Verbatim report of proceedings of 19 January 2017
Date: 2017-01-19
Institutions: European Parliament
Subjects: European Parliament, parliamentary debate








C_202402548EN.000101.fmx.xml












Official Journal of the European Union


EN
C series














12.4.2024







            19 January 2017
            VERBATIM REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF 19 JANUARY 2017
            
         
(C/2024/2548)

Contents







1.

Opening of the sitting
4










2.

Tackling the challenges of the EU Customs Code (UCC) implementation (motions for resolutions tabled): see Minutes
4










3.

A European Pillar of Social Rights (debate)
4










4.

Debates on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law (debate)
27










4.1.

Indonesia, notably the cases of Hosea Yeimo, Ismael Alua and the Governor of Jakarta
27










4.2.

Central African Republic
32










4.3.

Situation in Burundi
39










5.

Announcements by the President
45










6.

Request for waiver of immunity: see Minutes
47










7.

Voting time
47










7.1.

Indonesia, notably the cases of Hosea Yeimo, Ismael Alua and the Governor of Jakarta (RC-B8-0072/2017, B8-0072/2017, B8-0073/2017, B8-0077/2017, B8-0079/2017, B8-0080/2017, B8-0083/2017, B8-0088/2017) (vote)
47










7.2.

Central African Republic (RC-B8-0074/2017, B8-0074/2017, B8-0076/2017, B8-0081/2017, B8-0085/2017, B8-0087/2017, B8-0090/2017, B8-0092/2017) (vote)
47










7.3.

Situation in Burundi (RC-B8-0075/2017, B8-0075/2017, B8-0078/2017, B8-0082/2017, B8-0084/2017, B8-0086/2017, B8-0089/2017, B8-0091/2017) (vote)
48










7.4.

EU-Kosovo Stabilisation and Association Agreement: procedures for its application (A8-0361/2016 - Adam Szejnfeld) (vote)
48










7.5.

Imports of textile products from certain third countries not covered by specific Union import rules (A8-0311/2016 - Hannu Takkula) (vote)
48










7.6.

Conclusion of the Agreement continuing the International Science and Technology Center (A8-0363/2016 - Elmar Brok) (vote)
48










7.7.

Appointments to committees (vote)
48










7.8.

Objection to a delegated act: Identifying high-risk third countries with strategic deficiencies (B8-0001/2017) (vote)
48










7.9.

Logistics in the EU and multimodal transport in the new TEN-T corridors (A8-0384/2016 - Inés Ayala Sender) (vote)
48










7.10.

A European Pillar of Social Rights (A8-0391/2016 - Maria João Rodrigues) (vote)
48










7.11.

Tackling the challenges of the EU Customs Code (UCC) implementation (B8-0024/2017) (vote)
48










8.

Explanations of vote
49










8.1.

Logistics in the EU and multimodal transport in the new TEN-T corridors (A8-0384/2016 - Inés Ayala Sender)
49










8.2.

A European Pillar of Social Rights (A8-0391/2016 - Maria João Rodrigues)
50










8.3.

Tackling the challenges of the EU Customs Code (UCC) implementation (B8-0024/2017)
52










9.

Corrections to votes and voting intentions : see Minutes
53










10.

Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting : see Minutes
53










11.

Composition of delegations: see Minutes
53










12.

Council position at first reading: see Minutes
53










13.

Building a European Data Economy (debate)
53










14.

Documents received: see Minutes
60










15.

Decisions concerning certain documents: see Minutes
60










16.

Forwarding of texts adopted during the sitting: see Minutes
61










17.

Dates of forthcoming sittings : see Minutes
61










18.

Adjournment of the session
61




Verbatim report of proceedings of 19 January 2017
                  


Președinte: IOAN MIRCEA PAȘCU


Vicepreședinte

1.   Opening of the sitting

(Ședința a fost deschisă la ora 9.00)

2.   Tackling the challenges of the EU Customs Code (UCC) implementation (motions for resolutions tabled): see Minutes
3.   A European Pillar of Social Rights (debate)

Președinte. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind raportul lui Maria João Rodrigues, în numele Comisiei pentru ocuparea forței de muncă și afaceri sociale, referitor la pilonul european al drepturilor sociale (2016/2095(INI)) (A8-0391/2016).
               

Maria João Rodrigues,
rapporteur. – Mr President, the European Parliament will adopt today the most important political initiative for developing a social dimension during this legislature, and for giving citizens the means to get control of their lives and restoring trust in the European Union project. The European Parliament wants this to be a central priority in the roadmap for the future of the European Union to be adopted at the next summit in Rome on 25 March. We must put the social dimension at the heart of this roadmap for the future of the European Union.
This European Parliament report is based on very long work by our Members, and also involving many other stakeholders across Europe who were extremely active in building up a new vision for the social dimension of the European Union. So first of all I would like to thank all of you. Now is the moment, once the report is adopted, for the Commission to come also with a bold proposal, to put it on the table at the Council of Ministers, and finally on the table of the European Council. The European Parliament will stand ready to set this deal with the Commission, the Council, and the European Council.
We must have a vision of a social dimension able to cope with the current challenges, which are not only global competition and ageing trends, but also a very important digital revolution, and internal problems and internal divergences in the eurozone. This report must become a turning point when updating social standards and security and fundamental social rights for all European citizens. This pillar should address the entire European Union. First of all, by giving children a real guarantee to avoid poverty; delivering a strong Youth Guarantee; and organising the transition between education and employment in such a way that we make the best of the youngest generation in Europe.
We need also to make sure that all workers, whatever their jobs, can count on a clear contract with social rights, decent working conditions and full access to social protection; and we want all citizens to have a European social security card and a personal account where they will build their rights to social protection. The skills guarantee must become a new social right for the 21st century.
Finally, we must ensure that women and men can reconcile their working life with family life, using not only childcare services but all the leave schemes we need to legislate the plan. We want poverty to be tackled with more effective minimum-income schemes all over Europe. These are key issues for this pillar, but we want the means to deliver, and the means are labour legislation, changing the way the European Semester works, and addressing the financial means we need to have to implement all these social standards.

Marianne Thyssen,
Member of the Commission. – Mr President, let me start by congratulating you on your reappointment as Vice-President of this House.
Almost a year ago, in March 2016, I was announcing to you in this House the launch of a broad discussion on the European social values and rights for the world of work in the 21st century. This was the consultation on establishing the European Pillar of Social Rights, an initiative already announced by President Juncker in the State of the Union address in September 2015.
Today, we are here to discuss your own-initiative report, which represents a valuable contribution to the consultation on the European Pillar of Social Rights. I would like to start by congratulating Ms Rodrigues not only for a very ambitious report, but also for her ability to get the support of all political groups in this House for this initiative.
During the past year, we have consulted widely at European and national level, engaging European institutions, social partners, civil society, national governments and parliaments and national-level stakeholders. I would like to thank all of you who organised debates here in the European Parliament or in your constituencies on the Pillar of Social Rights. They all contributed to the broader consultation.
We have received about 16 500 online replies and nearly 200 position papers. We have been listening to stakeholders' concerns about their rights, their careers, their life choices and opportunities in the 21st century. We heard a clear call for action. I am convinced more than ever that the debate on social issues should be at the heart of the discussions on what kind of Union our citizens want to have.
Next Monday, we will hold a conference at the highest political level, where your rapporteur, Ms Rodrigues, will be one of the main speakers. President Juncker will be there, along with Vice-President Dombrovskis and many ministers and high-level representatives of European social partners and civil society. We also expect the new President of the European Parliament to be there with us. This will be the occasion to reflect on the results of the consultation and to reflect, collectively, where we want to go from here. Following that, the Commission will adopt its final proposal on the Pillar in the spring.
I am very happy that your report not only wholeheartedly endorses the Pillar, but that it also appeals for greater ambition. This House has repeatedly called for a better balance between our economic policies and social realities. This is not only an economic or social imperative, but is a political necessity. There is a need to regain the trust of citizens in the European project by reaffirming the commitment to European social values and delivering on this commitment. This is the approach the Commission is following: strengthening the European social model and promoting upward social convergence. Most importantly, your report is a resolute call for action which would make a difference to European citizens.
I would like to highlight some of the most important suggestions in your report, which we are considering for the implementation of the Pillar. Your report rightly stresses the need to address new forms of employment and working conditions and calls for horizontal legislation on decent working conditions. We share your view that we have to consider the new forms of employment relationships. But we cannot turn back the clock. We also need to encourage new ways of working. I believe we should not discourage one form or the other, but should ensure that a core of rights is available to everybody.
Pivotal to this core of rights, in my view, is that everyone should have a written contract. In this respect, as mentioned in the 2017 Commission Work Programme, we will consult the social partners on revising the Written Statement Directive. Further, I take note of your call to ensure adequate social protection for people in all forms of employment – standard and non-standard employment relationships, and also self-employment. In fact, this message also came out from the consultation on the Pillar: how to ensure that a larger number of people benefit from the coverage of social protection. This is a key question for the future of work and for the sustainability and relevance of the European social model, and that is why the Commission has included in its 2017 Work Programme an initiative on access to social protection.
I welcome your call to address the issue of work-life balance. We have already concluded the consultation of social partners, and I am pleased to inform you that we will launch a package of legislative and non-legislative measures to support working families and businesses in spring this year. Our aim is to present a more holistic approach to addressing the challenges of work-life balance – not only for parents, but for other carers as well, and we will propose up-to-date solutions to meet the real needs of today's families.
I do share your concerns about poverty and the fact that we need further efforts to achieve the poverty reduction and social inclusion target of the Europe 2020 Strategy. In this context, your report rightly points out the importance of an adequate income for maintaining human dignity. I agree that decent living wages are important as a means of avoiding in-work poverty. We take note of your recommendation to set up wage floors in the form of a national minimum wage, as that is an issue, but – as you rightly underline – with due respect for the competence and practices of each Member State. As regards reinforcing convergence, the Commission, through its coordinating and facilitating role, helps Member States find ways of achieving upward convergence whilst maintaining competitiveness and a high level of employment and social protection.
You also call upon us to put forward a clear roadmap of concrete measures for the full practical implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights. Here you can count on me. The Pillar must be more than words, so we will chart how we move from political commitment to delivery. This is an agenda which needs to fully engage all stakeholders, in particular Member States, in line with the subsidiarity principle. We are ready to play our part, but the centre of gravity of social and employment policies is, and will remain, with national and local authorities. The primary responsibility for making social rights a reality lies with national governments and social partners.
The European Pillar of Social Rights is an opportunity – we could even say an imperative – to address challenges and make the most of opportunities in the changing world of work and society in the 21st century. It is a crucial step towards a shared vision of a more social Europe and a Union founded on fairness. We will need the commitment of all stakeholders – European institutions, national governments and parliaments, social partners and civil society – to achieve these objectives on the ground. We count on Parliament's support to make sure that the Pillar is not only an aspiration, but will become a reality for all citizens.

Maria Arena,
rapporteure pour avis de la commission des droits de la femme et de l'égalité des genres. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, je voulais tout simplement adresser mes remerciements à Maria João Rodrigues pour le travail réalisé sur le fond, bien entendu, mais aussi sur toutes les discussions politiques qu'elle a pu tenir concernant le pilier des droits sociaux.
               

                  Madame la Commissaire, quand nous aurons voté ce rapport, vous disposerez d'un outil précieux, fondamental pour l'objectif que M. Juncker s'est fixé, c'est-à-dire le triple A social de l'Union européenne.
               

                  Le pilier des droits sociaux concerne tous les citoyens: les enfants avec la garantie pour l'enfance, les jeunes avec la garantie pour la jeunesse et le renforcement de cette garantie, les travailleurs, actifs et demandeurs d'emploi, dans le cadre de leurs droits de travailleurs mais également de sécurité sociale. Et, surtout, ce pilier des droits sociaux a mis au centre de ses priorités l'égalité entre les hommes et les femmes. L'égalité qui peut être obtenue grâce à l'équilibre entre la vie professionnelle et la vie privée par le renforcement des congés parentaux, du congé de maternité ou de paternité car, comme on le sait, c'est à cause de ces situations que les femmes sont aujourd'hui discriminées sur le marché de l'emploi.
               

                  Par conséquent, et vous l'avez dit, ces outils législatifs et non législatifs doivent contribuer à lutter contre les inégalités. Et la première de ces inégalités, qui est flagrante aujourd'hui en Europe, est celle entre les hommes et les femmes. Je compte donc sur vous, Madame la Commissaire, et sur l'ensemble de la Commission, mais aussi sur l'engagement politique du Conseil pour que ce pilier des droits sociaux ne demeure pas un rêve ou une utopie, mais devienne une réalité.
               

Tom Vandenkendelaere,
namens de PPE-Fractie. – Weinig citaten van Commissievoorzitter Juncker werden zo vaak herhaald als die ene zin uit zijn speech in oktober 2014. Te midden van een broos economisch herstel sprak hij toen de wens uit voor een sociale triple A-status voor Europa en daarmee zette hij meteen het sociale beleid op gelijke voet met het economische beleid en gaf hij u, mevrouw de commissaris, een enorme opdracht. Die opdracht vult u vandaag met verve in. Hoewel de jeugdwerkloosheid een probleem blijft, dalen de cijfers jaar na jaar.
               

                  Maar we mogen de teugels niet laten vieren. Elke jongere die werkloos thuis zit, is er één te veel. In het semester-proces worden voortaan ook sociale indicatoren opgenomen. En dat is een goeie zaak. U deed voorstellen rond het versterken van de vaardigheden en u werkt keihard aan een oplossing om de sociale dumping aan te pakken, iets wat onze bouw- en transportsectoren in Vlaanderen echt nodig hebben.
               

                  Maar misschien nog meer dan de dossiers die ik zo-even vermeldde, is het de sociale pijler die die fameuze sociale triple A-status zal vormgeven. De verwachtingen zijn dus erg hoog gespannen. Maar u weet evenzeer dat de discussies over de rol van Europa op sociaal beleidsvlak even hoog oplopen. Het is per definitie een beleid waar het subsidiariteitsprincipe onverkort geldig moet zijn. En laat ons niet Europees regelen wat kan en moet gebeuren op lidstaatniveau, maar we mogen ook onze verantwoordelijkheid niet ontlopen. Als Europa een meerwaarde kan bieden, dan moeten we handelen.
               

                  Heel concreet denk ik daar aan het creëren van een gelijk speelveld voor nieuwe vormen van werk tegenover bestaande arbeidsvormen, een Europese aanzet die de lidstaten de nodige ruggensteun kan geven om op dat vlak rechtvaardigheid te scheppen.
               

                  Mevrouw de commissaris, we kijken uit naar uw voorstel over die sociale pijler en ik hoop dat dit initiatiefverslag van het Parlement een bron van inspiratie kan vormen voor de taak die u te wachten staat.
               

Jutta Steinruck,
im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die EU hat ein chronisches Defizit, wenn es um ihre soziale Dimension geht. Deswegen brauchen wir mehr als Konsultationen und Diskussionen: Wir brauchen konkrete Gesetzgebung, die die soziale Dimension der Europäischen Union stärkt. Es ist wichtig, dass das Parlament heute sehr klare Linien hier beschließt, die die Kommission dann hoffentlich auch aufnimmt.
               

                  Für uns Sozialdemokraten gehört dazu unbedingt eine EU-Richtlinie für gerechte und gute Arbeitsbedingungen. Die muss für alle Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer gelten, auch für jene, die heute scheinbar selbständig sind, aber tatsächlich abhängig beschäftigt sind. Wir wollen ein Verbot der Null-Stunden-Arbeitsverträge. Für uns ist eine Kindergrundsicherung, eine sogenannte child guarantee, sehr sehr wichtig. Und ein faires Europa braucht ein Sozialprotokoll, ein europaweites Mindesteinkommen und eine silberne Regel für Sozialinvestitionen.
               

                  Deswegen: Bitte, liebe Kommission, handeln Sie jetzt! Das social triple-A wird schon lange versprochen, aber konkret ist bisher wenig geschehen.
               

Arne Gericke,
im Namen der ECR-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin Thyssen! Lassen Sie mich meine Rede zum Bericht über die soziale Säule mal ganz biblisch beginnen: Bereschit – am Anfang war das Wort. Ja, genauso war es auch mit der sozialen Säule, die Kommissionspräsident Juncker in seiner State of the Union—Rede 2015 zum ersten Mal als Begriff in den Raum gestellt hat. Ich zitiere: ‘Ich möchte eine europäische Säule sozialer Rechte entwickeln, die uns als Kompass für den Euroraum dienen kann.’ So stand es geschrieben.
               

                  Leider laden Leerkörper wie die soziale Säule viele der in ihrer Regelungswut sehr kreativen Kollegen dieses Hauses dazu ein, sie mit Vorschlägen zu füllen. Und genau das ist auch mit dem Initiativbericht dazu passiert. Nicht einmal die einzige Vorgabe Junckers – eine Säule für den Euroraum – wurde akzeptiert. Nein, fröhlich fordert man Richtlinien, Vorgaben, Verordnungen für die EU 28, und dabei tut man so, als müsse man soziale Standards für Europa neu erfinden.
               

                  Liebe Kollegen, holen Sie doch bitte mal unser Licht unterm Scheffel hervor! Europa hat die höchsten Sozialstandards weltweit. Wir haben einen funktionierenden positiven Wettbewerb nationaler Sozialsysteme und lebendige Sozialpartnerschaft. Wir wachsen an unserer Vielfalt und respektieren Subsidiarität. Das soll so bleiben; das ist das europäische Sozialmodell.
               

                  Und ich wünschte mir, wir würden dieses Erfolgsmodell gemeinsam mit den Mitgliedstaaten und Sozialpartnern weiterentwickeln, statt hektisch an einer neuen Säule zu bauen, deren Tragfestigkeit ich schon heute schwer anzweifle. Ich wünschte, wir würden Bestehendes besser umsetzen, statt ständig mit neuen Superprojekten um uns zu werfen, nach neuer Macht zu greifen.
               

                  Europa hat einen gesunden sozialen Boden, mehr tragend als jede neue Säule. Ich vermute, wir werden einst auch von der sozialen Säule sagen: Am Ende bleibt es beim Wort.
               

Enrique Calvet Chambon,
en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señor presidente. Feliz año señora Thyssen. Es la primera vez que nos vemos, nos veremos mucho más. Debo agradecer a la señora Rodrigues y a todos los compañeros coponentes el enorme esfuerzo que han hecho con este excelente texto y empiezo muy brevemente preguntando: ¿Un pilar social por qué y para qué?
               

                  Vamos a lo esencial. Un pilar social en este momento es indispensable por tres motivos. Primero, para enfrentarse a las nuevas realidades que llegan desde las nuevas formas de trabajo —la tecnología, la adaptación a ella, las nuevas generaciones—, la sociedad civil se tiene que adelantar.
               

                  En segundo lugar, para combatir las desigualdades que una grave crisis económica y también la creación de una moneda única dentro la eurozona —una eurozona en construcción y creciente— inevitablemente han creado, hay que ocuparse de las personas paralelamente.
               

                  Y en tercer lugar, para hacer una más y mejor Europa alrededor de una ciudadanía que tiene su modelo: un modelo de coherencia, de competitividad dentro de la solidaridad. Por eso hemos trabajado para encontrar valores fundamentales con la señora Rodrigues y con los demás compañeros.
               

                  No es el pilar laboral, es el pilar social. Hablamos del derecho a una vivienda digna; hablamos, por supuesto, de la igualdad de género y de muchas cosas más. Si nos atenemos a esos textos fundamentales, la mayoría de mi Grupo va a votar por supuesto favorablemente a este valor, porque es una palanca, es un punto de partida para desarrollar acciones —y ¡ojo! financiarlas, pues es muy importante que no se quede en el vacío—, para favorecer a nuestra sociedad civil, no solo en el aspecto laboral. Evidentemente tendremos dificultades en el desarrollo práctico. Pero eso viene después. Admitamos, ahora el modelo de sociedad europea que queremos.
               

Gabriele Zimmer,
im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Mit dem Titel ‘Säule sozialer Rechte’ hat die Kommission eine Riesenversprechung gemacht, und es gilt, diese Versprechung einzuhalten, weil ansonsten immer mehr Menschen von der EU enttäuscht sein werden und sich rechtem Populismus und Rechtsextremismus zuwenden.
               

                  Der erste Entwurf der Kommission, von dem Sie vorhin sprachen, Frau Kommissarin, war enttäuschend, weil tatsächlich nicht mehr als das, was wir bisher auch immer wieder als Ankündigungspolitik erhalten hatten, dort zu finden war. Wir hoffen sehr, dass im Ergebnis der öffentlichen Anhörung und der Beteiligung von Initiativen, von Organisationen, von Menschen an dieser öffentlichen Anhörung und eben auch vom Europäischen Parlament mit diesem Bericht doch mehr Konkretes in den Vordergrund gestellt wird. Wir wollen Sie eigentlich ermutigen, mit Ihrem Vorschlag dann im März auch in die entsprechende Richtung zu gehen.
               

                  Soziale Rechte schützen Menschen vor Ausbeutung und Machtmissbrauch. Kündigungsschutz, gute Tariflöhne, armutsfeste Mindesteinkommen – es geht eben um Würde, es geht um persönliche Freiheit, und es geht um gesellschaftliche Teilhabe. Dafür muss Geld investiert werden, dafür brauchen wir konkrete Maßnahmen. Und deshalb frage ich auch Herrn Gericke: Wenn das europäische Sozialsystem so gut funktionieren würde, wie Sie behaupten, dann frage ich mich: Warum leben 120 Millionen Menschen in der Europäischen Union in Armut? Das scheint aber egal zu sein für Sie.
               

                  Wir fordern, dass soziale Rechte Vorrang vor wirtschaftlichen Freiheiten haben müssen. Die von der EVP getriebene Krisenpolitik der letzten Jahre hat mehr Armut geschaffen. Das Ergebnis sind mehr Armut, mehr Arbeitslosigkeit auf der einen Seite, mehr Reichtum, Spekulationsgewinne auf der anderen Seite. Und wir stehen hier politisch in der Verantwortung, Dinge zu korrigieren, die schiefgelaufen sind. Damit muss Schluss sein! Wir brauchen eine echte Sozialunion.
               

                  Dieses Parlament ist in der Pflicht, hier mehr zu tun, und ich unterstütze sehr den Beitritt der EU zur Sozialcharta des Europarates. Mindestlöhne in Höhe von 60 % des jeweiligen Medianlohns in den Mitgliedstaaten, Stärkung von Tarifverhandlungen auf allen Ebenen, eine Garantie für Kinder für freien Zugang zu Bildung, Betreuung, Wohnung, gutem Essen. Dem kann eigentlich niemand widersprechen.
               

                  Danke auch nochmal an Frau Rodrigues für die sehr ambitionierte Verhandlungsführung. Dafür hat sie unsere Unterstützung. Wir als Linke würden gerne weiter gehen. Aber das wäre ein erster Schritt.
               

Tamás Meszerics,
a Verts/ALE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Elnök úr, köszönöm a szót! Biztos asszony, raportőr asszony, képviselőtársaim, engedjék meg, hogy a hazám nyelvén, magyarul szóljak most Önökhöz. Teszem ezt azért is, mert hiába vagyunk nagyon kevesen ebben a teremben, valószínűleg az ülésszak egyik legfontosabb jelentéséről kéne most tényleges vitát folytatnunk. Persze a viták nem mindig itt zajlanak ebben a teremben, a viták nagy része lezajlott már az előkészítés során. Először is engedjék meg, hogy raportőr asszonynak megköszönjem azt a fáradságos munkát, amivel lehetővé tette, hogy egyáltalán létrejöjjön ez a jelentés, ugyanis ez sem volt teljesen világos az első pillanatban, hogy ebben a parlamentben lehet-e egy ilyen jelentést elfogadni. Tehát az egyik legnagyobb előnye a jelentésnek az, hogy létezik, van benne rengeteg olyan konkrét javaslat, amit mind-mind külön-külön támogatunk, de most nem erről szeretnék beszélni.
               

                  Azt szeretném Önöknek elmondani, hogy a jelentés jogokról beszél, ahogyan a Bizottság előterjesztése is jogokról beszél. Nem puszta jámbor elvekről, amiket hát vagy érvényesítünk, vagy nem, hanem érvényesíthető jogokról. Amennyiben a szociális jogok nem lesznek ilyenek Európában, a szétszakadás elkerülhetetlenül tovább fog folytatódni. Képviselőtársaim egy része előszeretettel beszél a szubszidiaritásról, csak az a helyzet, hogy a szubszidiaritás elve nem a legalacsonyabb szintet jelenti, hanem a legalacsonyabb hatékony szintet. Nézzenek körbe képviselőtársaim a nemzetállamokban, milyen hatékonysággal folyik a szociális jogok védelme, és utána döntsék el, hogy mi az a hatékony szint, ahol ezt kezelni lehet.
               

                  Ugyancsak vannak olyan politikai csoportok, akik a tárgyalások során, a jelentés előkészítése során, költségvetési fegyelemre hivatkozva ellenezték bármilyen pénzügyi eszköz újragondolását. Na, most ugyanezek a csoportok, és néha ugyanezek a képviselők minden nehézség nélkül támogatnak olyan ötleteket, ahol a hadiipari lobbi ráteszi a kezét teljesen másra szánt európai alapokra. Uraim és Hölgyeim, vagy költségvetési fegyelem van, vagy arra használjuk az európai alapokat, amire valók, ebből választani kell. Ha tovább folytatják ezt a következetlenséget, ez a következetlenség fogja szétvetni Európát, és nem a szociális jogok feszegetése.
               

Laura Agea,
a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie all'onorevole Rodrigues, Commissario, nel 2015 Juncker parlava di proteggere attraverso un pilastro dei diritti sociali i lavoratori, puntando il dito contro certi cambiamenti epocali del mondo del lavoro. Signori, mi dispiace informarvi che non si tratta di cambiamenti piovuti dal cielo, sono le riforme incoraggiate dalla Commissione che hanno fatto a pezzi il mercato del lavoro di questo continente, come quelle imposte agli italiani dal governo Monti, dal governo Renzi, e come quelle imposte ai greci dall'inquietante alleanza tra la Commissione e il Fondo monetario.
               

                  Chi oggi lavora in Europa non ha più nessuna garanzia contrattuale e nessuna protezione e la responsabilità è di quella Commissione che oggi si finge presa alla sprovvista dai cambiamenti mondiali e punta il dito verso la crisi globale come causa di tutti i mali. Non è la crisi del 2008 che ha smantellato i vecchi contratti, sono state le politiche neoliberiste finalizzate a trasformare l'uomo in un numero e la vita dei cittadini in pura contabilità, quelle politiche neoliberiste che ora ci volete continuare a imporre spacciandole come inevitabili, ma sono quelle stesse politiche che erano già nel cassetto da molto tempo, mancava solo il momento giusto per attuare misure straordinarie in tempi straordinari.
               

                  Non ci interessa un granché proteggere i lavoratori europei e ce lo dite pure in faccia, è scritto nero su bianco nelle comunicazioni della Commissione. L'obiettivo finale del pilastro non è salvare le persone ma permettere quella che è la costruzione di un'unione economica e monetaria più profonda. La vita umana è sottomessa alle esigenze della grande finanza.
               

                  Sarà forse un caso che, mentre la Commissione avvia le consultazioni sul pilastro sociale, il Fondo internazionale annuncia che le persone vivono troppo a lungo. Sì, perché è questo che ha affermato Christine Lagarde nel 2016, chiedendo poi ai governi di applicare politiche di cambiamento radicale per evitare che la lunga vita delle persone possa compromettere la stabilità finanziaria.
               

                  Signori della Commissione, Commissario, io credo che dietro agli effetti speciali del vostro pilastro si nasconda in realtà l'intento di seguire proprio gli inquietanti consigli del Fondo monetario. Se invece le vostre intenzioni sono genuine, allora fateci capire con chiarezza quali saranno le azioni concrete che farete per veramente realizzare il pilastro sociale, in cosa consisterà, al di là di documenti e parole, questo pilastro sociale. Cosa farete, perché con le parole non si sfamano 120 milioni di poveri che oggi lottano per la sopravvivenza. Non c'è bisogno di pensare a come si allungherà la vita dei cittadini, perché oggi sappiamo che i cittadini europei non sopravvivono.
               

Dominique Martin,
au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, la prétention de ce dossier est tout à fait proportionnelle à son épaisseur et au flou artistique qui mêlent vœux pieux de protection des individus, égalité des chances et de l'accès au travail, concepts économiques et surtout monétaires.
               

                  Vous avouez clairement certains buts, tels que celui de créer un socle européen des droits sociaux qui puisse servir de boussole à la convergence de la zone euro, disant ainsi clairement que cette zone a perdu la boussole.
               

                  Vous avouez aussi que l'harmonisation en matière de santé et de sécurité au travail passera par une harmonisation des systèmes sociaux, c'est-à-dire de leurs caractéristiques nationales, et cela au détriment de la subsidiarité et de la proportionnalité.
               

                  Tout cela cache mal des buts plus officieux, tels que la captation par les États des budgets sociaux pour rembourser leurs dettes nationales, tout particulièrement dans la zone euro, dont le taux de chômage est supérieur de deux points à celui des zones hors euro. La Banque centrale européenne (BCE) sera alors seule en capacité de pratiquer, comme elle le fait déjà pour les banques, l'‘hélicoptère monétaire’ destiné à alimenter un matelas de sécurité contre la pauvreté.
               

                  Ce n'est pas une fiction, c'est pour demain. Si l'on en croit les projections à moins de dix ans, nous assisterons à des pertes massives d'emplois secondaires par la généralisation des procédés numériques et robotiques. Ce sera le revenu universel, héritier du salaire minimum européen, qui placera ainsi tous les Européens dans les seuils officiels de pauvreté.
               

                  Pour toutes ces raisons, nous sommes opposés à ce texte.
               

Λάμπρος Φουντούλης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ένωση μιλά για την θέσπιση ευρωπαϊκού πυλώνα κοινωνικών δικαιωμάτων και, ταυτόχρονα, στην πράξη προωθεί συστηματικά την εκμετάλλευση των εργαζομένων, θυσιάζοντας το μέλλον τους στον βωμό της εξυπηρέτησης οικονομικών συμφερόντων των μεγάλων πολυεθνικών.
               

