Corridor report on Spain : the case of Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigrants.
Date: 2015-03-27
Institutions: Migration Policy Centre, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies
Subjects: Ecuador, Morocco, Spain, immigration, integration of migrants, labour market, migrant, migrant worker, migration policy

INTERACT
February 2015 
2015/07

Corridor Report on Spain: 
the case of Ecuadorian and 
Moroccan immigrants 
Author: Lorenzo Gabrielli | GRITIM – Universitat 
Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona

Editor: Cameron Thibos | Lecturer, Council On 
International Educational Exchange

The objective of the present analysis is to understand the role of 
origin country policies and actions in the integration process of 
Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigrants in Spain.

Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigration in Spain 

Until  the  1980s,  Spain  was  considered  exclusively  a  sender  of 
migrants, mainly to other European countries. However, Spain has 
experienced  a  progressive  but  profound  change  in  its  migration 
balance,  due  to  the  decrease  of  emigration  and  an  intense  growth 
of immigration flows. Even though immigration to the country is a 
relative recent phenomenon, the intensity with which it has devel-
oped since the 1990s has made Spain one of the biggest immigra-
tion countries in the world1.The growth of Spanish economy during 
this time, and the enlargement of the labour market in some specific 
sectors,  have  played  a  key  role  in  attracting  a  growing  number  of 
immigrants. This all changed with the onset of the economic crisis in 
2007-08, when the flow of immigrants into Spain began to decrease 

1 The number of foreign residents increased from 900,000 in 2000 (2.2% of the population) 
to 4.9 million in 2010 (10.3% of the population). Source: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 
(INE) at www.ine.es.

interact-project.eu

KEYFINDINGSand emigration emerged once again as an important 
feature of this period. 

Spain started be become a main destination of Ecua-
dorian  emigration  flows  beginning  in  1995.  Prior 
to  this  Ecuadorians  went  primarily  to  the  United 
States. The annual growth rate of Ecuadorians immi-
gration  to  Spain  peaked  in  2000,  at  580%  over  the 
previous  year.  The  immigration  of  Ecuadorians  to 
Spain was further facilitated by an exemption from 
visa requirements until 2003, when the EU Council 
included Ecuador on the common EU visas list. 

The  history  of  Moroccan  immigrants  in  Span  is 
different.  Beginning  of  the  1970s,  Spain  started  to 
become  an  viable  alternative  to  more  traditional 
destinations in western Europe due to the economic 
development  of  the  Catalonian  region  at  the  time. 
The country has since become one of the main desti-
nations for Moroccan migrants in recent years. The 
profile of Moroccan migrants has changed as of late, 
with  recent  migrants  generally  younger  and  more 
qualified than in previous times. The share of female 
migrants is also larger than in the past.

The migration system between Spain and Morocco 
was  disrupted  in  July  1991  when  Spain  abrogated 
the bilateral regulation of 1964 and imposed a visa 
requirement  on  Moroccans  entering  the  country. 
After this change, migration patterns shifted toward 

family  reunification,  overstay,  or  irregular  crossing 
of maritime and land borders. The phenomenon of 
pateras  crossing  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  began,  and 
the  number  of  irregular  crossings  into  the  Spanish 
enclaves  of  Ceuta  and  Melilla  increased.  These 
began  stable  features  of  Moroccan-Spanish  migra-
tion over the course of the following decades. As a 
consequence,  more  and  more  Moroccans  in  Spain 
depend on ‘extraordinary’, albeit cyclical, regularisa-
tion  processes  to  obtain  a  residence  permits  in  the 
country.  Such  regularisation  processes  occurred  in 
1985/6,  1991,  1992,  1996,  2000,  2001,  and  2005.  A 
change  in  the  stable  Moroccan  immigration  trend 
appears  only  after  the  public  disclosure  of  the 
economic crisis, however it should be noted that this 
shift was less intense that in the Ecuadorian case.

