływu takich budowli na środowiska naturalne tych krajów ? Różnica jest taka, że w parlamentach Litwy i Łotwy decyzje dotyczące bezpieczeństwa Państwa zapadają niemal jednogłośne. W Polsce mamy do czynienia z opozycją, która celowo kwestionuje decyzje demokratycznie wybranego polskiego rządu i manipulując Państwem, wystawia Polskę na bezpodstawne ataki.
               

                  Jako eurodeputowana czuję się obrażona faktem kolejnego omawiania na forum europejskim wewnętrznych spraw Polski. W przypadku muru zabezpieczającego granicę z Białorusią mówimy również o granicach Unii Europejskiej. Czy w takiej kwestii powinna odbywać się debata? Zastanówcie się Państwo. Czy istnieją argumenty, które są w stanie podważyć jakąkolwiek decyzję podjętą przez polski rząd, opartą na kwestii bezpieczeństwa własnego i wewnątrzwspólnotowego?
               

Janina Ochojska (PPE),
na piśmie. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Dziękuję, że w obliczu wojny na Ukrainie i kryzysu migracyjnego w Polsce nie zapomnieliśmy o kwestii 186-kilometrowego muru, którego budowa potęguje ciężką sytuację humanitarną na granicy polsko-białoruskiej.
               

                  Jak łatwo zauważyć, rząd Polski traktuje uchodźców według różnych standardów zależnych od miejsca ich pochodzenia. To jest, jak wielokrotnie powtarzałam, pogwałcenie prawa międzynarodowego w postaci konwencji genewskiej. Nie może być tak, że uchodźców z Ukrainy witamy z otwartymi rękoma, a przed innymi stawiamy mur.
               

                  Dlatego pytam: Dlaczego Komisja nadal pozwala na skazywanie Afgańczyków, Kurdów czy Irakijczyków na śmierć w lesie? Dlaczego nie została jeszcze w tej sprawie wszczęta kolejna procedura o naruszenie zobowiązań? Z historii wiemy, że stawianie muru nigdy nie jest dobrym rozwiązaniem. Pamiętamy losy Muru Berlińskiego czy muru, który miał stanąć na granicy między Stanami Zjednoczonymi a Meksykiem. Na szczęście plan się nie powiódł.
               

                  Ten mur, który w praktyce ma podzielić Puszczę Białowieską na pół, spowoduje wykraczające poza polskie granice szkody w środowisku i siedliskach gatunków chronionych: wilka, rysia i żubra. Drogi migracji zwierząt zostaną zablokowane, co może doprowadzić do wyginięcia populacji rysia w polskiej części puszczy. Mur zagraża również utrzymaniu przez Puszczę Białowieską statusu obiektu światowego dziedzictwa UNESCO, ponieważ będzie wywierał negatywny wpływ na cały ekosystem leśny i wiele kluczowych procesów przyrodniczych.
               
11.   Explanations of vote

President. – The next item is the explanations of votes.
11.1.   Competition policy – annual report 2021 (A9-0064/2022 - Andreas Schwab)

Oral explanations of vote


Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, I voted for this report as it condemns Russia's unprovoked and unjustified aggression against Ukraine and welcomes the extraordinary measures that the EU is putting in place to help the Ukrainian people. It further supports measures directed at NGOs and businesses helping refugees flee to the Union from countries affected by war.
The report highlights the development of an effective system of well-adjusted and complementing regulatory and enforcement instruments to facilitate the digital and green transition and continue to apply rigorously, and impartially enforce, competition policy.
The report also calls on the Commission to closely monitor the flexibility of the EU state aid framework to enable Member States to provide support to the companies and sectors most severely affected by the ongoing Russian military aggression against Ukraine. I welcome the report and I compliment the rapporteur and the shadows.

Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, гласувах с ‘въздържал се’ по отношение на този доклад по една много проста причина. Този доклад трябва да даде отчет на дейността на Европейската комисия в Парламента по отношение на конкуренцията в периода на 2021 г. Няма как да подкрепим доклад, който не казва и не показва всичките лоши решения, взети от Европейската комисия срещу конкуренцията в Европейския съюз, и срещу свободния пазар, и срещу свободното предприемачество. Напомням ви, че тази зала напук, насила, срещу правилата на Европейския съюз, срещу идеята за свободен пазар, срещу идеята за свободна конкуренция наложи вредния и пагубен пакет ‘Мобилност’, който нанасяше и продължава да нанася тежки щети на транспортния бранш във всички периферни държави: България, Румъния, Гърция, прибалтийските републики, Испания, Италия и т.н.
                  

                     Напомням ви, че Комисията, която си тръгна и не изслуша въпросите, все още не е отговорила на въпроса: Има ли държави в Европейския съюз, които се споразумяват с Русия да си купуват газ в рубли? За каква конкуренция говорим в този случай? Поради тази причина гласувах с ‘въздържал се’.
                  
11.2.   Threats to stability, security and democracy in Western and Sahelian Africa (B9-0255/2022, B9-0256/2022, RC-B9-0257/2022, B9-0257/2022, B9-0258/2022, B9-0259/2022, B9-0260/2022)

Oral explanations of vote


Clare Daly (The Left). – Madam President, I voted against this motion because stability, security and democracy in West Africa and the Sahel will never be achieved by military efforts, even less so when it's motivated by European – and especially French – interests.
Last year, it was estimated that France is spending EUR 1 billion every year, but actually the true figure is probably EUR 2 billion. Four times the average amount on humanitarian aid is being spent on militarism. Security spending accounts for one fifth of its national budget, often to the detriment of social projects.
The outcome of that was that, in 2020, we had the deadliest year for civilians: nearly two and a half thousand deaths in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and, across the three countries, more civilians and suspects were killed by the military, which is supposed to protect them, than by the Jihadist groups they are supposed to be fighting. We need to urgently change tack in this area.
11.3.   Ongoing hearings under Article 7(1) TEU regarding Poland and Hungary (B9-0262/2022, B9-0263/2022, B9-0264/2022)

Oral explanations of vote


Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, категорично, убедено и без всякакво съмнение гласувах срещу тази резолюция. Тази резолюция е нередна, неумела, излишна и дори бих нарекъл глупава в момент като този. В момента Полша е държавата, която оказва най-голяма помощ на Украйна във войната срещу окупатора и срещу нашественика на нейна територия. Не само с приемането на стотици хиляди бежанци, а и с хуманитарна и с военна помощ.
                  

                     И точно в този момент, когато трябва да защитава действително Европа, европейския начин на живот и това, което вие наричате европейски ценности, се появява резолюция, която иска да наказва и да глобява Полша, защото някой тук е бил недоволен от резултатите от изборите в Полша, от резултатите, които полският народ и полската нация са избрали да направят на свободни избори. Напомням ви отново – изборите в Унгария и в Полша бяха свободни. Вие всички работите срещу Орбан и Орбан ви наказа с огромен резултат. Всички вие, всички политически сили тук работите срещу това и видяхте резултатът какъв е. И сега Европейският парламент самоубийствено безумно гласува резолюция срещу тези, които пазят Европа. Не знам как се нарича това, но не е нито нормално, нито редно.
                  

Clare Daly (The Left). – Madam President, there's no doubt about it, the conditionality mechanism is an important tool, and it could be effective in pressurising Member States to rectify any misuse of funds, corruption or other rule of law issues. In the cases of Poland and Hungary, though, it's too little, too late.
And, on the other side, those countries have a point that they are being singled out for special treatment when whole numbers of other Member States flagrantly violate the rule of law and we say nothing. We say nothing about the situation in Greece, where humanitarian aid workers and migrants are criminalised. We say nothing about the fact that four police officers yesterday were acquitted in Greece of the brutal death of an LGBT activist, Zak Kostopoulos, who was brutally beaten to death in 2018. Those people walked free. Endemic homophobia in Greece, Islamophobia in France, problems against the Catalans in Spain, and we say nothing. Rule of law conditionality should apply to all Member States.