                  Οι ίδιοι που σήμερα μας ομιλούν περί κοινωνικών δικαιωμάτων, είναι οι ίδιοι που επιβάλλουν την πλήρη απορρύθμιση της αγοράς εργασίας στην Ελλάδα, είναι οι ίδιοι που, χωρίς καμία εξήγηση, απαίτησαν την κατάργηση ή την πλήρη υποβάθμιση των συλλογικών συμβάσεων εργασίας στον ιδιωτικό τομέα. Η λίστα με τις ενέργειες των ευρωπαϊκών θεσμών είναι μακρά. Εκτός της ληστρικής φορολόγησης, περιλαμβάνει επίσης απελευθέρωση ομαδικών απολύσεων, ενώ με τις νέες ευέλικτες μορφές εργασίας, πολλοί εργαζόμενοι στην Ελλάδα δουλεύουν, φαινομενικά, με καθεστώς ημιαπασχόλησης, αλλά στην πραγματικότητα έχουν ωράρια που ξεπερνούν το οκτάωρο. Σε συνδυασμό με την –επίσης επιβληθείσα– τρομακτική μείωση του βασικού μισθού, έχουμε το αποτέλεσμα, εργαζόμενοι να δουλεύουν ίσως και δέκα ώρες την ημέρα για 250 ευρώ.
               

                  Εάν θέλατε πράγματι σύγκλιση και μάλιστα προς τα πάνω, το πρώτο πράγμα που θα θεσπίζατε θα ήταν ενιαίος πανευρωπαϊκός βασικός μισθός. Επειδή αυτό δεν θα το κάνετε ποτέ, κρίνω πως σκοπός είναι η εξυπηρέτηση οικονομικών συμφερόντων και μόνο.
               

Thomas Mann (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Für die Arbeitnehmer – sowohl die Beschäftigten als auch die von Arbeitslosigkeit Betroffenen – haben wir eine klare Botschaft: Wir wollen ein soziales Europa, das sie nicht allein lässt. Arbeitsbedingungen müssen fair sein, Wohlfahrtssysteme in den Mitgliedstaaten müssen dauerhaften Sozialschutz bieten. Eine europäische Säule sozialer Rechte kann Instrumente aufzeigen, muss jedoch die Eigenständigkeit in den Mitgliedstaaten berücksichtigen: Unterschiede in der Lohnentwicklung, Unterschiede bei den Mindesteinkommen. Dabei brauchen wir volle Transparenz, keine geheime Kommandosache. Wir müssen sichtbarer werden, spürbarer werden und hörbarer werden. Das Programm der EVP – ein modernes soziales Europa – ist dafür eine inhaltlich ausgezeichnete Grundlage.
               

                  Ich habe im Beschäftigungsausschuss einen Antrag eingebracht, über den heute auch abgestimmt werden wird. Ich habe vorgeschlagen, einen EU-Sozialkonvent einzuberufen – nicht nur online und nicht nur, um eine Konferenz zu haben, sondern dauerhaft –, die Betroffenen einzuladen: von Arbeitslosigkeit Betroffene, Jugendliche, Ältere, Ausgegrenzte, Sozialpartner sind einzubeziehen. Wir brauchen ihre Erfahrung. Das Europäische Parlament wird eine zentrale Rolle dabei spielen müssen, auch die nationalen Parlamente – Stichwort Subsidiarität – und die Zivilgesellschaft. Und wir brauchen die Unternehmen, die die meisten Ausbildungs- und Arbeitsplätze zur Verfügung stellen. Und ich habe einen speziellen Jugendsozialkonvent vorgeschlagen. Die Jugendlichen müssen zu Wort kommen können.
               

                  Wir brauchen also Reformprozesse für nachhaltige Sozialsysteme in den Mitgliedstaaten und für dynamische Arbeitsmärkte. Das ist das Ziel. Dann hat die europäische Säule sozialer Rechte eine Chance, ein Gewinn zu sein.
               

Marita Ulvskog (S&D). – Herr talman! Jag kan instämma i väldigt mycket av det som herr Mann sa. Det finns ju en bred samstämmighet i denna fråga, nämligen vikten av att särskilt stödja en social utveckling genom insatser av de slag som Maria João Rodrigues har tagit fram i sitt lovvärda betänkande.
               

                  Jag vill särskilt lyfta fram ändringsförslag 4 om ett socialt protokoll. Ett socialt protokoll skulle slå fast att grundläggande mänskliga och fackliga rättigheter inte är underordnade de ekonomiska friheterna på den inre marknaden. Det är centralt. Om EU inte kan säkra medborgarnas grundläggande sociala rättigheter, som likabehandling av arbetstagare och principen om lika lön för lika arbete, så är det väldigt stor risk att människor i fler EU-länder kommer att vända hela det europeiska projektet ryggen. Vi ser det redan i dag.
               

                  Därför fullt stöd, full uppslutning kring det förslag som Maria Rodrigues har tagit fram.
               

Czesław Hoc (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Oczywiście, że popieramy aktywne formy współdziałania w kwestiach społecznych: współpracę i dialog społeczny. Popieramy Europę bez barier dla osób niepełnosprawnych, przeciwdziałanie ubóstwu dzieci i ochronę ich praw, wzmacnianie praw osób w starszym wieku, przeciwdziałanie bezdomności, programy zatrudniania osób młodych, ochronę osób wykluczonych z rynku pracy, prawa i integrację Romów itd., ale nie popieramy odgórnego narzucania standardów i pouczania w oderwaniu od realiów gospodarczych i społecznych poszczególnych państw członkowskich. Brak też akceptacji naruszania zasady subsydiarności oraz możliwości pogorszenia konkurencyjności poszczególnych państw członkowskich.
               

                  Poza tym wiele z tych szczytnych celów jest niestety w istocie działaniami pozornymi, nadal jest ubóstwo dzieci, wykluczenia, marginalizacja, bezrobocie pośród ludzi młodych. Sprawozdanie domaga się też wysokiej jakości zatrudnienia kobiet, w tym na wysokich stanowiskach. Zatem pytanie – niestety retoryczne – ile kobiet objęło stanowisko na najwyższych trzech urzędach Unii Europejskiej, tj. szefa Parlamentu Europejskiego, Komisji Europejskiej i Rady Europejskiej?
               

Morten Løkkegaard (ALDE). – Hr. formand! Allerførst vil jeg sige, at dette er et meget sympatisk forslag, det er en meget sympatisk tanke med den sociale søjle. Der er brug for at samtænke økonomi og sociale forhold og have europæiske svar på de udfordringer, der er på dette område. Når det så er sagt, skal man jo også respektere medlemsstaternes kompetencer og traktaterne, og det går jeg ud fra, at Kommissionen er indstillet på. I den forbindelse er det ikke nogen hemmelighed, at vi i de nordiske lande har meget velfungerende modeller på dette område, som handler om fleksibilitet, og hvor fleksibiliteten står i centrum, hvor det er et spørgsmål om, at arbejdsmarkedets parter frivilligt samarbejder om at skaffe de bedste modeller. Det har været en stor succes gennem snart hundrede år. Det forslag, der foreligger nu, lægger op til en lang række lovmæssige indgreb, som vi selvfølgelig er stærkt bekymrede over. I den forbindelse snakker man bl.a. om en lovfastsat europæisk mindsteløn, men jeg er glad for, at jeg i de danske aviser har set kommissæren lægge afstand til dette. Der er brug for en frivillig ordning og for, at man selvfølgelig vil respektere det her. Det vil jeg gerne bede kommissæren om at bekræfte.
               

João Pimenta Lopes (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, o ataque aos direitos sociais na Europa tem sido promovido ao longo de décadas pela direita e social-democracia e decorre da vossa matriz de classe. Estão preocupados com o défice social na Europa? Defendam a regulação dos horários de trabalho, a jornada de trabalho que não ultrapasse as 8 horas. Salário igual para trabalho igual, o fim de qualquer forma de trabalho precário, a contratação coletiva e o papel das organizações de trabalhadores, o aumento real de salários e uma justa e efetiva distribuição da riqueza, a segurança social pública universal e solidária, propostas que não se encontram neste relatório.
               

                  Este pilar social abre o caminho da harmonização laboral, da harmonização dos sistemas de proteção e segurança social. Será mais um logro que prosseguirá a ofensiva contra os direitos dos trabalhadores, reduzir os padrões dos direitos laborais e sociais subjugados aos mecanismos da governação económica e do euro, alimentando as políticas de empobrecimento e exploração. Não se pode fazer lavagem social de um edifício antissocial e esperar que daí resulte progresso.
               

Terry Reintke (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, there is a poisonous fear going around Europe and the world at the moment: the fear of losing something, of losing jobs, of being deprived of social rights, the fear of ending up in poverty and precariousness, having to work at three jobs, 60 hours a week without breaks, without a pension to prevent poverty, without a security net to fall back on. We can meet this fear with ignorance, by simply denying it exists, but in the end we will all lose when right-wing populists and those wanting to profit from this fear find scapegoats in the weakest members of our societies.
But we can also meet this fear with the strongest asset that this continent holds: solidarity. Yes, to fight inequality we will need to tackle big macroeconomic issues, we will need good regulatory measures and we will need more tax justice. But we will also have to start with the reality of the very ordinary people – of the Romanian child, the worker in Ireland, the unemployed in Greece, the pensioner in the Netherlands. It is precisely through this proposal, the pillar of social rights, that we can meet the fears and the realities of very ordinary people. Mr Juncker said that we need to do big things big in the European Union. I would like to say to Madam Thyssen that this is a big thing and I hope, Madam Thyssen, that you will do this big.

Bill Etheridge (EFDD). – Mr President, here we have a classic case of where socialist dreams meet reality. From the hermetically sealed, artificially lit Chamber that we sit in, people decide to make plans and directives and legislation to change the world to achieve socialist utopia: fundamental social rights for children, women and workers all across the EU; a single European social model. Here's the problem: until then, it's all so far, so socialist heaven. However, the problem is that we all emerge from the womb free. It's not for the government or the EU to tell us how free. We're free to compete; we're free to have different views; we're free to do things differently in different countries. Let's not stand in the way of human nature. Let's compete, strive and struggle to improve ourselves.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


Tibor Szanyi (S&D),
Kékkártyás kérdés. – Elnök úr, tisztelt képviselő úr, Ön amit most az imént mondott, az számomra egy teljesen érthetetlen dolog, egy világos összefüggés van aközött, hogy ahol kiterjedt szociális jogok érvényesülnek, ott van is gazdasági növekedés, és fordítva. Európának pont az a baja, hogy nincsenek szociális jogok széles körűen alkalmazva, ezért nem tudunk növekedni. Ön ezt cáfolja, vagy megerősíti?
               

Bill Etheridge (EFDD),
blue-card answer. – Thank you; I think that's the first blue card I've ever had, so I feel very honoured to have been asked a question! I think there is an absolute link between the European model of social rights and economic growth – it strangles it; it's the whole reason why the EU lags behind in growth, and why countries outside of it grow quicker, with all these well-intentioned schemes and costly ideas. What you actually do is cripple your economies. A better idea is to live by your means, live how you can afford – and yes, give people good rights and good conditions, but let's work for them, let's earn them, and let's compete for them.

Danuta Jazłowiecka (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Nie ulega wątpliwości, że państwa członkowskie muszą zmodernizować rynki pracy i politykę społeczną. Ciągle zmieniający się świat pracy, globalizacja, cyfryzacja, starzenie się społeczeństwa, nowe modele biznesowe – to są wszystko zjawiska, które wymagają szybkich i skutecznych rozwiązań.
               

                  Według zapowiedzi Komisji Europejskiej filar spraw społecznych ma stanowić ramy dla polityki społecznej i zatrudnienia i ma wspierać reformy na szczeblu krajowym. To bardzo słuszny kierunek. Niestety, sprawozdanie przyjęte przez Komisję Zatrudnienia w wielu miejscach wychodzi znacząco poza te ramy. W mojej ocenie europejski filar praw społecznych powinien po pierwsze, respektować zasadę subsydiarności. Ze względu na duże różnice w organizacji rynku pracy Europa nie jest gotowa na tworzenie jednolitych rozwiązań dla wszystkich państw. Po drugie, kluczowym elementem filaru powinno być egzekwowanie obowiązującego prawodawstwa w celu respektowania praw pracowniczych. Ze względu na nowe trendy i cyfryzację powinniśmy stworzyć ramy prawne dla nowych form zatrudnienia bez zbędnej zmiany istniejących dobrych rozwiązań prawnych. Po trzecie, poziom rozwoju społecznego jest pochodną postępu gospodarczego. Filar powinien tworzyć ramy, a nie narzucać odgórne, konkretne standardy społeczne. Lepsza współpraca w ramach rynku wewnętrznego, sprawniejszy przepływ pracowników, dóbr i usług – to wszystko są zjawiska, które pozwolą na szybszą konwergencję społeczną.
               

                  Bardzo dziękuję sprawozdawcy grupy PPE Tomowi Vandenkendelaere za prowadzone negocjacje, podczas których dbał o przestrzeganie obowiązującej zasady subsydiarności, szczególnie dzisiaj bardzo, bardzo ważnej dla państw członkowskich, by nie doprowadzić do pogłębienia się Europy dwóch prędkości.
               

Brando Benifei (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, tra qualche ora il Parlamento europeo è chiamato a votare sulla sua relazione su un pilastro europeo dei diritti sociali. Sono grato alla relatrice Rodrigues per il documento che ha presentato, lungimirante, ambizioso, che davvero traccia la rotta per il rilancio dell'Europa.
               

                  I risultati della consultazione pubblica del 2016 devono essere letti con attenzione e interpretati come un ennesimo segnale d'allarme sul deterioramento delle condizioni socioeconomiche nei nostri paesi. Il Parlamento europeo oggi deve dimostrare di saper fare il proprio lavoro. Dobbiamo esigere che il pilastro dei diritti sociali non si limiti a una dichiarazione di buone intenzioni ma crei strumenti concreti e specifici, tramite legislazione, tramite nuovi meccanismi politici, con migliori e più efficienti strumenti finanziari.
               

                  Nella lista di iniziative proposte voglio sottolinearne tre: ottenere una direttiva quadro sulle condizioni di lavoro dignitose in tutte le forme di occupazione, realizzare un sistema europeo di assicurazione contro la disoccupazione e, infine, esigere che i diritti delle persone con disabilità siano rafforzati e rispettati, trovando il giusto spazio all'interno del pilastro. Continuiamo a lavorare su questo insieme.
               

Helga Stevens (ECR). – Ik ben absoluut voorstander van een sociaal Europa, maar we moeten ons durven afvragen hoe dit sociaal Europa het best kan worden bereikt.
               

                  Dit verslag gaat echter de verkeerde weg op. Om te beginnen schendt het herhaaldelijk het subsidiariteitbeginsel. Willen we de burgers niet verder van de Unie vervreemden, dan moet sociaal beleid zo dicht mogelijk bij de burgers worden uitgevoerd. De toegevoegde waarde van de EU ligt vooral in coördinerende maatregelen, benchmarking en het uitwisselen van goede praktijken. Zo kunnen we ook opwaartse convergentie realiseren.
               

                  Ten tweede wil ik benadrukken dat sociale welvaart niet kan worden gebouwd op een economisch kerkhof. Een competitief Europa is een essentiële voorwaarde voor een sociaal Europa.
               

                  Tot slot mogen we niet bang zijn voor flexibiliteit. Immers, flexibele arbeidscontracten zijn één van de manieren om mensen aan de slag te krijgen of terug aan het werk te helpen. Werk is immers nog steeds de beste sociale bescherming. Daarnaast, en dit is voor mij ook zeer belangrijk, is het aan de lidstaten om aanvullend in voldoende sociale bescherming te voorzien.
               

Lynn Boylan (GUE/NGL). – Mr President, if the social pillar is to be successful and deliver on its stated aims, it has to represent what the citizens of Europe need and want. I hope that through the contributions made by Parliament, social partners and civil society, the social pillar can be aligned so as to guarantee social rights in the manner that citizens deserve and in a manner that will address poverty, income inequality and other serious social injustices. We need to work towards a situation where social policy is not considered a burden to economic growth, but rather that the two are considered to be symbiotic. We must stop the subordination of the social to the economic. It is a chance for the EU to move in the right direction: to prove that it is capable of change. Therefore, I urge the Commission to seize this opportunity and to not let the citizens down. However, if ‘business as usual’ continues, then citizens will suffer and the rise of euroscepticism will continue.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


David Coburn (EFDD),
blue-card question. – You just said – and I was totally mystified – that you should subordinate the economic to the social. Surely, if you've got an economic mess, you cannot possibly improve people's social conditions. Surely that is complete common sense, otherwise it's economic illiteracy. Can you explain to me how, if you've got a catastrophic economic situation, you can possibly help people's social movement or improve their social life. The best way to improve social rights and everything else is to have a booming economy. Everything else, I think, is nonsense. So please enlighten me on how you can reverse gravity. I'd really love to know.

Lynn Boylan (GUE/NGL),
blue-card answer. – I will happily enlighten you, because we continue to treat the market as though it is some sort of god – ‘we must not interfere with the market’; ‘the market will react’. Well, the market depends on people being able to spend money, and if you don't have any money, then the markets cannot successfully work. So we need to pay people a decent living wage; we need to ensure that they can rent properties, unlike in my country, Ireland, where they're being made homeless because they can't afford the rent and we are having to pay for them to stay in hotels. That's about subordinating the social to the economic. This week, Oxfam announced that eight billionaires own the same amount of money as 50% of the population of the world. Unless we address that inequality, then I'm afraid your wonderful market is doomed to fail when people don't have the money to spend in it.

Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). –
(The speaker prefaced his remarks with a few words in Catalan.) Mr President, social rights should not be just a pillar of the European Union; they must be their foundation and their priority, because there is no real European project without social justice, and there is no social justice without social investment, without tax justice, without effective redistribution, without accessible and quality public services, without decent working conditions, without the minimum of economic security, without an effective right to housing, without gender equality, and without opportunities for all – especially for the young.
Probably, if the European Union had long had social Europe really on its agenda, we would have better navigated through the crisis that has had such a negative impact on social cohesion in Europe – especially in certain countries, including mine, Catalonia. Let us not make the same mistake again. Let us bring social content finally to the European political project.

Anne Sander (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, l'Europe sera sociale ou ne sera pas. En effet, nous ne pouvons baser notre vivre ensemble simplement sur un marché unique. La concurrence n'est plus viable sans la convergence. En soutenant cette initiative en faveur d'un pilier social, nous envoyons un message fort. Le Parlement veut une Europe qui protège les salariés précaires, qui accompagne les jeunes et les seniors, qui combat les discriminations, qui favorise la mobilité des apprentis et qui permet à tous de trouver un emploi.
               

                  C'est un enjeu également pour nos petites et nos moyennes entreprises et nos artisans qui souffrent du dumping social et de l'absence de coordination entre les pays. Toutes les mesures que nous prendrons devront veiller à ne pas compliquer les embauches et à ne pas piétiner la subsidiarité.
               

                  Sur les nouveaux emplois du numérique, je pense qu'il est urgent de clarifier les règles applicables pour favoriser une économie du numérique qui soit juste et équitable. Mais créer une nouvelle directive alors que nous n'avons toujours pas défini ces nouveaux emplois est, à mon sens, prématuré.
               

                  Chers collègues, l'Europe sociale est une priorité et, pour ma part, je voterai ce rapport.
               

Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D). – Europai šiandien kaip niekad trūksta stipraus socialinio pagrindo, norint išlaikyti pasitikėjimą Europos Sąjunga. Žmonės nori gyventi geriau, turėti stabilų darbą, pajamas, jausti ekonominį ir finansinį saugumą, užtikrinti savo vaikams ateitį. Todėl Europos Sąjunga ir valstybės narės privalo dirbti kartu, kovoti su vis didėjančiu skurdu, ypač vaikų skurdu. Kreipiuosi į Komisijos narę: būtina kuo skubiau sukurti Vaikų garantiją, pagal kurią būtų galima taikyti konkrečias, finansiškai pagrįstas priemones, kurios padėtų skurstantiems vaikams visoje Europos Sąjungoje. Taip pat mes privalome sukurti palankią aplinką šeimoms, kad žmonės galėtų derinti profesinį ir asmeninį gyvenimą. Tačiau tam būtina, kad Komisija pateiktų teisės aktus dėl motinystės ir tėvystės atostogų, pagerintų vaikų priežiūros atostogų sąlygas bei ES lygiu priimtų Slaugytojų direktyvą. Komisijos nare, aš iš visos širdies nuoširdžiai dėkoju, jog Jūs šiandien dar kartą patvirtinote, kad pavasarį pateiksite visą paketą dėl profesinio ir asmeninio gyvenimo suderinimo, o mes pasirengę dirbti kartu.
               

Zbigniew Kuźmiuk (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Zabierając głos w tej debacie, chcę zwrócić uwagę, że działania Komisji Europejskiej, jakie będzie ona podejmowała w sprawie filaru spraw społecznych, powinny przestrzegać zasady pomocniczości. Chcę przy tym zwrócić uwagę, że w moim kraju, w Polsce, jest realizowany od blisko roku pronatalistyczny program ‘Rodzina 500+’ wspierający kwotą blisko 120 euro miesięcznie na dziecko rodziny wychowujące dwoje i więcej dzieci, a także mniej zamożne rodziny z jednym dzieckiem. Program dotyczy blisko 4 mln dzieci, a więc około połowy wszystkich do osiemnastego roku życia, i kosztuje 23 mld złotych rocznie, a więc blisko 1,5 % polskiego PKB, i jest wielką inwestycją młode pokolenie.
               

                  Chciałbym przy tej okazji zwrócić się do Komisji z postulatem, aby tego rodzaju programy realizowane przez poszczególne państwa członkowskie mogły być w przyszłości wspierane z Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego. Wszak problemy demograficzne ma zdecydowana większość krajów unijnych.
               

Κωνσταντίνα Κούνεβα (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ευρώπη υπερηφανεύεται για το κοινωνικό της μοντέλο αλλά, εάν δούμε τους άνεργους της Ελλάδας ή τους εργαζόμενους της Βρετανίας και της Γερμανίας με τις ‘μηδενικές’ συμβάσεις, δηλαδή τους σκλάβους του 21ου αιώνα, συνειδητοποιούμε ότι καταστρέφεται το περίφημο μοντέλο μας. Γιατί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει σκληρούς κανόνες για τους προϋπολογισμούς και τις αγορές, προβλέπει ποινές και πρόστιμα, αλλά δεν έχει ανάλογους κανόνες για τα εργασιακά και κοινωνικά δικαιώματα παρά μόνο λόγια και ευχές.
               

                  Ο κοινωνικός πυλώνας που προβλέπει τις ελεύθερες συλλογικές διαπραγματεύσεις για τους μισθούς και τους άλλους όρους συνεργασίας, πρέπει να υποχρεώνει κάθε χώρα, την Επιτροπή και την Ευρωπαϊκή Τράπεζα να στηρίζουν αυτή τη θέση. Επομένως, να μην επιβάλλουν κατάργηση των συλλογικών συμβάσεων και να κρύβονται πίσω από το ΔΝΤ όπως προσπαθούν να κάνουν στην Ελλάδα.
               

Sofia Ribeiro (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, cara Colega Maria João Rodrigues, há muitos pontos de convergência entre o PPE e os socialistas relativamente ao projeto europeu. Assim tem sido ao longo da história desta instituição. Concordamos que as políticas económicas têm que ter um efeito social positivo, que deve haver um financiamento adequado das políticas e programas europeus. Concordamos que a convergência económica não foi acompanhada pela ambicionada convergência social.
               

                  A questão central reside nos mecanismos que devem ser ativados para que haja uma harmonização também a nível social, dando cumprimento ao projeto europeu. Mas há pontos que nos separam, Senhora Deputada. Para podermos contribuir para o desenvolvimento da Europa não podemos deixar de ter em conta o funcionamento da mesma, de considerar quais as competências da Comissão e quais as competências dos Estados-Membros, porque se não o fizermos estaremos a fazer promessas vãs aos nossos concidadãos. Não conte comigo para propostas demagógicas, tão arbitrárias que se tornam vazias, nem que põem em causa a soberania dos Estados-Membros ou desrespeitem os parceiros sociais.
               

                  Enquanto a Senhora andou, nas últimas horas, a fazer conferências de imprensa a acusar o PPE de perverter o seu relatório, nós andávamos a negociar para que possamos aprovar daqui a pouco um pilar social europeu. Sem as emendas do PPE tal não teria sido possível. Fizemo-lo, porque o que nos move não são as tricas partidárias, o que nos move é a defesa dos interesses dos cidadãos europeus.
               

Георги Пирински (S&D). – Днес пред този парламент се открива наистина историческият шанс да начертае посоката към същински нов курс за Европа. Докладът Родригес за Европейския стълб за социални права дефинира базисните характеристики на нова социална Европа като едничкия шанс за Европейския съюз да си възвърне доверието на своите граждани и да възстанови статута си като предлагащ най-високото качество на живот.
               

                  Става дума за приемането на рамкова директива за достойни условия при всички форми на заетост, включително онези, възникващи в резултат на цифровизацията; разширяване на системите за социална сигурност, за да обхващат всички хора заети във всички форми на работа, включително самонаетите; гаранции за достойни заплати и координирани увеличения на националните нива на минимални заплати към шестдесетте процента на средно претеглените национални равнища на заплащане.
               

                  Крайно време е да отговорим на волята на хората. Ето и декларацията на българските синдикалисти: ‘Ако тези основни параграфи отпаднат от доклада, ще бъдат застрашени планираните подобрения в условията на труд и живот в Европа и ще остане неистовият стремеж да се запази експлоататорския договор за нула часова заетост.’ Никой днес тук не може да си позволи подобно нещо да се случи.
               

Javi López (S&D). – Señor presidente, comisaria. Estamos ante el mayor reto que va a tener la Unión Europea en los próximos años en esta segunda parte del mandato. Un pilar social, un pilar de derechos sociales que recupere el alma europea; que conecte de nuevo con millones de ciudadanos que durante estos últimos años han desconectado de las instituciones europeas; que intente arreglar buena parte de los problemas institucionales de la moneda euro y, a la vez, que recupere la voluntad de convergencia y de redistribución que debería tener la Unión Europea.
               

                  Ante ello, medidas concretas como una tabla de salarios mínimos, la mejora de la negociación colectiva, la garantía infantil, la voluntad de tener un mecanismo de desempleo, una prestación de desempleo europeo, que permitan tener un objetivo. Un pilar social que vaya más allá de una carta de buenas voluntades.
               

                  No podemos volver a cometer los errores que hemos cometido con la Europa 2020 o la Estrategia de Lisboa, que han quedado en papel mojado, teniendo en cuenta que hoy tenemos ciento veinte millones de pobres o de personas en riesgo de exclusión social en Europa.
               

Procedura ‘catch the eye’
                     


Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Souhlasím s tím, abychom na úrovni Evropské unie garantovali základní práva, včetně sociálních práv, a pomáhali členským státům, aby mohly vytvářet dobré sociální politiky, snižovat nezaměstnanost. Paní komisařka zde velmi správně uvedla, že politika zaměstnanosti a sociální zabezpečení zůstává plně v rukou členských států, a my to budeme respektovat.
               

                  Ve zprávě se opakovaně zmiňuje evropský model sociálního státu. Musím upozornit, že nic takového neexistuje. Máme 28 sociálních politik, které vychází ze 3 modelů sociálního státu podle jejich historického a politického vývoje. Sociální a platovou konvergenci, kterou si přejeme napříč evropskými státy, nemůžeme dosáhnout nařízením z centra a novými směrnicemi, ale jedině ekonomickým růstem, politickou stabilitou a větší efektivitou. Pokud bychom měli postavit pilíř sociálních práv, musíme ho postavit na pevných základech a přijetí všech zemí. Poučili jsme se z brexitu?
               

Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il protrarsi della crisi della zona euro ha inferto un duro colpo alla dimensione sociale dell'integrazione europea.
               

                  Molti Stati membri sono stati costretti ad attuare rigide misure di risanamento di bilancio che si sono tradotte in gravi disagi sociali. Senza un quadro comune europeo gli Stati membri sono destinati a restare intrappolati in una concorrenza distruttiva, fondata su una gara al ribasso degli standard sociali.
               

                  Un pilastro europeo dei diritti sociali può essere credibile solo se accompagnato da adeguate risorse a livello nazionale ed europeo in grado di garantire la realizzazione degli obiettivi stabiliti. Occorre, se necessario, rivedere il quadro finanziario pluriennale 2014-2020, rafforzare ulteriormente l'iniziativa a favore dell'occupazione giovanile e garantire il pieno utilizzo del FES e del Fondo europeo di aiuti agli indigenti. Tali strumenti finanziari vanno potenziati anche con riferimento all'istruzione e alla formazione, alla riqualificazione professionale, alla lotta alla povertà e alle sfide impreviste fino a qualche anno fa, come l'integrazione dei rifugiati nel mercato del lavoro.
               

Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή μιλά για την κοινωνική διάσταση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και το κοινωνικό ‘τριπλό Α’, ενώ ακόμη και τώρα συνεχίζει να υποστηρίζει την πολιτική της λιτότητας που γέμισε την Ευρώπη με στρατιές ανέργων και με 120 εκατομμύρια φτωχούς. Μια πολιτική που έστειλε τη νέα γενιά στη μαζική ανεργία και στην υποαπασχόληση.
               

                  Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, με το Σύμφωνο Σταθερότητας και τη βίαιη δημοσιονομική προσαρμογή, διέλυσε το κοινωνικό κράτος και το συνταξιοδοτικό σύστημα. Ταυτόχρονα, σε χώρες με μνημόνια, όπως η Ελλάδα, η Ιρλανδία, η Κύπρος, η Πορτογαλία και η Ισπανία, πετσοκόπηκαν μισθοί και συντάξεις. Στην Ελλάδα μάλιστα, η τρόικα δεν αναγνωρίζει καν το δικαίωμα της σύναψης συλλογικών συμβάσεων.
               

