Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union.
Date: 2015-02-26
Institutions: Eurofound
Subjects: EU Member State, Norway, dissemination of information, parental leave, paternity leave, public awareness campaign, social change

Promoting uptake of parental and
paternity leave among fathers 
in the European Union

Promoting uptake of parental and
paternity leave among fathers 
in the European Union

Wyattville Road, Loughlinstown, Dublin 18, Ireland. – Tel: (+353 1) 204 31 00
email: information@eurofound.europa.eu – website: www.eurofound.europa.eu

When citing this report, please use the following wording:

Eurofound (2015), Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union,
Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg.

Authors: Jorge Cabrita and Felix Wohlgemuth   

Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2015

doi:10.2806/041743
ISBN 978-92-897-1368-9

© European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, 2015.

For rights of translation or reproduction, applications should be made to the Director, European Foundation for the Improvement of
Living and Working Conditions, Wyattville Road, Loughlinstown, Dublin 18, Ireland.

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Contents

Introduction

Definitions and legal provisions

Trends in take-up of leave

Factors influencing take-up of parental and paternity leave among fathers

Initiatives promoting take-up of parental and paternity leave among fathers

Conclusions

References

Annex

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Introduction

It is widely recognised that ‘family leave’ is an important factor in a worker’s ability to balance professional and private
life, particularly for those who have children. Depending on the country and collective agreement concerned, workers
can,  in  addition  to  maternity  leave,  be  entitled  to  other  kinds  of  family  leave  for  the  care  of  newborn  and/or  young
children,  such  as  paternity  leave  and  parental  leave.  Traditionally,  such  leave  tends  to  be  seen  and  analysed  from  a
perspective that considers women as the main carers, with little attention paid to the father’s situation. However, it is
also important to reflect on family leave that relates to childcare responsibilities from the fathers’ perspective. This is
especially so in view of an increased  employment rate as advocated in the Europe 2020 strategy. 

This report is based on contributions from the network of correspondents for EurWORK, the European Observatory
on Working Life. The data were collected between July and October 2014 and refer to the situation for each country in
October 2014. It looks at the most recent trends in terms of take-up of parental and paternity leave and examines the
provisions, measures and initiatives recently implemented by national authorities, governments and/or social partners to
promote the take-up of parental and paternity leave, particularly among fathers. 

The report is structured around four sections. Firstly, it briefly addresses the current legal framework at European and
national  level,  including  the  statutory  provisions  for  parental  and  paternity  leave  across  the  European  Union  (EU)
Member States, characterising the different schemes in place in 2014. Secondly, based on available national-level data,
it looks at the evolution of take-up rates, in particular by fathers. Thirdly, a short section briefly looks at some factors
influencing  fathers’  take-up  of  parental  and  paternity  leave.  The  final  section  looks  into  initiatives  developed  and
implemented by public authorities and/or social partner organisations, at national level, to promote the take-up of family-
related leave, in particular paternity leave and parental leave taken by fathers. 

Definitions and legal provisions  

While maternity leave aims to protect working women during their pregnancy and recovery from childbirth, parental
leave refers to relatively long-term leave that is available to either or both parents, allowing them to take care of an infant
or young child over a period of time, usually following the maternity or paternity leave period (see ILO (2014) for a
definition).  In  the  EU,  Directive  2010/18/EU implemented  the  revised  framework  agreement  on  parental  leave
concluded by the European social partners BUSINESSEUROPE, the European Association of Craft, Small and Medium-
sized Enterprises (UEAPME), the European Centre of Employers and Enterprises Providing Public Services (CEEP) and
the  European  Trade  Union  Confederation  (ETUC).  This  repealed  Directive  96/34/EC.  The  Directive  essentially
determines that all workers, men and women, irrespective of their type of employment contract, are entitled to a leave
period of at least four months on the birth or adoption of a child. It considers parental leave as ‘an important means of
reconciling professional and family responsibilities and promoting equal opportunities and treatment between men and
women’.

As  a  consequence  of  the  transposition  of  the  Directive  into  national  legislation,  the  adoption  of  legislation  aimed  at
improving or introducing parental leave schemes has been reported in a number of countries since it came into force.
The  Eurofound  (2012)  report,  Industrial  Relations  and  Working  Conditions  Developments  2011,  for  example,
addresses the adoption of legislation in 2011 aimed at improving or introducing parental leave schemes by a number of
countries. Currently, and as shown in the next section, all Member States have provisions for parental leave.

Paternity leave, on the other hand, is generally a short period of leave specifically for the father, immediately following
childbirth, the main purpose of which is to allow him to spend some time with the new child and his partner (see ILO,
2014 or International Network on Leave Policies and Research). Despite the fact that there is no legal framework at

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Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

EU level, legislation on paternity leave available to fathers after the birth of a child or during the first few months of the
child’s life has been introduced or developed in many Member States, in particular since the late 1990s. In Eurofound
(2004) for example, there is reference to Belgium, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain and the
UK in this regard.  

As contributions from EurWORK’s network of European correspondents did not cover the regulations for paternity leave
of adoptive fathers, this report focuses on the regulations and entitlements of non-adoptive fathers. The International
Network  on  Leave  Policies  and  Research  states  in  its  cross-country  comparison,  which  covers  a  high  number  of  EU
Member  States,  that  ‘in  most  countries,  adoptive  parents  have  similar  leave  entitlements  to  other  parents’
(Moss 2014, p. 24).