The timelines of Ecuadorian and Moroccan migra-
tion patterns to Spain are very different (see Figure 1). 
Moroccan immigration experiences a more progres-
sive but constant growth from the 1990s, while the 
number  of  Ecuadorians  in  the  country  increases 
substantially between 2000 and 2005, then stabilises, 
and finally decreases after 2010. This decline is due 
to  different  concurrent  factors,  including  access  to 
naturalisation,  the  rise  of  other  migration  destina-
tions, and also the attractiveness of returning to the 
home country.  

FIGURE 1- Moroccan and Ecuadorian immigrants in Spain, 1998-2013.

2 ■  Migration Policy Centre - INTERACT ■ February 2015

	  
The gender composition is another key element differ-
entiating  these  two  migration  flows  (Figure  2).  Due 
to  specific  opportunities  for  women  in  the  Spanish 
labour market, Ecuadorian flows are from the begin-
ning  more  feminine  (65%  in  1998  and  1999,  and 
55% in 2000). That said, from 2000 onward the share 
imbalance  has  progressively  equilibrated  (in  2005 
there  is  a  new  majority  of  women,  51.2%).  On  the 
contrary, men have been always the main component 
of  Moroccan  immigration  flows  to  Spain,  although 
over time the share of women has grown. 

Policies

SPAIN — Integration started to be incorporated into 
debates  and  the  Spanish  political  agenda  relatively 
late, prompted largely by the elaboration of the Law 
on  Foreign  Nationals  (law  4/2000  –  Ley  Organica 
de  Extranjeria).  From  then  on,  immigration,  and 
particularly immigrants’ integration, is increasingly 
in the limelight of political agenda.

The  Strategic  Plan  for  Citizenship  and  Integration 
(PECI)  represents  the  core  tool  for  integration 
matters  deployed  by  the  Spanish  legislature.  Two 

FIGURE 2 -Gender composition immigration in Spain, 1998-2013

Ecuadorian immigration  

300.000	  

250.000	  

200.000	  

150.000	  

100.000	  

50.000	  

0.000	  

1998	  

1999	  

2000	  

2001	  

2002	  

2003	  

2004	  

2005	  

2006	  

2007	  

2008	  

2009	  

2010	  

2011	  

2012	  

2013	  

Moroccan immigration  

500.000	  

400.000	  

300.000	  

200.000	  

100.000	  

Males	  

Females	  

Males	  

Females	  

0.000	  

1998	  

1999	  

2000	  

2001	  

2002	  

2003	  

2004	  

2005	  

2006	  

2007	  

2008	  

2009	  

2010	  

2011	  

2012	  

2013	  

Source: INE, Main population series since 1998

3 ■  Corridor Report on Spain: the case of Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigrants 

plans  have  so  far  been  issued,  one  for  the  period 
2007-2010 (PECI I) and another one for the period 
2011-2014 (PECI II). This integration model put the 
main  focus  on  reception,  education,  and  employ-
ment. The last of these is allocated the most funds. 

The  different  phases  of  the  integration  process 
are  managed  according  to  a  framework  of  multi-
level  governance,  which  delegates  important  roles 
not  only  to  the  national  administration  but  also  to 
regional  governments  (Comunidades  Autonomas), 
local  entities  (town  and  city  councils),  and  civil 
society  (trade  unions,  employers’  organizations, 
Spanish  NGOs  and  immigrants  associations).  The 
cooperation among the different institutional actors 
involved  is  underpinned  by  annual  plans  at  the 
regional  level  that  define  the  responsibility  of  each 
actor in terms of governance and funding. 

Concerning  the  main  tools  used  in  the  integration 
policy, the PECI II sets the basis for the implemen-
tation  of  specific  measures  in  11  different  areas  of 
intervention2  at  the  regional  and  local  levels.  The 
Spanish  national  integration  framework  does  not 
include specific pre-departure training for migrants.