                  Αν θέλετε λοιπόν, κύριοι της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής, την κοινωνική Ευρώπη, αφήστε τα μεγάλα λόγια και τις περίφημες διασκέψεις και εγκαταλείψτε τη λιτότητα και τα μνημόνια, καταργήστε το Σύμφωνο Σταθερότητας, υιοθετείστε πολιτικές για δίκαιη διανομή του παραγόμενου πλούτου, εγκαταλείψτε την πολιτική των ελαστικών σχέσεων εργασίας, στηρίξτε τον πανευρωπαϊκό ενιαίο μισθό.
               

António Marinho e Pinto (ALDE). – O chamado ‘Pilar Europeu dos Direitos Sociais’, tal como foi aqui apresentado pela relatora Maria João Rodrigues, deve ser encarado como a pedra angular da coesão europeia. Entre esses direitos sobressai, naturalmente, o direito a um salário mínimo europeu, ou seja a um limite abaixo do qual não seja permitido remunerar o trabalho. Os direitos sociais são hoje uma das dimensões fundamentais dos direitos humanos e estes, no seu conjunto, só poderão realizar-se historicamente se as necessidades básicas das pessoas estiverem satisfeitas.
               

                  Por isso, o combate à pobreza assume hoje, neste contexto, um significado estratégico não só pelos seus efeitos no crescimento económico, mas sobretudo como fator relevante de paz social. A pobreza acaba sempre por gerar violência.
               

Paloma López Bermejo (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, los derechos sociales son los grandes ausentes de la construcción europea y por ello recibimos con sorpresa la propuesta de la Comisión de crear un pilar social de derechos. Con sorpresa, pero también con cierta perplejidad, pues las políticas económicas promovidas por la Unión Europea en el marco del euro se resumen en el desmantelamiento progresivo de las instituciones que protegen a la mayoría trabajadora.
               

                  No sería la primera vez, por desgracia, que la Comisión Europea nos promete algo para ofrecernos al final lo contrario. Por eso es importante escuchar al Parlamento, que en este informe detalla muchas de las iniciativas necesarias para que el pilar de derechos sociales no sea otra cortina de humo.
               

                  El cumplimiento de la Carta Social Europea, una Directiva marco sobre el trabajo decente, un sistema de rentas mínimas por encima del umbral de la pobreza, el refuerzo de la negociación colectiva: todas son iniciativas concretas y necesarias que la Comisión deberá tener en cuenta.
               

Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, όσο αυξάνονται οι φιλανθρωπικές συνθηματολογίες των ευρωενωσιακών οργάνων κάτω από τη λαϊκή αγανάκτηση, τόσο χειροτερεύει η εργασιακή ζούγκλα. Ο ευρωπαϊκός πυλώνας κοινωνικών δικαιωμάτων είναι ύπουλη προσπάθεια, μέσα από πάντα ανέξοδα συνθήματα, με σκοπό να απομείνουν τελικά ρυθμίσεις χειροτέρευσης της κατάστασης των εργαζόμενων. Συμπιέζει εργασιακά κοινωνικά δικαιώματα προς τα κάτω, προωθώντας τη ‘δίκαιη μοιρασιά’ μεταξύ φτωχών και εξαθλιωμένων, αποκλείοντας κάθε επιβάρυνση της εργοδοσίας. Η εργασία με πλήρη δικαιώματα μετατρέπεται επικίνδυνα σε αξιοπρεπή, δήθεν, εργασία και επαρκές εισόδημα απλά επιβίωσης.
               

                  Προωθεί την ενεργό γήρανση, δηλαδή, μερική σύνταξη με μερική εργασία, εκβιαστικά, αφού οι συντάξεις τσακίστηκαν. Προετοιμάζει αύξηση ορίων ηλικίας με βάση το προσδόκιμο ζωής, προωθεί τον καθορισμό από το κράτος του κατώτερου και υποκατώτερου μισθού, την ταφόπλακα ‘συλλογικές συμβάσεις εργασίας’ με κριτήριο την ανταγωνιστικότητα, τα κέρδη, για τα οποία μόνιμα θυσιάζονται μισθοί, επιδόματα, δικαιώματα. Μιλάει για μισθούς ανά περιφέρεια, δηλαδή ειδικές οικονομικές ζώνες και κάτεργα. Οι εργαζόμενοι να ανησυχούν! Να οργανώνονται, να αντεπιτεθούν!
               

Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Mr President, while I commend the report for pointing out the vast number of social challenges EU countries are faced with, I find that it misjudged the causes of problems and consequently insists on the wrong solution. The issue is not that the EU is not social enough. I would point out that the EU accounts for approximately 7% of the world's population but around 40% of global public social expenditure.
Existing social challenges are not so much a result of missing social policy but mainly of insufficient reforms, including to the labour market, and the lack of economic growth and job creation. A more social Europe should not be one that throws money at every problem it identifies, or one that stifles competitiveness – a precondition for job creation and sustainable social protection. Rather, in full respect for subsidiarity, it should be one that promotes sound economic policies and encourages national reforms in areas such as education and active labour market policies.

Jean-Paul Denanot (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, le premier des droits que l'Union européenne doit assurer à ses concitoyens, c'est évidemment le droit au travail. Mais cela ne suffit pas, il faut que ce travail soit un travail décent qui permette à chacun de vivre sa vie, de faire ses choix personnels et de participer à la vie collective.
               

                  Destiné à éclairer la Commission sur ce que doit être le socle européen des droits sociaux, le rapport de Maria João Rodrigues, constitue une réponse globale aux promesses qu'a faites, ici même, M. Jean-Claude Juncker sur le triple A social.
               

                  Ce droit au travail doit comprendre d'autres droits protecteurs pour les salariés, hommes et femmes, qui ne doivent pas être confrontés à l'incertitude du lendemain. En effet, comment construire sa vie avec un contrat de travail à zéro heure? Comment construire sa vie dans l'inquiétude de ne pas avoir de pension de retraite? Comment construire sa vie dans la peur de ne pas être soigné en cas de maladie? Comment, aujourd'hui, construire sa vie sans accès aux services publics et au numérique?
               

                  L'Union doit répondre à ces questions et, bien entendu, assurer les financements nécessaires les concernant. Sans cela, nous resterions dans le domaine de l'incantation.
               

Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Europejski filar praw socjalnych został zapowiedziany we wrześniu 2015 r. W roku ubiegłym odbyły się bardzo szerokie konsultacje i cieszę się, że Parlament Europejski podjął inicjatywę sprawozdania, które jest wkładem w tę dyskusję. Uważam – tak jak wiele koleżanek i kolegów tutaj na sali – że w obliczu dynamicznie zmieniających się warunków zatrudnienia i globalnych trendów gospodarczych państwa członkowskie powinny współdziałać w kwestiach zatrudnienia i społecznych, aby zapewnić obywatelom Unii odpowiednie standardy pracy i zabezpieczenia społecznego.
               

                  Należy jednak zaznaczyć, iż na mocy Traktatów państwa członkowskie sprawują wyłączną kompetencję nad systemami zabezpieczeń społecznych i rolą Unii są działania zapewniające wzmacnianie tej współpracy. Jednak musimy mieć na uwadze, że ogromne zróżnicowanie lokalnych praktyk i wciąż niepełna kohezja pomiędzy poszczególnymi rynkami pracy powodują, że propozycje na przykład wspólnego dochodu minimalnego czy jednego europejskiego ubezpieczenia dla bezrobotnych uważam za drogę w złym kierunku.
               

Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Domnule vice-președinte, vă felicit pentru realegerea în această funcție importantă.
               

                  The European Pillar of Social Rights is making substantial achievements for Europe and the citizens we represent, and I would like to congratulate our rapporteur Rodriguez for her important work. This pillar goes beyond political interest, and it reminds us that the European Union is here to bring improvements in living and working conditions in Europe. Nevertheless, some people in this House still act to maintain precarious, unregulated forms of work, and to keep millions of Europeans uncertain about basic rights such as maternity leave or protection of health and safety at the workplace. Young people – my generation – cannot wait anymore for those people to wake up and realise that without action we condemn our future generations to poverty. We need to build our legislation on decent living conditions; we need to stop the exploitation of zero-hour contracts; we need decent living wages, and we need to properly finance European instruments capable of delivering results in terms of jobs, skills and social protection. So, dear colleagues, if you have in mind to support some of the amendments opposing that, please forget about it.
               

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, Uniunea Europeană trece printr-o criză de încredere și o criză socială. Principalul antidot al crizei este pilonul european al drepturilor sociale și trebuie să acționăm. Vreau să o felicit și să-i mulțumesc raportoarei noastre, doamna Rodriguez, pentru excelentul raport, măsurile propuse și argumentarea adusă. Pilonul European al drepturilor sociale poate schimba fundamental viața cetățenilor noștri, viața copiilor, a tinerilor, a persoanelor în vârstă, a persoanelor cu dizabilități, a lucrătorilor.
               

                  Am susținut toate amendamentele propuse de doamna Rodriguez pentru că eu cred în ele. Cred în nevoia urgentă de a da un semnal oamenilor că ne pasă de viața lor. Promovarea activităților economice, toate trebuie să țină cont de un prim scop, cel de a servi oamenilor. Este nevoie de creșterea responsabilității întreprinderilor, a autorităților locale și centrale naționale privind drepturile sociale. Rezolvând problemele sociale, obținem un triplu efect: atașament față de locul de muncă, creșterea productivității și atașament față de Uniunea Europeană. Îndemn toți colegii să voteze raportul și, încă o dată, o felicit pe colega noastră.
               

Marju Lauristin (S&D). – Mr President, there is a saying that it is better do something good late than never. I think that if we had had the European Pillar of Social Rights at the beginning of the enlargement process, we would not now have such big differences between the new Member States and the old ones. It is very good that, before making the very important changes which come with the digital revolution, we are now discussing what we have to do with regard to social rights and defining social protection for decent working people in this new situation. We very much hope that we will do this in time and that, before these jobs disappear and new jobs arrive, we will have an understanding of the new social policy and standards and the common social pillar. Then we will an upward convergence rather than a downward one, which is what we have seen up to now.

Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, this report is a key milestone, and we must indeed refocus the delivery of the EU 2020 objectives of smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, paying much more attention to social education and employment targets, as well as properly recognising the contribution of culture in reaching the so-called Social Triple A for the development and wellbeing of individuals and societies. The European Commission has already acknowledged that austerity has increased inequalities, social injustice and poverty in Europe. Children are among the most impacted and remain the group at the highest risk of poverty and social exclusion. If this situation is not properly addressed through decisive political action, we risk excluding a great part of the next generation. So, as a member of the Intergroup on Children's Rights, I am proud that the report we are about to adopt includes a call for the creation of a child guarantee, in line with the ‘Investing in Children’ recommendations, that will ensure that every child in Europe at risk of poverty – including refugees – has access to free healthcare, free education, free childcare, decent housing and adequate nutrition.

Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). – Domnule președinte, vă felicit pentru cel mai mare număr de voturi obținut de un vicepreședinte al Parlamentului European.
               

                  I strongly believe that we have to make strong efforts in order to adapt our social security systems to the living and working conditions Europeans will have in the 21st Century, ensuring that everyone has the necessary education and skills and gets decent living wages, maternity leave, sick leave, pensions and child care. The single market needs rules on decent working conditions in all forms of employment, so that all working people have basic rights regardless of the type of their contract. Decent national wage floors must be ensured in all European Union countries, secondary education should be compulsory and the skills guarantee should ensure that everyone has the skills needed in tomorrow's economy. A child guarantee should ensure that every child at risk of poverty has free healthcare, child care, education, adequate nutrition and decent housing.
               

Tibor Szanyi (S&D). – Elnök úr, tisztelt képviselőház, hosszú idők teltek el, majdnem három évtized, mire ezen a kontinensen rádöbbentünk arra, hogy az oktatásra fordított összegek azok nem pusztán kiadásokat jelentenek, hanem bizony befektetést. Befektetést, nyilván befektetést az emberbe. Hát ugyanígy vagyunk millió más szociális vonzattal, hiszen mindazok a fillérek, centek, eurók, amiket mi az európai szociális jogok pillérének megerősítésére fordítunk, ezek mind mind mind az európai összterméket, az európai GDP-t növelő tételek, bár szemmel láthatólag néha ez a kiadási oldalt húzza, de azért húzza a kiadási oldalt, mert mindenki annyit tud költeni bizonyos célokra, amennyit csak akar.
               

                  Úgyhogy én bátorítanám a jelentéstevőt, illetve bátorítanám valamennyiünket, hogy a szociális jogok érvényesítését egyféle európai beruházásnak, európai befektetésnek tekintsük. Végezetül pedig, szeretném megerősíteni azt, amit a jelentéstevő még indítónyilatkozatában mondott, ez nem az euróövezet pillére, ez az egész Európai Unió pillére, sőt minden Európában dolgozó ember pillére.
               

Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, Euroopan syvin talouskriisi muutti Eurooppaa henkisesti, poliittisesti ja taloudellisesti. Itse asiassa elämme vielä henkisesti tuota talouskriisin aikaa, ja monissa jäsenmaissa harjoitetaan vielä ylikorostunutta, liioiteltua leikkauspolitiikkaa. Nyt on todella viimeinen aika muuttaa tätä politiikan suuntaa, ja Rodriguesin mietintö palvelee sitä erittäin hyvin.
               

                  Toivon, että tämä antaa jäsenmaille ja Euroopan unionille inspiraation ottaa huomioon suuret muutokset, jotka tällä hetkellä talouskriisin pitkän hännän perässä asettavat edelleen haasteita Euroopalle. Jäsen Lauristin mainitsi niistä yhden: digitalisaatio haastaa Euroopan ja työmarkkinat, ikääntyminen haastaa Euroopan ja työmarkkinat, ja kaikki nämä haastavat Euroopan sosiaalisen mallin.
               

(Încheierea procedurii ‘catch the eye’)


Marianne Thyssen,
Lid van de Commissie. – Ik wil in de eerste plaats het Parlement danken voor dit debat en ik wil het Parlement, de rapporteur en de schaduwrapporteurs natuurlijk in de eerste plaats danken voor het rijke en het ambitieuze verslag waarvan ik hoop, maar het ziet er ook naar uit, dat het de brede steun van dit huis zou krijgen als er plenair over gestemd wordt.
               

                  Beste parlementsleden, geachte rapporteur, ik beschouw uw bijdrage inderdaad als een inspiratiebron, maar ook als een steun om onze gedeelde ambities te realiseren. De Europese Unie is een plaats waar zeker niet alles perfect loopt en gelopen is, maar waarvan we wel moeten zeggen dat de sociale dimensie er meer dan in andere plaatsen ter wereld concreet vorm gekregen heeft. Meer dan elders in de wereld is bij ons, door ons, hebben wij samen een werk gemaakt zodat er een goeie combinatie is van economische groei en sociale vooruitgang, de wezenskenmerken van de sociale markteconomie, een van de doelstellingen van het Europees Verdrag.
               

                  Meer dan elders ter wereld ook is er gezorgd voor herverdeling van de welvaart, hoewel dat niet belet dat de ongelijkheid ook in Europa toegenomen is. Maar de wereld verandert en hij verandert snel. We hebben nog af te rekenen met de nasleep van de crisis en we hebben gezien dat die ook met zich meegebracht heeft dat we in plaats van meer convergentie meer divergentie tussen lidstaten gekregen hebben.
               

                  Maar de wereld verandert ook vooral door de globalisering en de digitalisering die een ingrijpende invloed hebben op onze economie en op onze manier van leven en samenleven. Die veranderingen baren de mensen zorgen. Mensen maken zich inderdaad zorgen over hun vrijheid en veiligheid, over de democratie, maar ook over hun economische en hun sociale toekomst en over die toekomst gaat het in de pijlers.
               

                  We hebben een nieuw referentiekader nodig, een nieuw referentiekader waaraan we het werkgelegenheidsbeleid en het sociaal beleid kunnen toetsen, nieuwe uitgangspunten. We moeten kijken hoe we ook in de toekomst ervoor kunnen zorgen dat in nieuwe omstandigheden, in tijden van globalisering, in tijden van technologische verandering, hoe we er ook in die periode voor kunnen zorgen dat de principes van onze sociale markteconomie vorm krijgen in Europa. Dat wil zeggen dat we een competitieve economie hebben, waar kwaliteitsvolle jobs gecreëerd worden, maar waar ook werk gemaakt wordt van duurzame en adequate sociale bescherming en dat gedurende de hele levensloop van de mensen.
               

                  We hebben daarom een referentiewerk nodig en we hebben inderdaad ook concrete actie nodig. Woorden en referentiekaders alleen volstaan niet. We moeten concreet werk maken van die zaak. En we zullen daar ook snel aan beginnen en we gaan daarvoor de tools gebruiken, de instrumenten die we ter beschikking hebben. Wetgevend? ja, daar waar we bevoegdheden hebben en daar waar het aangewezen is. Maar ook benchmarking, coördinatie en ook het inzetten van onze fondsen, van onze financiële middelen.
               

                  Meer dan ooit is het debat over de sociale kwesties deel van het debat over welk Europa we willen, hoe we de toekomst zien van onze Europese Unie. Daarom is, zoals hier ook terecht door de rapporteur gezegd is bij de inleiding van haar verslag, dit debat van fundamenteel belang. Het is daarom goed dat we het hier gehouden hebben. Het was meer dan ooit tijd en ik wil u heel hartelijk daarvoor danken.
               

                  We hebben nog veel werk voor de boeg en ik hoop dat we ook als het op het concrete aankomt heel goed kunnen samenwerken. Hartelijk dank.
               

President. – Before I give you the floor, Ms Rodrigues, Mr Løkkegaard would like to add something. Twenty seconds, you mentioned?

Morten Løkkegaard (ALDE). – Mr President, thank you for that. I don't know whether the interpreter got my question to you, Commissioner, but I asked if you could confirm that you actually said to the Danish press that this minimum wage discussion is a matter of subsidiarity and that we will find national solutions to this. Could you confirm that?

Marianne Thyssen,
Member of the Commission. – Mr President, it is true that wages as such are not part of the competences at European level. It is said explicitly in the Treaty that wages belong to the competence of Member States, and I think that is right because it also respects the autonomy of the social partners who, in most Member States, have a say or have to decide on this, but it does not necessarily prevent us from setting benchmarks. If we want to go to convergence between Member States, that could be good and it can be one of our objectives – that we look all together at what is a decent minimum wage, and what elements we need to decide upon that. We encourage Member States to set a minimum wage, but in the end the decision belongs to the Member States, and it is a principle that we have to respect. We want to respect the distribution of competences as foreseen in the Treaty.

President. – The Commissioner was not obliged to respond to this question, but I am very glad that she did, because we have now clarified this matter.

Maria João Rodrigues,
rapporteur. – Mr President, today's debate was very important
because it was made clear for everybody that, with this report, Parliament sees what is at stake, which is making sure that there will be a turning point in the direction in which the European project is going.
Without a stronger social dimension, there is no future for the European Union. This came out of this debate very clearly. I believe that with this report we can lay down the conditions for a new stage of European social policy because what is at stake is no longer only making a level playing field for the single market to operate. We do need this, but it is not enough. What is at stake is also being able to cope with common challenges, notably the upcoming digital revolution which will profoundly change the way in which the markets operate. What is at stake is to organise a full process of upward economic and social convergence in the European Union and inside the eurozone.
In order to do this we need to combine powerful means: labour and social law, changing the direction of economic governance, and providing the necessary financial means. Regarding the so-called European Semester, we need to have stronger social targets along with economic targets, focusing on the problems of unemployment, social inequalities and poverty to make sure that economic policy takes into account the social impact. We need to have a new kind of interaction between economic and social policy.
Secondly, we need to have the appropriate means, starting with the means for social investment in education, training, tackling poverty and providing good social services. This should also be translated into the Community budget, the European Fund for Strategic Investment, as well as a proper fiscal capacity in the eurozone. These ideas are included in our report and, through these, we also want to establish positive cooperation between our colleagues in the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs and those in the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs. This is the kind of cooperation we need to develop in order to implement such a pillar.
I would like to thank all the shadows once again. Our citizens are making a clear call for a strong social union. Now we just need to deliver.

(Applause)


Elnökváltás: GÁLL–PELCZ ILDIKÓ


alelnök


Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.
                  

                     A szavazásra ma, 12 órakor kerül sor.
                  


Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)



Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD),
per iscritto. – Grande assente nelle politiche dell'UE è la dimensione sociale. È stato costruito il mercato unico senza prevedere una sua integrazione e ciò ha creato e crea tuttora dumping interno e rischi per i lavoratori. Il cosiddetto ‘modello sociale europeo’ in voga alla fine del secolo scorso deve essere aggiornato, ma, soprattutto, è necessario che la dimensione sociale divenga parte integrante delle politiche comuni.
                  

                     La relazione affronta elementi importanti quali la ridistribuzione del reddito, regimi collettivi di previdenza sociale, programmi di assistenza sociale, servizi pubblici, servizi di interesse generale, investimenti nel sociale e lotta all'evasione fiscale. Tuttavia, tali istanze vengono inserite in un contesto che prevede un maggiore coordinamento a livello della governance europea che, così come strutturata oggi contribuisce attivamente ad incentivare diseguaglianze ed impoverimento della gran parte dei cittadini europei, in particolare attraverso l'imposizione del blocco alla spesa pubblica dei singoli Stati membri.
                  

Κώστας Χρυσόγονος (GUE/NGL),
γραπτώς. – Η έκθεση της Επιτροπής Απασχόλησης του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου σχετικά με έναν ευρωπαϊκό πυλώνα κοινωνικών δικαιωμάτων περιέχει σειρά εύστοχων διαπιστώσεων, όπως ότι η κοινωνική διάσταση της ευρωπαϊκής ενοποίησης έχει υποστεί βαρύ πλήγμα από την κρίση της ευρωζώνης, καθώς πολλά κράτη υποχρεώθηκαν να εφαρμόσουν σκληρά μέτρα εσωτερικής υποτίμησης λόγω της έλλειψης κοινών μηχανισμών σταθεροποίησης στο πλαίσιο της ημιτελούς νομισματικής ένωσης. Αδιαμφισβήτητο επίσης είναι ότι, όπως αναφέρει η έκθεση, με την κρίση αυτή η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει αρχίσει να θεωρείται από πολλούς πολίτες ως μηχανισμός που δημιουργεί αποκλίσεις, ανισότητες και κοινωνική αδικία. Είναι ακόμη θετική η έκκληση που περιλαμβάνεται στην έκθεση, να εργαστούν από κοινού η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή με τους κοινωνικούς εταίρους προκειμένου να υποβάλουν πρόταση οδηγίας πλαισίου για την προώθηση της αξιοπρεπούς εργασίας, ώστε να διασφαλισθεί μεταξύ άλλων το δικαίωμα των συλλογικών διαπραγματεύσεων και της συλλογικής δράσης, δηλαδή της απεργίας. Το πρόβλημα ωστόσο είναι ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή όχι μόνο παραλείπει να φέρει στο Κοινοβούλιο ένα παρόμοιο σχέδιο οδηγίας, αλλά με την πολιτική της υποβαθμίζει τις συλλογικές διαπραγματεύσεις, όταν δρα ως μέλος της ‘τρόικας’ στα πλαίσια του ελληνικού προγράμματος και επιβάλει την αποδυνάμωση της ισχύος των συλλογικών συμβάσεων στην Ελλάδα. Χρειαζόμαστε λοιπόν έργα και όχι λόγια και τα χρειαζόμαστε άμεσα.
                  

Birgit Collin-Langen (PPE),
schriftlich. – Ich bin der Überzeugung, dass die wirtschaftliche Integration innerhalb der EU sozialpolitisch flankiert werden muss. Die europäische Marktwirtschaft ist eine soziale Marktwirtschaft. Deshalb muss es auch auf europäischer Ebene eine Sozialpolitik geben, die die Marktprozesse im Interesse der Bürgerinnen und Bürger sozial gestaltet. Die europäische Säule sozialer Rechte sollte entsprechend eine unterstützende, ergänzende und koordinierende Funktion einnehmen. Dabei muss jedoch berücksichtigt werden, dass im sozialpolitischen Bereich die Zuständigkeiten nicht bei der EU, sondern bei den Mitgliedstaaten liegen, und dass hier das Subsidiaritätsprinzip Anwendung findet: Die Gestaltung von Kündigungsschutz, Renteneintrittsalter oder Elternzeit ist Angelegenheit der Mitgliedstaaten.
                  

Viorica Dăncilă (S&D),
în scris. – În prezent, statele membre ale UE se confruntă cu provocări sociale și în materie de ocupare a forței de muncă, dar și cu o evoluție continuă a acestei piețe, cu forme ‘atipice’ sau ‘non-standard’ de ocupare: munca temporară sau cu fracțiune de normă, munca sezonieră sau cea intermediată de platformele digitale. În plus, asistăm la o diversificare a forței de muncă, lucru care poate aduce beneficii și poate genera alte oportunități profesionale, dar poate genera și inconveniente – insecuritate economică prelungită, condiții de muncă precare, venituri mai scăzute și mai puțin sigure, lipsa asigurărilor sociale și de sănătate, lipsa perspectivelor de carieră și dificultăți în concilierea muncii cu viața de familie.
                  

                     Consider deci că sunt necesare investiții strategice adecvate și mai consistente pentru realizarea obiectivelor sociale ale UE și în materie de ocupare a forței de muncă, dar și un sprijin mai substanțial pentru coeziune în regiunile defavorizate, cu scopul de a le face mai competitive și a preveni accentuarea declinului demografic, cu accent pe reducerea sărăciei în rândul copiilor, și adoptarea de măsuri concrete pentru a asigura acces gratuit la asistență medicală, învățământ, la o locuință decentă și la o alimentație adecvată.
                  

Rosa Estaràs Ferragut (PPE),
por escrito. – El Pilar social europeo fue anunciado por el presidente Juncker ante el Parlamento Europeo, el 9 de Septiembre de 2015. El Pilar europeo de derechos sociales establece una serie de principios esenciales para apoyar los mercados laborales y unos sistemas de protección social justos y que funcionen correctamente para la zona del euro. Los ámbitos de actuación del Pilar se agrupan en tres ramas principales; la igualdad de oportunidades y acceso al mercado laboral, unas condiciones laborales justas y una protección social adecuada. El informe resalta que las personas que se encuentran en situaciones vulnerables o que son víctimas más frecuentes de la discriminación, como las mujeres, las minorías étnicas, los desempleados de larga duración, los ciudadanos de la tercera edad y las personas con discapacidad pueden necesitar medidas complementarias destinadas a promover su participación en el mercado laboral y garantizar niveles de vida dignos a lo largo de su vida; En este sentido, destacar también que el informe insiste en que los derechos de las personas con discapacidad deben integrarse en todo el pilar social con un enfoque basado en los derechos humanos que esté en consonancia con las obligaciones de la Unión y de sus Estados miembros en virtud de la CRPD
                  

Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D),
písomne. – Sociálne systémy vo väčšine európskych štátov sú z pohľadu ich fungovania a výsledkov stále príkladom pre zvyšok sveta. Napriek tomu sa vďaka skúsenosti a dôsledkom hospodárskej a dlhovej krízy oslabila dôvera v ich fungovanie. Cieľom európskeho piliera sociálnych práv má byť reforma sociálnych systémov a ich lepšie prispôsobenie sa podmienkam 21. storočia. Sociálne systémy musia mať opäť dôveru ľudí. Musia poskytovať účinné garancie a čeliť šokovým situáciám predovšetkým v ťažkých časoch hospodárskych kríz. Podmienky a potreby v sociálnych systémoch európskych krajín sa líšia. Spoločným cieľom je však prosperita občanov. V tom sme si v Európe určite zajedno. Na jeho dosiahnutie je dôležitá efektívna spolupráca, a nie zaslepené výzvy na rozbíjanie Európskej Únie a podnecovanie vzájomnej nevraživosti. Snahou musí byť tvorba udržateľných pracovných miest, ale aj zaistenie dôstojných a spravodlivých podmienok na prácu. Rovnako znižovanie neúnosných sociálnych rozdielov za súčasnej podpory sociálnych investícií. Podmienkou je aj lepšia regulácia medzinárodného kapitálu so zameraním sa na daňové systémy. Treba viac zabraňovať prelievaniu peňazí z európskych krajín s riadnymi daňovými systémami do kadejakých daňových rajov.
                  

Enrico Gasbarra (S&D),
per iscritto. – Occorre fare il massimo affinché l'Unione europea reagisca in modo rapido e visibile alle crescenti frustrazioni e preoccupazioni di larga parte della cittadinanza.
                  

                     Non sono più possibili risposte ordinarie: le prospettive di vita incerte, la disoccupazione, le disuguaglianze crescenti ci impongono un'azione concreta e urgente sul versante dell'Europa sociale. Sono necessari nuovi strumenti, nuove misure concrete per sostenere chi è in maggiore difficoltà e per rilanciare in forme innovative tutto il pilastro dei diritti sociali.
                  

                     La Commissione europea ha avanzato una consultazione e le parti sociali hanno reagito con alcune proposte di grande interesse, la risposta del Parlamento è ora di grande ambizione, attraverso l'elencazione di priorità molto precise su come strutturare il modello sociale europeo per l'avvenire.
                  

                     Mi preme in particolare ricordare i passaggi del rapporto Rodrigues in cui si ribadisce l'importanza della contrattazione collettiva come un diritto fondamentale primario dell'UE. Da tale principio emana la convinzione, più volte espressa da quest'Aula, di quanto possa essere al tempo stesso giusto e utile per la crescita un coinvolgimento dei lavoratori nel management delle società, attraverso l'introduzione, quanto più possibile, di misure di informazione, consultazione e partecipazione, soprattutto al fine di raggiungere nuovi e migliori modelli di organizzazione del lavoro e di anticipare i cambiamenti economici.
                  

Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (S&D),
na piśmie. – Europejski filar praw socjalnych jest częścią prac podjętych przez Komisję Europejską na rzecz pogłębionej i bardziej sprawiedliwej unii gospodarczej i walutowej (UGW). Wyznacza on również kierunek działań na rzecz lepszej konwergencji strefy euro. UE powinna bezzwłocznie zareagować na rosnącą frustrację wielu osób związaną z niepewną przyszłością, bezrobociem i brakiem perspektyw, zwłaszcza dla ludzi młodych. Należy również umocnić fundamenty integracji europejskiej i zwiększyć wśród mieszkańców poczucie przynależności do wspólnoty.
                  