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Madam President, Poland and Hungary, of course, have some massive rule of law problems. It's very easy to throw rocks at Poland and Hungary, but people who live in glass houses shouldn't throw rocks. Rule of law problems proliferate all over the EU, and hypocrisy is widespread.
You lecture certain countries about human rights and the rule of law when it suits the geopolitical agenda. But where was the outcry when the protesters in Barcelona – the Catalans – were being brutally suppressed by Spanish police and the government? Where's the outrage over the treatment of the yellow vests in Paris?
We've been to the court twice in Lithuania, where Algirdas Paleckis is facing several years in prison. He is accused of being a Russian spy, and the only evidence that they're supposed to have against him, even the judges can't see it! So no evidence has been presented against him because they're saying it's a state secret.
Mother of God, is this the rule of law of a Member State of the European Union? The Algirdas Paleckis case puts shame on the European Union.
11.4.   State of play of the EU-Moldova cooperation (RC-B9-0240/2022, B9-0240/2022, B9-0241/2022, B9-0242/2022, B9-0243/2022, B9-0244/2022, B9-0245/2022)

Oral explanations of vote


Clare Daly (The Left). – Madam President, look, there's a lot of good stuff in this motion, but I abstained on it because, while I'm in favour of European cooperation to support many of Moldova's challenges, such as relocating refugees, supporting the Moldovan economy in terms of export and import of goods, assisting their government to prevent risks of arms smuggling, what I don't like is us bullying them into neoliberal reforms. I'd like to say that Moldova has been a constitutionally neutral state since 1994. No government has ever attempted to change its constitutional status. Neutrality is very popular amongst its people.
Cooperation between the European Union and Moldova should bear this in mind. In the current context, the Moldovan Foreign Minister made it clear that he's not asking partners to supply him with weapons. He rightly stressed that his method is diplomatic dialogue with partners, thus contributing to strengthening peace in the area, and I salute that. As a Member from another neutral state, I welcome cooperation with Moldova on the basis of recognising their national sovereign foreign policy.

Vlad Gheorghe (Renew). – Doamnă președintă, locul Republicii Moldova este alături de România și de celelalte state membre în Uniunea Europeană. De aceea am votat pentru și voi susține orice acțiune care sprijină integrarea Moldovei și pe acest popor greu încercat.
                  

                     Moldova merită din plin tot ajutorul european. Când avem grijă de vecinii noștri, avem de fapt grijă de noi. Suntem mai puternici dacă în jurul nostru și alături de noi sunt țări prospere, democrații solide, independente.
                  

                     Moldovenii, ca toți europenii trebuie să vadă Uniunea nu în conferințe sau discursuri, ci prin îmbunătățirea vieții lor de zi cu zi. Trebuie să investim mai mult în educație și infrastructură, să finanțăm și să protejăm presa liberă, să susținem economia și societatea civilă.
                  

                     Nu putem pretinde că suntem lideri și acum să ezităm. Europa nu poate permite ca Moldova sau alte state europene să fie șantajate cu gazul rusesc. Europa nu poate plăti în ruble. Europa nu poate fi intimidată sau amenințată. Acum este momentul să demonstrăm că suntem uniți, că Europa contează, nu interesele, profitul sau prieteniile unui stat sau altuia.
                  

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Madam President, Moldova has made it clear that while it wants to join the EU and, therefore, is politically west-facing, it wants to remain militarily neutral. Neutrality is enshrined in Moldova's Constitution. The Prime Minister recently reaffirmed Moldova's neutrality. He said in an interview with Euronews in relation to the Russian-backed separatist area Transnistria, ‘We are a neutral country and we expect all international partners to act in line with a principle of neutrality.’
                  