Brief overview of parental and paternity leave in the EU
There are provisions for parental leave in all the EU Member States. Although Directive 2010/18/EU defines parental
leave as an individual right in principle, Member States can choose whether or not to make it available to either or both
parents. 

The International Network on Leave Policies and Research applies the following categories to parental leave: family
entitlements, which can be divided between the parents; individual entitlement; and mixed, which is part family and part
individual entitlement. In 14 Member States, parental leave can be shared by the parents. This is the case for Austria,
Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and
Slovenia. In 12 EU Member States, it is an individual entitlement that cannot be shared. This is the case for Belgium,
France, the Czech Republic, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Spain and the United
Kingdom. In the remaining Member States (Portugal and Sweden) and in Norway, parental leave comprises two parts,
one that can be shared and one that cannot be shared. 

In most of the countries, there are cash benefits associated with the take-up of parental leave. In some countries these
benefits  are  based  on  a  flat  rate;  this  is  the  case  in Austria  (in  four  out  of  five  leave  options),  Belgium,  the  Czech
Republic, France, Hungary (for the last stage of leave entitlements), Luxembourg, Poland (for the last stage of leave
entitlements), Slovakia and Sweden (for part of leave entitlements). In the other Member States with such benefits, the
amount concerned is a proportion of the individual’s most recent salary – 30% in Italy, 60% in Poland, 67% in Germany,
70% in Finland, 80% in Austria (in one leave option), and up to 100% in Denmark and in Portugal (for the shortest
length).  In  almost  all  cases,  these  benefits  are  paid  by  the  public  authorities  responsible  for  social  security  or  social
insurance.  In  Denmark,  leave  compensation  depends  on  the  employment  situation  of  the  worker  and  the  collective
agreements covering their employer. It is partly paid by the state and partly by the employer (see annex for more details). 

For eight Member States, there is no cash benefit associated with parental leave: in Croatia, Cyprus, Greece, Ireland,
Malta, the Netherlands, Spain and the UK, parental leave, if taken, is unpaid. 

All 28 EU Member States have statutory provisions for paternity leave, except Austria, Cyprus, the Czech Republic,
Germany, Ireland, Malta and Slovakia. In terms of length, paternity leave varies considerably in terms of working days,
from one compulsory day in Italy or two days in Greece, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Spain, to the more ‘generous’
Member States where it extends to 20 days in Portugal, 30 days in Lithuania, 54 days in Finland and 90 days in Slovenia.
In Hungary and Romania, paternity leave comprises five days, while in Croatia it is seven days. In Belgium, Estonia,
Latvia and Sweden, it is 10 days. In France, fathers are entitled to 11 days’ leave. Denmark, Norway, Poland and the UK
all provide paternity leave of 14 days; Bulgaria provides 15 days (see annex for more details). 

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In  the  great  majority  of  Member  States,  paternity  leave  benefits  are  paid  by  the  national  social  security  systems. The
exceptions are Belgium, Denmark and the UK, where they are paid by the employers and the state. For example, in the
UK,  employers  are  entitled  to  recover  up  to  92%  of  statutory  benefits  paid  to  workers  in  paternity  leave.  In  Croatia,
Greece, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Romania, employers are responsible for full payment of paternity leave benefit.

It is important to note that, for a small group of countries, provisions are not made for paternity leave, and parental leave,
if taken, is unpaid: Cyprus, Ireland and Malta. Greece and the Netherlands can also be added to this group as parental
leave is unpaid and paternity leave, although paid as 100% of previous earnings, is only provided for two days. In Spain
and the UK, parental leave is also unpaid but paternity leave is slightly longer at up to 15 and 14 days respectively.

Trends in take-up of leave

This  section  looks  at  trends  regarding  take-up  of  parental  and  paternity  leave  in  the  EU.  There  are  no  harmonised,
comparative data available, so the information presented here derives from national sources as reported by the national
correspondents for EurWORK and focuses mostly on the take-up rates among fathers. 

The  main  trend  emerging  from  the  indicators  provided  by  national  data  sources  is  that  take-up  rates  of  parental  and
paternity leave among fathers (where available) are increasing in most Member States, but are generally still relatively
low. In other words, there is still room to improve the balance between parents when decisions are made in relation to
the take-up of parental leave. 

Parental leave trends 
Statistics Austria data show that a major goal of reform in 2010 – increasing the proportion of fathers taking parental
leave – has not been reached. The proportion of men on parental leave only increased marginally from 3% to 4% between
2005 and 2013 (Leibetseder, 2013). 

Although legislation in the Czech Republic enables men to take parental leave to the same extent and under the same
conditions as women, men taking parental leave represent only 1.8% of all parental leave takers. This rate has remained
quite constant over the last five years, with figures ranging between 1.6% and 1.8%. Regarding paternity leave, fathers
are eligible for the benefit for 22 weeks after the birth of the child, with payment financed from sickness insurance and
representing  a  rate  based  on  their  daily  earnings. The  proportion  of  male  recipients  for  this  was  only  0.4  %  in  2013
(Ministerstvo práce a sociálních věcí, 2014).