                     Europejski filar praw socjalnych powinien przyczyniać się do właściwego stosowania międzynarodowych norm pracy i modernizacji dorobku socjalnego. Ponadto standardy, które należy zapisać w europejskim filarze praw socjalnych, powinny być stosowane do wszystkich państw uczestniczących w jednolitym rynku, a prawodawstwo i mechanizmy zarządzania potrzebne do ich osiągnięcia powinny mieć zastosowanie do wszystkich państw członkowskich UE.
                  

                     Pewne ograniczenia wynikające z udziału w strefie euro wymagają ustalenia dodatkowych celów i norm socjalnych oraz rozważenia wsparcia finansowego na szczeblu strefy euro, otwartego zarazem na zasadzie dobrowolności dla państw członkowskich spoza strefy euro.
                  

Jaromír Kohlíček (GUE/NGL),
písemně. – O evropském pilíři sociálních práv se v různých souvislostech v rámci EU popsaly již tisíce stran. Zejména v poslední dekádě se jedná o takové množství materiálů, že je obtížné je i pouze sledovat, natož pak zajistit jejich plnění. Aktuálně projednávaná zpráva EP na toto téma proto hned v úvodu obsahuje 71 odkazů na různé úmluvy, charty a studie. Snad nejstarší z nich, Schumanova deklarace z 9. května roku 1950 již vyzývala k ‘vyrovnání a zlepšování životních podmínek pracujících’. Bohužel, ani výše zmíněná deklarace z roku 1950, stejně jako řada dalších, jež ji následovaly, nedošla naplnění, a zdá se, že ani v nejbližší době není v daném systému šance, aby byla naplněna. Přední ekonomové světa upozorňují na zrychlené rozevírání nůžek mezi stále užší skupinou nejbohatších vlastníků a rychle se rozšiřující většinou těch, kteří žijí na hranici sociální nouze. Z celé zprávy je tedy vidět obrovská nerovnost mezi vytvářením dobrých podmínek pro volný pohyb kapitálu a sociálními podmínkami v jednotlivých státech EU. Jejich obrovské rozdíly se přes deklarované úsilí nejen nedaří snižovat, ale v řadě oblastí se naopak zvětšují. Řešením může být zjevně pouze systémová změna, o kterou však zatím usilují pouze strany autentické levice.
                  

Ádám Kósa (PPE),
írásban. – Az Európai Parlament előtt fekvő, szociális jogokkal foglalkozó jelentés már a tagállamok szuverenitását és magát a szubszidiaritás elvét veszélyezteti. Ennek ellenére a dokumentum számos olyan elemet tartalmaz ugyanakkor, amelyet támogatunk és Magyarországon már megvalósult. A teljes felsorolás igénye nélkül, a legutóbbi időszak legfontosabb eredmények közé tartozik pl. a kisgyermekek 90 százaléka eszik ingyen naponta háromszor, a hátrányos helyzetű gyermekek pedig a tanítási szünetekben is ingyenesen jutnak ételhez. A minimálbér emelés területén is jelentős előrelépés történt az elmúlt 25 év távlatában is. A jelentésben megjelenő intézményi elhelyezés és tartós ápolás-gondozás tekintetében megvalósul a nagy, vidéki intézményekben elhelyezett fogyatékos emberek (3500-4000 fő) kisebb lakóegységekbe költöztetése is. Az eddigi rezsicsökkentés és az új, otthonteremtési megoldások és kezdeményezések is fontosak, idén márciustól számtalan a közigazgatási ügyintézéshez kapcsolódó illeték és díj szűnik meg. A legszegényebb fogyasztók érdekében csökkent – többek közt – az áfa a tej, a tojás és a baromfi esetében. A Digitális Jólét Program révén egy kedvezményes díjazású internetcsomag is megjelenik. A munkahelyvédelmi akcióterv révén évente átlagosan 900 ezer munkavállaló foglalkoztatását segítik, így jelentősen nőhetett a nők és a fiatalok foglalkoztatási szintje is. Az adókijátszás és kikerülés területén az online-kasszás sikere nyomán 1000 milliárd forinttal, közel egyharmaddal nőttek az áfa bevételek 2011-hez képest.
                  

Андрей Ковачев (PPE),
в писмена форма. – Променящите се социални реалности в Европа могат да доведат до дисбаланси, които вредят на конкурентоспособността на европейската икономика и дългосрочния потенциал за растеж. Затова е важно да търсим отговори на тези предизвикателства на базата на общи принципи, които гарантират, че растежът на икономиката води до високи равнища на заетост и социална защита, демонстрирайки ползите от европейската интеграция за всички граждани.
                  

                     Социалната политика не се свежда единствено до осигуряването на социални помощи и пенсии чрез преразпределяне на бюджетни средства, а трябва да се разглежда преди всичко като инвестиция, която ще донесе дългосрочни ползи, като направи европейските граждани по-независими и овластени. Смятам, че европейският стълб на социалните права трябва приоритетно да засегне въпроса за достъпа до здравни услуги и здравните неравенства, които имат значителни последици за икономиката и обществото като цяло. В тази връзка смятам, че е важно новият стълб да важи за всички държави членки, защото страните с най-големи проблеми при осигуряването на универсално здравно покритие са извън еврозоната.
                  

Verónica Lope Fontagné (PPE),
por escrito. – Los ciudadanos europeos llevan tiempo pidiendo a Europa que se centre en los aspectos sociales, y por ello quiero expresar mi satisfacción por este informe, ya que ayudará a equilibrar mejor las políticas económicas y las necesidades sociales, apoyará unos mercados laborales y unos sistemas de protección más justos y fortalecerá el modelo social europeo, ayudando a alcanzar una convergencia económica, social y territorial al alza. Desde la UE tenemos que hacer frente a importantes retos actuales y futuros como son la digitalización de la economía y la consiguiente aparición de nuevos puestos y modalidades de trabajo, los retos demográficos o la lacra de la pobreza, que desgraciadamente sigue muy presente en nuestra sociedad. La reducción de la pobreza y la exclusión social debe ser uno de los pilares del pilar social ya que el crecimiento actual solo podrá ser sostenible si incluye a todos los ciudadanos. Para lograrlo tenemos que trabajar conjuntamente a corto plazo, a través de políticas que permitan paliar la pobreza existente y favorezcan la entrada al mercado laboral, y a largo plazo, mediante políticas capaces de romper el círculo de la pobreza, principalmente centradas en la educación y la reducción del abandono escolar.
                  

Pavel Poc (S&D),
písemně. – Článek 2 tzv. Lisabonské smlouvy, pozměňující Smlouvu o Evropské unii a Smlouvu o založení Evropského společenství, (2007/C 306/01) stipuluje boj proti sociálnímu vyloučení, podporu sociální spravedlnosti, soudržnosti a solidarity jako jeden z hlavních úkolů Evropské unie. Chtěl bych tyto cíle postavit do kontrastu s šokujícími výsledky nedávno vydané zprávy mezinárodní charitativní organizace Oxfam zaměřující se na nerovnou distribuci bohatství na celém světě, včetně Evropské unie. Ano, i na území našeho kontinentu dochází k velmi nebezpečnému rozšiřování nůžek mezi bohatými a chudými vrstvami obyvatel, kterému pravicové vlády zdárně napomáhají. Udržují tak Evropu v nerovnovážném stavu brzdícím zlepšení pracovních a životních podmínek všech a přispívají tím i k nezdravému vyhrocování politické situace. Naše Skupina socialistů a demokratů bojuje za sociální konvergenci směrem nahoru, za zvýšení sociálních standardů skutečně odpovídajících 21. století. Bojujeme za lepší nastavení evropské hospodářské správy, posílení Evropského sociálního fondu, zabezpečení minimálního příjmu Evropanů, ochranu před negativními důsledky globalizace vyúsťující v kolektivní propouštění, ochranu všech dětí ohrožených chudobou a vzdělávání. Podporuji proto pevný evropský pilíř sociálních práv zapadající do konceptu sociální Evropy. Nepotřebujeme komplikovanou Evropu, jejíž existence je založená na tajných pravicových dohodách a službách nadnárodním společnostem. Potřebujeme transparentní Evropskou unii, která se bude soustředit primárně na potřeby svých občanů.
                  

Soraya Post (S&D),
in writing. – More than 122.3 million people live at risk of poverty and social exclusion in the EU, such as the Roma, its largest minority, most of whom live in extreme poverty, face widespread and severe social exclusion, and often experience barriers in accessing major EU programmes. Therefore, the main goal of the Social Pillar should be to lift these people out of this situation and break the cycle of poverty and social exclusion, thereby also reaching SDGs. This, however, is only possible if the planned Social Pillar is not limited to be developed in the eurozone. Non-euro countries struggle with similar social and employment-related challenges, and thus leaving them out might result in an even greater social divergence. For a truly social Europe, in which we leave no one behind, the principle of equal treatment and non-discrimination and that of gender equality have to be mainstreamed throughout the planned Social Pillar. There should be special measures taken to reach out to socially-disadvantaged people by planned structural reforms and social investments, in order to enable and empower them, and there should be a clear and viable implementation roadmap with strong monitoring and evaluation with the involvement of civil society organisations.

Christine Revault D'Allonnes Bonnefoy (S&D),
par écrit. – Le rapport sur le socle européen des droits sociaux est un rapport qui fera date dans la construction d'une Europe sociale au service des citoyens européens. Ce rapport est la réponse du Parlement européen aux engagements que le président Juncker n'a toujours pas tenus en faveur d'une Europe du triple A social. Une réponse forte et ambitieuse qui se décline en plusieurs propositions concrètes: une directive-cadre sur le travail décent, une directive pour la santé au travail ou encore l'intégration d'un protocole social dans les traités pour garantir des droits sociaux fondamentaux. Ce rapport propose aussi des réformes profondes afin de mettre en place un revenu minimum décent partout en Europe.
                  

                     La Commission devra prendre en compte toutes ces propositions si elle veut tenir ses engagements. Enfin, je vous appelle à ne pas voter les amendements qui visent à baisser le niveau d'ambition du rapport et à dénaturer ses propositions. C'est la faiblesse de la dimension sociale du marché intérieur qui alimente aujourd'hui le rejet du projet européen. L'Europe sociale c'est l'alternative aux projets des populistes qui prônent le repli sur soi. Il faut envoyer un message clair et sans ambiguïté aux citoyens européens.
                  

Bart Staes (Verts/ALE),
schriftelijk. – Wie kwaliteitsvolle jobcreatie zegt, denkt automatisch aan een groene en sociale economie. Als we de sociale pijler in Europa willen verstevigen, is een bescherming van de sociale rechten nodig: gelijke rechten, voor gelijk werk, of werknemers tijdelijk of vast in dienst zijn. Dat weten we al lang, en dat zeggen we ook al lang. Dit rapport is een verdienstelijke bijdrage om verder te gaan dan mooie woorden en principes. Jobcreatie en groene economie gaan hand in hand: nieuwe jobs in de energiesector, voor isolatie van huizen, het zijn vaak kmo's die werkgever zijn. Naast sociale bescherming willen zij ook flexibiliteit. Begrijpelijk, maar niet zonder de nodige sociale bescherming, jobzekerheid en een goed evenwicht tussen werken en vrije tijd. Ook bewijst de aanpak via coöperatieve vennootschappen haar nut als duurzaam organisatiemodel voor kmo's. Mede-eigendom, medezeggenschap zijn ingrediënten voor een sociale en solidaire economie die sociale bescherming van werknemers in kmo's mogelijk maakt. Het rapport bevat vele van bovenstaande elementen. Het is ook geamendeerd door de groene fractie met een actieplan om minimuminkomens in kmo's te garanderen om armoede en sociale uitsluiting van werknemers tegen te gaan. Ik zal met overtuiging voor stemmen.
                  

Adam Szejnfeld (PPE),
na piśmie. – Nie ulega żadnej wątpliwości, iż wiele krajów Unii Europejskiej nadal boryka się z problemami społecznymi wynikającymi z kryzysu finansowego, w szczególności wysokim bezrobociem. W przypadku innych państw, szczególnie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, stosunkowo niski poziom zamożności wynika zaś z przyczyn historycznych. Zaproponowany przez Komisję Europejską europejski filar praw socjalnych ma na celu wsparcie zatrudnienia i postępu społecznego. Przy istniejących obecnie dużych różnicach w poziomie zabezpieczenia społecznego w 28 krajach UE trudno sobie jednak wyobrazić wypracowywanie szczegółowych rozwiązań dotyczących polityki społecznej na poziomie Wspólnoty, a nie na poziomie poszczególnych państw członkowskich.
                  

                     Dlatego obawiam się, iż inicjatywa Komisji w obecnym kształcie, pomimo szczytnych założeń, może w praktyce doprowadzić do naruszenia lub wręcz dawać przyzwolenie państwom UE na ograniczanie fundamentalnych dla jednolitego rynku swobód: przepływu pracowników i świadczenia usług. Takie działania, prowadzone już teraz pod pretekstem walki z tzw. ‘dumpingiem socjalnym’, są całkowicie niezgodne z ideą, zasadami oraz przepisami ustanowionymi na rzecz stworzenia jednolitego rynku. Ba, nie leżą w interesie państw-biedniejszych członków UE, które muszą mieć szansę na szybkie nadrabianie zaległości, zwłaszcza tych, które zaistniały po II wojnie światowej i utrwalały się w okresie ‘zimnej wojny’.
                  

Theodor Dumitru Stolojan (PPE),
în scris. – Uniunea Europeană are nevoie de un pilon european al drepturilor sociale. Dar acest pilon social trebuie să cuprindă un număr redus de drepturi sociale reglementate la nivel european. În esență, drepturile și politicile sociale trebuie să fie în puterea de decizie a fiecărui stat membru. Avem în vedere că factorii determinanți ai drepturilor și politicilor sociale sunt specifici fiecărui stat membru: evoluția demografică, nivelul de dezvoltare economică, tradițiile în politicile sociale etc. Consider că ceea ce se dorește a fi definit la nivel european depășește cu mult ceea ce este necesar.
                  

Claudiu Ciprian Tănăsescu (S&D),
în scris. – În contextul dezvoltării durabile și al schimbărilor exponențiale în toate domeniile socio-economice, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să-și asume rapid și vizibil responsabilitatea în ceea ce privește inegalitățile tot mai accentuate apărute în comunitatea europeană, creșterea șomajului, dezechilibrele dintre viața profesională și cea privată, sărăcia în rândul copiilor, tinerilor și al celor în vârstă, precum și a sistemelor necesare menținerii sănătății, securității și demnității umane. Mai ales că, la nivel mondial, Uniunea Europeană prezintă standarde ridicate (nu doar) în materie de asistență socială și muncă. Aceasta deoarece modelul social european dezvoltat reprezintă cel mai avansat din istoria lumii, fapt ce îi conferă și îi încredințează Uniunii Europene menirea de lider în domeniul drepturilor sociale.
                  

                     Astfel că este salutară reflecția asupra acquis-ului social existent, ce aduce împreună parlamentele naționale, guvernele, instituțiile UE, societatea civilă și partenerii sociali, în vederea elaborării unui pilon al drepturilor sociale, care să abordeze integrat formele de protecție socială și serviciile sociale. Evident, implementarea unui astfel de pilon necesită instrumente (inclusiv financiare), investiții sociale publice, mecanisme, legislație și politici convergente cu cele economice, sociale și de ocupare, astfel încât să conducă la creșterea bunăstării fiecărei entități europene (mai ales angajați și lucrători cu contracte de muncă ‘atipice’).
                  

Valdemar Tomaševski (ECR),
raštu. – Šiuolaikinė Europa turi pažangiausią socialinį modelį per visą savo istoriją. Jo dėka didžiajai gyventojų daliai buvo užtikrintos deramos darbo sąlygos, visa apimanti socialinė apsauga ir pakankamai geros viešosios paslaugos. Socialinis modelis taip pat padėjo gerokai padidinti našumą ir Europos konkurencingumą. Būtina, kad mūsų valstybės gerovės struktūros neatsiliktų nuo demografinių pokyčių, technologijų, globalizacijos ir neseniai gerokai padidėjusios socialinės nelygybės. Tuo pačiu turime atitaisyti ilgos ekonominės krizės padarytą žalą, kurios pasekmes jaučiame iki šiol. ES ir vėl turi tapti atrama šiuo požiūriu, stiprindama valstybes nares ir padėdama joms propaguoti Europos socialinį modelį, visų pirma remdama šeimą ir jos vaidmenį visuomenėje. Tik tokiu būdu galima veiksmingai kovoti su demografiniu nuosmukiu mūsų žemyne. Europos ekonomikos valdymas turi būti toliau pertvarkomas labiau atsižvelgiant į socialinius rodiklius ir ekonominės politikos formavimą. Kalbant apie euro zoną, reikia pradėti tinkamą ciklą, kuriame būtų kuriamos kokybiškos darbo vietos, suteikiančios žmonėms ekonominį saugumą ir užimtumą. Didesnis užimtumas ir didesnė socialinės apsaugos apimtis taip pat padidintų surenkamų pajamų kiekį, taip padidindama valstybės gerovės tvarumą, ir tai yra svarbus iššūkis, su kuriuo dabar susiduriame.
                  

Romana Tomc (PPE),
pisno. – Evropa po krizi počasi okreva, a socialna neenakost ponekod ostaja zelo visoka. Pozdravljam prizadevanja Komisije, da z novim stebrom socialnih pravic te neenakosti odpravi.
                  

                     Le na dobro stoječem gospodarstvu, ki se je sposobno odzvati na pretrese in se jim prilagoditi, lahko gradimo pravičen socialni sistem. Zdravo gospodarstvo bo prineslo urejen trg s poštenimi delovnimi pogoji, ustrezno in vzdržno socialno zaščito, enakimi možnostmi in dostopom do trga dela.
                  

                     Ne glede na to, da si želimo večjega poenotenja, pa je treba upoštevati načelo subsidiarnosti, po katerem imajo države članice možnost, da same urejajo nekatera področja, kot so na primer minimalna plača, porodniški dopust, socialna nadomestila idr.
                  

                     Evropska unija potrebuje močan socialni model, ki bo temeljil na dejanskih, ljudem dostopnih in razumljivih ukrepih. Komisija je v svojem predlogu pokrila številne pereče tematike, nujno pa je, da se zagotovi izvajanje predlaganih ukrepov, da ne ostanejo le črke na papirju.
                  

Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D),
schriftelijk. – Ik verwelkom de Europese Pijler van Sociale rechten als belangrijk initiatief om een meer sociale unie tot stand te brengen en ons sociaal model de 21ste eeuw in te loodsen. Het is een kans om concrete acties op te zetten waarvan burgers ervaren dat ze hen ten goede komen. Ik denk dan aan het recht op een minimuminkomen, een pakket sociale rechten die gelden voor alle werkenden (werknemers én zelfstandigen), het recht op vorming, een kindgarantie die ervoor moet zorgen dat minder kinderen in armoede of sociale uitsluiting opgroeien. Hiervoor zijn niet alleen wetgevende initiatieven nodig, maar ook bijkomende middelen. Naast de concrete initiatieven, en minstens even belangrijk, moet de Sociale pijler ervoor zorgen dat sociaal beleid op een gelijkwaardige voet met economisch en monetair beleid geplaatst wordt. Analoog aan het fiscal compact, dat lidstaten verplicht hun begrotingen in evenwicht te houden, moet er een Sociaal Pact afgesloten worden. Dat Sociaal Pact moet niet alleen de grote principes van de Sociale pijler verankeren in Europese wetgeving, maar moet ook toelaten dat lidstaten verplicht worden hun sociaal beleid ernstig te nemen. Slechte scores op gebied van (jeugd-)werkloosheid, (kinder-)armoede enz. zijn immers minstens even problematisch als slechte begrotingscijfers.
                  
4.   Debates on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law (debate)
4.1.   Indonesia, notably the cases of Hosea Yeimo, Ismael Alua and the Governor of Jakarta

Elnök asszony. – A következő napirendi pont vita hét, Indonéziával, nevezetesen Hoszea Jeimo, Iszmael Alua és Jakarta kormányzója ügyével kapcsolatos állásfoglalási indítványról (2017/2506(RSP)).
                  

Pier Antonio Panzeri,
autore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il mese scorso oltre 500 persone sono state arrestate e in seguito rilasciate per aver partecipato a diverse manifestazioni pacifiche simultanee tenutesi in diverse regioni dell'Indonesia, in particolare nella provincia della Papua occidentale.
                  

                     Hosea Yeimo e Ismael Alua, due giovani attivisti appartenenti a un'organizzazione studentesca, sono stati arrestati e accusati di ribellione per poi essere rilasciati con il divieto di lasciare la città. A Giacarta, invece, il governatore Ahok, appartenente alla minoranza cristiana, il primo governatore non musulmano eletto, è sotto processo per il reato di blasfemia.
                  

                     Con questa risoluzione si chiede che l'Indonesia non solo riveda la propria posizione per i casi citati, ma si attivi per la tutela dei diritti umani, con l'immediata abolizione della pena di morte ancora vigente. Ci auguriamo che nel dialogo di alto livello tra Indonesia e Unione europea questi temi non solo vengono trattati ma avviati a soluzione.
                  

Bas Belder,
Auteur. – Eenheid in verscheidenheid, het nationale motto van Indonesië. Tolerantie tussen alle groepen, culturen en religies. Het is de grote verantwoordelijkheid van de Europese Unie, dus ook van ons hier, alle Indonesische gezagsdragers in het kader van de onderlinge betrekkingen daarop krachtig en vasthoudend aan te spreken, want zelfs zeer bedachtzame kringen in de archipel, zo hoorde ik gisteren nog, vrezen ernstig dat de nationale slinger zich beweegt naar islamitisch fundamentalisme en radicalisme, dat wil zeggen intolerantie.
                  

                     Treurige illustratie daarvan is het proces tegen de huidige gouverneur van Jakarta. Diens christelijke én Chinese achtergrond zijn de evidente motieven van de aanklagers. Al op de eerste dag van de rechtszaak tegen Ahok intimideerden zijn islamitische opponenten de rechters, het tegendeel van eenheid in verscheidenheid! Daarom moeten wij de noodklok luiden met alle democratische krachten in Indonesië.
                  

Barbara Lochbihler,
Verfasserin. – Frau Präsidentin! Einige Kollegen in diesem Haus stören die Menschenrechts-Dringlichkeitsaktionen. Sie halten sie für sinnlos, für einen Störfaktor in den Beziehungen mit den angesprochenen Ländern. Blickt man jedoch mit offenen Augen in diese Länder, dann sieht man sehr leicht, dass unsere urgencies sowohl von den Regierungen, den Parlamenten, den Medien als auch von der Zivilgesellschaft wahrgenommen werden. Deshalb freut es mich besonders, dass in der vorliegenden Entschließung die beiden festgenommenen Mitglieder der West Papua National Committees, Hosea Yeimo und Ismael Alua, noch im Prozess der Erarbeitung der Entschließung wieder freigelassen wurden. Der nächste Schritt muss aber sein, auch die Anklage gegen die beiden wegen rein friedlicher politischer Aktivitäten fallenzulassen.
                  

                     Es sind keine Einzelfälle. Berichten zufolge ist ein starker Anstieg an politischen Verhaftungen in West-Papua zu verzeichnen. Versammlungs- und Meinungsfreiheit müssen garantiert werden, und Gesetze wie Artikel 106 und 110 des indonesischen Strafgesetzbuchs dürfen nicht zur Kriminalisierung friedlicher politischer Aktivitäten missbraucht werden.
                  

(Die Rednerin ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der ‘blauen Karte’ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)


Arne Gericke (ECR),
Frage nach dem Verfahren der ‘blauen Karte’
                        . – Frau Kollegin Lochbihler! Gibt es nicht schon seit der Auflösung der Kolonie von den Niederlanden die Empfehlung, dass West-Papua eigentlich zu Papua-Neuguinea gehört und die Insel Neuguinea eine Einheit bildet? Hat es nicht schon seit Jahrzehnten Zwangsumsiedlungen der Urbevölkerung aus West-Papua weg gegeben, die im Grunde dazu geführt haben, dass mittlerweile die Urbevölkerung eine Minderheit bildet?
                  

Barbara Lochbihler,
Verfasserin, Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der ‘blauen Karte’
                        . – Ich bin keine Indonesien-Expertin. Aber das ist auch, was ich gelesen habe. Nur, ich denke, dass wir uns da positionieren. Ob wir für eine Unabhängigkeit sind oder nicht, das sprengt eigentlich den Rahmen einer menschenrechtspolitischen Diskussion.
                  

Ignazio Corrao,
autore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, buongiorno Commissario, le autorità governative in Indonesia hanno adottato una politica sempre più repressiva nei confronti di oppositori, attivisti e rappresentanti delle minoranze sul territorio, accanendosi soprattutto nei confronti della comunità papuana. Sono stati documentati a diverse ONG, infatti, arresti arbitrari a seguito di proteste pacifiche e conseguenti maltrattamenti ad opera di guardie carcerarie. Di tale politica ne ha fatto le spese anche il governatore di Giacarta, condannato con l'accusa di blasfemia, un pretesto volto a screditare ed eliminare un personaggio scomodo.
                  

                     La complessità del caso e la vastità delle operazioni dovrebbero farci riflettere sull'effettiva portata della multireligiosità indonesiana, che potrebbe addirittura influire sulla futura democrazia del paese. Non possiamo dimenticare che l'Indonesia è un nostro importante partner commerciale ed è fondamentale, pertanto, che le relazioni economiche e commerciali bilaterali siano accompagnate da una ferma pretesa di miglioramento nella situazione interna in materia di diritti umani, a partire dai casi dibattuti in questa risoluzione e compresi i diritti delle minoranze.
                  

                     L'Unione europea deve monitorare costantemente ciò che avviene in Indonesia e usare la leva commerciale per tutelare i diritti umani.
                  

(L'oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda ‘cartellino blu’ (articolo 162, paragrafo 8, del regolamento))


Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D),
blue-card question. – Dear colleague, as I know very well you are a lawyer, do you not think that the European Union should intervene in order that Indonesia immediately repeal its blasphemy laws, the electronic information and transaction law, and the provisions in its criminal code relating to rebellion?

Ignazio Corrao (EFDD),
Risposta a una domanda ‘cartellino blu’
                        . – Sì, on. Frunzulică, io sono d'accordo, dovrebbe intervenire, l'Unione europea dovrebbe utilizzare quello che è in suo potere dal punto di vista diplomatico per cercare, appunto, di fare pressione sul governo affinché vengano modificate queste leggi.
                  

Marie-Christine Vergiat,
auteure. – Madame la Présidente, l'Indonésie est un très grand pays, le plus grand pays musulman du monde, riche d'une grande diversité culturelle et religieuse reconnue par sa Constitution.
                  

                     L'Indonésie a fait des progrès importants vers la démocratie depuis la chute du général Suharto. Pourtant, des sources d'inquiétude subsistent. Tel est le cas avec la répression des militants pacifistes papous. Hosea Yeimo et Ismael Alua en sont les symboles. Même chose avec l'instrumentalisation des lois archaïques sur le blasphème, notamment contre le gouverneur de Jakarta, à la veille des élections locales. On pourrait aussi parler du lourd bilan du président Jokowi en matière d'exécutions capitales, essentiellement pour trafic de drogue, dont le cas de Serge Atlaoui est symbolique, mais aussi des violences à l'égard des LGBTI, ou du travail des enfants.
                  

                     Enfin, il serait temps, comme le demande la commission indonésienne des droits de l'homme, d'ouvrir le dossier des massacres de 1965, au cours desquels des centaines de milliers de communistes ou supposés tels ont perdu la vie, et alors que leurs descendants continuent d'être persécutés en Indonésie.
                  

                     Alors, oui, le dialogue sur les droits de l'homme prend tout son sens dans ce pays.
                  

Frédérique Ries,
auteure. – Madame la Présidente, Hosea Yeimo et Ismael Alua, les deux militants pacifistes papous qui sont à l'origine de notre débat de ce matin, ont effectivement été libérés mais leur sort reste inquiétant. Accusés de rébellion, ils risquent maintenant la prison à vie. Il est donc essentiel que le Service européen pour l'action extérieure maintienne la pression. C'est ce que nous demandons précisément dans notre résolution.
                  

                     J'aurais apprécié que notre texte commun mentionne et exige de façon aussi claire, précise et ferme la levée des charges qui pèsent sur le gouverneur de Jakarta, dont le sort a été évoqué. Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, chrétien d'origine chinoise, se trouve injustement accusé de blasphème par les islamistes radicaux.
                  

                     Madame la Présidente, les bonnes relations qu'entretient légitimement l'Union européenne avec l'Indonésie – et je n'oublie pas ici que ce pays a été l'un des tout premiers frappés par les attentats islamistes – ne doivent pas nous empêcher de continuer à être exigeants sur la question du respect des droits de l'homme.
                  

Jeroen Lenaers,
author. – Madam President, the ties between the EU and Indonesia go back many years, and they have never been stronger than today: we have the adoption of the EU-Indonesia Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, the negotiations on the FTA and, last but not least, we had the relaunch of the European Parliament-Indonesia Friendship Group earlier this year. As part of our friendship, which is based on shared values of human rights, democracy and governance, united in diversity, it is crucial that we are able to discuss matters that concern us with each other. That is exactly the point of this resolution here today: we are concerned about the arrest and prosecution of peaceful demonstrators, concerned about the resumption of capital punishment, and concerned about the blasphemy case against Governor Ahok. We cannot stress enough the need to protect all human rights, particularly for minorities: freedom of belief, freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly. It is our duty to continue, and we look forward to doing that with the Indonesian authorities in the framework of the human rights dialogue and beyond to make sure that the ‘united in diversity’ values that we both share will remain a crucial part of Indonesian society.

Pavel Svoboda,
za skupinu PPE. – Jedním z aspektů této kauzy je svoboda vyznání. Ta nesmí být omezována např. existencí zákonů proti rouhání, které lze využít nejen vůči projevům náboženské víry, ale také šířeji zneužít proti uplatňování svobody vyjadřování.
                  