ECUADOR  —  Ecuador  has  developed  a  proactive 
migrant  engagement  policy  during  the  last  decade, 
even in comparison to a country with a much longer 
tradition of emigration like Morocco. Nevertheless, a 
discrepancy still exists between the stated objectives, 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  development  and  effec-
tive  implementation  of  governmental  programmes 
on the other. In particular, Ecuador has developed a 
broad array of measures aimed at: maintaining links 
with Ecuadorians overseas; promoting migrants’ role 
in the development of Ecuador; supporting migrants 
in  specific  fields;  and  facilitating  voluntary  return. 
There are also specific measures aimed at facilitating 
the return of high-qualified Ecuadorians.

The Ecuadorian state institution first began to recog-
nise the importance of emigration to the country in 
2000, and after this began to build frameworks and 
state institutions specifically oriented toward migra-
tion.  In  2005,  Ecuador  created  the  first  ‘National 
Plan for Ecuadorian Migrants Abroad’, which signi-
fies  migration’s  greater  presence  in  policy  discus-

4 ■  Migration Policy Centre - INTERACT ■ February 2015

sions  even  though  it  was  not  accorded  a  budget  of 
its  own.  Since  2007  migration  has  been  a  stronger 
priority  –  politically  and  institutionally  –  as  testi-
fied  by  the  different  actions  undertaken  by  the 
Ecuadorian  government,  including:  the  creation  of 
a  National  Secretariat  for  Migrants  (SENAMI),  in 
order to articulate the public policies on migration 
issues; the approbation of the Human Development 
Plan for Migration (2007 – 2010); and the Migration 
Policy of Ecuador. 

SENAMI  became  the  Vice  Ministry  of  Human 
Mobility in June 2013 and was incorporated into the 
administrative structure of the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs  and  Human  Mobility  (former  Ministry  of 
Foreign Affairs, Trade and Integration). The National 
Plan  for  Good  Living  2013  –  2017  (PNBV)3    is 
currently the document that establishes the national 
policy  guidelines.  Among  other  issues,  this  plan 
raises the need to promote: the rights for Ecuador-
ians  abroad;  the  better  delivery  of  public  services; 
the promotion of associations to develop productive 
projects and active citizenship; social inclusion and 
cohesion; the eradication of discrimination, violence 
and  xenophobia;  economic  inclusion  and  access  to 
social security.

 2 Areas of action are divided in two groups: i) specific areas (recep-
tion,  employment  and  economic  development,  education,  health, 
social services and inclusion, mobility and development) and cross-
cutting  areas:  (peaceful  coexistence,  equal  treatment  and  combating 
discrimination, childhood, youth and families; gender; participation 
and civic education).

Available 

3 
Nacional%20Buen%20Vivir%202013-2017.pdf

at 

http://documentos.senplades.gob.ec/Plan%20

In  the  case  of  Morocco,  the  first  policies  linked 
with  emigrants  and  diaspora  were  instituted  after 
the  country’s  independence  in  1956.  The  country’s 
emigration and diaspora policies have evolved from 
their  beginnings,  but  they  are  following  two  clear 
trajectories. On the one hand, the goal is to facilitate 
the  employment  of  Moroccans  abroad  through  the 
National Agency for Promotion of Employment and 
Skills (Agence Nationale de Promotion de l’Emploi et 
des Compétences – ANAPEC), as well as sustain the 
relationship of emigrants with their origin country. 
These are done to maintain the flow of remittances 
and  investments,  as  well  as  the  participation  of 
Moroccans abroad in development activities. On the 
other  hand,  Morocco  has  searched  to  control  and 
limit the political opposition of overseas Moroccans.

Over  the  last  decade  Morocco  has  shifted  from 
containment to courtship when it comes to migrant 

political  activities.  The  Moroccan  authorities  have 
also  shown  an  increased  interest  in  the  integration 
of emigrants in their countries of destination, albeit 
this has so far not translated into a dramatic shift in 
the instruments employed. Many actors are present 
in  this  field,  such  as  different  Ministries  (e.g.  the 
Ministry  in  Charge  of  Moroccans  Living  Abroad, 
and the Ministry of Habous and Islamic Affairs) as 
well as the Hassan II Foundation. 