In Estonia, the take-up of parental benefit by men has increased in recent years, though it is still relatively low. Before
2008, when it reached 4.1%, around 2% of all recipients of parental leave benefit were men. This figure has risen to over
6% since 2009, reaching a high of 6.6% in 2010. (In 2011, it was 6%, in 2012 it was 6.3% and in 2013, the take-up was
6.5%.) 

In Finland, take-up of parental leave among fathers has been steadily increasing, growing by 50% between 2002 and
2012. Nonetheless, it still comprises less than 9% of the total uptake of parental leave. Only 1.9% of fathers took parental
leave  in  2012,  according  to  Finland’s  National  Institute  for  Health  and  Welfare  (THL) and  the  Social  Insurance
Institution of Finland (Kela Fpa, 2013). Before amendments were introduced on 1 January 2013, the take-up rate for
paternity leave (ranging from one to 18 days) was at 84% according to the THL. Under that old system, fathers who took
at least 12 of the last working days of the parental allowance period were granted an extra ‘daddy month’ – an earning-
based  paternity  allowance  for  another  25  working  days  that  could  be  taken  while  the  mother  was  on  parental  leave.
According to the THL, the take-up rate for this ‘daddy month’ had increased fivefold since it was introduced in 2003,
although by 2012 it still remained low, at 32%.   

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In  Italy,  most  beneficiaries  of  parental  leave  are  women,  although  the  proportion  of  men  availing  of  it  has  been
increasing. According to data provided by the INPS (Istituto Nazionale della Previdenza Sociale), men represented
9.7% of total beneficiaries among workers in 2010, 10.8% in 2011 and 11% in 2012. More men with fixed-term contracts
use parental leave than do men working under an open-ended contract, with the former group showing a relatively faster
increase over time: in 2010, 12.1% of workers with a fixed-term contract availing of it were men, rising to 15.7% in
2011, and 17.2% in 2012. By contrast, in 2010 only 9.5% of men on an open-ended contract availed of parental leave,
rising to 10.4% in 2011 and 10.5% in 2012.

These  data,  however,  do  not  indicate  the  share  of  workers  who  benefited  from  the  measure  in  Italy. A  report  by  the
National Institute for Statistics (Istat), from 2011, showed that in 2010 the take-up of parental leave was much higher for
mothers than for fathers. In total, 45.3% of female workers and 6.9% of male workers with children under eight years
of  age  declared  that  they  had  taken  parental  leave  at  least  once  in  their  lifetime  (Istat,  2011). Another  recent  study
published by Istat (2014) indicates that in 2012, 8.8% of male and 32% of female workers (aged 15–64 years) with at
least one child aged less than eight years had availed of parental leave in the 12 months prior to the interview. 

Data from Statistics Netherlands show that between 2001 and 2013, women had a significantly higher take-up rate of
parental  leave  than  men.  In  2001,  among  those  entitled  to  parental  leave,  35%  of  women  and  less  than  10%  of  men
actually took it. Take-up rates increased substantially up to 2013, when they reached 24% for men and over 57% for
women. Take-up of parental leave among fathers went from less than 10% in 2001 to 24% in 2013, peaking in 2011
when it reached 27%. 

Data compiled by the Commission for Equality at Work and Employment (Comissão para a Igualdade no Trabalho e no
Emprego – CITE) in Portugal show that the incidence of cases where parental leave is shared by both parents has risen
significantly:  in  2013,  28.3%  of  fathers  shared  parental  leave  with  mothers,  up  from  0.5%  in  2005. This  increase  is
observed  both  in  relation  to  compulsory  and  optional  parental  leave:  in  2013  the  take-up  rate  among  fathers  of
compulsory parental leave was 65.4%, 21.4 more percentage points than in 2008. The same trend emerges in relation to
optional parental leave: in 2013, 57.3% of fathers made use of this, 20.5 percentage points more than in 2008 (CITE,
2014 –  330 KB PDF).

Data provided by the Swedish Social Insurance Agency (Försäkringskassan, 2014) also show an obvious trend whereby
fathers  are  utilising  parental  leave  to  an  increasing  extent.  In  2013,  fathers  took  24.8%  of  the  total  parental  leave
measured in days, which means they took twice as much parental leave as did fathers in 2000. There has also been an
important increase in the share of men receiving parental benefits, from 38% in 2000 to 45% in 2013. 

Data gathered for the International Network on Leave Policies and Research provide evidence of increased take-up rates
of parental leave among men in Slovenia. There, parental leave was used by all mothers and 5.6% of fathers in 2008, the
figure for the latter rising to 6.3% in 2009 and 2010 and 6.8% in 2011 (Stropnik, 2013). 

Paternity leave trends
In Estonia, according to that country’s Social Insurance Board, 14% of fathers took paternity leave in 2006 and 2007,
but in 2008, after a new payment scheme was introduced, take-up of leave increased to 50%. In 2009, the new scheme
was abolished so there are no statistics on take-up rates between 2009 and 2013, when it was re-introduced. In 2013,
3%–8% of fathers took paternity leave.

According to the State Social Insurance Fund SoDra, the share of men taking childcare leave and receiving a parental
allowance is steadily growing in Lithuania: from 7.5% of total parental leave taken in 2009 to 18% in 2014. 

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Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

Slovenia presents evidence of increased take-up rates of paternity leave among men. Paternity leave (up to 15 days) was
used by about three-quarters of fathers between 2006 and 2008, rising to 80% in 2009 and 2010, and about 78% in 2011
(Moss, 2014). Moreover, the proportion taking more than 15 days’ leave rose from 15% in 2008, to 19% in 2009 and to
21% in 2010 and 2011.