                     Evropská unie by tedy zcela určitě měla vyzvat indonéskou vládu, aby podporovala náboženskou toleranci ve své zemi a hájila lidská práva. Evropská unie by proto také měla postupovat ve smyslu doporučení Evropského parlamentu Radě z června 2013, které doporučuje podmínit poskytování rozvojové pomoci dodržováním svobody vyznání. Za posledních 10 let Evropská unie Indonésii poskytla minimálně půl miliardy EUR a pokračování této pomoci by tedy mělo být podmíněno dodržováním lidských práv u všech Indonésanů bez rozdílu náboženského vyznání nebo původu.
                  

Ana Gomes,
em nome do Grupo S&D. – A Indonésia é parceiro estratégico da União Europeia. Prova que Islão e democracia são compatíveis. E é para todos uma referência no combate ao extremismo pela experiência na promoção de uma sociedade tolerante e unida na diversidade.
                  

                     Como parceiros amigos e leais, queremos, através desta resolução, encorajar as autoridades indonésias a tomar medidas para que os direitos de todos os ativistas e protestantes pacíficos sejam protegidos, em especial os que clamam por justiça social e liberdades básicas na região da Papua, como Hosea Yeimo e Ismael Alua, já entretanto libertados, mas sujeitos a processos judiciais.
                  

                     Esperamos ver frustradas tentativas de intimidação de políticos por certos grupos que se pretendem mais defensores que todos na defesa do Islão. Esperamos ver a Indonésia repelir as leis da blasfémia e voltar a suspender a aplicação da pena de morte.
                  

Diane James (NI). – Madam President, Indonesia is a prime example of where voters' high hopes of an improvement in preceding government human rights failures might be addressed, might be righted and might be improved. But that has not been the case, and as we've all noted this morning, victimisation, persecution, denial of the free voice and inter-society violence continues unabated. However, care should be taken, and I do not agree with those of my colleagues who this morning have called on the EU to intervene in this situation. It is very complex, and a continent half a world away should not be interfering in a situation which should be dealt with by the geo-political grouping ASEAN, but should leave it for Asian countries surrounding Indonesia to resolve. We, the European Union, have a habit of intervening – intervening in the wrong way, as the sanctions against Russia have shown; we've called, in instances, for political isolation; we've even called for active military intervention. All of those have shown that EU intervention doesn't work, shouldn't be used, and shouldn't be allowed in this instance.

Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Já chci podpořit návrh usnesení, které zde bylo předloženo mými kolegy. Jsem přesvědčen, že je třeba poukazovat na porušování lidských práv ve světě, a to i u zemí, které jsou strategickými partnery Evropské unie.
                  

                     Indonésie určitě je klíčovým partnerem Evropské unie, ale pokud Indonésie je partnerem a získává ze strany Evropské unie finanční pomoc, pak máme i morální právo kritizovat stav lidských práv v této zemi. Ty dva případy, které zde byly zmiňovány a kvůli kterým je problém lidských práv v Indonésii dnes na stole, je třeba zdůraznit. Jedná se o papuánské aktivisty, to je jedna věc, a jedná se o guvernéra Jakarty. Oba případy jsou o tom, jak je svoboda projevu v Indonésii relativizována a v poslední době potlačována.
                  

                     Stejně je třeba kritizovat to, že tato země obnovila trest smrti, což je věc, se kterou Evropská unie zásadně nesouhlasí, a trest smrti je bohužel v této zemi využíván. Takže to dnešní usnesení je, myslím, dobrým vodítkem pro jednání Komise vůči Indonésii.
                  


                           ‘Catch the eye’ eljárás


Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Madam President, the latest events from the world's largest Muslim majority democracy give rise to concerns about whether its hard-earned record of tolerance is in danger. Although the words of Ahok, the governor of Jakarta, may have been ill-considered and rash, charging him with blasphemy seems to be an excessive measure. Also, giving in to Islamist hardliners in such matters of freedom of expression represents a dangerous slippery slope and also risks reigniting the communal clashes and anti-minority pogroms that are still in recent memory. I sincerely hope that, for the sake of promoting a tolerant society, Indonesia will be wise enough to change course and avoid imposing restrictions on the right to freedom of expression which go beyond the provisions of the international human rights obligations it subscribed to.

Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, θα ήθελα να σας συγχαρώ για την εκλογή σας και θα ήθελα να πω ότι υποστηρίζω το ψήφισμα το οποίο έχω υπογράψει, επισημαίνοντας ότι με αφορμή την κατηγορία σε βάρος του κυβερνήτη της Τζακάρτα για βλασφημία, καθώς και τη σύλληψη των Yeimo και Alua για τη συμμετοχή τους σε ειρηνικές διαδηλώσεις στην Ινδονησία, παρατηρούμε ότι η παραβίαση των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων είναι στην ημερήσια διάταξη σε αυτή τη χώρα.
                  

                     Συγκεκριμένα, ο χριστιανός κυβερνήτης της Τζακάρτα προέβη σε μια δήλωση που αμφισβητούσε την ερμηνεία που δίδουν ορισμένοι μουσουλμάνοι θεολόγοι σε μια περικοπή του Κορανίου, με αποτέλεσμα πλέον να κατηγορείται για βλασφημία, η οποία στην Ινδονησία μπορεί να τιμωρηθεί με πέντε χρόνια φυλάκιση. Παράλληλα, δύο νέοι, ο Yeimo και ο Alua, μετά τη σύλληψή τους για συμμετοχή σε διαδηλώσεις, αφέθηκαν μεν ελεύθεροι, αλλά πλέον συνεχίζουν να κατηγορούνται και έτσι αντιμετωπίζουν πιθανή ισόβια κάθειρξη.
                  

                     Είναι αναγκαίο λοιπόν, πρώτον, η ινδονησιακή κυβέρνηση να άρει τις κατηγορίες κατά των Yeimo και Alua και του κυβερνήτη της Τζακάρτα, δεύτερον, να σεβαστεί τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα των πολιτών στη χώρα αυτή και, τρίτον, να καταπολεμήσει άμεσα τη διαφθορά.
                  

Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF). – Madame la Présidente, connaissant un peu la région, je voudrais signaler à mes collègues l'exploitation qui est faite, à la manière des ‘révolutions de couleur’, des propos du gouverneur chrétien de Jakarta, Ahok, aux fins d'attiser l'islamisme. Et c'est le fait de puissances extérieures.
                  

                     S'il n'y avait pas eu l'intervention coordonnée de deux autres puissances extérieures, la finalité de fragiliser ce pays pour mettre en place l'islamisme radical aurait été obtenue par certains fous qui, effectivement, de l'extérieur, soutiennent l'islam radical.
                  

                     Je demande donc à ce que mes collègues se rendent compte que derrière les événements, il y a aussi des manipulations et l'utilisation de l'islam à des fins politiques.
                  

Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ci siamo occupati altre volte dell'Indonesia per chiedere una moratoria della pena di morte e per protestare per le violazioni dei diritti umani nel paese.
                  

                     Oggi chiediamo con maggiore determinazione alle autorità indonesiane il rispetto dei diritti umani e un freno all'uso sproporzionato della forza. Chiediamo il rispetto dei diritti umani, diritti come quelli violati di Hosea Yeimo e Ismael Alua, due attivisti politici arrestati a causa delle loro attività politiche pacifiche con l'accusa di ribellione, ai sensi del codice penale indonesiano. Anche se sono stati rilasciati su cauzione, i due, che si sono dichiarati prigionieri di coscienza, rischiano, per un reato di opinione, una pena fino all'ergastolo.
                  

                     Non possiamo non esprimere preoccupazione per i continui arresti di manifestanti pacifici, detenuti solo per aver esercitato i loro diritti alla libertà di espressione e di riunione. L'Unione europea deve rafforzare la cooperazione con l'Indonesia su una serie di questioni, sicuramente sulla lotta al terrorismo, ma anche sullo Stato di diritto e per il rispetto dei diritti umani.
                  

A ‘catch the eye’ eljárás vége.


Christos Stylianides,
Member of the Commission. – Madam President, first of all I would like to thank the authors of this resolution for their initiative and all colleagues for this comprehensive discussion. Our relations with Indonesia are friendly and close. They develop within the solid framework of the EU-Indonesia Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. In the last couple of months relations between the European Union and Indonesia have advanced in an impressive manner. Last April in Jakarta we launched the ministerial strategic dialogue. A few days later, we welcomed President Widodo to Brussels for the first ever visit of an Indonesian President to the European Union institutions. The first round of negotiations on a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement with Indonesia took place in September. In June we held the sixth session of our bilateral human rights dialogue and in November we organised the first Joint Committee under the EU-Indonesia Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. November also witnessed the reactivation of the EP-Indonesia parliamentary friendship group.
We see Indonesia as an essential partner. With a quarter of a billion inhabitants, Indonesia is one of the largest democracies in the world. The EU values Indonesia, with its emphasis on pluralism and tolerance, as a model for other countries in the region and beyond.
The two young Papuans referred to by the honourable Members were arrested on 19 December for helping to organise demonstrations throughout the Indonesian provinces of Papua and West Papua. They were charged with treason and secession and were granted temporary suspension of detention on 11 January.
Indonesia and the European Union have discussed the situation in Papua and West Papua on a regular basis in our bilateral human rights dialogue, including during the last meeting, which took place in June. In this context, the European Union has consistently raised concerns about restrictions to Freedom of Expression and Freedom of Peaceful Assembly in the provinces of Papua and West Papua and called on Indonesia to invite relevant UN bodies to visit the country.
We have welcomed also President Widodo's announcement of May 2015 to release all the Papuan prisoners imprisoned for peaceful protest. Indeed, reports from civil society show that the number of such prisoners has decreased from two years ago. This definitely indicates that the Widodo administration is delivering on its promise.
The ongoing trial against the Jakarta Governor who is accused of blasphemy has triggered extensive debate among Indonesians about the role of minorities in the country, as well as about religious tolerance and pluralism, which are at the heart of the Indonesian state and society. Indonesia and the European Union are closely engaged in an ongoing exchange on these and other issues pertaining to Freedom of Religion or Belief and Freedom of Expression.
Please be assured that the European Union will continue to use every opportunity, including the next EU-Indonesia human rights dialogue, to continue to raise the situation in Papua and, of course, the issue of religious freedom, with our Indonesian counterparts.

Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.
                  

                     A szavazásra ma kerül sor.
                  


Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)



Isabella Adinolfi (EFDD),
per iscritto. – Nello sviluppo delle future relazioni tra Unione europea e Indonesia ha un ruolo fondamentale la dimensione dei diritti umani, per questo motivo la seguente proposta di risoluzione si impegna in questo senso. Nello specifico reputo molto grave che, nonostante gli impegni del governo, in Indonesia alcune minoranze, tra cui la comunità LGBT, siano ancora discriminate, e altrettanto grave che sia stata reintrodotta la pena di morte. Inoltre l'Unione europea deve impegnarsi per chiedere fortemente il rilascio dei numerosi prigionieri politici che sono stati imprigionati durante le frequenti proteste pacifiche, così come l'adozione di tutte le misure necessarie per assicurare la realizzazione di condizioni idonee all'esercizio della libertà di parola e di manifestazione pacifica.
                  

Jiří Maštálka (GUE/NGL),
písemně. – Dnes jsme projednávali situaci v Indonésii v oblasti lidských práv. Indonésie je čtvrtou nejlidnatější zemí světa, třetí největší demokracií, největší převážně muslimskou zemí s miliony vyznavačů dalších náboženství a různorodou společností, která čítá 255 milionů obyvatel různých etnik, jazyků a kultur. V návrhu rezoluce uvádíme, že si velice vážíme vzájemných vztahů mezi EU a Indonésií. EU a Indonésie spolu úzce spolupracují v široké škále otázek. EU a Indonésie se dohodly na realizaci konkrétních projektů spolupráce v celé řadě oblastí zahrnujících mimo jiné přístup ke spravedlnosti a politiku v oblasti trestního práva, boj proti násilnému extremismu či práva v oblasti podnikání. Zároveň však vyjadřujeme znepokojení nad tím, že v Indonésii narůstá nesnášenlivost vůči etnickým, náboženským a sexuálním menšinám, a odsuzujeme veškeré násilné činy páchané na menšinách a jejich pronásledování a zastrašování a beztrestnost osob, které se takovýchto činů dopouštějí.
                  
4.2.   Central African Republic

Elnök asszony. – A következő napirendi pont vita hét, a Közép-afrikai Köztársasággal kapcsolatos állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványról (2017/2507(RSP)).
                  

Pier Antonio Panzeri,
autore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nel corso dell'ultimo anno la situazione di tensione e di violenza persistente nella Repubblica centrafricana non ha mostrato segni di miglioramento. L'uccisione dei due peacekeeper e il ferimento di un terzo, tutti operatori della missione delle Nazioni Unite MINUSCA, sono episodi che dimostrano come la violazione dei diritti umani e del diritto internazionale umanitario sia ancora al centro della crisi che il paese sta affrontando dal 2012.
                  

                     Pur avendo già richiamato in quest'Aula la necessità di un intervento chiaro da parte dell'Unione europea e dell'Unione africana, attraverso l'istituzione di un sistema giudiziario funzionante e indispensabile per poter svolgere un'indagine accurata su tutti i casi di violenza, reati e crimini, noi con questa risoluzione oggi confermiamo e rilanciamo come Parlamento europeo la nostra attenzione e il nostro impegno affinché la Repubblica centrafricana possa effettivamente superare questo stato di crisi e dare avvio a una nuova stagione di democrazia, rispetto dei diritti umani e crescita positiva.
                  

Charles Tannock,
author. – Madam President, the election of President Touadéra last year was an important step in trying to rebuild the Central African Republic after the outbreak of a very violent civil war in 2012. The UN mission there, which now has over 10 000 troops on the ground, is continuing to enforce the peace, but the realities of daily life remain bleak. Law and order beyond the confines of the capital Bangui is patchy, and acts of violence are executed with impunity. Recent attacks targeting UN peacekeepers are a grave concern. With more than 2.2 million people in need of humanitarian assistance and nearly half a million IDPs, the need for aid is urgent and cannot be stressed enough. In this regard, I am pleased to know that the European Union is the largest donor to CAR and I welcome the multi-donor EU trust fund established in 2014. The launch last year of the EU CSDP training mission is also a welcome step. The creation of competent and professional security forces is vital for the long-term stability of that landlocked country and a key part of ultimately transferring peace-keeping operations back to the government. I am also very concerned about the activities of the Lord's Resistance Army and the fact that despite Joseph Kony being indicted for war crimes, they are still now trying to find a foot in that country. I will conclude by saying that I hope that these efforts can contribute towards disarming the militias and restoring stability to that landlocked country.

Bodil Valero,
författare. – Fru talman! Centralafrikanska republiken har sedan länge stora problem. Det finns väldigt mycket att oroa sig över. Både vad gäller säkerhet och vad gäller fattigdomsproblematik. Samtidigt så är det också så att stora framsteg har gjorts den senaste tiden. Dels har landet genomfört val, dels har man antagit en ny konstitution i en folkomröstning, och det har såvitt jag vet varit fritt och rättvis. Presidenten ser också ut att göra ett gott arbete i nuläget.
                  

                     Därför har vi lite svårt att förstå varför vi just nu ska behandla Centralafrikanska republiken som ett brådskande ärende. Det finns väldigt många andra brådskande ärenden som vi inte tar upp här och som jag skulle uppleva som kanske ännu mer brådskande.
                  

                     Det finns dock mycket bra i resolutionen också. Jag vill särskilt lyfta fram uppmaningen till de internationella företagen att sluta att göda denna konflikt och brott mot de mänskliga rättigheterna genom sin handel med illegala diamanter och andra illegalt utvunna naturresurser.
                  

Ignazio Corrao,
autore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la guerra civile nella Repubblica centrafricana va avanti ormai dal 2004, causando morte, distruzione e un numero sempre crescente di rifugiati.
                  

                     Il 2017 ha già visto la morte di tre peacekeeper delle Nazioni Unite e la situazione è sempre più precaria, tanto che in alcune aree gli operatori umanitari sono stati costretti a sospendere la propria attività. Lo Stato ha difficoltà crescenti nel mantenere l'ordine sul territorio e non riesce ad assicurare alla giustizia tutti coloro che stanno approfittando di questa crisi per commettere crimini e abusi.
                  

                     Già in un precedente intervento avevo messo in luce, ad esempio, il pesante contributo di aziende occidentali che, pur di mantenere i loro affari, non si sono fatte scrupolo di appoggiare entrambe le fazioni in lotta nel tentativo di prolungare e mantenere lo stato di guerra nella Repubblica centrafricana.
                  

                     Il Parlamento europeo è intervenuto più volte sulla questione e il 17 novembre si è tenuta una conferenza ad hoc. Adesso è il momento di agire, di applicare le misure contenute in questa risoluzione per fare un passo decisivo verso una pace duratura e un definitivo ritorno allo statu quo ante bellum.
                  

Maria Lidia Senra Rodríguez,
Autora. – Senhora Presidente, os direitos humanos das mulheres também são direitos humanos. O direito das mulheres a não serem violadas é um direito humano e, por isso, perante as queixas por violação na República Centro-Africana por parte de soldados franceses e de capacetes azuis, quero fazer um apelo à Alta Representante e aos Estados, nomeadamente ao Estado francês, para pôr fim à impunidade para qualquer militar que seja um agressor, que seja um delinquente sexual.
                  

                     Queremos também manifestar a nossa profunda preocupação pela opacidade e pelo arquivamento, por parte das autoridades francesas, das queixas contra os seus soldados por violação na República Centro-Africana. Pedimos que nenhuma queixa seja arquivada e que se abram de novo aquelas que já o foram.
                  

                     Pedimos, ainda, uma investigação independente e transparente e que se apure a verdade e que se faça justiça relativamente a estas graves acusações de abusos sexuais.
                  

Tomáš Zdechovský,
autor. – Ve Středoafrické republice stále dochází k násilí a potlačování lidských práv obyvatel, a to i přes veškeré snahy místní vlády a mezinárodní vojenské mise MINUSCA.
                  

                     Ty se dlouhodobě snaží místní tragickou situaci zlepšit, a proto jsem rád, že se všechny frakce shodly na textu této rezoluce. Nejenže jsou zde zabíjeny desítky nevinných civilistů, včetně dětí, ale vidíme i časté přepadávání vojenských konvojů. A to nesvědčí o ničem jiném než o pokračované nestabilitě v této zemi. Je nutné dále apelovat na místní autority, aby se snažily o důsledné potrestání všech viníků a vybudování stabilního a spravedlivého justičního systému. Jen tak může dojít ke zlepšení celkové situace ve Středoafrické republice.
                  

                     Úkolem Evropské unie je nejen upozorňovat na pokračující problémy, ale také pokračovat ve své roli významného dárce humanitární pomoci, která pomáhá nejchudším lidem této druhé nejchudší země světa. K tomu je potřeba také ochota vlády Středoafrické republiky. Ochota konečně ukončit utrpení svých občanů, ochota nastolit pořádek a v neposlední řadě ochota zajistit, aby byla zajištěna všechna lidská práva, a to bez výjimky.
                  

Cristian Dan Preda,
au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, félicitations pour votre réélection.
                  

                     Je salue la tenue de notre débat aujourd'hui sur la situation en République centrafricaine. Nous n'avions pas eu de telles discussions au sein de notre Parlement depuis un certain temps. Or, il est essentiel de montrer que nous nous intéressons à cette question et que la multiplication des violations du droit international humanitaire et des droits de l'homme, y compris des exécutions arbitraires, de la violence sexuelle et de toutes sortes d'agressions contre la population civile, ne nous laisse pas indifférents.
                  

                     Bien au contraire, nous condamnons fermement ces crimes graves et s'agissant des attaques les plus récentes contre les forces de la MINUSCA qui ont coûté la vie à deux casques bleus marocains et à un du Bangladesh, nous exprimons notre sympathie envers leurs familles et leurs gouvernements.
                  

                     Il faut que la République centrafricaine reste sur notre radar en dépit des progrès significatifs enregistrés et de la tenue des élections marquant le succès de la transition politique. Le pays reste malheureusement en proie à l'instabilité et à la violence sporadique. Nous devons continuer de soutenir et d'accompagner les efforts en cours visant à promouvoir la paix et la réconciliation.
                  

Nicola Caputo,
a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, condanno con fermezza le violazioni dei diritti umani e del diritto internazionale umanitario che si registrano nella Repubblica centrafricana a opera dei ribelli musulmani Seleka e della milizia cristiana Anti-Balaka.
                  

                     Invito il governo della Repubblica centrafricana ad avviare indagini imparziali su tutte le violazioni, perseguendo i responsabili, magari istituendo una Corte penale speciale. È indispensabile che il governo della Repubblica centrafricana investa in misura significativa, con il sostegno della comunità internazionale, nel sistema giudiziario, con l'obiettivo di ricostruire i tribunali e le forze di polizia e quindi mettere fine all'attuale impunità diffusa. Invito le autorità africani ad attuare, con il sostegno dei suoi partner internazionali, il piano nazionale per la ripresa e il consolidamento della pace, in particolare attraverso il rafforzamento delle capacità delle forze di sicurezza nazionali, il disarmo, la smobilitazione e la reintegrazione dei gruppi armati.
                  

                     Relativamente allo sfruttamento e al traffico illecito delle risorse naturali, opportuna sarebbe infine la creazione, da parte delle Nazioni Unite e nel quadro di MINUSCA, di un'unità speciale per contrastare il contrabbando di diamanti, legname, oro e avorio.
                  

Mark Demesmaeker,
namens de ECR-Fractie. – Eén blik op de geschiedenis van de Centraal-Afrikaanse Republiek leert ons dat het land en zijn bevolking reeds decennialang worden geteisterd door etnisch en religieus geweld, dictatoren en grove schendingen van de mensenrechten.
                  

                     De bevolking verdient beter. We zijn dan ook verheugd met de vreedzame verkiezing van president Touadera. Maar de situatie in de CAR is nog niet wat ze moet zijn. Nog al te vaak bereikt ons nieuws over verkrachtingen, afrekeningen en hongersnood. We steunen dan ook ten volle de voorliggende resolutie.
                  

                     We willen natuurlijk allereerst dat al diegenen die zich schuldig hebben gemaakt aan geweld, aan schendingen van humanitair recht ter verantwoording worden geroepen. Daar moet de regering echt werk van maken. Ook van de hervorming van het rechtssysteem, samen met de internationale gemeenschap.
                  

                     Daarnaast steunen wij de gesprekken tussen de verschillende gewapende groeperingen onder leiding van de VN. We roepen ook alle internationale partners op om hun financiële verplichtingen na te komen zodat de verschrikkelijke hongersnood structureel kan worden aangepakt. De helft van de Centraal-Afrikaanse bevolking lijdt honger, dit is een schande. Wij mogen deze mensen echt niet aan hun lot overlaten.
                  

Louis Michel,
au nom du groupe ALDE. – Madame la Présidente, mon groupe politique a décidé de ne pas cosigner la résolution portant sur la RCA.
                  

                     Ce qu'on vous propose dans cette résolution conjointe, dans le fond, que vous le vouliez ou non, c'est de sanctionner le bilan d'un gouvernement élu démocratiquement, il y a un peu moins d'un an, qui tente de créer une union sacrée en vue de construire une dynamique de rassemblement répondant aux besoins de paix, de développement et de sécurité, grâce à un dialogue permanent et inclusif.
                  

                     Nous avons tous salué, à l'occasion de la conférence internationale des donateurs, qui s'est tenue à Bruxelles, les efforts déployés par ce même gouvernement et par l'assemblée nationale pour bâtir la paix et la réconciliation dans un contexte fragile et aléatoire.
                  

                     Au Parlement européen, en marge de cette conférence, nous avons exprimé notre soutien au président Touadéra et félicité le président de l'assemblée, Karim Meckassoua, pour la composition large et inclusive de sa délégation et pour les efforts visibles qu'ils font pour reconstruire leur État.
                  

                     Je tiens à rappeler que la RCA a signé le protocole sur la torture, adopté une législation sur l'égalité des sexes et accéléré la législation sur la nouvelle architecture judiciaire prévue par la Constitution. Il faut, bien entendu, investir dans le secteur de la sécurité, nous le savons. Il faut rétablir l'autorité de l'État sur l'ensemble du territoire pour être à même de lutter contre l'impunité.
                  

                     Mais le problème le plus urgent actuellement, c'est la mise en place d'une justice transitionnelle qui est prévue. Je souligne que la procédure de sélection des magistrats internationaux pour la Cour pénale spéciale vient d'être lancée aux Nations unies.
                  

                     Dès lors, au lieu de voter un texte qui envoie un signal négatif à la communauté internationale à une semaine seulement de la réunion à Bangui entre la Commission européenne et les autorités centrafricaines pour mettre en place la structure de coordination de l'aide, nous serions bien inspirés d'inviter le président Touadéra et le président de l'assemblée nationale, ici, au Parlement européen, pour débattre avec nous.
                  

Louis Aliot,
au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, voici quelques mois, la transition présidée par Catherine Samba-Panza se terminait par un constat de pratiques financières douteuses et un clientélisme systémique indécent. Fidèle à sa tradition de protection des populations, la France s'engagea heureusement, dès 2013, avec succès pour mettre un terme aux massacres de la minorité islamique Séléka à l'encontre des chrétiens majoritaires dans le pays. J'en profite pour féliciter l'armée française pour son action dans des conditions particulièrement difficiles.
                  

                     Dans un pays où l'État ne contrôle plus qu'une faible partie de son territoire et où les partis politiques sont constitués sur des bases ethniques et religieuses, tout le monde a fermé les yeux sur la légalité douteuse des élections. Malheureusement, cela devient une habitude aujourd'hui en Afrique. La population souffre d'un état d'insécurité alimentaire croissante et ne survit que grâce à quelques ONG.
                  

                     Depuis l'investiture du nouveau président, rien n'a changé, rien ne fonctionne: ni justice, ni santé, ni éducation. Les criminels de sang et les prédateurs économiques ont toujours pignon sur rue. Les diamants alimentent toujours les places d'Anvers ou de Dubaï avec des Centrafricains bien connus à la tête de ces réseaux mafieux qui utilisent le Cameroun et le Soudan comme points de passage. Les sites miniers sont contrôlés par les rébellions qui bénéficient de complicités politiques.
                  

                     Aujourd'hui, seuls les financements du FMI et de l'Union européenne permettent de payer les fonctionnaires qui perpétuent ce système corrompu voué à l'échec. Il est à craindre que la République centrafricaine ne devienne le centre de rébellions en Afrique centrale et n'alimente davantage les flux migratoires à l'intérieur de l'Afrique.
                  

                     Chers collègues, ce n'est pas en niant la réalité qu'on améliore l'état de droit. L'Afrique est demandeuse de paix, de stabilité et de coopération. Vous souhaitez être crédibles? Mettez fin au trafic et punissez chez nous, en Europe, celles et ceux qui profitent de ces richesses au détriment du développement de ces pays.
                  

Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, σας συγχαίρω κι εγώ για την επανεκλογή σας. Η προστασία των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων είναι υποχρέωση καθενός ο οποίος αισθάνεται ότι πρωτίστως είναι άνθρωπος. Υπό την έννοια αυτή, είναι σωστή η ευαισθησία που επιδεικνύει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση για την προστασία των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων σε όλες τις χώρες της Ευρώπης και, εν προκειμένω, στην Δημοκρατία της Κεντρικής Αφρικής, όπου πράγματι παραβιάζονται τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα.
                  

                     Στο σημείο όμως αυτό, οφείλουμε να επισημάνουμε την υποκρισία από την οποία διακατέχεται ο ηγετικός κύκλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης η οποία ασχολείται επιλεκτικά με την παραβίαση ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και επικαλείται μόνο εκείνα που εξυπηρετούν πολιτικές σκοπιμότητες. Πώς προστατεύτηκαν τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα εκείνων οι οποίοι, εξαιτίας των πολέμων, αναγκάστηκαν να εγκαταλείψουν τις πατρίδες του, μία φυγή την οποία η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, ενώ μπορούσε, δεν ήθελε να αποτρέψει; Πώς προστατεύτηκαν και προστατεύονται τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα όλων εκείνων που η Τουρκία, με την ανοχή της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, στέλνει κατά εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες στην Ελλάδα, μια χώρα κατεστραμμένη οικονομικά από τη λιτότητα των μνημονίων η οποία δεν μπορεί να τους εξυπηρετήσει και κατά συνέπεια εκεί θα υποφέρουν; Πώς προστατεύτηκαν τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, ακόμη και το ίδιο το δικαίωμα στη ζωή, αυτών οι οποίοι πέθαναν από το ψύχος στην Ελλάδα, τη Σερβία και τις άλλες χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης; Πώς προστατεύτηκαν, τέλος, τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα αυτών οι οποίοι πνίγηκαν στα νερά της Μεσογείου; Είναι υπεύθυνη η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση για τους θανάτους αυτούς και η βοήθεια που τώρα θέλει να προσφέρει δεν την απαλλάσσει από τις τεράστιες ευθύνες της.
                  

Bogdan Brunon Wenta (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Republika Środkowoafrykańska, będąca przedostatnim krajem w rankingu rozwoju społecznego ONZ, mierzy się z rosnącą przestępczością, a także trudną sytuacją humanitarną. Mimo wyborów przeprowadzonych pomyślnie w lutym zeszłego roku i ustabilizowania kraju po zamachu stanu oraz wojnie domowej o podłożu religijnym w ostatnich miesiącach doszło do intensyfikacji ataków rebeliantów na ludność cywilną, w tym mniejszości etniczne, i wzrosło poczucie bezprawia. Akty agresji wobec pracowników misji MINUSCA oraz organizacji humanitarnych skutecznie uniemożliwiają przekazanie pomocy ponad dwóm milionom obywateli tej pomocy potrzebujących.
                  

                     Ważne jest, aby władze Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej nie ustawały w wysiłkach związanych z rozbrojeniem i reintegracją członków grup zbrojnych, a także wprowadzeniem praworządności i sprawnego systemu wymiaru sprawiedliwości. W tym kontekście duże znaczenie ma ścisła współpraca władz tego kraju z Unią Europejską, Bankiem Światowym i Organizacją Narodów Zjednoczonych.
                  

Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, le renforcement du dialogue et de la réconciliation est la voie pour le rétablissement d'une paix durable en République centrafricaine. Le président Touadéra y travaille depuis son élection dans des conditions de fragilité extrême, à cause d'un système usé par des décennies de guerre civile.
                  

                     Je crois que nous avons le devoir et la responsabilité de soutenir les efforts de ce nouveau gouvernement démocratiquement élu afin d'obtenir le renforcement d'une structure administrative et de l'État.
                  

                     Nous regrettons tous les massacres des populations qui ont été perpétrés. Nous condamnons aussi avec fermeté les attentats meurtriers contre les forces de la MINUSCA engagées dans des opérations pour le maintien de la paix.
                  

                     Je crois qu'à travers notre soutien, nous attendons aussi des nouvelles autorités un renforcement de la gouvernance politique et économique, une séparation des pouvoirs et la lutte contre l'impunité, mesures que les institutions démocratiquement élues ont déjà mises en place.
                  

                     Le Parlement européen continuera de soutenir tous les efforts du nouveau gouvernement et veillera à ce que les conditions de normalité soient rétablies dans le pays.
                  


                           ‘Catch the eye’ eljárás


Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Já vám blahopřeji ke znovuzvolení a chtěla bych se vyjádřit ke zprávě, kterou jsem také podepsala. Situace ve Středoafrické republice je velmi vážná a tato naše zpráva je adresována právě vládě Středoafrické republiky, také OSN a Evropské komisi. V této zemi umírají civilisté a lidská práva nejsou chráněna.
                  

                     Evropský parlament ve své zprávě ocěňuje úsilí vlády Středoafrické republiky, která za pomoci mezinárodních jednotek usiluje o zklidnění situace a ochranu civilistů, ale toto úsilí není dostatečně úspěšné. V zemi panuje velké násilí, nejistota a jsou zde statisíce uprchlíků do okolních zemí. Tito uprchlíci samozřejmě hledají bezpečí. Také Evropské unie se toto týká, protože z těchto uprchlíků mohou být také uprchlíci, kteří budou hledat cestu do Evropy. Evropská unie podporuje finančně stabilizaci ve Středoafrické republice a my podporujeme vládu této země.
                  

Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signora Presidente, complimenti per la sua rielezione, onorevoli colleghi, nella Repubblica centrafricana da diversi anni ormai imperversa una vera e propria guerra tra milizie e bande, che ha assunto purtroppo i contorni religiosi ed etnici che ben conosciamo. Imperversano, al contempo, anche traffici illeciti e lo Stato ormai ha difficoltà ad avere un vero e proprio controllo del territorio, che è ormai limitato, così come è limitata la sua capacità di garantire un controllo dell'ordine pubblico.
                  

                     Qui, come altrove, chi imperversa e chi attacca ancora l'ordine statuale è soprattutto la logica del divide et impera dei gruppi multinazionali e delle imprese, anche europee, che, presi dalla febbre e accecati dalla rincorsa delle risorse preziose di questo paese a buon mercato, di fatto, rischiano di portare a una destabilizzazione che potrebbe nel tempo deflagrare nell'intera regione e nell'intera area.
                  

                     È tempo di pretendere comunione e che ci sia giustizia per le vittime delle torture, degli omicidi e degli attacchi costanti, che ci sia la possibilità per queste persone di uscire dallo stato di carestia che mette a repentaglio decine di migliaia di vite e che le violazioni dei diritti umani abbiano fine, così come abbiano fine questi traffici illeciti che stanno minando la centralità dello Stato.
                  

                     È tempo che la comunità internazionale e l'Unione europea facciano davvero il loro dovere.
                  

Patricija Šulin (PPE). – Po več desetletjih nerazvitosti in pomanjkanja stabilnosti smo v Srednjeafriški republiki končno priča večjim prizadevanjem oblasti pri spodbujanju miru in sprave.
                  

                     Kljub temu pa se država še vedno sooča z nestabilnimi razmerami, ki so posledica različnih spopadov po državi. Za izboljšanje razmer na področju varstva človekovih pravic potrebujemo intenzivnejše in učinkovitejše sodelovanje vseh akterjev, vključno z OZN in Evropsko unijo.
                  

                     V tej luči moramo podpreti delo Mednarodne organizacije za frankofonijo, ki se že vrsto let bori za izboljšanje razmer v Srednjeafriški republiki. Brez njenih prizadevanj za krepitev demokracije in pravne države (med drugim je podprla tudi ustanovitev nacionalne komisije za človekove pravice) bi bile razmere v Srednjeafriški republiki zagotovo veliko slabše.
                  

A ‘catch the eye’ eljárás vége


Christos Stylianides,
Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I am grateful that this house has maintained its intention on the Central African Republic which, as has already been said, is at a very critical moment in its history and where the European Union has potential to make an important and positive difference.
Human rights are an important element of our approach, including our diplomatic dialogue. With the help of the international community, the Central African Republic has made important progress in the last couple of years, after one of the most painful periods in its history. Credible presidential and parliamentary elections have provided the national authorities with legitimacy and a clear mandate to break with the past and lead the country towards recovery and peace.
Many challenges remain and the Central African Republic is still in a very fragile situation with very limited state control, unfortunately. Insecurity continues to be widespread. In the past months we have seen a resurge of clashes between armed groups, again causing civilian deaths, new displacements, and serious human rights violations which are mostly the consequences of armed violence. The killing of three blue helmets at the beginning of January was a sad reminder of this insecurity, as well as a reminder of the importance of the work of MINUSCA, which as you know the European Union fully supports.
The ongoing fragility also hampers the much-needed access for humanitarian and development actors to some areas. President Touadéra speaks with strong conviction about the need for national conciliation and justice, and his government has taken the first steps to establish a dialogue with the armed groups in order to disarm, demobilise, reintegrate and repatriate them. We need to encourage this process and make sure that both pillars – reconciliation and justice – receive appropriate attention, as true reconciliation will not be possible without rendering justice for serious violations of human rights. Improving the capacity of the justice system, as well as reforming the security forces are therefore key.
The European Union, as the Central African Republic's most important partner, continues to support the government in these efforts. The European Union has invested more than EUR 500 million in the Central African Republic in the last three years, and the Brussels Conference for the Central African Republic last November, co-chaired by the High Representative, led to more than 2 billion pledges, 750 million of them from the European Union, and our Member States are as usual the largest donors. I attended the conference myself and I saw the strong commitment of all those present to make a difference.
The challenge now is to deliver and effectively implement the Central African Republic's national plan. This is the crucial challenge for the national authorities and, of course, for the international community and us, the European Union. Addressing human rights in transitional justice is at the centre of the European Union's approach in the Central African Republic. In our political dialogue with the authorities as well as with regional and international partners, we continue to advocate ending impunity for human rights violations in the Central African Republic and improving the protection of the most vulnerable groups, among them, unfortunately, women, children and minorities.
2017 will be a decisive year for the Central African Republic. The European Union stands ready to continue our support to put the country firmly on the path of peace and reconstruction.

Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.
                  

                     A szavazásra ma kerül sor.
                  


Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)



Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR),
na piśmie. – RŚA jest jednym z najbiedniejszych państw świata, które od czasu wyzwolenia się spod władzy kolonialnej nie zdołało zbudować stabilnej państwowości. Problemy, które dotykają ludność RŚA, uosabiają najpoważniejsze wyzwania: głód, bieda, susze, powodzie, wyjałowienie ziemi, potworne konflikty religijne i etniczne, których niekontrolowana eskalacja doprowadziła do masowych zbrodni, morderstw, przestępstw, rozbojów. Szczególnymi ofiarami konfliktu, zwłaszcza po wejściu oddziałów Seleka i odłamów Boko Haram, stali się chrześcijanie. Nasila się zjawisko terroryzmu, przemyty ludzi, broni, narkotyków, a rabunkowa eksploatacja bogactw naturalnych nie przynosi żadnych korzyści ludności RŚA.
                  

                     Unia Europejska jest największym donatorem pomocy humanitarnej i rozwojowej. W swoich działaniach wykorzystuje kanały ONZ. Obecność Zachodu nie zawsze okazywała się efektywna. Dochodziło również do zjawisk kompromitujących przedstawicieli misji pokojowych i stabilizacyjnych. Potrzebne jest intensywne zaangażowanie struktur unijnych i dobrze przemyślany plan pomocy. Unijna misja pomostowa, obejmująca oddziały żandarmerii państw członkowskich, w tym Polski, była niewątpliwym sukcesem, trwała jednak zbyt krótko. Po początkowych problemach organizacyjnych, ONZ-owska misja MINUSCA, która przejęła od niej zadania, pozwoliła na poprawę sytuacji w stopniu pozwalającym na przeprowadzenie wyborów prezydenckich. Wysiłki całego świata zachodniego, wszystkich jego demokratycznych instytucji są niezbędne dla wprowadzenia stałego pokoju w RŚA. Doceniam również zaangażowanie wszystkich przywódców religijnych, a także obecnych tam od wielu lat polskich misjonarzy.
                  

Ilhan Kyuchyuk (ALDE),
in writing. – The situation in the Central African Republic remains unstable. Although the brutal violence between Seleka rebels and the ‘Anti-balaka’ militia has dropped out of the picture, attacks against civilians (in particular women and children), peacekeepers and humanitarian organisations persist. In addition, the Central African Republic authorities are struggling to re-establish the rule of law in the country and therefore fail to hold accountable before justice those responsible for violence. Therefore, the country's authorities have to focus on fighting against impunity by increasing protection of witnesses and victims and by adopting without delay a strategy for transnational justice in order to address the legacy of past-fundamental rights violations. In addition, I call on the EU to increase its support for civil society organisations in the country in order to improve documentation of human rights abuses and crimes under international law.

David McAllister (PPE),
schriftlich. – Die Zentralafrikanische Republik ist nach wie vor in einer schwierigen Lage. Trotz der friedlichen Wahlen im Februar 2016 und den Anstrengungen von Präsident Touadéra, das Land nach Jahren bewaffneter Konflikte zu stabilisieren, sind täglich Menschenrechtsverletzungen zu beklagen. Die hinterhältigen und unerträglichen Angriffe auf die Blauhelmsoldaten der Vereinten Nationen – bei denen drei Soldaten ums Leben kamen – sind ein weiterer Beleg für die anhaltende instabile Situation im Land. Damit sich weder die Gräueltaten an der Bevölkerung noch die Anschläge auf Friedenstruppen wiederholen, muss nun der gemeinsam von EU, UN und der zentralafrikanischen Regierung erarbeitete ‘National Plan for Recovery and Peacebuilding’ umgehend implementiert werden. Dieser Plan sieht unter anderem vor, die Gewalt im Land durch Abrüstung und Wiedereingliederung von ehemaligen Kämpfern einzudämmen, die Sicherheitspolitik des Landes neu zu ordnen, das Justizsystem zu reformieren und Menschenrechtsverstöße konsequent zu ahnden sowie die Versöhnung zu fördern und den sozialen Zusammenhalt zu stärken. Nur wenn die Regierung in Bangui aktiv darauf hinwirkt, dass in Zentralafrika nicht das Recht des Stärkeren, sondern die Stärke des Rechts gilt, kann dieses Land – mit Hilfe seiner internationalen Partner – wieder zur Normalität zurückfinden.
                  

Rolandas Paksas (EFDD),
raštu. – Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją. Pažymėtina, kad nepaisant politinės pažangos, CAR vis dar kausto nestabilumas, nesaugumas, prievarta ir atsitiktiniai neramumai. Todėl būtina kuo skubiau spręsti šią problemą ir nutraukti šią nesaugumo padėtį. Visų pirma, reformos turėtų būti vykdomos remiantis demokratinio ir ekonominio valdymo principais ir vedant konstruktyvų dialogą. Reikia užmegzti dialogą su ginkluotosiomis grupuotėmis ir atkurti teismų ir baudžiamojo proceso grandinę bei kovoti su nebaudžiamumu. Be to, vyriausybė kuo skubiau turėtų inicijuoti operatyvius ir nešališkus visų tariamų žmogaus teisių ir humanitarinės teisės pažeidimo atvejų tyrimus. Atkreiptinas dėmesys į humanitarinę, visų pirma šalies viduje perkeltų ir izoliuotų asmenų, padėtį šalyje. Ne tik ES, bet ir visi tarptautiniai paramos teikėjai turi dėti didesnes pastangas teikiant humanitarinę pagalbą. Atsižvelgiant į tai, jog neteisėta prekyba deimantais ir mediena bei jų gavyba kursto konfliktą ir finansuoja ginkluotąsias pajėgas, CAR valdžios institucijos turi kuo skubiau parengti savo nacionalinę kovos su neteisėtos gamtos išteklių gavybos ir prekybos tinklais strategiją.
                  
4.3.   Situation in Burundi

Elnök asszony. – A következő napirendi pont vita hét, a burundi helyzettel kapcsolatos állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványról (2017/2508(RSP)).
                  

Pier Antonio Panzeri,
autore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il mese scorso il Presidente del Burundi ha annunciato che concorrerà per un quarto mandato nel 2020 e sta già provvedendo ad apportare gli emendamenti necessari a superare il limite di due legislature imposto dalla Costituzione. Sono ormai quasi due anni che il paese sperimenta una forte repressione, seguita alle rivolte dei cittadini che si erano già opposti al terzo mandato.
                  

                     Destano preoccupazione le gravi violazioni di diritti umani, lo stretto controllo sull'informazione e la chiusura di cinque organizzazioni della società civile, nonché l'atteggiamento del governo nei confronti delle istituzioni internazionali. Con questa risoluzione chiediamo al governo del Burundi di rilasciare le persone arbitrariamente detenute e di porre fine agli atti di intimidazione nei confronti dei difensori civici dei diritti umani e dei giornalisti.
                  

                     L'Unione europea, insieme all'Unione africana e al Consiglio di sicurezza, deve impegnarsi per promuovere il dialogo fra tutte le parti, trovare una soluzione pacifica della crisi e ripristinare la democrazia e lo Stato di diritto, partendo dall'accordo di Arusha che ha contribuito a sostenere per un decennio la pace in Burundi.
                  

Mark Demesmaeker,
Auteur. – Als oud-mandaatgebied van mijn lidstaat houdt Burundi mij natuurlijk bezig. België draagt een historische verantwoordelijkheid en het raakt mij dan ook dat het land, onder president Nkurunziza, verder afglijdt naar een meer en meer autoritaire staat.
                  

                     De jongerenafdeling van zijn politieke partij maakt zich schuldig aan verkrachtingen, afpersingen en intimidaties. Mensenrechtenactivisten zoals Marie-Claudette Kwizera verdwijnen en elke vorm van oppositie wordt de kop ingedrukt.
                  

                     Ik steun dan ook deze resolutie die de Afrikaanse Unie, de VN-Veiligheidsraad en onze Hoge Vertegenwoordiger van de Europese Unie vraagt verdere stappen te ondernemen tegen het regime en die de aandacht vestigt op het lot van de vluchtelingen.
                  

                     Onze eerdere inspanningen brachten al een sprankeltje hoop. Zo werd zeven dagen na de stemming van onze vorige resolutie journalist Bob Rugurika onder borgtocht vrijgelaten. Ik ben ook blij dat de Belgische regering Pierre Claver Mbonimpa heeft opgevangen voor verzorging na een brutale aanval op hem in Bujumbura. Vandaag zet hij zijn strijd voor de mensenrechten in Burundi voort vanuit België.
                  

                     Laten we met dit in het achterhoofd ons werk voor Burundi voortzetten en de druk op het regime hoog houden.
                  

Michèle Rivasi,
auteure. – Madame la Présidente, comme cela a été indiqué, la situation politique au Burundi est très préoccupante, au point que certains observateurs s'inquiètent de la survenue d'un génocide.
                  

                     En fait, le pays n'a connu que très peu de répit depuis son accession à l'indépendance et la guerre civile a ouvert des plaies difficiles à refermer. C'est pourquoi les provocations du président Nkurunziza doivent cesser. En effet, après sa deuxième élection illégitime en 2010, il a réussi, en 2015, le coup de force d'une troisième élection truquée, contraire à la Constitution du Burundi et à l'accord d'Arusha. Maintenant, il nargue son peuple et la communauté internationale en annonçant un probable quatrième mandat. En fait, il s'agit d'un hors-la-loi.
                  

                     Si la Constitution est la clé de voûte de la stabilité institutionnelle et politique, l'accord d'Arusha est celle de la paix sociale, puisqu'il repose sur des piliers censés assurer la juste représentation des différentes ethnies. Aujourd'hui, cette garantie de paix est remise en cause.
                  

                     Je tiens à souligner quand même que l'Europe a contribué à hauteur de 22 millions d'euros à une aide humanitaire pour toutes les personnes ayant quitté le Burundi et dont la moitié sont des enfants.
                  

                     Par conséquent, parmi les solutions, il faut vraiment rétablir les droits fondamentaux, permettre le retour et l'inclusion de l'opposition politique et étendre les sanctions ciblées.
                  

Fabio Massimo Castaldo,
autore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la catastrofe umanitaria e civile che sta accadendo in Burundi ha un nome e un cognome, si chiama Pierre Nkurunziza, l'attuale Presidente che, beffandosi della Costituzione e degli accordi di pace, non soltanto si è fatto eleggere per un terzo mandato ma oggi parla di una quarta elezione nel 2020.
                  

                     Quello che sta accadendo nello stato burundese è spaventoso. Ogni volta che la comunità internazionale prova a fare qualche timido passo c'è una risposta veramente colpo su colpo, come quando, il 19 ottobre 2016, il Burundi si è ritirato dalla Corte penale internazionale dopo l'annuncio della Corte stessa di avere aperto una prima investigazione preliminare. Le ONG sono state espulse, parlo anche della UNIIB o ancora della Ligue Iteka, la più antica del paese, e adesso ormai ogni voce di dissenso e ogni voce che si leva contro questo governo viene costantemente silenziata. Le forze di polizia e le forze di sicurezza, così come le terribili milizie Imbonerakure stanno imperversando con omicidi, rapimenti, tortura, stupro e arresti sommari e la crisi, che è nata come politica, ormai ha assunto contorni palesemente etnici per volontà dello stesso governo. Le vittime di etnia Tutsi crescono esponenzialmente, anche un ministro addirittura la notte del nuovo anno.
                  

                     E questo nel silenzio della comunità internazionale, tant'è vero che qualcuno ha parlato di un vero e proprio ‘genocidio silenzioso’ e noi invece abbiamo l'onere di tenere alta la guardia, di pretendere una reazione forte. Lo dobbiamo a persone come Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, che ho avuto l'onore di conoscere e di invitare anche a Roma per un evento di sensibilizzazione su quello che sta accadendo nel paese.
                  

                     Lo dobbiamo anche a un intervento che deve essere forte, devono essere schierate forze di polizia per ridurre la violenza, come forza di interposizione. Non possiamo permettere che quel ‘never again’ che dicemmo in Ruanda invece diventi un ‘again and again’ oggi come oggi.
                  

                     Questo dipende anche da noi, se continueremo ad essere così passivi e aspettare che la storia faccia il suo corso, magari semplicemente per dimenticanza o perché pensiamo che le priorità siano altre, lasceremo una comunità e lasceremo queste persone a se stesse e negheremo quel Nobel per la pace che invece è stato attribuito all'Unione europea.
                  

Marie-Christine Vergiat,
auteure. – Madame la Présidente, le Burundi est le pays le plus pauvre du monde. Depuis le printemps 2015, il s'enfonce dans la crise la plus grave depuis la fin de la guerre civile, depuis que le président a décidé, contrairement à ses engagements, de briguer un troisième mandat. Il vient d'ailleurs d'annoncer qu'il était prêt à en briguer un quatrième.
                  

                     Il s'agit d'une spirale infernale que rien ne semble pouvoir arrêter. Des milliers de morts, des centaines de personnes disparues, torturées, des centaines de femmes victimes de violences sexuelles et, en conséquence, des milliers de réfugiés. Oui, il y a un risque de génocide.
                  

                     En septembre dernier, la mission d'enquête de l'ONU parlait de possibles crimes contre l'humanité et, en réaction, le Burundi a décidé de quitter la CPI. Son mandat demeurera cependant valide encore pendant un an.
                  

                     Oui, il faut tout faire pour rétablir le dialogue politique et les États africains ont une lourde responsabilité dans ce domaine. Veulent-ils agir? J'ai des doutes et je crains le pire pour le peuple rwandais et tous ceux qui osent encore braver le pouvoir. Iteka, la plus ancienne ligue de défense des droits de l'homme en Afrique en est un symbole et, notamment sa trésorière portée disparue depuis plusieurs semaines.
                  

Pavel Telička,
author. – Madam President, I need to say that we do not always focus on the right urgencies or the most flagrant cases. Sometimes we even slip up and focus on a country which is making progress and we are more critical than in other cases.
But this is the right case. If we look closely into the situation in Burundi, there is hardly a worse case. I am glad that this time we managed to have a good text in the resolution. We found the right language, we seek to tackle impunity and we seek sanctions. May I draw your attention to the fact that, in a country where we see death, torture and rape used as a weapon, targeted violence against women with thousands of people being killed, displaced, etc., I am glad to see that we have a paragraph which calls on the UN Security Council and the International Criminal Court (ICC) to quickly open a full investigation into alleged human rights violations in Burundi, including the danger of genocide within its jurisdiction committed during the recent crisis in the country. I think that this is something that we need to state very clearly.
Finally, I welcome that we are focusing on the targeted sanctions adopted by the EU on 1 October 2015, consistent with the decision taken by the African Union. This is the language that we need to have the courage to use. We cannot be passive, we need to address it and that has to be a strong signal.

Joachim Zeller,
Verfasser. – Frau Präsidentin! Zum wiederholten Mal ist die Situation in Burundi hier Thema im Plenum, seit im April 2015 der amtierende Präsident Nkurunziza – einer der reichsten Männer Afrikas übrigens in einem der ärmsten Länder der Welt – verkündet hat, dass er nicht aus dem Amt scheiden will, so wie es die Verfassung Burundis ihm eigentlich auferlegt. Seitdem wird das Land von der Willkür des Machthabers und dem Terror der von ihm geschaffenen Miliz Imbonerakure beherrscht. Hunderte Menschen wurden bereits getötet, Tausende sind eingekerkert, 300 000 sind in die Nachbarländer geflohen. Die freie Meinungsäußerung wird unterdrückt, und die Pressefreiheit ist abgeschafft. Es droht ein Wiederaufleben des Bürgerkriegs, der vor zwölf Jahren beendet wurde. Deswegen denke ich auch, es ist dringlich, dass wir uns mit der Situation dort beschäftigen.
                  

                     Es ist allerdings bedauerlich, dass es uns bislang nicht gelang, in der Versammlung AKP-EU eine gemeinsame Entschließung dazu mit den afrikanischen Partnern zu formulieren. Wir müssen ihnen klarmachen, dass es uns nicht um Einmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten eines afrikanischen Landes geht, sondern dass wir Sorge haben um die Stabilität in der Region, um das Schicksal von vielen hunderttausend Menschen und die Einhaltung von Bürger- und Menschenrechten.
                  

Mariya Gabriel,
au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, il est de notre devoir de renforcer les actions de l'Union européenne au Burundi. Je vais me concentrer sur deux aspects: les droits de l'homme et le contexte régional.
                  

                     Oui, il y a dix jours, la ligue Iteka a été radiée de la liste des ONG autorisées à travailler dans le pays pour ses dénonciations concernant les violations des droits humains et le risque de génocide. Cette décision s'ajoute à d'autres visant des ONG internationales qui dénoncent la dégradation de la situation au Burundi et envoie un signal de radicalisation du gouvernement. Nous devons protéger les défenseurs des droits de l'homme, les ONG internationales et la société civile burundaise. Et, en ce sens, j'appelle à l'adoption d'un plan urgent de normalisation de la situation des droits humains et des libertés fondamentales.
                  

                     Deuxièmement, nous ne pouvons pas laisser de côté le contexte régional, qui se dégrade de jour en jour. L'instabilité politique croissante en Afrique de l'Est approfondit la crise humanitaire et l'insécurité.
                  

                     Il est impératif que l'Union œuvre plus étroitement — mais surtout avec des responsabilités clairement définies — avec l'Union africaine, la Communauté de l'Afrique de l'Est et tous les partenaires internationaux à la reprise d'un dialogue inter-burundais afin de trouver une issue rapide et concertée à la crise que traverse le pays.
                  

David Martin,
on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, in July 2015 I was the EU's chief observer for the Presidential elections in Burundi. Within days of arriving in the country, I concluded that the conditions for fair elections did not exist and that the media, the opposition and NGOs were all being intimidated and harassed. The situation then was grim.
Since then, I'm sad to say, Burundi has descended into total lawlessness. Burundi's once vibrant media has been decimated, the ruling party's Youth Movement murder, torture, rape and extort money and possessions with complete impunity. With the media silenced, the opposition decimated and the judiciary corrupt, ordinary Burundians have no one to speak for them. They have no voice or protection in their own country, so others must speak for them.
I welcome the EU's decision to extend our suspension of direct economic support and our restrictive measures against key figures, but we must be prepared to do more and we must encourage Burundi's African neighbours to take on board their responsibilities.

Jean-Luc Schaffhauser,
au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, d'abord, comme vous n'avez pas voulu me donner la parole et que je ne vais pas être trop long, je tenais à soutenir particulièrement le président Michel et ma collègue Kyenge pour leurs interventions sur la République centrafricaine. Je crois que leurs propos relèvent du bon sens, de l'intelligence d'une situation et de la transition que nous devons soutenir avec le nouveau président centrafricain.
                  

                     Concernant le Burundi, ce pays est un concentré des malheurs de l'Afrique et, il faut le dire, de la crise de la région des Grands Lacs. Le malheur de l'absence de développement due à la faiblesse des États, le malheur de la tribalisation du pouvoir, encouragée, il faut le dire, par des sociétés étrangères et des États, le malheur d'une région où ingérences et massacres se succèdent.
                  

                     Ce que nous devons faire pour cette région des Grands Lacs, mais aussi pour la zone du lac Tchad, est de mettre en place un véritable plan Marshall alliant sécurité et développement. Sans la sécurité, pas de développement. Sans développement, pas de sécurité.
                  

Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, ós rud é gurb é seo mo chéad óráid san athbhliain tá mé chun é a dhéanamh i mo theanga dhúchais féin. Is trua gur ábhar míshásúil atá idir lámha againn ach tá súil agam go n-éireoidh linn tríd an rún seo rudaí a fheabhsú sa Bhurúin. Agus tá rudaí imithe ar gcúl go háirithe ó shocraigh uachtarán na tíre dul ar aghaidh don triú téarma i gcoinne a bhunreacht féin. Meastar go bhfuil míle duine curtha chun báis ó shin, go bhfuil daoine ag teitheadh na tíre, go bhfuil cearta daonna á séanadh, go bhfuil coir agus caimiléireacht de gach saghas ar siúl agus go bhfuil 4.6 milliún duine i mbaol ocrais. Dá bhrí sin, is uafásach an scéal é mar a dúirt na feisirí eile agus tá súil agam go n-éireoidh linn brú a chur ar an uachtarán chun an deachtóireacht uafásach seo a stopadh sa Bhurúin.
                  

Maria Arena (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, le Burundi, à l'arrivée de Nkurunziza et même avant l'arrivée de celui-ci, présente une situation dramatique. Le président Nkurunziza annonce d'ailleurs qu'il pourrait éventuellement briguer un quatrième mandat. Le troisième ne le satisfait pas et le fait d'avoir plongé son pays dans l'instabilité et l'incertitude ne le satisfait pas non plus. Il voudrait continuer avec un quatrième mandat.
                  

                     Il sort le Burundi de la Cour internationale, plonge son pays dans la pauvreté et dans l'instabilité et risque l'explosion d'une approche ethnique au sein du Burundi. Aujourd'hui, nos relations avec lui présentent de sérieuses difficultés. Nous savons qu'il y a des négociations, des médiations avec le gouvernement burundais. Nous demandons de pouvoir maintenir des sanctions à l'égard de ce gouvernement. Nous demandons qu'il puisse aussi y avoir des sanctions ciblées et nous demandons qu'il y ait un travail de la part des autorités burundaises.
                  

                     Un dialogue pourrait s'établir, mais dans les conditions actuelles, en l'absence de démocratie, compte tenu du fait que des journalistes, des avocats et tous ceux qui s'expriment contre le Burundi ne peuvent plus parler, il est devenu impossible pour nous, Européens, de continuer à dialoguer avec ce pays.
                  


                           ‘Catch the eye’ eljárás


Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Je skutečností, že prezident Burundi nedodržuje sjednané dohody, dokonce odstoupil od statutu Mezinárodního trestního soudu. Páchá genocidu, potlačuje svůj lid, já si myslím, že je třeba vyslat jasný vzkaz panu prezidentovi Burundi, že i pokud by se odstěhoval na Měsíc, tak bude podléhat jeho jednání zpětnému přezkoumání a minimálně bude i trestně odpovědný.
                  

                     Myslím si, že je důležité, abychom my dnes zde dali vzkaz těm lidem v Burundi, kteří usilují o její demokratickou obrodu, že naše pomoc bude cílená, že budeme trvat na sankcích vůči tomuto režimu a že budeme podporovat ty, kteří jsou dnes tímto režimem stíháni. To si myslím, že by měl být základní vzkaz z dnešního jednání, jinak samozřejmě podporuji návrh zprávy, který byl předložen.
                  

Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, depuis le passage en force pour un nouveau mandat anticonstitutionnel contraire aux accords d'Arusha, le président Pierre Nkurunziza et son régime redoublent d'ardeur dans l'application de la politique de l'arbitraire. Cela se traduit par la fermeture arbitraire d'organisations des droits de l'homme, notamment de la ligue Iteka, et par des attentats et assassinats ciblés perpétrés contre des politiciens, des journalistes et la population. Récemment, trois personnes ont été radiées de l'ordre des avocats et une personne suspendue pour un an, en totale violation de la liberté d'expression des avocats et de l'autonomie du pouvoir judiciaire.
                  

                     Face à cet état de fait, nous avons suspendu les financements et appliqué des sanctions ciblées en ce qui concerne le régime en place à Bujumbura. Mais, si le régime continue à ne pas respecter sa population, l'Union européenne devra prendre des mesures plus contraignantes contre les responsables politiques burundais.
                  