In  parallel  to  unilateral  policies  addressed  to 
emigrants  and  diaspora,  the  role  of  bilateral  agree-
ments between Morocco and the countries of desti-
nation  seems  to  be  central  to  facilitating  the  inte-
gration of immigrants in some specific dimensions 
(Table 1).

  TABLE 1 - Integration policies addressing specifically Ecuadorians and Moroccans through bilateral and 
multilateral agreement. 
Table 1 - Integration policies addressing specifically Ecuadorians and 
Moroccans through bilateral and multilateral agreement.  

Multiple Citizenship 

Social rights 

Vote in local election 

Ecuador 
Morocco 

x 

x 
x 

x 

Source: Pasetti (2014)

Language 
and  
Culture 

x 

Interpreting the integration index

When explaining differences in integration patterns, 
some important differences between the two immi-
grant  communities  have  to  be  taken  into  account. 
Firstly,  Ecuador  is  a  Spanish  speaking  country 
and  thus  Ecuadorian  migrants  are  able  to  speak 
the  language  of  the  destination  country  from  the 
moment they arrive. This is not the case for Moroc-
cans. Secondly, the main religion in the two countries 
of origins is different. Finally,  social  perceptions of 
Moroccans and Latin American migrants in Spanish 

society, as well as political and media discourse, tend 
to  identify  certain  immigrant  groups  as  especially 
problematic in terms of integration (Zapata-Barrero 
and Garcés-Mascareñas, 2012). 

5 ■  Corridor Report on Spain: the case of Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigrants 

   
   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  TABLE 2 - Level of integration of Moroccan and Ecuadorian migrants in Spain 
Table 2 - Level of integration of Moroccan and Ecuadorian migrants in Spain  

ORIGIN 

Morocco 
Ecuador 

Labour Market 

Education 

Index 
0,00 
0,39 

Gap index 
0,37 
0,71 

Index 
0,14 
0,27 

Gap index 
0,04 
0,13 

Source: Di Bartolomeo, Kalantaryan and Bonfanti (2015)

Access to 
Citizenship 
Index 
0,05 
0,38 

CITIZENSHIP — Statistics on citizenship and access 
to  nationality  show  important  differences  between 
the two communities. On average, 7,152 Moroccans 
and  16,557  Ecuadorians  acquire  citizenship  every 
year. This difference results from the disparate treat-
ment of the two groups in Spanish legislation. Ecua-
dorians are permitted to ask for citizenship after two 
years of uninterrupted residence in the country – an 
artefact of the historical linkages between Spain and 
the  Latin  American  countries  –  while  Moroccans 
have to prove an interrupted residence for 10 years.

For  Moroccans,  it  is  interesting  to  underline  the 
introduction of Arabic and Moroccan culture courses 
into  the  Spanish  educational  system  (in  extracur-
ricular  form  as  well  as  in  school  hours).  These  are 
the result of two bilateral agreements, one regarding 
‘cultural  cooperation’  from  1980  and  the  other 
‘strategic association’ from 2012. At the same time, 
courses in Islam (in cooperation with the Union of 
Islamic Communities in Spain) are available in some 
Spanish schools as an alternative to both civic educa-
tion and ‘common’ religious courses.

Approximately 17% of Moroccans and 34% of Ecua-
dorians furthermore have access to Spanish nation-
ality. This difference can also be linked to the bilat-
eral  regulation  on  dual  nationality  between  Spain 
and Ecuador that has existed since 1964. In the case 
of Morocco, the origin country informally tolerates 
dual  nationality  and  no  legal  disposition  exists  in 
this sense.

EDUCATION — It is difficult to link the differences 
between  the  two  groups  in  educational  enrolment 
to the policies of the countries of origin. The effect 
of  civil  society  and  migrant  organisations  can  be 
higher, even if they are more difficult to evaluate in a 
general framework. 

Statistics  on  the  educational  enrolment  of  Moroc-
cans and Ecuadorians between 15 and 25 years old 
–  28.6%  vs.  57.4%  respectively  –  show  an  impor-
tant disparity between the two groups.  The issue of 
origin country’s language (Ecuador and Spain share 
a common language) plays a main role in this case 
along  with  other  variables  that  are  not  analysed 
here  (i.e.:  socio-economic  and  educational  level  of 
parents).