The take-up rates of paternity leave and parental leave have become a research topic of interest in Spain, especially since
2007,  with  the  introduction  of  parental  leave  into  legislation  via  the  Organic  Law  3/2007  of  22  March  for  effective
equality between women and men. For instance, a report on this issue shows that, in spite of cutbacks resulting from the
recession,  data  indicate  that  paternity  leave  take-up  rates  increased  from  63.8%  in  2008  to  76.7%  2011  (figures
calculated by applying an estimation model to registered social security data) (Flaquer and Escobedo, 2014). Statistics
compiled by the Spanish National Social Security Institute (Instituto Nacional de la Seguridad Social – INSS) show that
between  2009  and  2013  the  uptake  rate  for  paternity  leave  was  quite  stable,  at  around  80%  to  83%  of  the  rate  for
maternity leave in Spain. 

In the UK, a father (or partner of a child’s mother) is entitled to Additional Paternity Leave (APL). They are eligible to
take up to 26 weeks’ leave and 19 weeks’ pay in cases where the mother has ended her maternity leave no earlier than
20 weeks after the birth of the baby. Since April 2014, the statutory rate is £138.18 (approximately €174) per week. A
Trades Union Congress (TUC) analysis of the official figures found that although 91% of fathers took some leave after
childbirth and 71% took two weeks (14 consecutive days) or less of paternity leave, of the 285,000 fathers eligible to
take APL just 1,650 (0.6%) did so in 2011 and 2012.

Factors influencing take-up of parental and paternity leave among fathers

Uptake of parental and paternity leave depends on characteristics of available schemes, such as duration, compensation,
provisions for sharing between the two parents and flexibility. It also depends on the context. Eurofound research shows
that take-up rates among parents depend on many intertwined factors that together constitute ‘a system’ (see for example
Eurofound, 2004). Such factors include:

n

n

n

information about the leave available; 

leave compensation and pay disparities; 

availability and flexibility of childcare facilities; 

n prevailing family organisation models; and 

n

the extent to which workers fear isolation from the labour market when taking leave. 

Those  factors  are  not  going  to  be  discussed  here  in  detail;  rather  they  will  be  touched  upon  in  relation  to  factors
influencing the take-up of parental and paternity leave by fathers. 

Examples of research looking at the factors influencing the take up of paternity leave do not seem abundant. However,
some examples are worth mentioning here. 

In 2006, the Equal Opportunities Commission in the UK published research that looked at the attitudes and practices of
fathers in relation to paternity leave. It revealed that financial constraints, employer practices and personal attitudes play
a major role in fathers’ decisions in relation to paternity leave. 

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Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

In 2007, Eurofound published a study looking at company practices and attitudes towards parental leave across the EU
based on the European Survey on Working Time and Work–life Balance, 2004–2005. It found that only seven out of 21
countries had specific incentives for fathers to take up parental leave. The most commonly used incentives were high
compensation  rates  for  fathers  or  part  of  leave  entitlements  being  reserved  for  fathers,  combined  with  a  reasonable
financial  compensation.  The  same  study  also  found  that  countries  with  leave  systems  providing  a  high  earnings
replacement rate also had the highest proportion of establishments with employees taking leave. 

The increase in the proportion of men accessing paternity leave in Spain could be explained both by a genuine interest
in taking paternity leave and by the fact that male employment has been reduced in sectors and groups with lower quality
employment conditions (Flaquer and Escobedo, 2014). Another Spanish report analysed some of the personal and socio-
economic determinants of fathers’ use of leave, concluding that fathers are more likely to take leave if they have stability
in employment, if there are facilities for reconciling work and family life and if their partner is employed (Escot et al,
2013).

Research carried out in the Czech Republic by the nongovernmental organisation Open Men’s League (Liga otevřených
mužů – LOM), in the ‘Full Time Father’ project, had interesting findings. A survey carried out in 2013, covering the
region of Olomouc, showed that nearly two-thirds of women did not wish their partners to be on parental leave, if they
had a child at the time of the survey (LOM, 2013). By contrast, 42% of men stated they would like to take at least some
parental leave if they had a child (11% of men even demonstrated a ‘strong preference’ for their participation in parental
leave). A follow-up survey carried out in 2014 captured the reasons why women are not willing to give part of their
‘carer’s  time’  to  fathers.  The  most  important  reason  mentioned  was  household  finances:  two-thirds  of  women
respondents  were  concerned  that  the  financial  loss  for  the  family  would  be  too  harmful  if  fathers  took  part  of  their
parental leave. In addition, one-third of women respondents believed that fathers would not be able to take care of their
children properly while the same proportion of women respondents was convinced that women simply do not want to
give up their traditional role. 

An ongoing research project carried out by the Institute Sowitra and funded by the Hans Böckler Foundation in Germany
is investigating whether parental leave taken by working fathers in 2014 impacted on gender relations in household and
firms. The preliminary results show that fathers who took parental leave differ from those who did not in that they tended
to have a higher level of education and live in larger cities. In relation to work, they were more likely to work in the
public sector, be self-employed, or have a part-time or fixed-term contract. Fathers who took more than two months of
parental leave also had a greater level of interest in supporting the career of their spouses. 