Moldova has asked the world to respect this neutrality. It doesn't want to be a pawn in anyone's proxy war. It doesn't want to be interfered with. It seeks security through a policy of neutrality.
Now, that might be an alien concept to some people around here, but it's the only true path to peace. All sides should respect Moldova's request – Russia and the West. NATO has nothing to offer the people of Europe, and it certainly has nothing to offer the people of Moldova. It's just an instrument for war, not for peace.
11.5.   The impact of the war against Ukraine on women (B9-0219/2022)

Oral explanations of vote


Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Madam President, I voted in favour of this report and I strongly urge the Commission, European colleagues across Europe to ensure that there's enough supports and services put in place to accommodate the five million plus refugees that have now entered the European Union, 90% of which are women and children.
We have to accept that we have not enough support in some countries to accommodate them, both in terms of physical accommodation, but clearly in the areas of sexual reproductive health and other healthcare areas, we simply must resource those Member States that have a lot of refugees coming into their country.
So the report highlights the deficiencies. It also highlights the fear and the anxiety among many women that they may be abused. And that is something that we have to ensure is not only objected to, but recorded as well. And in Ukraine itself, we have evidence and testimony of rape of women and young girls by Russian soldiers. We need to ensure that all of this is recorded so that the supports are put in place immediately, but thereafter people can be brought and prosecuted for these crimes.

Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, гласувах с ‘въздържал се’ за този доклад с много голямо съжаление. Защо? Защото на първо място докладът е необходим. Проблемът е реален, огромен, отвратителен и трябва да бъде разрешен. От друга страна обаче е абсолютно необяснимо и абсолютно без връзка с темата и абсолютно не на място. В този доклад колегите от ляво, следвайки своята политическа ляворадикална марксистка линия на дневния ред, вкараха текстове, които нямат нищо общо с темата, за която се говори. Вкараха пропаганда, вкараха своя наратив за промяна на обществата, вкараха теми, част от тяхната пропаганда, които по никакъв начин нямат място в този доклад и които по никакъв начин не помагат на хората, за които е насочен този доклад, а именно на жените и момичетата, които са пострадали от войната в Украйна.
                  

                     По тази причина, за съжаление, гласувах с ‘въздържал се’.
                  

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Madam President, many aspects of this report are commendable. It comprehensively captures the extent of the challenges faced by women and children either trapped in or fleeing a war zone. In every war both sides engage in some kind of brutality and horror against women and children. So it is all the more necessary that we do everything in our power to achieve peace now.
We must question, as the Pope has done, the wisdom of sending arms to Ukraine. We must stop executing the war on Yemen. We must stop the use of sanctions as a weapon of war in Syria, Afghanistan, Iran, Venezuela, Yemen and elsewhere. These medieval weapons are killing women and children, the sick, the old and the vulnerable the most. We must end Fortress Europe and extend the compassion we rightly have for the Ukrainian women and children to all refugees and internally displaced people. Selective humanity is not humanity at all.
12.   Corrections to votes and voting intentions: see Minutes
13.   Documents received: see Minutes
14.   Petitions: see Minutes
15.   Decision to draw up own-initiative reports: see Minutes
16.   Withdrawal of own-initiative report procedures: see Minutes
17.   Associated committees (Rule 57): see Minutes
18.   Consent Procedure (Rule 105): see Minutes
19.   Dates of forthcoming sittings: see Minutes
20.   Approval of the minutes of the sitting and forwarding of texts adopted

President. – The minutes of this sitting will be submitted to Parliament for its approval at the beginning of its next sitting.
If there are no objections, I shall forward the resolutions adopted at today's sitting to the persons and bodies named in the resolutions.
21.   Closure of the sitting

(The sitting closed at 15.56)

22.   Adjournment of the session

President. – I declare adjourned the session of the European Parliament.


ELI: 
ISSN 1977-091X (electronic edition)