However, the impact of these measures on the educa-
tional enrolment of Moroccans is difficult to gauge, 
in  part  because  very  few  Moroccans  make  use  of 
them. Indeed, only 4.55% of Moroccans enrolled in 
the pre-university Spanish education system partici-
pated  in  the  Arab  language  and  Moroccan  Culture 
programme in 20094. 

Concerning  the  recognition  of  educational  quali-
fications,  a  legal  difference  exists  between  the  two 
origin  countries  because  Ecuador  is  a  signatory  of 
the  “Andres  Bello”  convention  whereas  Morocco  is 
not. To the Ecuadorians it is applied a special Order 
of  20015  for  signature  countries  of  (some  Spanish-
speaking  countries  of  Latin  America),  while  to 
Moroccans it is applied a different Order of 19966 . 
That said, the existing tables of equivalence do not 
substantially differentiate between the qualifications 
of  Ecuadorians  and  Moroccans.  Indeed,  the  only 
major  difference  appears  to  be  that  qualifications 
from Ecuador do not require translation as they are 
already in Spanish.

LABOUR  MARKET  —  Ecuadorians  enjoy  easy 
access to Spanish labour market, due to the existence 
of  and  agreement  on  double  nationality  between 

6 ■  Migration Policy Centre - INTERACT ■ February 2015

 
Spain  and  Ecuador,  signed  in  1964  and  effective 
between 1965 and 2000.

Two specific elements of this agreement facilitate the 
entrance  of  Ecuadorian  immigrants  in  the  Spanish 
labour market. First, the agreement allowed for the 
acquisition  of  Spanish  nationality  –  and  without 
losing  Ecuadorian  citizenship  –  after  two  years 
only of legal residence in Spain. Second, the agree-
ment  guarantees  the  “maximum  level  of  rights”  to 
those  immigrants  that  do  not  acquire  Spanish  citi-
zenship.  In  practice,  this  means  access  to  all  social 
and economic rights, including the non-application 
of  the  “clause  of  national  priority”  to  Ecuador-
ians regarding access to the labour market (Goméz 
Ciriano, 2007: 29-30). 

Both  countries  signed  bilateral  agreements  with 
Spain on labour migration in 2001. The differences 
between the two communities emerge in their fields 
of  employment.  The  share  of  Ecuadorians  workers 
employed in services (70%) is comparable to that of 
Spaniards (76%), whereas the portion of Moroccans 
in  the  service  sector  is  significantly  lower  (57%). 
However, more than a quarter of Moroccans (26%) 
are employed in agriculture, in comparison to merely 
12% of Ecuadorians.

The reason for these differences is not immediately 
obvious,  as  the  two  bilateral  agreements  are  very 
similar in their content and form. More research on 
the  practical  implementation  of  those  agreements, 
their effective impact, as well as on the functioning 
of  bilateral  commissions  for  recruitment  in  third 
countries  will  add  more  interpretative  elements  to 
this point. That said, different sectorial distribution 
in the Spanish labour market can be strictly linked 
to  other  elements,  such  the  as  urban/rural  origin 
of  immigrants,  previous  job  experience,  as  well  as 
‘ethnic niches’ in the labour market. 

Data  on  duration  of  job  search  show  differences 
between the two communities when it comes to long-
term  unemployment  (more  than  two  years).  The 
current  long-term  unemployment  rate  for  Moroc-
cans is 43%, well above the 34% rate for Spaniards. 
Ecuadorians have a lower long-term unemployment 
rate than both these populations, at 21%. 