In sum, decision-making processes about taking parental or paternity leave depend on a complex set of factors. From the
point of view of a worker, father and household, the most important of these seems to be the financial compensation
associated  with  such  leave.  Other  relevant  factors  include  the  workers’  level  of  education,  the  type  of  employment
contract, the sector concerned and the geographical area concerned (urban versus rural context, for example). 

Initiatives promoting take-up of parental and paternity leave among fathers 

As shown in the previous section, the take-up of parental and paternity leave among fathers is influenced by several
factors,  including  the  level  of  compensation  involved,  the  availability  of  reserved  leave  periods,  the  availability  of
information and the extent to which workers fear isolation from the labour market when taking leave. This section briefly
describes recent initiatives implemented in some European countries to promote fathers’ uptake of parental and paternity
leave. 

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Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

Promotion of parental leave uptake among fathers

Duration and compensation

Entitlement to both paternity and maternity leave depends on the individual and on the legal provisions in place. Each
person may have the right to a certain length of leave with a certain amount of compensation. At the same time, for
around half of the EU Member States, entitlement to parental leave is family-based. In systems with entitlements based
on the whole family, parents as a household or unit are entitled to a certain length of leave. The extent to which two
parents can share the duration of the parental leave between them depends on regulations. In parental leave systems with
entitlements based on the individual it is easier to legally guarantee fathers and mothers an equal length of parental leave.
For instance, in France, from 2015 onwards, each parent will have the non-transferable right to six months of parental
leave for the first child and 18 months for each additional child. Due to the non-transferability condition, if one parent
does not use their parental leave, the total duration of parental leave for the family will be six or 18 months, depending
on the number of children. 

In Finland, a similar policy is expected to be implemented in August 2015. At time of writing, parents in Finland can
freely  share  a  homecare  allowance  between  themselves,  which  has  resulted  in  a  great  majority  of  recipients  being
women. Under the new regulation, if one of the parents does not take leave allocated to them, the family will lose this
part of the family leave.

In Croatia, each parent can take up to four months of parental leave. This means that the total leave duration for a family
is eight months when both partners use their leave entitlement. As with the new regulations in France and Finland, a total
of six months is available for each family if only one parent takes parental leave. The four months of leave allocated to
each parent cannot be taken at the same time. 

In Sweden, the total duration of parental leave for parents is 480 days. Parents can take up to 30 days’ leave at the same
time, but the remaining 450 days need to be taken separately. Sixty days of the total 480 days are reserved for each
parent. The exclusiveness of parental leave prompts fathers to take this leave and also means they care for their children
alone for a set period of time. This regulation also promotes mothers’ labour market participation and their reintegration
in the labour market after maternity and parental leave.

In family-based parental leave systems (but also in some individual-based systems) a widely used instrument to promote
fathers’  use  of  parental  leave  is  to  provide  bonuses  in  the  form  of  time  or  cash  when  both  partners  take  leave.  For
example, in Austria, depending on the option parents choose, a two to six-month bonus is granted if both parents are
taking parental leave. In the case of the Austrian income-dependent parental leave option, one partner can be on leave
for 12 months and the other partner for two months. The Austrian parental leave system offers a total of five different
options. In four of those options, flat rate benefits are paid, which vary in amount depending on the chosen length of
parental leave – from 12 months plus two additional months, up to 36 months plus six additional months. The shorter
the length, the higher the flat rate benefit. The most recently implemented option is income dependent, accounting for
80% of previous income up to a limit of €2,000 per month. The share of fathers is higher among shorter leave options
and  is  also  high  in  the  income  income-dependent  option,  with  26%  of  fathers  using  this,  according  to  the Austrian
Federal Ministry for Family and Youth (BMFJ, 2014). 

Similar bonus systems exist in Germany, Italy, Portugal and Croatia, where parents also receive higher benefits during
a two-month bonus period. In Sweden, an equality cash bonus on top of the daily allowance is granted if parental leave
is equally distributed between both parents. As noted earlier, the total duration of parental leave for parents in Sweden
is 480 days and for each parent, two months of that period are reserved and non-transferable. The bonus is only granted
if both parents take up to 240 days of leave each and not only their reserved time. In comparison to the other bonus

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Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

systems, the Swedish equality bonus not only encourages both parents to take leave but also ensures that the leave is
equally shared between them. For example, in the longest option of the Austrian leave system, a six-month bonus period
is available when the father is on leave for that period, but the mother can stay on leave for up to 30 months. The length
of the bonus depends on the length of time the second parent is on leave: if the father is only on leave for two months
the total duration of leave for the family would be 32 months. This contrasts with Sweden, as the bonus is granted even
if the total length of leave is shared unequally.  

The Austrian example, regarding the parental leave take-up rate of fathers, and the studies of Eurofound (2004 and 2007)
illustrate that the level of compensation is an important factor influencing the parental leave take-up rate of fathers: leave
systems with high income-dependent replacement rates lead to a greater number of fathers on parental leave. However,
it  is  not  only  the  amount  of  flat  rate  benefits  available  that  varies  greatly  among  the  European  countries;  income-
dependent benefits also range widely, from 30% in Italy to 100% in Estonia and Denmark. 