A ‘catch the eye’ eljárás vége.


Christos Stylianides,
Member of the Commission. – Madam President, first of all, I am very grateful to those colleagues who have kept Burundi high on the agenda of this House. Burundi remains of great concern. Since 2015 we have witnessed a sharp rise in political violence linked to the electoral process, which led to a contested third mandate for the president. We are confronted with widespread impunity, high levels of armed incidents, extra-judicial killings and abductions as well as cases of torture by the police and the intelligence service. Government officials are reducing the political space, the freedom of the media and of association, and are publicly indulging in hate speech. There is no disarming of militias and no significant return of the more than 533 000 refugees who have fled the country.
In sum: we are still a long way from addressing the causes of this crisis which are manifest in the corrosion of the political, security and governance environment.
Against this backdrop, the European Union has suspended financial support to the Burundian administration, including budget support. But let me take the opportunity to underline again that we maintain direct support to the population – supporting health, nutrition, agriculture, energy and humanitarian assistance in the region.
As you know, this decision under Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement coincided with individual sanctions against persons undermining democracy or obstructing the search for a political solution, including by acts of violence, repression and inciting violence. Those responsible for human rights violations and violence – regardless of their political persuasion – cannot escape personal responsibility for their actions.
The position of the government appears to be hardening, including the decisions: to stop cooperating with the office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights; to withdraw from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court; to recall the Burundian ambassador in Brussels; and to impose additional restrictions on international NGOs working in Burundi as well as to withdraw the license of such important national NGOs as the famous ITEKA which has been following the human rights situation for more than 20 years.
There are further disturbing developments, such as the President's announcement to possibly envisage even a fourth term in 2020, in as much as the indications are that the authorities are preparing for a change in the constitution, possibly including the abandoning of the Arusha Principles which have served the country so well in recent years.
The confrontational stance of the government puts particular emphasis on African-led processes, and especially the dialogue facilitated by President Mkapa on behalf of the Eastern African Community. In January in Arusha we saw the resumption of this consultation process. Crucial questions concerning an inclusive Burundian dialogue have been raised – but it was not possible to bridge important gaps to major Burundian opposition groups. There are additional consultations ongoing, including with the government, from 18 to 20 January.
The European Union remains fully committed to contribute solving the Burundian crisis, through our bilateral cooperation, at regional level and in cooperation with the African Union and the United Nations.
The next assessment of progress made in the Article 96 context is due in spring 2017. At the same time, the Commission services are planning for substantial direct support of the population, as we did in 2016.
The Burundian drama will stay with us for some time to come. We need principled and steadfast action in support of African-led mediation and possible new UN initiatives.

Elnök asszony. – Köszönöm szépen, Biztos Úr! Igazán megérdemli a tapsot képviselőtársaimtól. Rendkívül figyelmesen hallgattam, és elnézést kérek, hogy ilyen zajosan érkeznek be a képviselőtársaim a szavazásra.
                  

                     A vitát lezárom.
                  

                     A szavazásra ma kerül sor.
                  

(Az ülést felfüggesztik)


PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. ANTONIO TAJANI


Presidente

5.   Announcements by the President

Presidente. – La seduta è ripresa.
               

                  Devo purtroppo comunicare all'Assemblea che, a seguito delle numerosissime scosse di terremoto che hanno colpito l'Italia, una valanga ha sommerso un albergo, ci sono trenta dispersi, anche bambini, con una situazione meteorologica bruttissima, il Soccorso Alpino della Guardia di Finanza ha raggiunto l'albergo dopo sei ore di marcia perché tutte le strade erano bloccate. Quindi sugli sci i militari della Guardia di Finanza hanno raggiunto il posto e stanno ora cercando, con i cani antivalanga, di vedere se i dispersi, come ci auguriamo tutti, siano sopravvissuti. Due persone sono state salvate, però certamente la situazione non è delle migliori.
               

                  La popolazione è stremata. Da ieri a mezzanotte a questa mattina alle sei ci sono state ottanta scosse di terremoto. I cittadini sono terrorizzati, la situazione meteorologica è pessima, quindi credo che a nome di tutto il Parlamento possiamo inviare un messaggio di solidarietà a questi cittadini europei che stanno vivendo momenti drammatici. E farò di tutto, credo con il vostro pieno consenso, affinché la Commissione europea possa accelerare i tempi per erogare il Fondo di solidarietà con il nostro sostegno, perché, ripeto, la situazione, lo sanno i miei colleghi italiani, è veramente disastrosa.
               

                  I giornali di tutto il mondo stanno parlando di quello che è successo. Il terremoto ha provocato una valanga e la valanga ha sommerso un albergo e sono tutti sotto la valanga, l'albergo è sotto la valanga. Questa è la situazione drammatica. Ho parlato poco fa con il comandante generale della Guardia di Finanza, l'ho ringraziato per il lavoro che hanno compiuto questi esperti, sei ore di marcia sono tante, però speriamo che possano riuscire a trovare i dispersi in vita.
               

                  Ringrazio ancora tutti quanti, il Presidente Juncker, il Commissario per la vicinanza espressa, credo che dovremo fare di tutto per dare risposte concrete a questi cittadini. Come mi ha chiesto il presidente della Protezione Civile italiana, chiedono soprattutto solidarietà, perché vivere con centinaia di scosse – ci sono state centinaia di scosse negli ultimi giorni – non è certamente facile. Quindi vi ringrazio come italiano, ma soprattutto come Presidente del Parlamento per la solidarietà che vorrete inviare a questi nostri compatrioti.
               

                  Grazie. Ha chiesto la parola l'onorevole Valenciano.
               

Elena Valenciano (S&D). – Señor presidente, toda nuestra solidaridad y cariño y toda la fuerza que sea necesaria para las víctimas italianas. Pero, ya que está aquí el comisario Stylianides y que sabemos también que hay centenares de miles de refugiados también en una situación casi imposible por esta ola de frío, también reclamo solidaridad y ayuda para estos refugiados.
               

Rosa D'Amato (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oltre alla solidarietà c'è stata, nell'ultima seduta plenaria, una mozione di risoluzione sul terremoto, che la Commissione deve prendere seriamente in considerazione.
               

                  C'erano delle richieste ben precise che la maggioranza del Parlamento europeo ha approvato, quindi passiamo anche ai fatti. La solidarietà certamente la dobbiamo fare, la dobbiamo dare, ma servono atti concreti perché la situazione non migliorerà e non sono alcuni cittadini a essere in pessime condizioni, ma è la stragrande maggioranza della popolazione del centro Italia.
               

Presidente. – Già ieri il Presidente Juncker ha detto che farà tutto il possibile, lo chiamerò anche oggi, ma credo che noi abbiamo fatto sentire chiaramente la nostra voce perché si faccia non soltanto l'applauso, ma anche cose concrete.
               

Ελένη Θεοχάρους (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, εκφράζω και εγώ, εκ μέρους του λαού της Κύπρου, τη συμπαράστασή μου στον δοκιμαζόμενο λαό της Ιταλίας. Εγώ θα σας μιλήσω για μια ανθρωπογενή καταστροφή η οποία συνέβη πριν από 43 χρόνια και εξακολουθεί να βασανίζει τον λαό της Κύπρου.
               

                  Λυπάμαι πάρα πολύ που υποχρεώνομαι να πάρω τον λόγο ενώπιον του Σώματος, αλλά θα πρέπει να σας ενημερώσω ότι απαγορεύθηκε στο γραφείο μου να διοργανώσει μία έκθεση φωτογραφίας από την κατεχόμενη Λευκωσία, από την γραμμή κατάπαυσης του πυρός που λέγεται ‘παγωμένη Λευκωσία’, και ο λόγος είναι ότι, δήθεν, βρισκόμαστε σε ένα κρίσιμο στάδιο για τις συνομιλίες οι οποίες θα επηρεαστούν από μία έκθεση φωτογραφίας που θα γίνει μέσα στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο.
               

                  Και εγώ σας αναφέρω, κύριε Πρόεδρε, πρώτον, ότι δεν είμαστε σε ακτίνα συμφωνίας, δεύτερον, αν υπάρξει συμφωνία, δεν θα είναι συμβατή με το ευρωπαϊκό κεκτημένο και θα την απορρίψουν τα μέλη και τρίτον, οι εμπρηστικές δηλώσεις του Ερντογάν παραβλάπτουν πολύ περισσότερο τις συνομιλίες από μια έκθεση. Λυπάμαι, αλλά αυτό μου δίνει την εντύπωση ότι είμαστε συνεργοί σε άλλες καταστάσεις.
               

Presidente. – Non dobbiamo aprire un dibattito su questo, verificheremo, chiederò ai Questori di darmi una risposta.
               

                  Onorevole Forenza, aveva chiesto la parola.
               

Eleonora Forenza (GUE/NGL). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, credo sia stato importante il Suo annuncio rispetto a quella che è la situazione nel centro Italia. Ci sono migliaia di cittadini e cittadine europei che stentano a ritrovare la normalità.
               

                  Credo sia fondamentale che la sicurezza dei cittadini e delle cittadine europei venga interpretata, in primo luogo, come sicurezza del proprio territorio, rispetto alle proprie abitazioni e che questo faccia premio rispetto alla logica della stabilità.
               

                  Mi permetto di testimoniare anche la nostra solidarietà, di tutta quest'Aula e di questo gruppo, a quelle popolazioni e di ringraziare vivamente tutte le brigate di solidarietà attiva che in queste ore stanno portando soccorso in una situazione disastrosa per il terremoto e per la neve.
               

Presidente. – Durante la Conferenza dei presidenti, abbiamo deciso di dare rilievo all'Aula e anche rilievo all'attualità. Ho sottolineato quello che è accaduto in un paese dell'Unione europea, quindi credo che sarò celere nei voti. Però rispettiamo anche ciò che è accaduto e il sentimento dei rappresentanti del popolo italiano che siedono in quest'Aula.
               

                  Non siamo dei burocrati, siamo dei rappresentanti dei popoli europei e quando c'è un popolo europeo che soffre, noi dobbiamo essere vicini al popolo europeo, non è questione di votare prima o dopo. Sarò rapido nelle votazioni.
               

Jill Seymour (EFDD). – Mr President, I would like to congratulate you on your appointment, and certainly your stance on Italy right at this moment. On a point of order under Rule 15(1), could I ask you to look at the future election voting system that we have just incurred this week, where it says the President should be elected by secret ballot. I have no objection to this, but why are we going backwards in time by using paper ballot votes that took a whole day to process under enormous cost to the taxpayer? Yet, within this Chamber, we have the facility to process secret electronic votes. I believe in future you should encourage this Chamber to avoid wasting time and taxpayers' money by moving for a better process.

Presidente. – Grazie onorevole. Abbiamo già votato per i Questori con questo sistema.
               

                  Ieri, l'onorevole Lavrilleux ha affermato, durante la discussione sulle conclusioni della riunione del Consiglio europeo del 15 dicembre, che l'onorevole Lundgren avrebbe pronunciato una frase razzista nel corso del suo intervento. L'onorevole Lundgren ha smentito di aver pronunciato quella frase. Come vi avevo promesso ieri, ho chiesto di avere la trascrizione e la traduzione degli interventi prima di prendere qualsiasi decisione su questa vicenda. Dopo aver preso visione della traduzione e dell'intervento nel testo originale nella lingua madre dell'onorevole Lundgren e della registrazione dell'interpretazione francese, posso confermare che si è trattato di un equivoco dovuto ad un errore di interpretazione.
               

                  L'onorevole Lundgren non ha pronunciato alcuna frase razzista nel corso del suo intervento. Gliene devo dare atto pubblicamente e mi scuso se c'è stato un errore; ognuno di noi può commettere un errore, ma la parola poteva essere interpretata diversamente, quindi dobbiamo dare atto all'onorevole Lundgren di non aver pronunciato alcuna frase razzista e ringrazio anche l'onorevole Lavrilleux che nella traduzione in lingua francese ha ricevuto invece un'interpretazione (…).
               

                  Ho promesso a quest'Aula di garantire il diritto di parola a tutti i deputati. Faremo in fretta la votazione, però siccome l'accusa rivolta all'onorevole Lundgren era grave, ho voluto accertare la verità e siccome non ha pronunciato alcuna frase razzista, l'Aula intera doveva esserne portata a conoscenza. L'onorevole Lavrilleux giustamente ha denunciato quello che era successo nell'interpretazione francese.
               
6.   Request for waiver of immunity: see Minutes
7.   Voting time

Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca il turno di votazioni.
               

(Per i risultati delle votazioni e altri dettagli che le riguardano: vedasi processo verbale)

7.1.   Indonesia, notably the cases of Hosea Yeimo, Ismael Alua and the Governor of Jakarta (RC-B8-0072/2017, B8-0072/2017, B8-0073/2017, B8-0077/2017, B8-0079/2017, B8-0080/2017, B8-0083/2017, B8-0088/2017) (vote)
7.2.   Central African Republic (RC-B8-0074/2017, B8-0074/2017, B8-0076/2017, B8-0081/2017, B8-0085/2017, B8-0087/2017, B8-0090/2017, B8-0092/2017) (vote)
7.3.   Situation in Burundi (RC-B8-0075/2017, B8-0075/2017, B8-0078/2017, B8-0082/2017, B8-0084/2017, B8-0086/2017, B8-0089/2017, B8-0091/2017) (vote)
7.4.   EU-Kosovo Stabilisation and Association Agreement: procedures for its application (A8-0361/2016 - Adam Szejnfeld) (vote)
7.5.   Imports of textile products from certain third countries not covered by specific Union import rules (A8-0311/2016 - Hannu Takkula) (vote)
7.6.   Conclusion of the Agreement continuing the International Science and Technology Center (A8-0363/2016 - Elmar Brok) (vote)
7.7.   Appointments to committees (vote)

Presidente. – Nomine per la composizione delle commissioni parlamentari.
                  

                     Le proposte di nomina per la composizione delle commissioni parlamentari presentate alla Conferenza dei presidenti sono state comunicate ieri all'Aula. Vi informo che il gruppo ECR ha chiesto di sostituire l'onorevole Tannock con l'onorevole Bashir come membro della sottocommissione per i diritti dell'uomo.
                  

                     Dichiaro pertanto le nomine approvate con questa modifica.
                  
7.8.   Objection to a delegated act: Identifying high-risk third countries with strategic deficiencies (B8-0001/2017) (vote)
7.9.   Logistics in the EU and multimodal transport in the new TEN-T corridors (A8-0384/2016 - Inés Ayala Sender) (vote)
7.10.   A European Pillar of Social Rights (A8-0391/2016 - Maria João Rodrigues) (vote)
7.11.   Tackling the challenges of the EU Customs Code (UCC) implementation (B8-0024/2017) (vote)

Elnökváltás: GÁLL–PELCZ ILDIKÓ


alelnök

8.   Explanations of vote

Elnök asszony. – Most rátérünk a szavazatindokolásokra.
               
8.1.   Logistics in the EU and multimodal transport in the new TEN-T corridors (A8-0384/2016 - Inés Ayala Sender)

A szavazáshoz fűzött szóbeli indokolások


Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Já se pokusím v daném hluku vysvětlit, proč jsem podpořil tuto zprávu. Tato zpráva může podle mého názoru přispět k rozvoji dopravní infrastruktury v rámci EU a budujeme-li vnitřní trh, pak vnitřní trh těžko může fungovat bez kvalitní infrastruktury. Zkrátka a dobře, bavíme-li se zde například o digitálním prodeji zboží na internetu jako o jedné z priorit Komise pro toto volební období, tak prodej zboží nebude fungovat, pokud nebude dostatečná kvalitní dopravní infrastruktura, která povede k dovozu a vývozu zboží přes hranice jednotlivých členských států.
                  

                     Já tu zprávu tedy vítám, podpořil jsem ji, kéž by přispěla k rozvoji dopravní infrastruktury. Určitou nevýhodou této zprávy je, že je hodně obecná a že neobsahuje žádné závazky, které by měly vést k tomu, že by jak EU, tak jednotlivé členské státy do budoucna vydávaly více peněz na rozvoj dopravní infrastruktury.
                  

Michela Giuffrida (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, velocità, sostenibilità, efficienza, sono le parole chiave per organizzare il flusso di beni e informazioni dal loro punto di origine alla destinazione. Europa significa abbattere i confini, più difficile sembra abbattere le distanze, ridurre i tempi di percorrenza, organizzare gli spostamenti.
                  

                     Ho votato a favore di questa relazione perché la costruzione europea si declina concretamente nella logistica. È la logistica che fa muovere l'Europa, nessuno ha più il tempo di aspettare, il trasporto merci deve essere sempre più veloce e sempre più efficiente, la logistica oggi dà lavoro a oltre 11 milioni di persone, entro il 2040, in poco più di vent'anni, il settore crescerà del 40 per cento.
                  

                     È importante sviluppare i corridoi centrali TEN-T ma anche e soprattutto la rete globale più capillare che permette alle merci di arrivare alla destinazione finale. È sull'ultimo tratto che bisogna insistere, bisogna lavorare lì dove è più complicato. Sono le regioni, come la mia, la Sicilia, insulari e remote con infrastrutture carenti la vera sfida della logistica europea.
                  

Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Já jsem tento návrh podpořil, protože bezproblémově fungující logistiku a provázanou infrastrukturu považuji za velice důležitou pro regionální rozvoj a ekonomický růst obecně v EU.
                  

                     Myslím, že význam nákladní dopravy velmi zásadně ilustruje fakt, že v tomto odvětví je zaměstnáno více než 11 milionů osob ve všech členských státech EU. Proto pokládám za velmi důležité, aby takovéto zprávy byly předkládány plénu, aby dále rozvíjely toto odvětví, ale zároveň se rovněž chci přihlásit k tomu, aby zprávy byly poněkud konkrétnější a neobsahovaly pouze obecná tvrzení.
                  

                     Jedno z těch konkrétnějších tvrzení, proč jsem zprávu také podpořil, byla právě zmínka o nezávislých vědeckých studiích, které budou mimo jiné zkoumat dopad dopravy na životní prostředí a prostředky, kterými by se mohlo snižovat znečištění ovzduší. Takže tímto směrem bych rád pokračoval dál.
                  

Daniel Hannan (ECR). – Madam President, in transport, as in other areas, policy tends to be constantly playing catch-up with technology. Next time you're standing at a busy junction, count how many people are driving for a living, one way or another – bus drivers, van drivers, Uber drivers, black cab drivers and delivery men – and then ponder the thought that, in 10 or 15 years, almost all those jobs will be redundant – replaced by driverless cars or drones. A lot of people find that a very frightening prospect, and yet we've heard the same argument with every new technology. When the industrial revolution happened, there was a constant backlash of people saying that the only real jobs were on the land, and that there would never be enough factory jobs to support all those people; when the economy was moved from industry to service, exactly the same arguments were made: that there wouldn't be enough jobs cutting each other's hair and flipping burgers. But what those arguments miss is that when you free up time through technological innovation, people are liberated to create whole new industries that nobody dreamed of. Who saw these things coming 15 years ago? There will be more jobs than ever.

Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, I commend this report's thorough consideration of the process of planning, managing and achieving an efficient and sustainable flow of goods and information throughout the EU. The full realisation of such logistics may foster the smooth functioning and enhancement of the internal market, whilst contributing to European GDP, growth, employment and competitiveness. In bolstering existing and future strategies, we may achieve a more sustainable European framework of mobility across all networks, and in light of evolving economic, societal and technological trends. These efforts will have an immeasurable effect on the day-to-day lives of Europeans, furthering our goals of harmonisation, whilst realising the renewed potential of the free movement of persons, goods and services across Member States. I therefore support this report and voted for it, according to my colleagues' in the EPP's line.
8.2.   A European Pillar of Social Rights (A8-0391/2016 - Maria João Rodrigues)

A szavazáshoz fűzött szóbeli indokolások


Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Já jsem v konečném hlasování nemohla podpořit usnesení o evropském pilíři sociálních práv. Hlasovala jsem pro ty návrhy, které se snažily tuto zprávu upravit tak, aby nezasahovala do subsidiarity a pravomocí členských států.
                  

                     Jsem pro rozumnou sociální politiku, pro garanci sociálních práv na evropské úrovni, ale ne pro zasahování do práv členských států. Usnesení EP v tomto směru jde za hranu. Jsem ráda, že se nám v hlasování podařilo vypustit požadavek na zavedení minimální mzdy, ale bohužel další pozměňovací návrhy přijaty nebyly a návrh, jako např. garance pro děti z úrovně EU, považuji za opravdu nerealistický. Proto jsem nemohla usnesení jako celek podpořit.
                  

Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Já jsem tento návrh také nepodpořil. Nemyslím si, že otázka sociální politiky má být klíčovým tématem evropské agendy. Samozřejmě jako moderní politik vnímám sociální politiku jako důležitou součást činnosti státu, ale sociální politika by podle mého názoru podle principu subsidiarity měla zůstat primárně na úrovni jednotlivých členských zemí.
                  

                     Návrh, který jsme přijali, výrazně překračuje a odebírá kompetence jednotlivým národním státům a snaží se vytvářet evropskou, řekněme centrální sociální politiku. Požadavek na zavedení minimální mzdy, požadavky na zavedení různých typů rodičovských dovolených včetně mateřské, otcovské, pečovatelské atd., to jsou věci, které si mají upravit jednotlivé členské státy podle své ekonomické síly, podle své historie, podle své tradice, ale neměli bychom to my diktovat z Bruselu jednotlivým národním státům. Proto tento návrh považuji za špatný a nepodpořil jsem jej.
                  

Michela Giuffrida (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quasi due anni fa abbiamo tutti accolto con grande favore le parole del Presidente Juncker che appoggiavano il pilastro europeo dei diritti sociali.
                  

                     Io ho votato a favore di questa relazione perché davvero serve un sistema sociale europeo che sancisca diritti chiari e precisi per tutti i lavoratori europei. Serve uno strumento in grado di cambiare e di migliorare la vita dei cittadini: un lavoro senza diritti, in un'Europa in cui di lavoro ce n'è davvero poco, è un lavoro che si basa quasi sempre sul ricatto. Il lavoro senza diritti è una mera merce di scambio.
                  

                     Se questa Europa, così tanto in discussione, vuole crescere, questo è il momento di farlo, perché non esiste crescita economica senza crescita sociale. Nella nostra Europa non esiste lavoro senza diritto dei lavoratori. Penso ai tanti, troppi operai che muoiono per la mancanza di sicurezza e alle donne e agli uomini costretti a rinunciare alla loro vita privata per non perdere la professione.
                  

                     E allora questa Europa ha davvero bisogno del pilastro dei diritti sociali, anzi, più che di un pilastro, io direi, ha bisogno di una base forte su cui costruire la crescita della nuova Europa.
                  

Diane James (NI). – Madam President, I am an independent MEP, and I am not affiliated to any political group. I supported the ENF proposed amendment today and I want to explain why.
The ENF proposal and their amendment highlighted the detrimental effect of the single currency and the harmful EU policies which resulted in increasing unemployment and poverty across the continent. It also highlighted that employment and social policy initiatives should be Member State competences, which actually is a very important perspective; equally, that only national governments can truly effect the financing of changes in these areas to deliver results; and the amendment also stressed the need for Member States to take responsibility to achieve economic and social recovery. Finally, the amendment criticised the EU's blame-game policy, casting blame rather than acknowledging that fault actually lies with the EU itself.
Now I may not support the ENF politically, but today they submitted an objective and valid amendment which I was happy to support.

Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Подкрепих доклада на колегата Родригеш относно Европейския стълб за социалните права. Съдържащите се в него предложения са важни и допринасят за обмена на добри практики за справяне с предизвикателствата. Без да омаловажавам факта, че основната компетентност в сферата на социалната и трудовата политика и законодателство е на държавите членки на Европейския съюз, искам да отбележа, че Европа се нуждае от нов модел, който да следва. Модел, в чиято основа са поставени интересите на европейските граждани. Модел, който да се съсредоточи върху истинските проблеми на Съюза и върху тяхното разрешаване.
                  

                     Европа трябва да съумее да се справи с напредъка и развитието на технологиите, които от своя страна допринесоха за създаването на нови условия на труд и до изискване за качествено и адекватно образование. Универсални решения няма, но предизвикателства пред страните членки често са сходни. Въпреки насочеността си към Еврозоната важното е, че Европейският стълб на социалните права ще бъде отворен към всички страни, които искат да се присъединят към него.
                  

Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Já jsem tento návrh zprávy nemohl podpořit z mnoha důvodů. Za prvé obecně si myslím, že právě jistá bohatost nebo síla společnosti má potom svědčit o tom, zdali si může dovolit určitou úroveň sociální ochrany práv. EU, ačkoli je obecně považována za prostor, kde je bohatství poměrně jednoznačně definováno a měřitelné, má na druhou stranu ve svém prostoru velmi jasné rozdíly a i z tohoto důvodu by bylo daleko vhodnější, aby tato úroveň sociálních práv byla nechána na členských státech.
                  

                     Já jsem nemohl souhlasit ani se snahou o vytvoření evropského rámce na podporu v nezaměstnanosti nebo minimálního příjmu nebo se snahou o posílení 1. důchodového pilíře na úkor těch dalších. Ve zprávě je celá řada sporných momentů, které nebyly dostatečně vyjasněny, a z těchto důvodů já jsem nemohl – i pro porušení zásady subsidiarity – tuto zprávu podpořit.
                  

Daniel Hannan (ECR). – Madam President, after the UK's departure from the European Union the other Member States will be much freer to push ahead with the harmonisation of social policy, which I'm sure will be a matter of relief to many Members in this House. It will no longer be our responsibility, but of course we will still have a continuing interest in the success and stability of our neighbours. Prosperous neighbours make good customers, and we are talking about countries which are old friends and allies. One of the things that I have found quoted at me many times since I was elected nearly 20 years ago is Winston Churchill's speech in Zurich in 1946 when he said: ‘I am going to say something which will astonish you. I want a United States of Europe’. Nobody ever quotes what he went on to say; he made it clear that Britain would not be part of that the United States of Europe, but would support it from the outside as a flying buttress, as a friend and a sponsor. Now we have the opportunity, belatedly, to realise his vision: to have a relationship with our European friends that is based on cooperation rather than convergence, on alliance rather than absorption.

Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, I appreciate that the European pillar of social rights is a central facet of the Commission's efforts to move toward a deeper, fairer and more harmonised economic and monetary union. However, in line with my colleagues in the EPP, I remain cautious of certain proposals within this report, including, but not limited to: definitions of ‘worker’; certain framework directives and financial instruments outlined; as well as calls for a binding EPSR and proposals in the sphere of social and educational investments.
In line with my Group I voted in favour of this report, as such concerns were somewhat abated and because it is important to have social rights in mind in all policy making. However, I would urge that our EPP's recommendations be seriously considered and that further dialogue may be facilitated as we lay the grounds for a European pillar of social rights catering to the needs of all Member States and all their citizens.
8.3.   Tackling the challenges of the EU Customs Code (UCC) implementation (B8-0024/2017)

A szavazáshoz fűzött szóbeli indokolások


Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Hlasovala jsem pro návrh usnesení o řešení víz souvisejících s prováděním celního kodexu Unie, protože podporuji snahu dosáhnout harmonizace procesních pravidel celní správy jednotlivých členských států. Považuji to za nezbytné k dosažení cíle celní unie, jímž je především společný postup EU vůči třetím zemím při výběru cla a kontroly vstupu zboží ze třetích zemí na trh EU.
                  

                     Vítám také tuto iniciativu k posílení spolupráce mezi celními správami jednotlivých členských států stejně jako plnou elektronizaci celních systémů, což považuji za zásadní v moderní době. Za nezbytné také považuji snížení administrativní zátěže, která představuje překážku především pro malé a střední podniky. Na rozdíl od evropské regulace sociálních práv je tento proces harmonizace na místě.
                  

Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Já budu velmi stručný, já jsem tento materiál podpořil, protože v rámci celní unie je třeba dbát na to, aby komunikace mezi celními orgány jednotlivých členských států probíhala co nejefektivněji. Tento materiál počítá s tím, co již bylo přijato a zahájeno minulý rok, tzn. že by jednotlivé celní orgány měly komunikovat elektronicky a od roku 2020 by ta komunikace měla být 100% kompletně elektronická.
                  

                     Tato zpráva, která se váže k této komunikační změně, je podle mého názoru správná, zavazuje Komisi k tomu, aby Komise celý proces sledovala a aby o výsledcích EP informovala. Tato právní úprava jednoznačně povede k rychlejšímu a lepšímu fungování v rámci celní unie.
                  

Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Já jsem tento návrh rovněž podpořil, protože reaguje na problém, který je skutečně závažný. Tím v současnosti myslím právě celní pravidla a postupy v rámci celních řízení, které jsou velmi složité, postihují zvláště nepříznivě malé a střední podniky. Jejich zjednodušení, odstranění administrativní zátěže a elektronizace je proto vysoce žádoucí, po tom ostatně volá tato zpráva.
                  

                     Já chci rovněž zdůraznit, že celní unie je základním stavebním kamenem EU a její efektivní nastavení je proto důležité pro řádné fungování vnitřního trhu, o které se tady snažíme. I z těchto důvodů velmi vítám podobné zprávy, které mají za cíl zlepšit, zefektivnit fungování základních stavebních kamenů a pilířů, na kterých je EU postavena, a tam celní unie rozhodně spadá.
                  

Daniel Hannan (ECR). – Madam President, a number of members yesterday were questioning what the British Prime Minister had meant when she said she wanted some continuing aspects of the Customs Union to remain in force. Actually if you read her words it was pretty clear. We are very determined – she is very determined – to leave the common commercial policy and to have the freedom to negotiate bilateral trade deals with America and Australia and India and China and so on, but there may be technical aspects of the Customs Union which would survive if they were in the interests of all parties – for example, the rules that obviate the need for veterinary checks at every border. If all sides wanted those things to continue then of course it would be silly to make an ideological point out of sacrificing pragmatism to dogma. As I have said on many occasions in this Chamber you will be losing a bad tenant, but I hope you will be gaining a good neighbour.

Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, I was pleased to vote in favour of this report on the challenges of implementing the Union Customs Code (UCC). The UCC builds on existing concepts to streamline the customs processes and procedures across the Customs Union, clarifying the rules on release for free circulation and on special procedures.
Effective customs cooperation in the EU and with third countries is crucial, given the significant trade volumes and the challenges for the Customs Union since its creation. I welcome the report's call for a timeline and for a clear strategy to ensure necessary elements are introduced for the EU customs systems. I also welcome the call on the Commission to rectify any legal shortcomings that may be hindering trade. The proper implementation of the UCC is important for the EU to function as one of the largest trading blocs in the world and I am sure that such strategic cooperation may be an aspect that, despite what my good friend Mr Hannan says, the British may regret when they leave the European Union.

Elnök asszony. – Ezzel lezárom a szavazáshoz fűzött indokolásokat.
                  
9.   Corrections to votes and voting intentions : see Minutes

(A 13.00 órakor megszakított ülést 15.00 órakor folytatják.)


VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND


Vizepräsident

10.   Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting : see Minutes
11.   Composition of delegations: see Minutes
12.   Council position at first reading: see Minutes
13.   Building a European Data Economy (debate)

Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zum Aufbau einer europäischen Datenwirtschaft (2017/2505(RSP)).
               

Marianne Thyssen,
Member of the Commission. – Mr President, on 10 January, the Commission presented one of the last Digital Single Market Initiatives addressing Europe's Digital Future, which concerns data. With the adoption of the communication on building the European Data Economy, the Commission launched a public consultation.
Data has become an essential resource for economic growth and social progress. In the near future, most economic activity will depend on data. The data market is estimated in the European Union at more than EUR 50 billion and models project its growth to EUR 111 billion in 2020. In the Digital Single Market Strategy we committed to tackling restrictions on the free movement of data in the European Union, considered essential for the European Union's successful transition to Industry 4.0 and a modern data economy.
The barriers to the free movement of data in the European Union may arise from legal rules or administrative guidelines or practices that required the storage or processing of data to be limited to a particular geographical area or jurisdiction. The trend, both globally and in Europe, is towards more data localisation, an approach often based on the misconception that localised services are automatically safer than cross-border services. This could inhibit data-driven businesses, particularly start-ups and SMEs, from scaling up their activities or entering new markets, but it could also block access for businesses and public sector organisations to cheaper and more innovative data services.
The Commission wants to ensure that Europe's fundamental freedoms concerning the movement of services and establishment are also respected when it comes to data services. The principle of free movement of personal data based services is enshrined in European Union primary and secondary law. Any Member State's action affecting data storage or processing should be guided by a principle of free movement of data within the EU in line with their obligations under the free movement of services and the free establishment provisions of the Treaty, but also by obligations stemming from relevant secondary legislation.
The current Data Protection Regulation fully regulates the processing of personal data in the European Union, including machine-generated or industrial data when this identifies a natural person. By setting uniform high standards of data protection, the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) ensures the free flow of personal data in the European Union. In this context, as announced in the communication, the Commission will soon enter into structured dialogues with the Member States and other stakeholders on the justification for, and proportionality of, data allocation measures. It will take as a starting point restrictions already identified by the Commission. Following the results of the structured dialogues with Member States and other stakeholders and further evidence gathering via public consultations, the Commission will launch, where needed and appropriate, infringement proceedings to address unjustified or disproportionate data location measures. It will also, if necessary, take further initiatives on the free flow of data.
The communication also addresses other aspects of the data economy such as data ownership, data transfer and liability issues, for example who owns data, how it can be exploited and where responsibility should lie if an automatic device makes the wrong choice. These are essential issues to clarify for a working data economy.
This part of the communication further examines issues connected with access to data and how more data can become available for use and reuse. Large-scale trading, sharing or exchange of data, is unfortunately rare today in the European Union.
Finally, we need to look into improving the portability of business data. For example, a company cannot yet easily switch its data between cloud service providers. Portability can lower costs and increase trust and therefore also lower entry barriers for innovative ideas.
In the communication, the Commission makes it clear that more information is needed on the above areas. To this end we have launched two public consultations and will enter into structured dialogues with the Member States and other stakeholders to seek out workable solutions. Following the results of the dialogues and the further evidence-gathering, these solutions may include guidance, benchmarks, model contracts or other new initiatives if these are deemed necessary. Our overall objective is to remove barriers and support data economy developments. Indeed, the more the data available is used and flows freely, the better the data economy will develop and help to create growth and jobs.
On 10 January, the Commission also adopted its proposal for a regulation on privacy and electronic communications after a year-long review of the e-Privacy Directive. If we want to make the most of data, people must feel confident that their data is protected. This is why the Commission is proposing new rules on privacy and the protection of personal data in electronic communications. The measures aim to update the current rules, extending their scope to all electronic communication providers. They also aim to create new possibilities to process communication data and reinforce trust and security in the digital single market, which is a key objective of the Digital Single Market Strategy. A major objective of the review is to align the rules for electronic communications with the new world-class standards of the European Union's General Data Protection Regulation.
As you know, Europeans are concerned about their privacy. Electronic communications can reveal highly sensitive information about a person or a business. In a recent Eurobarometer survey, 92% of respondents say it is important, or very important, that personal information on their computer, smartphone or tablet can only be accessed with their permission. 92% also state that it is important – or again very important – that the confidentiality of their emails and online instant messaging is guaranteed. The proposed regulations on privacy and electronic communications seek to address those concerns. At the same time, the new rules will support innovation and increase consumer trust in electronic communication services essential for the digital single market to flourish. The proposed regulation will increase the protection of people's private lives and open up new opportunities for business by taking the following four measures.
First of all, the Commission proposes an extension of the scope to include providers of electronic communication services such as WhatsApp, Facebook Messenger, Skype, Gmail, iMessage and Viber. Secondly, the confidentiality of communications' content and metadata remain the core of the legal instrument. So privacy will be guaranteed for both content and metadata derived from electronic communications, for example the time and duration of a call and location. Thirdly, the proposal provides for new business opportunities. Once consent is given for communications data to be processed, traditional telecom operators will have more opportunities to use data and provide additional services. Finally, simpler rules on cookies are needed. Therefore the so-called Cookie Provision, which has resulted in an overload of consent requests for internet users, will be streamlined. New rules will allow users to be more in control of their settings, providing an easy way to accept or refuse the tracking of cookies and other identifiers in case of privacy risks. The Commission believes that the extensive consultation of stakeholders, better regulation evaluation and the impact assessment resulted in a balanced and technologically neutral proposal fit for the digital age.
Finally, on 10 January the Commission presented new rules to ensure that, when personal data are handled by European institutions and bodies, privacy is protected in the same way as it is in Member States under the General Data Protection Regulation. The Commission also presented a strategic framework for international personal data transfers where it reiterated its commitment to encouraging data transfers with our partners, businesses or companies based on high personal data protection standards.
The EU is a world leader on data protection rules and we serve as an inspiration for many third countries. Those with whom we have very close economic ties are interested in adequacy findings – this is particularly the case for Japan and South Korea – and we will engage with them. Our aim is to promote high data protection standards internationally.

Andreas Schwab,
im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Zunächst mal möchte ich die Gelegenheit nutzen, Ihnen zu Ihrer überzeugenden Wiederwahl zu gratulieren. Ich freue mich, die nächsten zweieinhalb Jahre mit Ihnen hier im Haus noch häufig zusammenzutreffen. Zum Zweiten freue ich mich, dass Frau Kommissarin Thyssen, die einmal selber dem Binnenmarktausschuss des Europäischen Parlaments angehört hat, heute dieses wichtige Gesetzespaket der Europäischen Kommission zur Data Economy vorstellt. Herzlichen Dank dafür.
               

                  Das Paket ist so breit und groß, dass ich mich nur auf einen Aspekt konzentrieren will: den Aspekt, den Günter Oettinger, der scheidende Kommissar, der jetzt ja für den Haushalt zuständig ist, hier vorgelegt hat. Ich finde, das ist wirklich ein sehr umfassendes Paket, das die richtigen Schwerpunkte auf die wesentlichen Fragen der Datenökonomie setzt und grundsätzlich auf diese Fragen eingeht, und vor allem auf die Frage des Eigentums von Daten im digitalen Zeitalter eine Antwort sucht.
               

                  Denn eins ist klar: Viele Verbraucherthemen sind angesprochen worden. Dafür können wir Lösungen finden. Aber die große Verunsicherung, vor der viele mittelständische und kleinere Unternehmen stehen, ist, dass sie nicht wissen, wie sie auf der einen Seite die Öffnung zur digitalen Ökonomie hinbekommen sollen, andererseits aber gleichzeitig Sorge dafür tragen können, dass die Daten entsprechend sicher und geschützt sind. Da gibt es zum einen mal natürlich die Vorgaben der Netzwerk- und Informationssicherheitsrichtlinie, die dringend umgesetzt werden müssen, weil wir uns gegen Cyber-Attacken und für mehr Cyber-Security nicht nur staatlicherseits, sondern auch privatwirtschaftlich einsetzen müssen. Aber es geht natürlich auch um die Frage, welche Anreize der Gesetzgeber setzt, um Daten gemeinsam zu nutzen.
               

                  Das beste Beispiel ist immer die Frage, welche Daten im Pkw am Ende welchem Dienstleister zugeordnet werden können. Und diese Frage, Frau Kollegin Thyssen – das muss man so sagen – ist mit dem Vorschlag nicht abschließend geklärt. Es ist auch eine politisch und wirtschaftlich unglaublich schwierige Frage. Wenn es uns nicht gelingt, Anreize zu setzen, dass die Daten, die vorhanden sind, auch genutzt werden, und zwar von allen Anbietern im Markt, die daran Interesse haben, dann werden wir die europäische Datenökonomie nicht mit dem Impetus versehen können, der dringend notwendig ist.
               

                  Und zum Zweiten finde ich sehr positiv, dass die Kommission in diesem Vorschlag ausdrücklich mal den sogenannten Lock-in-Effekt anspricht – einen Effekt, der zwar in Wettbewerbsverfahren eine Rolle gespielt hat, in der Gesetzgebung bisher aber keine Rolle gespielt hat.
               

Andrejs Mamikins,
on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, digital data is an essential resource for economic growth, competitiveness, innovation, job creation and social progress in general. The EU needs to ensure that data flows across borders and sectors. This data should be accessible by most stakeholders in an optimal way. A coordinated European approach is essential for the development of the data economy. I think that it is very important that the Commission has launched a public consultation and dialogue with stakeholders on these topics. This process will help identify future policy or legislative measures that will unleash Europe's data economy.
The value of the EU data economy was estimated at EUR 272 billion in 2015, or almost 2% of EU GDP. If the policy and legal framework conditions for the data economy are put in place in time, its value will increase to EUR 643 billion by 2020, representing more than 3% of overall EU GDP. The General Data Protection Regulation will be one single European set of rules, as opposed to 28 national laws today. The newly created one-stop shop mechanism will ensure that one data protection authority will be responsible for the supervision of cross-border data processing operations carried out by a company in the European Union.
To build the data economy the EU needs a policy framework that enables data to be used throughout the value chain for scientific, social and industrial purposes. The Commission should launch a wide-ranging stakeholder dialogue on the issues of building a European data economy. The first step in this dialogue will be a public consultation. The issue of data access and liability should be tested in a real-life environment in the field of cooperative, connected and automated mobility. Concerning to the free flow of data, the Commission has to continue to work to fully implement the principle of the free flow of data within the EU. The Commission has to continue also to monitor and gather evidence, and if necessary consider taking further initiatives on the free flow of data.

Dita Charanzová,
on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the ALDE Group read the Data Economy package from last week with great interest and hope. I have to say that there is one important item missing in your package. Where is the ban on localisation requirements within the EU? Where is the ban, Madam Commissioner?
It is wrong to allow Member States to force companies to hold data in one Member State instead of another Member State. All Member States are equal. All European data is governed by the same set of principles and the same data protection rules. That is why we have adopted a General Data Protection Regulation. A regulation, not a directive. It should not matter if a server is in Helsinki or Lisbon or Prague. Every European should know that their data is safe, throughout the European Union.
Companies must be free to use digital infrastructure anywhere in Europe. We have seen a number of countries outside the European Union adopting data localisation laws for both economic and anti-democratic reasons: to spy, to censor, to demand money from companies. These rules can often endanger citizens more than protect them. The free flow of data must be regarded as the fifth freedom of the Single Market in Europe and the ALDE group therefore says ‘no’ to data localisation laws.
You have rightly said that you want to remove the barriers in the digital single market. Yes, I agree, we want a fully functioning digital single market, but data localisation is a barrier to making it happen.

Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, congratulations on your re-election and also congratulations to Mrs Thyssen on a very good presentation to us here today. There is no doubt about it: a thriving digital economy is one of the cornerstones of growth and employment in the EU. However, as has been outlined by the Commissioner, barriers remain that prevent us from achieving the full potential of the digital economy. Europe's digital market, for example, remains heavily fragmented. This is a key part of the European digital single market strategy which could add EUR 415 billion per annum to the EU economy, creating an additional income of EUR 817 per person. The digital economy is estimated to represent 22.5% of the world economy and is estimated to be worth 8.4 billion or 5% of GDP in my own country of Ireland. That is an 85% increase between 2009 and 2014. So completing the digital single market is vital for all of us.
Because of that, we must look at the barriers and here our competitiveness is at stake. Ensuring the free flow of data in the EU is simply crucial if we in Europe want to keep pace with Asia and North America. Data localisation rules in different Member States inhibit growth and are a barrier to this investment. In order to complete and implement the European digital single market and enable international data flows that support innovation securely, removing existing data localisation measures will drive down the cost of data services while expanding their use and choice. This alone could boost GDP by up to EUR 8 billion per year.
So, we have a lot of work to do, especially in the following areas: supervisory authorities obliging financial services providers to store their data locally; professional secrecy rules, for example in the health sector, implying local data storage and processing; sweeping regulations requiring the local storage of archived information generated by the public sector whatever its sensitivity.
Finally, I would just like to say I had the pleasure of working on the Data Protection Regulation and now I look forward to working with what is not covered in that – that is non-personal data.

Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, čestitam Vam prije svega na izboru i odmah naglašavam koliko je veliko, ogromno novo europsko podatkovno tržište. To je velika nova prilika, nova šansa za naše gospodarstvo, ali ona traži i našu novu odgovornost.
               

                  Tu želim prije svega jasno naglasiti kako nam je potreban niz jasno preciziranih, ali i pojednostavljenih pravila i pravne regulacije koji će razriješiti probleme u pogledu vlasništva podataka, prenosivosti podataka, dostupnosti podataka, istraživanja i inovacija u podatkovnom gospodarstvu, zaštite osobnih podataka, lokalizacije podataka, o čemu smo već govorili, i naravno uskladiti sve to skupa s jedinstvenim digitalnim tržištem. Druga stvar koju želim naglasiti je potreba partnerstva, partnerstva Europske unije sa zemljama članicama, ali nemojmo nikad zaboraviti niti regionalne i lokalne vlasti i naravno privatni sektor, a kada govorimo o privatnom sektoru ne mislim uvijek samo na velike tvrtke nego i na male tvrtke.
               

                  Dakle imamo puno toga za učiniti, a partnerstvo, siguran sam, može doprinijeti da naše gospodarstvo u podatkovnom smislu bude još efikasnije i jače.
               

Lambert van Nistelrooij (PPE). – Mr President, I think big data is the fuel for the future, let me say. We know that it will contribute to solving a lot of society's challenges. In healthcare, for instance, resource efficiency, intelligent transport, etc.
Let me make two remarks. Firstly, we need the free movement of data across the borders and to address several legal uncertainties – and Mr Schwab has already spoken about this – preventing companies to treat Europe as a one big market, not as 28 small separate markets. Europe has repeatedly missed the last ten years, taking the leading role in new cloud business models. Let us not allow this to happen again. Secondly, it is of key importance to educate and enable our young people in the business sector. I strongly welcome the Commission's report for a European Data Science Academy to bridge the skills gap in Europe by designing curricula for data science training and data science education. I am personally active in this approach in the Netherlands. We are helping a Dutch Academy in this field and it has already started in Den Bosch. There is a huge interest for that, not only for technical aspects but also ethical aspects. Finally, there is – as I just said before – a role for the regions and the cities to take up such a kind of initiative, and during the consultation we will come forward with these kind of possibilities close to citizens and their future.

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren


Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Kolegyně a kolegové, vítám tuto výměnu informací v EP s Komisí právě na téma budování datové ekonomiky. Jak zde již bylo řečeno, tento trh má velký potenciál pro růst, pro zaměstnanost. Oceňuji aktivity Komise, které směřují k odbourání bariér pro sběr, šíření a také obchodování s daty.
               

                  Toto téma je přesně to téma, o kterém nemohou rozhodnout efektivně členské státy samostatně, ale musí spolupracovat společně také s Evropskou komisí na budování jednotného digitálního trhu. Nejdůležitější a nedílnou součástí těchto opatření musí být také zajištění ochrany soukromí v elektronické komunikaci.
               

                  Proto vítám iniciativu Evropské komise v této oblasti. Skype, G-mail, Facebook, Whatsapp, to jsou dávno každodenní prostředky, které používáme, a my musíme mít do budoucna jistotu bezpečné komunikace. Děkuji paní komisařce za představení této iniciativy.
               

Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Domnule președinte, economia datelor este esențială pentru dezvoltarea viitoare a Europei. Vorbim de o oportunitate pe care nu o putem rata, de modernizarea economiei și industriei noastre, dar și de folosirea competențelor pe care noi le avem aici, în Europa. Această transformare a economiei nu poate fi oprită. Avem două posibilități: să fim proactivi sau reactivi.
               

                  A fi reactivi înseamnă să legiferăm asupra problemelor generate de economia datelor după ce acestea se produc, uneori mergând prea departe și blocând dezvoltarea sectorului la nivel european. Cel mai ilustrativ exemplu este cel al marilor corporații care s-au îmbogățit folosindu-ne datele. După ani de zile am reacționat, blocând însă dezvoltarea companiilor europene printr-o reacție prea dură. De aceea, îmi doresc să devenim proactivi, să stimulăm dezvoltarea economiei datelor printr-un set de reguli comune, clare pentru utilizatori, dar și accesibile antreprenorilor mici și mijlocii.
               

                  Ideea unor programe educaționale este un prim pas, dar trebuie să ne atingem potențialul și trebuie să investim mai ales în securitatea cibernetică și a datelor. Cred că avem expertiză la nivel european și pot să spun că, în mod special în țara mea, România, putem să găsim specialiști.
               

Jozo Radoš (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, moje čestitke na vašem ponovnom izboru. Gospođo povjerenice, uz sve prednosti koje donosi podatkovno gospodarstvo, ja bih naglasio tu da bi korištenje te grane omogućilo i smanjenje troškova državne i javne uprave za 15 do 20 posto. Postoji veliki prostor za napredak europskog podatkovnog gospodarstva budući da Sjedinjene Američke Države, s kojima smo usporedivi, imaju dvostruko više zaposlenih u toj grani gospodarstva i sudjeluju s dvostruko većim udjelom u ukupnom prometu roba i usluga. Dakle, postoji veliki prostor za napredak europskog podatkovnog gospodarstva.
               

                  Od svih poteškoća spomenuo bih opasnost digitalne podjele, opasnost da se razlike u razvijenosti naših regija u Europskoj uniji još povećaju i na to treba obratiti posebnu pozornost. No svakako zahvaljujem na izvješću i pozdravljam sve mjere koje je povjerenica najavila za rast podatkovnog gospodarstva u Europi.
               

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)


Marianne Thyssen,
Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I wish to thank the Members of Parliament for their comments and feedback. I took note of all their questions and concerns. As I said in my introduction, we do not have all the answers yet to all those issues. That is why we are engaging in a broad consultation before deciding on possible policy and legal actions. We are looking forward to pursuing collaboration with the European Parliament on these issues. We are very much looking forward to constructive discussions with the European Parliament in the negotiation of the Commission's legislative proposal on the privacy and data protection of electronic communications. It is important to act swiftly in order to ensure that the date of application of the general data protection regulation and the new e-privacy regulation coincide and is done in a coherent manner.
As announced in the DSM, the Commission's objective is to create a clear and adapted policy and legal framework for the data economy by removing barriers to the movement of data and addressing legal uncertainties created by new technologies. We do not yet have, as I said, all the answers to the complex issues in front of us, so we will consult extensively. The gathered information will be invaluable in deciding how to best move forward, in particular with respect to the free flow of data.

Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.
               


Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 162 GO)



Cristian-Silviu Bușoi (PPE),
in writing. – Due to the rapid digitalisation of the global economy and the aim of the European Union to be a world leader in this digital economy, the Digital Single Market (DSM) strategy was adopted on the 6 May 2015 to ensure the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital. Building a European data economy is part of the Digital Single Market strategy, which, through the best use of its essential resource, digital data, may deliver innovation, economic growth, job creation and competitiveness in all fields, including in health care where it could improve daily life.
Even if access to machine-generated data is under consideration in the health and care sector, the diversity of the data processed by machines for scientific purposes could improve products or create innovative services for patients. As the Commission underlined in its communication, the ‘big data’ sector is growing by 40% per year, seven times faster than the IT market, but all this data need to be protected. Therefore, ensuring a policy framework is more than necessary, and Parliament, together with the Council, should play a fundamental role.

Barbara Kappel (ENF),
schriftlich. – Die Digitalisierung hat heute alle Bereich unseres Lebens erfasst, und es spielt keine Rolle, ob es sich dabei um Privates oder Berufliches handelt. Verlässlicher Datenschutz und höchste Sicherheit stellen dabei große Herausforderungen und gleichzeitig enormes wirtschaftliches Potenzial dar. Die Digitalisierung birgt Herausforderungen für die verschiedensten Branchen, kein Wirtschaftsbereich scheint davon ausgenommen zu sein. Neue innovative Geschäftsmodelle, insbesondere im Bereich der KMU, werden geschaffen und stellen einen Mehrwert für Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft dar. Doch nehmen auch die Cyberbedrohungen und Hackerangriffe zu und entwickeln sich zu einer enormen Bedrohung für kritische Netzinfrastrukturen, wie beispielsweise die Stromversorgung. Hier müssen wir aktiv werden, um die Netz- und Informationssicherheit (NIS) gewährleisten zu können.
               

                  Datenschutz spielt auch in Bezug auf die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit eine zentrale Rolle. Fragen etwa des Schutzes von Geschäftsgeheimnissen oder Datensicherheit müssen noch konkreter geklärt werden. Ebenso ist die Fragmentierung einzelner Sektoren – wie Sicherheit, Transparenz und die Standorte von Nutzern und Daten – kritisch zu betrachten. Fragmentierung in der Datenwirtschaft ist nicht zielführend und daher ebenso wie Internet-Zensur und Massenüberwachung abzulehnen.
               

Karol Karski (ECR),
na piśmie. – W ostatnich latach jesteśmy świadkami nowej rewolucji w gospodarce, której siłą napędową są dane cyfrowe. Gromadzenie i przetwarzanie danych na niespotykaną dotąd skalę stwarza z jednej strony wiele wyzwań, a jednocześnie stanowi ogromny potencjał dla zwiększenia produktywności unijnej gospodarki. Rozwój gospodarki opartej na danych wymaga jednak swego rodzaju planu działania, jeżeli chcemy sprawić, żeby przedsiębiorcy i konsumenci w Unii Europejskiej w pełni korzystali z dynamiki sektora dużych zbiorów danych, co stanie się wyznacznikiem zmian dla całej naszej gospodarki.
               

                  Parlament Europejski już od jakiegoś czasu wzywa do przeglądu możliwych narzędzi dla rozwoju gospodarki opartej na danych oraz wskazuje rodzaje niezbędnych ram w obszarze potrzeb regulacyjnych i pozaregulacyjnych, które byłyby kluczowym elementem dla kształtowania lepszego środowiska dla wzrostu w tej dziedzinie.
               

                  Europejska gospodarka cyfrowa zbyt wolno przyjmuje rewolucję w zakresie danych w porównaniu np. z USA czy nawet Chinami. Dlatego niezbędne jest pełne wykorzystanie korzyści płynących z sektora dużych zbiorów danych przez europejskich przedsiębiorców i konsumentów. Będzie to wyznacznikiem zmian dla naszej gospodarki i przyniesie Europie wymierne korzyści w zakresie konkurencyjności, tak ważnej, żeby nie powiedzieć przełomowej, w nadchodzących latach.
               

Jeppe Kofod (S&D),
skriftlig. – En grundpille for udfoldelsen af den europæiske digitale dagsorden er, at data kan flyttes frit. Samtidig er det selvklart en forudsætning for frie datastrømme, at personfølsomme oplysninger behandles fuldkomment sikkert og forsvarligt, samt at EU's medlemslande kan sætte nødvendige begrænsninger af hensyn til national sikkerhed. Dette sikres kun ved hjælp af fælles lovgivning og fælles definitioner i EU. Studier fra ECIPE viser, at der kan frigøres enorme summer i den europæiske økonomi, hvis eksisterende blokeringer fjernes. Estimaterne går helt op til 8 mia. euro om året (ca. 60 mia. kr.). Et beløb, der vil realisere sig i besparelser for europæiske borgere og virksomheder. Samtidig ser vi også en tendens til flere nationale krav om, at data af forskellig art skal opbevares inden for geografisk afgrænsede områder. Fortsætter denne tendens, kan konsekvensen ifølge førnævnte studier blive et tab for den europæiske økonomi på op til 52 mia. euro om året (ca. 387 mia. kr.). Derfor vil jeg opfordre Kommissionen til hurtigst muligt at fremsætte forslag til fælleseuropæisk lovgivning på dette område, så vi kan sikre europæiske borgeres og virksomheders følsomme oplysninger på bedst tænkelig vis, undgå fordyrende særkrav og frigøre store summer til en investeringstrængende europæisk økonomi.
               

Eva Paunova (PPE),
in writing. – The four freedoms of the EU single market rely on the free movement of data. However, unjustified data localisation requirements in national public procurement rules and legislation is increasingly fragmenting the single market. Consumers and companies, rather than authorities, should decide where in the EU they want to store their data.
In its communication entitled ‘A Digital Single Market Strategy for Europe’ from May 2015, the Commission recognised that ‘unnecessary restrictions regarding the location of data within the EU should both be removed and prevented’. It later promised a European ‘free flow of data’ legislative proposal to tackle restrictions on the free movement of data within the EU and unjustified restrictions on data location. The European Parliament welcomed this initiative in its resolution of January 2016.
Despite announcements and wide support from Parliament and the Council, the Commission's communication on ‘Building a European Data Economy’ falls short of a legislative proposal. It will neither remove any further data protectionism nor prevent it from fragmenting the single market.
I strongly encourage the Commission to put forward, without delay, an ambitious legislative proposal to remove and prevent data localisation requirements in the EU single market, for the benefit of European companies and consumers.

Algirdas Saudargas (PPE),
raštu. – Europos komisijos komunikatas ‘Building a European Data economy’ įvardija duomenis kaip neatsiejamą ekonominio augimo, darbo vietų kūrimo ir visuomenės pažangos faktorių. Duomenų rinka Europoje yra nuolat auganti, bet palyginus su JAV vis dar fragmentuota, ir tai sudaro kliūtis pramonės konkurencingumui. Yra būtina užtikrinti pusiausvyrą tarp duomenų verslo plėtros modelių ir teisinės duomenų apsaugos. Palaikau Komunikate išsakytą siekį suvienodinti Europos Sąjungos teisinę duomenų apsaugą. Tuo pačiu noriu akcentuoti, jog ne mažiau svarbios yra šio laikmečio kibernetinės grėsmės ir kiti su to susiję reiškiniai. Negalime tikėtis, jog vien tik teisiškai apibrėžę šiuos klausimus, išspręsime problemas. Nūdienos realybė yra tokia, jog technologijų pažanga yra spartesnė nei jų naudojimo teisinius aspektus reglamentuojančios taisyklės ir įstatymo nuostatos. Todėl duomenų ekonomikos sritis turi būti padidinto dėmesio zona, siekiant joje įtvirtinti pusiausvyrą tarp teisių ir pareigų.
               

Igor Šoltes (Verts/ALE),
pisno. – EK je januarja letos predlagala rešitve za razvoj podatkovnega gospodarstva kot del strategije enotnega digitalnega trga. Po njenem mnenju EU namreč ne izkorišča v celoti svojega potenciala, zato bi bilo treba čim prej odpraviti omejitve kot so pravila o lokalizaciji in druge tehnične in pravne ovire, ki otežujejo pretok podatkov med državami članicami in znotraj enotnega digitalnega prostora.
               

                  Digitalni izdelki in storitve, ki temeljijo na podatkih, lahko močno vplivajo na izboljšanje varovanja okolja in varnosti preskrbe s hrano, učinkovite rabe energije ter razvoj pametnih transportnih sistemov in pametnih mest. Analiza podatkov izboljšuje procese in odločitve, spodbuja inovacije in izboljšuje predvidljivost.
               

                  EU nima urejenega enotnega digitalnega trga za podatke, saj obstajajo ovire za prost pretok podatkov in številne druge pravne negotovosti, zato je zamudila že marsikatero gospodarsko, socialno in poslovno priložnost. Podatkovno gospodarstvo lahko ustvarja rast in delovna mesta le, če podatke, ki so nam na voljo, tudi uporabimo.
               

                  Zato moramo zagotoviti ustrezen pretok podatkov tako z geografskega kot tudi medsektorskega vidika, da bodo ti lažje dostopni in optimalno uporabljeni. Usklajen evropski pristop je bistvenega pomena za razvoj podatkovnega gospodarstva kot dela enotnega digitalnega trga in pomembno je, da pri tem upoštevamo tudi pravico do varstva osebnih podatkov in zasebnosti.
               
14.   Documents received: see Minutes
15.   Decisions concerning certain documents: see Minutes
16.   Forwarding of texts adopted during the sitting: see Minutes
17.   Dates of forthcoming sittings : see Minutes
18.   Adjournment of the session

Der Präsident. – Ich erkläre die Sitzungsperiode des Europäischen Parlaments für unterbrochen.
               

(Die Sitzung wird um 15.35 Uhr geschlossen.)



ELI: 
ISSN 1977-091X (electronic edition)