This difference may be explained also by Ecuador’s 
highly  developed  political  framework  for  encour-
aging  the  return  of  emigrants  in  conjunction  with 
the  country’s  positive  economic  outlook  over  the 
past decade, especially in contrast to the economies 
of both Spain and Morocco. It is thus possible that 
returning to the country of origin is more attractive 
for Ecuadorians facing long-term employment than 
for  Moroccans.  Indeed,  data  of  National  Statistic 
Institute (INE) of Spain show that while the number 
of  Ecuadorians  in  Spain  exploded  between  1998 
and 2005 – from 3,972 to 497,799 – it then gradu-
ally  decreased  to  263,498  in  2013.  In  contrast,  the 
number of Moroccans in Spain increased constantly 
over the same time period, from 111,043 in 1998, to 
511,294 in 2005, to finally 792,158 in 2013.

POLITICAL  PARTICIPATION  —  Unfortunately, 
data are missing in the field of political participation, 
where the institutional framework shows important 
differences  between  the  two  cases.  Bilateral  agree-
ments  between  Spain  and  Ecuador,  as  well  as  the 
effective  implementation  of  overseas  voting  rights, 
give Ecuadorian migrants many ways to participate 
in political life in both destination and origin coun-
tries. The framework is very different for Moroccans. 
They can neither vote in Spain, unless they acquire 
Spanish nationality, nor in Morocco unless they are 
in the country of origin during elections.

4 Embassy of the Kingdom of Morocco in Madrid - Education Attaché 
Office  -  Moroccan  cultural  mission  in  Spain,  “Spanish-Moroccan 
educational  programme  for  Arabic  language  and  Moroccan  culture 
[Programa hispano-marroquí de enseñanza de lengua árabe y cultura 
marroquí]”, p. 9.

5  Order  of  20  March  2001  laying  down  the  rules  of  equivalence  of 
primary and secondary education studies completed in the signatory 
countries  of  the  “Andrés  Bello”  Convention  with  the  corresponding 
Spanish  compulsory  secondary  education  and  bachelor’s  degree,  set  
by Organic  Law 1/1990 of 3 October. [Orden de 20 de marzo de 2001 , 
por la que se regula el régimen de equivalencias de los estudios básicos 
y  medios  cursados  en  los  países  signatarios  del  Convenio  “Andrés 
Bello”  con  los  correspondientes  españoles  de  Educación  Secundaria 
Obligatoria y Bachillerato establecidos por la Ley Orgánica 1/1990, de 
3 de octubre, de Ordenación General del Sistema Educativo.]

6  Order of 30 April 1996, adopting new criteria for the approval and 
recognition  of  foreign  qualifications  and  non-university  studies, 
and  establishing  the  equivalence  system  with  the  corresponding 
Spanish  qualification  and  studies,  following  the  new  Educational 
reform.  [Orden  de  30  de  abril  de  1996  ,  por  la  que  se  adecuan  a  la 
nueva  ordenación  educativa  determinados  criterios  en  materia  de 
homologación  y  convalidación  de  títulos  y  estudios  extranjeros  de 
niveles no universitarios y se fija el régimen de equivalencias con los 
correspondientes españoles.]

7 ■  Corridor Report on Spain: the case of Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigrants 

-

N
N
E
-
2
9
0
-
5
1
-
1
0
-
M
Q

INTERACT
Researching  Third  Country  Nationals’  Integration  as  a  Three-way  Process  -  Immigrants,  Countries  of 
Emigration and Countries of Immigration as Actors of Integration

The INTERACT project studies the impact of sending countries on migrant integration. It looks at 
the ways in which institutions and organisations in origin countries thicken transnational bonds by 
developing tools to boost financial transfers, maintain cultural heritages, enhance migrant political 
participation, and protect migrants’ rights. It seeks to understand how these efforts impact migrant 
integration, as well as how origin country policies complement or contradict the integration measures 
of receiving country governments.

Tel: (+39) 055 4685 817/892
Fax: (+39) 055 4685 – 755
mpc@eui.eu

The INTERACT project is co-financed by the European Union.
Complete information can be found online at: interact-project.eu

8 ■  Migration Policy Centre - INTERACT ■ February 2015

ISBN  978-92-9084-270-5
DOI 10.2870/51594

Content © Authors, 2015© European University Institute, 2015