The  Italian  region  of  Piedmont  provides  an  interesting  example  of  a  regional  government  supporting  and  promoting
fathers’ uptake of parental leave. There, €400 per month is offered to fathers if they take parental leave during the first
year of the child. If fathers take at least three months of parental leave, this is increased to €450 per month. This can be
a strong motivation, as the Italian parental leave replacement rate of 30% is relatively low. 

Towards more flexible parental leave
Another policy used to promote fathers’ use of parental leave is to offer them the option of taking part-time parental
leave. One advantage of this is that parents are not fully disconnected from the labour market during parental leave and
can reconcile family and work life more easily.

A number of EU Member States offer a part-time option. In the Netherlands, part-time parental leave is the norm. Under
the Dutch parental leave system, the approval of the employer is needed if an employee working full-time wants to be
on full-time parental leave. The impact of parental leave is lower for companies when the parent still works part-time
and this approach may increase the likelihood of fathers using their allocated parental leave. 

In Germany, the new parental leave regulation, which will be in force from July 2015, is planned to increase flexibility
by extending the total length of parental leave available to 24 months plus a four-month bonus, instead of 12 months
plus a two-month bonus, if both parents work part-time during parental leave. The extra income from part-time work
will not be deducted from the benefits, as it is under the current regulation. This is a strong financial motivation for both
parents to reconcile work and family life during parental leave. 

Greater  flexibility  is  also  the  aim  for  the  pending  bill  in  the  Netherlands  on  the  modernisation  of  parental  leave
legislation. This bill increases the number of days of leave a father can take directly after birth and creates more flexible
arrangements on dividing the entitlements between the parents. In the United Kingdom, a new regulation will be in force
from April 2015. It is grounded in criticisms made of the existing system by the Department for Business Innovation and
Skills:  that  it  is  gender  biased,  inflexible  and  offers  little  in  the  way  of  promoting  shared  parenting  (Department  for
Business Innovation and Skills, 2013). Under the new system, parents will be entitled to shared and statutory parental
leave. 

The role of collective agreements
Innovative  initiatives  can  also  be  found  in  collective  agreements.  In  Sweden  and  Norway,  social  partners  and
governments are discussing the possible introduction of a parental leave system following the Icelandic model. Both
mothers and fathers in Iceland are entitled to three months of parental leave plus a further three months, which can be
freely  divided  between  the  parents  (Eydal  and  Gíslason,  2014).  The  Swedish  Trade  Union  Confederation  (LO)  is  in

8

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Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

favour of splitting parental leave into three parts, thereby making the Swedish parental leave system more individualised
(Aftonbladet,  2013).  Other  organisations  representing  workers,  such  as  the  Swedish  Confederation  for  Professional
Employees, are in favour of an incremental increase in the number of months available to each parent, but oppose total
individualisation (TCO, 2014). 

In Norway, trade unions and employer organisations criticised the government for reducing the father’s quota from 14
weeks to 10 weeks in 2014. The Confederation of Norwegian Enterprise (NHO) has argued for paternity leave to be split
into three equal parts: one shared by both parents, one taken solely by the mother and one taken solely by the father. The
NHO  also  argued  against  plans  by  the  government  to  make  it  easier  to  transfer  the  father’s  quota  to  the  mother.  In
Sweden, a survey carried for the Swedish Social Insurance Agency looked into employer’s attitudes to parental leave; it
found that 10% of employers consider it problematic that employees are on parental leave while 70% believe they should
motivate  employees  to  share  parental  leave  equally  between  parents  (Försäkringskassan,  2014).  It  illustrates  that  the
support  of  social  partners  and  employers  is  necessary  for  the  successful  promotion  of  parental  leave  among  fathers,
especially in countries where an agreement with the employer is needed regarding the time and duration of parental leave
taken by a mother or father. 

In Cyprus, where a national paternity leave system does not exist and parental leave is unpaid, collective agreements
hold great importance. With the renewed collective agreement in the French–Cypriot School of Nicosia, for example,
paternity and parental leave on a full pay basis for employees was extended from three to ten days and the right to full-
paid leave was extended to up to 30 days if necessary. The Pancyprian Trade Union of Workers in Services in Cyprus
has pointed out that the collective agreement is a landmark regulation. The Greek national collective labour agreement
of 2014 highlighted that fathers have a right to childcare leave even if the mother is self-employed and therefore not
entitled  to  parental  leave.  Both  examples  illustrate  that  collective  agreements  and  social  partners  can  have  a  strong
influence on regulations promoting fathers’ use of parental leave.  

Hindering factors
Some aspects of parental leave regulations can be considered to be negative for fathers’ uptake of parental leave. In the
Czech Republic, despite the fact that both parents can take parental leave, benefits are only paid to one parent. Since the
financial aspect is an important determinant of fathers’ use of leave, this can be a strong barrier. The financial aspect of
parental leave was negatively affected by the economic crisis in some European countries. In Latvia, working parents
were  not  eligible  for  parental  benefit  during  the  crisis.  In  October  2014  this  entitlement  was  reinstated.  In  Estonia,
paternity leave was abolished between 2009 and 2012, but reintroduced at the beginning of 2014 with a higher support
rate than before the crisis. This led to an increase in fathers’ uptake of paternity leave. 

A further aspect that influences take-up of parental leave is the flexibility and simplicity of the system. In Greece, two
different  systems  of  parental  and  paternity  leave  exist,  one  for  the  public  sector  and  one  for  the  private  sector.  The
duration of leave entitlement varies substantially between the two systems. Moreover, since some entitlements depend
on whether or not one parent has already taken leave, and for how long, this system is not completely individual-based
and can create problems when one parent is working in the public service and the other in the private sector. However,
collective agreements and legal rulings strengthened the individual right to parental leave for fathers in Greece, although
further sectoral or company level agreements, such as those for the police and fire brigade services in 2014, will increase
the complexity of the parental leave system. 

Promotion of paternity leave
Fathers’  increased  use  of  paternity  leave  is  encouraged  in  European  countries  through  a  range  of  different  policy
measures. For instance, in the last decade, Belgium, Portugal and Italy introduced mandatory paternity leave – a very
strong  promotional  instrument.  In  2004,  a  Eurofound  report  categorised  the  paternity  leave  systems  in  Europe  by
duration (Eurofound, 2004). At that time the paternity leave system in Belgium was already categorised as extensive,

© European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, 2015

9

Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

whereas  the  Italian  one  was  categorised  as  very  restricted  and  the  Portuguese  version  fell  in  the  middle  category.
Mandatory  paternity  leave  also  strengthened  the  right  of  fathers  to  paternity  leave  in  some  Member  States  and
represented a clear message from government. In Italy, all fathers working in the private sector are obliged to take one
day  of  paternity  leave  and  two  further  days  are  optional.  In  Belgium,  three  out  of  ten  days  of  paternity  leave  are
mandatory and in Portugal 10 days of paternity leave are mandatory and further 10 optional. 

In  contrast  to  maternity  leave,  paternity  leave  is,  in  the  majority  of  EU  Member  States,  voluntary.  However,  the
replacement rate paid to fathers during paternity leave is in nearly all countries income dependent and in most cases
represents 100% of their salary. The Equal Opportunities Commission in the UK illustrated that the financial aspect is a
strong factor influencing fathers’ take-up rate of paternity leave (EOC, 2006). Therefore, the existing high replacement
rate of paternity leave is a strong motivation for fathers. Great variation exists across the EU Member States regarding
the maximum length of paternity leave; in general maternity leave is for a longer duration than paternity leave. In Italy,
Croatia  and  Spain,  part  of  the  duration  of  maternity  leave  can  be  transferred  to  the  father.  The  new  paternity  leave
regulation in the UK also supports fathers in the time before childbirth. Employed fathers have the right to take unpaid
leave to attend two antenatal appointments. 

Fathers in Finland can be on paternity leave for up to 54 days, which is one of the longest durations of paternity leave
in Europe. Eighteen of those days can be taken while the mother is on maternity leave and the remaining 36 days need
to be taken she is not on leave. Again, as with parental leave in Sweden, the exclusiveness of paternity leave makes it
easier for fathers to take it and it also encourages the labour market participation of mothers. 

Extensive paternity leave regulations also exist at the sectoral and company level. For instance, in Spain, new paternity
legislation, which will increase the duration of paternity leave from 15 days to four weeks, is expected to be implemented
in  2015.  However,  the  extension  of  paternity  leave  had  already  been  brought  about  through  some  company-level
agreements, for instance, at Orange España, a mobile network operator. Orange’s employees can extend their paternity
leave up to four weeks, though any days taken outside of the 15 days of national paternity leave are not compensated
and  are  treated  as  a  temporary  (non-disciplinary)  suspension  from  work. Another  example  comes  from  Italy,  where
Nestlé Italia promoted paternity leave among their employees in 2012 through the extension of the legal three days to
two weeks’ paternity leave with 100% wage compensation. 

Paternity leave exists in the majority of European countries but not in all. Although paternity leave in Italy is compulsory,
civil servants are not entitled to it because the labour law reform of 2012 only applies to the private sector. Since 2011,
Austrian public employees can take up to four weeks of unpaid paternity leave but there is no paternity leave system
covering employees in the private sector. Despite the fact that Ireland has no paternity leave, but only unpaid parental
leave, the Irish Minister for Justice Frances Fitzgerald has indicated that she is in favour of introducing paternity leave
through the Family Leave Bill, which is at the moment in the drafting process (Irish Examiner, 2014). 

Conclusions 

Leave from work related to the birth of a child still tends to be strongly associated with mothers while less attention
seems  to  be  paid  to  the  fathers’  situation.  Nevertheless,  the  fact  that  only  three  EU  Member  States  provide  unpaid
parental leave and no paternity leave at all illustrates that, to a certain extent, fathers’ involvement in early childhood
care is seen as important in the majority of EU Member States. In fact, thanks to Directive 2010/18/EU, all EU Member
States have parental leave systems to which fathers are entitled.

Existing  paternity  and  parental  leave  systems  in  Europe  vary  greatly  in  terms  of  duration  and  the  amount  of
compensation involved as well as the system for paying beneficiaries. They also differ in terms of regulations defining

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Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

the entitlement and how leave can be shared between parents. In practice, this means that under the current parental and
paternity leave regulations, children born in different countries have different chances of spending some time with their
fathers in the first days of their lives. For example, children born in Finland or Portugal are more likely to have their
fathers spend more time with them than children in most other EU Member States. 

The  take-up  rate  of  paternity  and  parental  leave  by  fathers  increased  in  recent  years  in  the  countries  analysed  here.
Nevertheless, the levels of take-up are still relatively low, which means that an increasing, but still small, number of
fathers use their entitlements to paternity and parental leave.

As previous Eurofound studies have illustrated, aspects that influence fathers’ take-up rate of parental leave are: the level
of compensation, the flexibility of the leave system, the availability of information, and the extent to which workers fear
isolation from the labour market when taking leave. These issues therefore need to be addressed in order for policies in
this area to be successful. Higher wage replacement rates, greater flexibility in terms of sharing and taking leave over
time, the availability of more information to potential leave takers and employers, and flexible return to work policies
are likely to make it easier for fathers to take parental leave and share it with their partner. That decision, however, is
usually taken in the household, and depends on the preferences of both partners. 

There are different ways to promote fathers’ take-up of paternal and paternity leave. Some EU Member States provide
incentives for fathers through granting bonuses in cash or in extra leave days to parents who share their parental leave.
In a similar approach, others schemes reserve a certain portion of parental leave for fathers, which will be lost if not
taken. Some systems promote equality: in Sweden, for example, parents receive a financial bonus if they not only share
but equally distribute their parental leave. 

Ensuring that some parental leave is exclusively available for men prompts fathers to take it, thus promoting fatherhood,
especially if the father’s partner is not on leave at the same time. It also promotes and facilitates mothers’ reintegration
to work after maternity and parental leave. Creating conditions for a more balanced distribution of the responsibilities
of care between both parents certainly contributes to an increase in the participation of men and women in employment. 

The decision of fathers to take parental leave is not only dependent on the amount of benefits and time reserved for them
but also on how flexible the leave entitlements are and how feasible it is to combine childcare with working life. For
example, parental leave regulations promoting part-time employment during leave, such as the Dutch system, facilitates
parents’ reintegration or continuation in employment. This is also beneficial for the employer, because the employees
will not be completely absent for the duration of leave. 

A further important way of improving flexibility is to allow parents to take their leave up to a certain age of the child
and in several, not necessarily chronological, stages. The entitlement of parents to work flexible hours, as is the case in
Portugal for parents with children aged up to 12 years, further supports fathers in the active role as carers. However, as
illustrated,  paternity  leave  does  not  exist  in  all  EU  Member  States  and  where  provisions  do  exist  its  duration  varies
greatly. In contrast to parental leave systems, the majority of paternity leave benefits replace 100% of income during
leave. Finland promotes fathers’ uptake of paternity leave through 36 days of leave exclusively for fathers that can only
be taken if the mother is not on leave at the same time. In Belgium, Portugal and Italy certain portions of paternity leave
entitlements are mandatory for fathers and thereby easier for them to justify taking.

It is important to note that where there are no provisions for leave, or where existing ones are considered insufficient,
social partners may have an important role to play in establishing (or improving) provisions for parental and paternity
leave  for  fathers  through  collective  agreements.  Collective  agreements  can  function  as  guidance  or  reinforcement  of
existing national-level policies and support the implementation of initiatives that promote fathers’ uptake of leave.

© European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, 2015

11

Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

Finally, it should be borne in mind that childbirth-related leave may be considered as a right of the child. In order to
ensure that newborn children can benefit from having their parents caring for them in the first days of their life, a number
of factors and conditions have to be considered and met. These have been briefly addressed in this report. It is possible
to conclude by saying that the promotion of an equal uptake of leave by both parents will greatly contribute to a more
equal situation and greater participation of women and men in employment. 

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(Bundesministerium 

BMFJ 
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Escot, L., Fernández-Cornejo, J. A. and Poza, C. (2013). ‘Fathers’ use of childbirth leave in Spain – The effects of the
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Eurofound (2004), Family-related leave and industrial relations, Dublin.

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ILO (2014), Maternity and paternity at work. Law and practice across the world, Geneva. 

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© European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, 2015

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Promoting uptake of parental and paternity leave among fathers in the European Union

Annex: Characteristics of paternity and parental leave by EU country (as of January 2015)

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Source: Based on EurWORK’s network of correspondents, ILO (2014) and Moss (2014).
Note: Cells in the columns ‘Flexibility’ and ‘Reserved time for fathers and bonus’ can be empty due to lack of promoting regulations,
but also due to lack of information. The content is correct to the best of the authors’ knowledge. Completeness is not guaranteed.

18

© European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, 2015

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
EF/15/08/EN

T
J
-
0
1
-
1
5
-
0
8
4
-
E
N
N

-

The take-up rate of parental and paternity leave among fathers has

been increasing in most Member States but it still remains relatively

low.  Covering  all  the  EU  Member  States  and  Norway,  this  report

looks at the most recent trends in terms of take-up of parental and

paternity leave, existing provisions and factors influencing take-up

rates.  It  also  examines  measures  and  initiatives  recently

implemented  by  national  authorities,  governments  and  social

partners  to  promote  the  take-up  of  parental  and  paternity  leave,

particularly among fathers. 

The  European  Foundation  for  the  Improvement  of  Living  and  Working
Conditions (Eurofound) is a tripartite European Union Agency, whose role is
to  provide  knowledge  in  the  area  of  social  and  work-related  policies.
Eurofound was established in 1975 by Council Regulation (EEC) No. 1365/75,
to  contribute  to  the  planning  and  design  of  better  living  and  working
conditions in Europe. 

doi: 10.2806/041743
ISBN:978-92-897-1368-9